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References
The following references are arranged according to the pages of

the main text, and do not include the publications included in the
General Bibliography (apart from a few exceptions). All works cited
in the References are listed in the Bibliography that follows it.
Chapter I
A World Religion
1. For the Buddhas missionary exhortation in the Vinaya
Mahvagga, see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 112). For
accounts of the Buddhas awakening in Uruvel, see Nn.amoli
and Bodhi (1995: 259ff).
2. On the general tendency to class all religions as part of single
cultural phenomenon, see Smart (1996 and, more generally,
Smart 1998: 11ff). Although Sanderson (200304: 351) has
claimed that the endurance of aivism in East Java suggests it
had put down deep roots in rural society, this does not indicate
any missionary impulse in Hinduism, the movement of which
to Southeast Asia was motivated by the generous patronage of
kings who desired ritual legitimation.
4. On the importance of understanding Buddhism from the
beginning see Wynne (2007: 13).
6. For a reassessment of the Orientalist critiques of Buddhist
Studies see Wynne (2007: 56). For arguments that the early
Buddhist literature is sufficiently old to contain an accurate
record of the Buddhas teachings, see Wynne (2004 and 2005),
Gombrich (2009, chapter 7), and von Hinber (2006).
2 Buddhism: An Introduction
Chapter II
Buddha
9. For the Klma Sutta see Bodhi (2012: 279ff). For the Pali
account of the Buddhas death and funeral in the Mah-
parinibbna Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 173ff) and Gethin
(2008: 89ff). For recent studies see Strong (2004, chapter 4),
von Hinber (2009) and Bronkhorst (2011: 193ff).
10. For early Brahminic devotionalism see Bhagavadgta IX.23,
IX.26, XVII.14.
11. For the Buddhas hesitation in the Ariyapariyesana Sutta see
n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 260ff) and Holder (2006: 1ff).
12. The account of the beginning of the Buddhas ministry in the
Vinaya Mahvagga (Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, 1881: 73ff)
suggests that the four Noble Truths were an innovation of the
Buddha. For the Br.hadran.yaka Upanis.ad passage on desire as the
cause of karma and rebirth (IV.4.56) see Olivelle (1998: 121).
14. For the latest research on the date of the Buddha see Bechert
(1995); for a general review of the scholarship see Cousins (1996).
On the disputed location of Kapilavatthu see Srivastava (1980);
according to Hrtel (1995: 142) burnt bricks only become
common in the Gangetic civilization in the second century bc: at
the time of the Buddha, houses were probably made of mud and
wood; Hrtel also reckons (1995: 150ff) that the brick structures
of Tilaurakot cannot be dated earlier than the second century
bc. According to Kulke (1995: 164ff) advanced town planning in
northern India generally dates to the third century bc.
For some Pali Suttas which contain a mixture of hagiographic
and historical facts about the Buddha see Rhys Davids (1910:
67, 40; 1923: 147ff) and n.amol. i and Bodhi (1995: 74546);
the Mah-parinibbna Sutta states that the Buddha renounced
the world at the age of 29 and then taught for 51 years (see
Rhys Davids 1910: 167 and Gethin, 2008: 87). On the Sakyas
see Rhys Davids (1911, chapter 2).
15. For an example of the Buddha coughing outside a dwelling
see n.amol. i and Bodhi (1995: 162); for the statement of
the wanderer Pot. t. hapda see Rhys Davids (1923: 245); on
the Buddha sleeping during the day see n.amol. i and Bodhi
(1995: 342); on the Buddha speaking first see Rhys Davids
References 3
(1923: 148, which mistranslates pubba-bhs as not backward in

conversation rather than speaking first).
16. On the Buddhas humour see Gombrich (1996, chapter 3;
2009, chapter 12); on the humour of Indian Buddhist texts see
Schopen (2007) and Clarke (2009); for the Buddhas dialogue
with Ambat. t. ha see Rhys Davids (1923: 108ff). For descriptions
of the Buddha revealing two of his miraculous marks see Rhys
Davids (1923: 131) and n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 745); for a
complete list of the 32 marks see Rhys Davids (1910: 14ff) and
n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 74546).
For the Buddhas statement to be a light unto yourselves
see Rhys Davids (1910: 1078); Gethin (2008: 58) prefers the
translation live with yourselves as your island of refuge. For the
Klma Sutta see Bodhi (2012: 279ff) and Gombrich (2009: 14ff).
17. For an example of the Buddhas exhortation to meditate see
n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 131, 210). On the Buddhas prag
matism see Gombrich (2009, chapter 11); on the Buddhas skill
in means see Gombrich (1996: 17ff). For the similes of the leaf,
raft and archer see Bodhi (2000: 15758, 1995: 228, 1995: 534)
and Gombrich (1996: 22ff).
18. For the Sigalovda Sutta see Gethin (2008: 129ff) and Holder
(2006: 191ff). For the Buddhas statement about the four sites
of pilgrimage, and his advice to build stpas after he dies, see
Rhys Davids (1910: 153ff) and Gethin (2008: 81ff). On the
origins and development of the stpa see Daswani (2006: 28);
see Srivastava (1980: 105) and Hrtel (1995: 148) on the brick
and mud deposits which mark the original stpas below the
monumental brick structures at Piprahwa and Vesl.
19. On the wider significance of the concept of ethicization see
Obeyesekere (2002, chapter 3). The goal of ethicization can
be most clearly seen in the many texts which emphasize the
importance of the Buddhist mission among the laity, on which
see Wijayaratna (1990: 130ff). For the ideal of wandering like
a rhinoceros (or its single horn) see Norman (1992: 4ff);
on this and other canonical texts on solitude see Wijayaratna
(1990: 109). On the religious freedom of the ancient Indian
renouncers see Rhys Davids (2002: 247). On the second phase
of urbanization in ancient India see Gokhale (1982), Erdosy
(1995, 1995a), and Bailey and Mabbett (2003, chapter 4).
20. On the date of the Br.hadran.yaka Upanis.ad see Olivelle (1998:

1213) and Wynne (2010a: 207ff); for the statement from the
Yajavalkyakn.d.a in the Br.hadran.yaka Upanis.ad (III.1.3) see
Olivelle (1998: 77); on the centralized control of settlements
in this period see Erdosys remarks with regard to the city state
of Kosamb (1995a: 107). On centralization and warfare among
the early city states of northern India see Bailey and Mabbett
(2003: 103ff). For the text describing the wish to renounce see
n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 335) and Gethin (2008: 19).
21. On the silent sage of the .rg Veda see Doniger (1981: 13738);
on the origins of the culture of world-renunciation see Olivelle
(2003: 273) and Wynne (2009: xviiiff); for the various classes
of renouncers named in the Br.hadran.yaka Upanis.ad (IV.3.22,
IV.4.22) see Olivelle (1998: 115, 125); on the pessimistic
ideology of the Jains see Jaini (1998, chapter 4) and Dundas
(2002: 97ff); on the jvikas see Basham (2009, chapters 1213).
22. The close proximity of the urban centres to Buddhist retreats
is vividly portrayed in the Smaaphala Sutta (Rhys Davids
1923: 6768; Gethin 2008: 9). On the idea that a Buddhist park
should be neither too close nor too far away from a town see
Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 143) and Wijayaratna (1990:
23). On the rule stipulating that Buddhist mendicants must not
eat that which is not given see Pruitt and Norman (2001: 61);
on the rules allowing food to be cooked in monasteries see
Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1882: 69ff); for a general study
of the monastic rules governing food see Wijayaratna (1990,
chapter 4).
On the karma doctrine in early Brahminism and Jainism
see Gombrich (2009, chapters 24); for the passages on karma
and rebirth in the Upanis.ads see Obeyesekere (2002, chapter
1). On the quietistic retreat from action in the Upanis.ads see
Olivelle (1998: 125); on the Upanis.adic realization of the self
(BU 4.4.23) see Olivelle (1998: 127). For the Upanis.adic self as
a non-physical spiritual essence (TU II.25) see Olivelle (1998:
3013); for its identification with brahman (CU VI.87ff) see
Olivelle (1998: 253ff).
23. On the early Jain doctrine of liberation see Jaini (1998, chapter
8) and Dundas (2002: 104ff). For the definition of action as
intention see Bodhi (2012: 963) and Gombrich (2009: 7,
References 5
4950). On the Buddhas critique of canine and bovine ascetics

see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 493).
24. On the Buddhist path as an increase in virtue, rather than karmic
transcendence, see Keown (2001, chapters 45); for a discussion
of Buddhist ethics in terms of penultimate and ultimate values,
see Vlez de Cea (2010).
The Buddhist distinction between noble-hearer (ariyasvaka)
and the ordinary people (puthujjana) disregards a persons status
as renouncer or layman, and so reflects the Buddhas subversion
of the karma doctrine: on this see Masefield (1986, chapter 1).
On the term kusala see Cousins (1996a) and Harvey (2010);
on the foundation of good (kusala-mla) see n.amoli and
Bodhi (1995: 13233), Bodhi (2012: 291ff) and Rhys Davids
(1921: 207); for the lists of five and ten precepts in the Pali
Canon see Rhys Davids (1921: 225) and C. A. F. Rhys Davids
(1931: 141). There is no list of eight precepts in the Pali canon,
although the eight rules are contained in some texts (e.g.
Bodhi 2012: 298300); for the ten paths of good conduct see
25. For the Phanigiri inscription see Skilling and von Hinber
(2011: 8). For the Tevijja Sutta see Rhys Davids (1995: 228ff);
for a detailed study see Gombrich (1996: 58ff, 1998 and 2009,
chapter 6).
26. The divine abidings are termed immeasurables (or
infinitudes) in the San.gti Sutta (Rhys Davids 1921:
216), whereas in the Mah-tan.hsan.khaya Sutta the fourth
jhna is said to be an immeasurable state of mind (Bodhi
1995: 360); on affective dimensions of the divine abidings
according to the Theravda school see Aronson (1980,
chapter 5).
27. On the role of faith in early Buddhism see Gethin (2001:
106ff); on faith inspired by hearing a Buddha see n.amoli and
Bodhi (1995: 272) and Rhys Davids (1923: 78); for the gradual
discourse see Rhys Davids (1923: 134, 185) and n.amoli and
Bodhi (1995: 485, 753).
28. On attaining liberation from a high cosmic realm see Bodhi
(2012: 5059, 89698, 143034); on the four levels of the
Buddhist path see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 116, 23536);
on the imagery used to elaborate the concept of stream-entry
see Gethin (2001: 250ff); for an alternative understanding see

Masefield (1986: 130ff). On the tenfold system of Theravdin
virtues in the Jtakas see Appleton (2010: 2526).
29. On Indian Buddhist cosmology see Kloetzli (1983) and Sadakata
(1997); for the Buddhas joke cosmology in the Agaa Sutta
see Rhys Davids (1921: 77ff), Collins (1993), and Gombrich
(1992; 1996: 80ff). On the early Buddhist understanding of
volitional forces or constructions (san.khr) see Hamilton
(1996, chapter 4).
30. For the teaching that the end of the world is to be sought within
this fathom-long body see Bodhi (2000: 158, 2012: 435). For
the Kevat. .t a Sutta see Rhys Davids (1923: 276ff) and Gombrich
(1996: 4445). On early Buddhist teachings on the world out
there as worlds of experience see Hamilton (2000, chapter
6); on the equation of cosmic realms with states of meditation
see Gethin (1997). On the Buddhas rejection of philosophical
realism see Ronkin (2005: 245).
31. For the Brahmajla Sutta see Rhys Davids (1923: 1ff) and Bodhi
(1992); for a detailed study see Wynne (2010: 42ff). On the
statement of things which are profound, hard to perceive...
see Rhys Davids (1923: 26) and n.amoli and Bodhi (1995:
260); on trembling and quivering see Wynne (2010: 14748).
32. For the Mahdupin.d.aka Sutta see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995:
201ff); for analysis see n.ananda (1971: 2ff) and Wynne
(2010: 3031). For the teaching of Dependent Origination
in the Brahmajla Sutta see Rhys Davids (1923: 53); for other
presentations of the teaching see Rhys Davids (1910: 50ff),
n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 135ff, 351ff, 927ff; 2000: 533ff)
and Frauwallner (2010: 30ff).
33. The term ponobbhavika is translated by n.amoli and Bodhi
as renewal of being (1995: 260), and by Bodhi as renewed
existence (2000: 215). The canonical texts sometimes use the
term birth (jti), even alongside punabbhava (e.g. Bodhi 1995:
260), but these usually concern the simple fact of being born
into this world, rather than ongoing rebirth; more usual terms
for birth are based on the more ambiguous verb ut-pat, arising.
The term itthatta is used most often in the formula which
describes a Buddhist mendicants liberation, and has been
translated as this present life (Rhys Davids 1923: 93) and state
References 7
of being (n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 106). But it is also used

in general to refer to continued experience in other worlds (e.g.
Rhys Davids 1923: 31ff, in this place and hither; n.amoli
and Bodhi 1995: 738, this [human] state). The Buddha replies
to the question of whether the gods exist in the Kan.n.akatthala
and San.grava Suttas (n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 734ff, 819ff);
for a different interpretation of these texts see Norman (1991a:
1ff, 162ff).
34. On the unanswered questions see Collins (1982: 131ff),
n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 590ff), Hamilton (2000: 174)
and Wynne (2010: 5253); for texts which advocate holding
no view see e.g. the Suddhat..t haka and Paramat..t haka Suttas
(Norman 1992: 9294); on such texts see Gmez (1976: 140ff)
and Fuller (2005: 34). On the Upanis.adic background to the
Buddhas teachings on personal identity see Gombrich (1990:
13ff), Norman (1991a: 200ff; 2008: 271ff) and Wynne (2010a:
200ff); for a different opinion see Bronkhorst (2007: 1ff, 207ff,
on which see Wynne, 2011a).
35. For the Buddhas teachings on the self in the Mah-nidna Sutta
see Rhys Davids (1910: 63ff), Collins (1982: 9899) and Wynne
(2010: 132ff); for the Not-Self teaching in the Alagaddpama
Sutta see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 224ff) and Wynne
(2010a: 203ff). On the analysis of human experience into
five categories or aggregates (khandha), see Gethin (1986),
Boisvert (1995) and Hamilton (1996).
36. For the account of liberation in the Alagaddpama Sutta
see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 23233).
38. On the etymology of the term bodhisatta see Norman (1993:
87; 1997: 1045) and Anlayo (2010: 19). According to the
Son.adan.d.a and Kt.adanta Suttas kings Bimbisra and Pasenadi,
along with their families and retinue, revered and worshipped the
Buddha (Rhys Davids, 1923: 150); the Can.k Sutta also states that
they had taken refuge in him (n.amoli and Bodhi, 1995: 777).
For the Buddhas meeting with Bimbisra see Norman
(1992: 4445); according to the Pali Vinaya Bimbisra was an
important donor from the beginning of the Buddhas mission
(Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, 1881: 136ff); king Ajtasattu
is the Buddhas interlocutor in the Smaaphala Sutta (Rhys
Davids, 1923: 65ff). On the massacre of the Sakyas see Rhys
Davids (1911: 1112) and Thomas (2011: 140); on the royal

patronage of Jainism see Jaini (1998: 275ff) and Dundas (2002:
11820); on royal patronage of the jvikas see Basham (2009,
chapter 8). For an overview of royal houses at the time of the
Buddha see Rhys Davids (1908, chapter 1).
On urban and mercantile support for Buddhism see Thapar
(2002, chapter 7), Bailey and Mabbett (2003, chapter 3), and
Neelis (2011: 19ff); for an overview of the connection between
Buddhism and urban civilization see Heitzman (2009). That
observers of the early Sangha were impressed by the happiness
of its members can be seen in the statement of King Pasenadi of
Kosala, that the Buddhas followers are smiling and cheerful,
unlike other ascetics (n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 73031).
39. According to Cribb (1985) the oldest coins from the Gangetic
civilization date to the early fourth century bc, i.e. shortly after
the Buddhas death in around 400 bc. See Kulke (1995: 162
n.6) for further remarks.
Chapter III
Meditation
41. For the citation from the Paramat..t haka Sutta see Norman (1992:
94).
42. On the terms jhna and samdhi see Gunaratna (1988, chapter 1).
Mircea Eliade (1990: 320ff) coined the term enstasy to define
the bliss produced by inner concentration, as opposed to the
shamanic ecstasy which requires the adept to leave the body;
on this see Sarbacker (2007: 53ff). For an overview of Buddhist
meditation according to the canonical Pali texts see Gethin
(2004a); for the Nsadyaskta see Doniger (1981: 2526); for
a detailed study and further references see Wynne (2007: 57ff).
43. For Yjavalkyas teaching from the Br.hadran.yaka Upanis.ad see
Olivelle (1998: 127). On the Buddhas study under the two
teachers see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 256ff); for analysis see
Wynne (2007, chapter 2).
44. On the four formless spheres see Griffiths (1986: 1718),
Shaw (2006, chapter 11) and Wynne (2007: 4950); for the
Cl. asuat Sutta see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 965ff); on
References 9
the signless concentration of mind see Harvey (1986). For the

Buddhas dialogues with Udaya and Posla see Norman (1992:
12425) and Wynne (2007: 100ff).
45. The account of Gotamas strivings and attaining the first jhna
as a boy are found in the Mah-saccaka Sutta (n.amoli and
Bodhi, 1995: 332ff). For similar descriptions of asceticism see
the Kassapa Shanda Sutta (Rhys Davids, 1923: 223ff). On these
and similar Jain practices see Bronkhorst (1993, chapter 1).
46. For the Buddhas teaching to Son.a and the simile of the lute
see Bodhi (2012: 376). For the simile of the turner see the
Satipat..t hna Suttas (Rhys Davids, 1910: 328; n.amoli and
Bodhi, 1995: 146; Gethin 2008: 143).
For the statement radiant is the mind see Bodhi (2012: 97);
on its later elaboration see Frauwallner (2010: 479ff); advanced
states of meditation or understanding are often likened to a cloth
cleansed of impurities (Rhys Davids, 1923: 135; n.amoli and
Bodhi 1995: 118ff).
47. For the first sermon see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881:
94ff) and Bodhi (2000: 184ff); on the eightfold path see Gethin
(2001, chapter 6) and Bodhi (1998).
48. For the simile of fish trapped in a net see Rhys Davids (1923:
54); on the content of Right View see Collins (1982: 87ff); for
canonical texts on Right Endeavour see Bodhi (2000: 1709ff).
49. For the Bhaya-bherava and Devdh-vitakka Suttas see n.amoli
and Bodhi (1995: 102ff, 207ff).
50. For translations of the two primary Pali Suttas on mindfulness
see Rhys Davids (1910: 327ff) and n.amoli and Bodhi (1995:
145ff).
51. For the npnasati Sutta see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995:
941ff); for detailed studies see Anlayo (2003) and Kuan (2008).
52. The Buddhas teaching to his son Rhula can be found in the
Rhulovda Sutta (n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 527ff). For a study
of the Seven Limbs of Awakening and Five Faculties/Powers
see Gethin (2001, chapter 4). On the results to be gained from
practising mindfulness over an extended period of time see
53. For the most important detailed temporal account of the
Buddhist path, including the four jhnas, see the Smaaphala
Sutta (Rhys Davids 1923: 78ff, Gethin 2008: 5ff).
56. For the jhna similes see Rhys Davids (1923: 84ff); on the
resumption of objective consciousness in the third and fourth
jhnas see Gombrich (1996a).
57. On the use of fire imagery, especially with regard to the five
aggregates, see Gombrich (2009: 113ff); for the simile of
the mother hen incubating her chicks see the Sekha Sutta
(n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 463).
.
58. For the description of liberation in the Mah-tan.hsankhaya
Sutta see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 360) and Holder (2006:
59ff). On the Brahmajla Suttas description of insight into the
structure of experience see Rhys Davids (1923: 5354); on
the Buddhas teaching to Posla see Norman (1992: 125) and
Wynne (2007: 1036).
59. For the Buddhas teaching to Upasva see Norman (1992: 120
21) and Wynne (2007: 75ff).
60. For the teaching to Vacchagotta see n.amoli and Bodhi
(1995: 590ff), Frauwallner (2010: 22ff) and Wynne (2007: 95ff).
For the Buddhas teachings in the Kalahavivda, Tuvat.aka and
Purbheda Suttas see Norman (1992: 100, 105, 98); for further
comment see Wynne (2010: 16263) and Gmez (2005).
61. Rhys Davids translation of the citation from the Mah-nidna
Sutta is quite different (1910: 65); for another translation see
Holder (2006: 38); for analysis see Wynne (2010: 155).
62. For the teaching to Udaya see Norman (1992: 12425) and
Wynne (2007: 100ff); for the citation from the Alagaddpama
Sutta see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 233), Gethin (2008: 166)
and Wynne (2010: 152); on the meaning of the term tathgata
see Gombrich (2009: 15152).
63. For recent studies of miracles in early Buddhist texts see Clough
(2010), Fiordalis (2010) and Gmez (2010); on the possibility
that some miracles were later additions to the canonical
teachings see Wynne (2009b).
64. For the Kevat..t a Sutta see Rhys Davids (1923: 272ff). For the
Buddhas encounter with An.gulimla see n.amoli and Bodhi
(1995: 710ff); for a historical study see Gombrich (1996, chapter
5).
65. The tripartite scheme of gnostic, apotropaic and karmic
Buddhism is a development of Spiros theory of nibbanic,
kammatic and apotropaic Buddhism (Spiro 1970, Part II); a
References 11
similar scheme, in which the three aspects are considered as

structurally related elements within a total field, is outlined in
Samuel (1993: 2627).
Chapter IV
Embellishing the Dhamma-Vinaya
69. For the citation from the Mah-parinibbna Sutta see Rhys
Davids (1910: 108); on the Buddhas advice not to appoint a
successor see Rhys Davids (1910: 10708) and Gethin (2008:
5758); on the death of Mahvra see Jaini (1998: 37ff) and
von Glasenapp (1999: 31); on the Buddhist reaction to this as
recorded in the San.gti Sutta see Rhys Davids (1921: 20304).
70. For the Pali account of the first council of Rjagaha see Rhys
Davids and Oldenberg (1885: 370ff); on the story of Purn.a see
Wynne (2010a: 192); for an overview of research on this council
see Prebish (1974). On the bhn.aka tradition see Norman (1997:
44ff).
71. On the formation of the Buddhist canon into three baskets
see von Hinber (1996: 1); on the early division of canonical
literature into Sutta and Vinaya see Oldenberg (1997: xff). On
features of the canonical Pali discourses which indicate they
were composed to be chanted together see Norman (1997: 50ff)
and Allon (1997: 9ff); on the oral transmission of early Buddhist
literature see Cousins (1983), Wynne (2004) and Anlayo
(2007). On the problem of identifying authentic teachings of
the Buddha see Wynne (2007: 108ff; 2010a: 194).
72. For the Pali account of the Second Council see Rhys Davids
and Oldenberg (1885: 386ff); for analysis see Prebish (1974) and
Dutt (1978, chapter 2).
73. On the Buddhas advice in the Kosambaka section of the Pali
Vinaya to refer to the advice of a learned and virtuous bhikkhu, see
Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1882: 323ff); on the face to face
resolution of disputes, consulting neighbouring monasteries,
the appointment of a council of learned bhikkhus and monastic
voting, see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1885: 45ff). On the
date of the Ptimokkha and Vibhan.ga see Oldenberg (1997: xvff);
on the pre-Aokan origins of the Vinaya see Frauwallner (1956,
chapter 1).
On the possibility that parallels between canonical Pali texts

and their equivalents preserved in Chinese translation prove
a pre-Mauryan origin, see the different opinions of Schopen
(1985) and Wynne (2005: 42ff).
74. For the Vinaya section on the earliest permanent dwellings
(vihra) see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1885: 157ff) and
Wijayaratna (1990: 22); these apparently has no doors or
windows and were roofed with grass, so that large numbers
could be constructed in a single day. The Ptimokkha (Pruitt and
Norman, 2001: 1415) refers to even simpler abodes than this
(termed kut. i, hut). On the Buddhas permission to delay the
pavran. ceremony (which ends the period of rains retreat) see
Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 353ff).
75. On the early Buddhist centres from which monastic communities
developed see Daswani (2006: 22ff). Hrtels archaeological
overview (1995) shows that while some monumental structures
at Buddhist sites of the Ganges plains date to the Mauryan era,
brick built monasteries usually do not pre-date the second
century bc (e.g. at Kusinr, Hrtel 1995: 144).
76. On the Lomas Rishi cave see Allchin (1995: 247, 249); on the stone
panel from Bhrhut depicting Anthapin.d.ikas gift of the Jetavana
see Zimmer (2001: 31e). According to Schopen (2000, 2006)
settled monasticism developed well after the Mauryan period.
77. For the rules outlining observance at the Uposatha ceremony
see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 239ff); on this ceremony
see Wijayaratna (1990: 123ff) and Daswani (2006: 106ff); on the
rulings forbidding mendicants to dig or store food see Pruitt
and Norman (2001: 49, 59); on the monastic dependency on
the laity see Wijayaratna (1990: 128ff). On the nature of Vinaya
law see Huxley (2002); on the pragmatic orientation of the
Vinaya see Gombrich (2009: 173ff).
Local autonomy and yet consultation between different
monastic guilds (vsa) can be seen in the section of Vinaya
which deals with settling disputes, which advises that advice can
be taken from another monastic centre nearby (Rhys Davids and
Oldenberg, 1885: 47ff). On monastic democracy see Daswani
(2006: 136ff).
78. On whether or not the Buddha should be considered a
philosopher see Gombrich (1996, chapter 2; 2009: 164ff).
References 13
79. For the simile of the man shot by an arrow see n.amoli and
Bodhi (1995: 53435). For the Buddhas teaching to Prince
Abhaya see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 498ff), and Gombrich
(2009: 166167).
80. On the contemplations of bodily foulness, decay and the
constituent elements see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 14749)
and Gethin (2008: 14445).
81. For the contemplation of the five aggregates see n.amoli and
Bodhi (1995: 152) and Gethin (2008: 148). For the Khemaka Sutta
see Bodhi (2000: 942ff); for analysis see Wynne (2009b: 94ff).
82. For the Susma Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 612); for analysis see
Gombrich (1996: 123ff), Bodhi (2007) and Wynne (2009b: 97ff).
On the idea of instantaneous liberation see Wynne (2009a: 70ff);
for the account of Sriputtas liberation while standing behind
the Buddha fanning him see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 606);
for a different account see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 902).
On the idea of liberation by insight alone (pa-vimutti) see
Gombrich (1996, chapter 4).
83. For the reason why consciousness appears out of order in the
list of five aggregates see Wynne (2010a).
84. For the citation from the Vajir Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 229
30); for analysis see Wynne (2010: 10405); for the Mah-
hatthipadopama Sutta see Bodhi (1995: 278ff); for analysis see
Wynne (2010: 158ff).
86. On early Buddhist thought as process philosophy see Ronkin
(2005: 266ff) and Gombrich (2009, chapter 9).
88. For a collection of key canonical texts on Dependent
Origination see Bodhi (2000: 533ff); for further analysis see
Frauwallner (1973: 157ff) and Jurewicz (2000).
89. For the Acela-kassapa Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 545ff) and Ronkin
(2009: 1516).
90. On element meditation in early Brahminism see Wynne (2007:
30ff); on the spheres of totality see Shaw (2006, chapter 6) and
Wynne (2007: 28ff); on the eight spheres of mastery and eight
releases see Shaw (2006: 91ff).
91. On the cessation of perception and sensation see Griffiths
(1986, chapters 12), Shaw (2006: 176) and Wynne (2007:
1034); for texts in which cessation appears to be the state of
liberation itself see Bodhi (2012: 131718).
92. On early Brahminic parallels to the insentience of cessation see

Wynne (2007: 43, 95); for the passages from the Udna
see Masefield (2007: 16566) and Wynne (2007: 100); for the
Upanis.adic passages see Olivelle (1998: 399, 433, 447); on
the Nirvana realm without remainder see Bodhi (2012: 1144)
and Masefield (2001: 35, 112; 2007: 98).
93. For the citation from the Mun.d.aka Upanis.ad see Olivelle (1998:
453).
94. For differing perspectives on doctrinal debates in early Buddhism
see Gombrich (1996, chapter 4), Bodhi (1997: 24445; 2003)
and Wynne (2002; 2007: 102ff; and 2009b: 109ff). For the
debate about the state of meditation in which the Buddha died
see Wynne (2002: 3738).
95. On the Mah-cunda Sutta see Bodhi (2012: 917ff) and Wynne
(2002: 37; 2007: 102ff); on the notion of being released on
both sides see Wynne (2002) and Gombrich (1996: 97ff); for
the At..t hakangara Sutta see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 454ff)
and Schmithausen (1981: 225). On the likelihood that insight
into the Four Noble Truths is a later stratum in the canonical
discourses see Schmithausen (1981: 202ff).
96. On calming and insight meditation see Griffiths (1981) and
Cousins (1984). A temporal understanding on the eightfold
path is supported by the texts which elaborate it into a tenfold
version, by adding right knowledge and right release to it (for
references see Collins, 1982: 90).
97. On the supposed schism between Sthavira and Mahsm.ghika
see Prebish (1974, 1996), Prebish and Nattier (1977), Cousins
(1992), Sujto (2006) and Daswani (2006: 39ff). For the passage
on a schismatic being reborn in hell see Rhys Davids and
Oldenberg (1885: 254).
99. On Aokas schism edict see Bechert (1984), Norman (1997:
160ff) and Sujato (2006, Part I).
Chapter V
Buddhist India
101. The title of this chapter refers to Rhys Davids monograph of
1911, the only attempt (prior to Bronkhorst 2007) to write a
References 15
history of early India from the perspective of the Buddhist-

inspired civilization, which lasted for almost a millennium until
it finally collapsed under the Guptas; for an overview of the
Mauryan empire see Thapar (2002, chapter six).
102. On Aokas relationship with the Buddhist tradition see Basham
(1982). For translations of Aokas edicts see Nikam and McKeon
(1958) and Dhammika (1994); on the discovery and decipherment
of Aokas edicts see Allen (2002, 2012). Different perspectives on
Aokas dhamma are found in Gombrich (1994), Guruge (1994)
and Norman (1997, chapter seven).
103. For the passage in the Brahmajla Sutta echoed by Aokas advice
to his ministers at Tosali, see Rhys Davids (1923: 3).
105. On Rock Edict XIII and the Buddhist missions see Norman
(2004) and Wynne (2005: 48ff). For the evidence of the Pali
chronicles see Mahvam.sa XIII (Geiger 1912: 88ff).
106. For an overview of post-Mauryan India see Thapar (2002: 209ff);
on the archaeological record of this period see Chakrabarti
(1995). On the damage to the Sanchi stpa and hiatus in Buddhist
activity there see Marshall (1918: 38), Willis (2001: 225) and
Verardi (2011: 9798); on the un.ga persecution of Buddhism
see Verardi (2011: 101). On the post-Mauryan donative record
see Thapar (2002: 261) and Daswani (2006: 255ff).
107. On the Indo-Greeks see Thapar (2002: 213ff), Seldeslachts
(2007: 139ff) and Neelis (2011: 98ff); on their association with
Buddhism see Allon (2007); on the donation of Theodorus
see Seldeslachts (2007: 140). The sections of the Milinda-
paha referred to can be found in Horner (1969: 26ff, 34ff);
for important philosophical sections of the dialogue between
Milinda and Ngasena see Frauwallner (2010: 72ff). On
the possibility of Buddhist influence on Greek thought see
Kuzminski (2008).
108. On aka, Pahlava and Kus.n.a support for Buddhism see Thapar
(2002: 213ff), Kulke and Rothermund (2004: 74ff), Liu (2009,
chapter 4), Neelis (2011: 109ff) and Verardi (2011: 9192);
on Huvis.kas possible conversion to Mahyna see Allon and
Salomon (2010: 4). On the connection between Buddhism and
commerce in the post-Aokan period see Thapar (2002: 248ff).
On the post-Mauryan period in central and South India see
Ray (1986), Chakrabarti (1995, especially 3056) and Thapar
(2002: 225ff); on urban support for Buddhism in this period in

the ndhra region see Padma (2008).
On the proximity of Buddhist stpa sites to megalithic
burial sites see Schopen (2004, chapter 12) and Padma (2008:
13ff); with regard to the Buddhist appropriation of megalithic
burial sites, the Mahvam.sa suggests (Geiger 1912: 9596)
that Buddhist missionaries to Anurdhapura highlighted their
expertise in mortuary matters by teaching the Vimvatthu and
Petavatthu, texts which describe the destinies which result from
good and bad karma.
109. On the mythic significance of Aokas Rummindei and Nigali
Sagar edicts see Wynne (2010a: 19395). On the myth of
former Buddhas see Bareau (1980) and Gombrich (1980).
110. For the Mahpadna Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 1ff).
111. For the Lakkhan.a Sutta see Rhys Davids and Rhys Davids (1921:
132ff); on the significance of the 32 marks see Boucher (2008,
chapter 1). For an overview of the Jtaka and Avadna literature
see Winternitz (1983: 266ff), Shaw (2007, introduction) and
Appleton (2010, chapter 1). On the Buddhist legend that Aoka
constructed 84,000 stpas see Strong (2004: 136ff).
112. On the Buddhist architecture of the Mauryan period see Allchin
(1995: 239ff). On Sanchi see Cunningham (1854) and Shaw
(2007, 2009); on Bharhut see Cunningham (1879) and Hawkes
(2009); on Bodhgaya see Cunningham (1892); on Amaravati
see Burgess and Bhler (1887), Knox (1992), Kinnard (2008)
and Shimada (2009); on Nagarjunakonda see Longhurst (1938);
on the dating of art-historical remains at early Buddhist sites see
Asher (2006). On the idealized natural order represented in the
art at stpa sites see Brown (2009).
113. For differing perspectives on the aniconic theory see Huntington
(1990), Dehejia (1991), Karlsson (2006) and Kinnard (2008:
84ff).
114. For the statement he who sees dhamma sees me see Bodhi
(2000: 939). On the Buddha images of Gandhra and Mathura
see Fisher (1993: 44). On the development of the image cult in
orthodox monastic circles see Schopen (198889; 2005: 113ff).
115. On the foundation of mah-thpa in Anurdhapura see
Mahvam.sa XXIX.29 ff (Geiger 1912: 19394). On the
identification of the Kukkut. rma with the Asokrma see
References 17
Strong (1984: 86); on the Buddhist monasteries of this period

see Dutt (1962: 118ff). On the ancient Indian trading networks
used by Buddhists to maintain contact over long distances, see
Neelis (2011, chapter 3).
116. Although Davidson (2002: 106ff) has argued that monastic
feudalism emerged as Buddhists emulated the political structures
of the early medieval period, an earlier origin is likely given
monastic land-grants from the first century ad, for examples of
which see Senart (19023: 5758; 19056: 62) and Falk (2000).
On the first monasteries built in stone and brick being copies of
wooden structures see Allchin (1995: 239) and Daswani (2006:
271ff); for a different perspective on the emergence of Buddhist
monasteries in the archaeological record see Schopen (1994).
On the cave monasteries of western India see Dehejia (1972),
Thapar (2002: 263ff) and Daswani (2006: 26ff, 277ff). On Ajanta
see Burgess (1970) and Spink (1987, 2006); on Thotlakonda
and other monastic cites along the coast of Andhra Pradesh see
Fogelin (2006).
119. In the Pali Vinaya wandering bhikkhus seeking lodging in a
monastery (gantuka) are often distinguished from resident
monks (vsika); on monastic peripatetics see Wijayaratna (1990:
28ff); on wandering and resident monks, and the administrative
offices through which monasteries were managed, see Daswani
(2006: 124ff) and Silk (2008, chapter 8).
120. On the arrangement of stpas at Buddhist sites see Schopen
(1987a); on Buddha-relics containing something of his
awakened essence see Schopen (1987a, 1988) and Willis (2009);
on the reliquaries of local monastics at stpa sites see Schopen
(1991) and Daswani (2006: 158).
121. For canonical sources on the San.gha as the unsurpassed field of
merit see Rhys Davids (1910: 100) and n.amoli and Bodhi
(1995: 119); on the belief that the merit of a donor depends to
some degree on the virtue of its recipient see Jootla (1998), and
Heim (2004, chapter 3); on the notion of a economy of merit
see Neelis (2011: 17ff, 34ff). For the inscription from Mathur
see Schopen (1997: 35).
For canonical texts on the transference of merit see Rhys
Davids (1910: 9394) and Bodhi (2012: 1523ff); for different
views on the subject see Masefield (1989: xxxviiiff), Gombrich
(1991: 265ff)), Bechert (1992), Schopen (1997: 34ff) and Holt

(1981).
122. On large-scale monastic endowments see Daswani (2006: 252ff);
on monastic endowments, lending out at interest and donors
ensuring an ongoing stream of merit, see Schopen (1994, 1996,
2000); on art as a means of generating donations see Schopen
(2004: 31ff).
On monastic education see Daswani (2006, chapter 4); on the
monastic universities of the Gupta and early medieval periods see
Dutt (1962, part 5) and Daswani (2006: 198ff). On monasteries
as centres of medical knowledge and healing see Schopen (2000),
Zysk (2000, chapter 3) and Daswani (2006: 185ff).
123. On women and the order of nuns in Buddhist India see Sponberg
(1992), Skilling (2001) and Thapar (2002: 261); for the claim
that equal numbers of men and women attained spiritual goals
see n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 59698); for the Som Sutta see
Bodhi (2000: 22223).
On the fact that the Bodhisatta in the Pali Jtakas is never a
woman see Appleton (2010: 93ff); the Bahudhtuka Sutta also
states that a woman cannot become a fully awakened Buddha
(n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 929); on women in Mahyna
stras see Nattier (2003: 99100), Daswani (2006: 154ff) and
Osto (2008, chapter 6).
124. On the founding of the order of nuns see Wijayaratna (1990:
158ff), Juo-Hseh (2000), Hsken (2000), von Hinber (2007)
and Anlayo (2011); for the Mallik Sutta see n.amoli and
Bodhi (1995: 718ff).
125. For negative canonical depictions of women see Rhys Davids
(1910: 154) and Bodhi (2012: 8990, 68384). On the
inscriptional evidence relating to female participation in Indian
Buddhism see Daswani (2006: 156, 259); on the prominent
position of women as donors as reflected in the inscriptional
record see Skilling (2001: 257ff); on the decline of women in
the inscriptional record see Schopen (1988-89: 16465); on
problems with the inscriptional record in this regard see Skilling
(2001: 267); on the position of women in classical Hindu texts
see Lipner (1994: 79ff).
126. For a general overview of Buddhist sects in India see Daswani
(2006: 59ff); for a comprehensive study see Bareau (2013). On
References 19
the role of monastic law and doctrine in sectarian schism see

Walser (2005: 98ff).
127. On the Sarvstivdin and Mlasarvstvdin problem see Frau
wallner (1956, chapter 2) and Wynne (2008). On the schools in
the Deccan and South see Dessein (2008); on the Prajaptivdins
see Bareau (2013: 97ff) and Walser (2005: 218ff).
128. For general introductions to the Abhidhamma see Cox (1995,
chapter 1) and Frauwallner (1995, part 1); on the Theravdin
Abhidhamma see Nyanaponika (1998) and Ronkin (2005,
chapter 2).
129. On the two different Nirvanas of the Sarvstivdin system
see Dhammajoti (2007: 613ff); on pratisam.khy-nirodha see
Frauwallner (2010: 138ff). For recent research on the develop
ment of the dhamma theory see Gethin (2004) and Bronkhorst
(2009, chapter 2).
130. On ontological aspects of Abhidhamma thought see Ronkin
(2005, chapter 6) and Cox (2004).
131. On the Abhidharma understanding of Nirvana as a dhamma
see Cousins (198384: 97ff). On the emergence of Buddhist
scholasticism from the Abhidhamma see Frauwallner (1995,
chapter 5); on the Sarvstivdin system see Williams (1981),
Sanderson (1994a: 34ff), Cox (1995, chapter 2) and Frauwallner
(2010: 115ff). For the sabbatthi-vada debates in the Kathvatthu
see Aung and Rhys Davids (1969: 84ff); on the notion of kritra
see Dhammajoti (2007: 157ff).
132. On the Sautrntikas see Sanderson (1994a: 41ff), Kritzer (2003)
and Frauwallner (2010: 126ff); on the vibhajja-vda see Anlayo
(2009) and Bareau (2013, chapter 28); on the Sarvstivdin
understanding of the vibhajya-vda schools see Cousins (2001:
145ff); on the vibhajya-vda section on the Abhidharmakoa-
bhs.ya see Dhammajoti (2007: 68ff); for the Kathvatthu critique
of the existence of past karma see Aung and Rhys Davids (1969:
1012).
133. On the Pudgalavdins see Chau (1999) and Priestly (1994,
2005); for the primary canonical source of the personalist
doctrine see Frauwallner (2010: 28-9); for the puggala-vda
section of the Kathvatthu see Aung and Rhys Davids (1969:
8ff); on the debates on the person in the Kathvatthu see Cousins
(1994); on the possible Pudgalavdin ideas known to Ngrjuna
see Walser (2006: 245ff); for Vasubandhus arguments against

the Pudgalavdins in the Abhidharmakoa-bhs.ya see Frauwallner
(2010: 91ff).
Chapter VI
Debate, Adaptation and Extinction
135. For the citation from Candrakrtis Catuh.atakat. k see Lang
(2003: 198); a similar sentiment is expressed e.g. in Yaodharmans
Mandasor edict (c.530 ad), on which see Davidson (2002: 25).
136. For overviews of scholarship on the origins of Mahyna see
Walser (2006, chapter 1), Allon and Solomon (2010) and
Drewes (2010, 2010a); on early Mahyna as a development
within mythic Buddhism see Boucher (2008, chapters 12) and
Wynne (2011: 195ff). Norman (1983: 7980) has noted that
the depictions of Jtakas at the Bhrhut stpa shows a popular
circulation of Jtaka tales in the second century bc.
137. On the early translation of Mahyna stras into Chinese
see Boucher (2008: 88ff), Nattier (2008) and Zrcher (2007:
32ff); on the date of the earliest Mahyna stras see Conze
(2008: 1). A recently discovered Gndhr manuscript of the
As..t ashasrik Prajpramit, probably dated to the first century
ad (Falk 2011: 20), uses the abbreviation pialo in some places
(Falk and Karashima, 2012: 22), possibly indicating an older
scribal tradition.
On the general lack of the term mahyna (and hnayna)
in the earliest Mahyna literature translated into Chinese, see
Harrison (1987: 7273, 79); on Mahyna as a non-sectarian
phenomenon see Bechert (1973a); on the possibility that
Mahyna views could have provoked schism see Walser (2005:
98ff). On early Indian Mahyna as a minority movement see
Schopen (2000a); on the Ugra-paripr.cch as a charter for following
the Bodhisattva path by both monastics and the laity see Nattier
(2003a: 100); on its date see Nattier (2003a: 4445); on the
ascetic background to early Mahyna see Harrison (1995),
Schopen (1995, 1999) and Boucher (2008, chapter 3); on lay
Bodhisattvas in early Mahyna see Nattier (2003a, chapter 4).
138. On early epigraphic evidence for Mahyna see Schopen (1979)
and Cousins (2003); on the early art-historical evidence from
References 21
Gandhra see Rhi (2003); on the composition of Buddhist

literature in Sanskrit see Gombrich (1988) and Bronkhorst
(2011, Part III.3). On the similarities between mainstream and
Mahyna Bodhisattva literature see Boucher (2008: 21); on the
Pali Buddhpadna as a Mahyna-oriented work see Bechert
(1992: 102); for the Buddhavam.sa and Cariypit. aka see Horner
(1975); on early Mahyna as a natural development from the
Jtaka corpus see Nattier (2003a: 186ff).
139. On early Mahyna literature as spiritually inspired see Harrison
(2003) and MacQueen (1981-82). On the defensive attitude of
early Mahyna stras see Schopen (2000a). For the passages on
meditation in the Bodhicaryvatra see Crosby and Skilton (1996,
chapter 8); for a systematic study of meditation in early Indian
Mahyna see Deleanu (2000).
140. On the Bodhisatta perfections in Theravda Buddhism see
Ratnayaka (1985: 89); on the perfections in Buddhist Sanskrit
literature see Dayal (2004: 165ff); on the six perfections see
Wright (2009); on the advice of the Ugra-paripr.cch with regard
to the Bodhisattva perfections see Nattier (2003a: 112ff); on
ascetic practices in mainstream and Mahyna Buddhism see
Ray (1994, chapter 9).
On visualization in early Mahyna see Harrison (2003); on its
mainstream sources see Gethin (2006); on the difference between
meditation in the praj-pramit corpus and visualization sutras
see Deleanu (2000: 6970); on the emergence of visionary
Mahyna see Beyer (1977) and Nattier (2000, 2003).
For the Mah-sudassana Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 192ff);
for the Sukhvat Stras see Cowell et al. (1894), Gmez (1996)
and Inagaki and Stewart (2010); for the Pratyutpannabuddha-
sam.mukhvasthita-samdhi see Harrison (1998).
141. On Buddha recollection see Harrison (1978 and 1992). On the
early praj-pramit tradition see Conze (1967, chapters 6 and
8; 2008), Lancaster (1975) and Frauwallner (2010: 157ff).
142. On the animitta, apran.ihita and nyat meditations see Deleanu
(2000: 74ff). Conzes translation of the As..ta frequently
misunderstands the passages which state that a Bodhisattva can
attain Buddhahood quickly, apart from in a few places (e.g.
1994: 87); on blocking meditative progress in the As..t ashasrik
see Deleanu (2000: 71, 76).
143. See the opening of the As..t ashasrik (Conze 1994, e.g. 8385,
97) for the negation of standard concepts as bodhisattva, buddha,
nirvn.a and praj-pramit; on the As..t ashasrik teaching that
the five aggregates are illusory see Conze (1994: 88).
144. Conzes translation (1994: 99) of the key sentence cited from
the As..t ashasrik is misleading: Even Nirvana, I say, is like a
magical illusion, is like a dream. How much more so anything
else?
On locating Ngrjuna in the Andhra region of central East
India see Walser (2006, chapter 2).
145. For the Kaccyana-gotta Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 544) and Ronkin
(2009); see Salvini (2011) for the Sanskrit version of the text,
which is simpler but agrees in essentials.
147. For general overviews of Ngrjunas thought and the
Madhyamaka school see Robinson (1976: 39ff), Arnold (2005)
and Frauwallner (2010: 182ff); for a more detailed study and
Westerhoff (2009); for translations of the Mlamadhyamaka-
krik see Kalupahana (1986), Garfield (1995) and Siderits and
Katsura (2013); useful sections are translated in Frauwallner
(2010: 188ff). The translation of sva-bhva as intrinsic identity
seems the best way of capturing the different senses of the term
as pointed out by Westerhoff (2009: 1213).
148. Nihilistic interpretations of Ngrjuna have been proposed by
Burton (2001) and Bronkhorst (2009: 136); Frauwallner, by draw
ing attention to Ngrjunas dialectical focus on opposed pairs of
concepts (2010: 18384) correctly points out (2010: 187) that
Nirvana is neither existent or non-existent.
153. On the notion that Yogcra thinkers used Abhidharma
terminology to expand the scope of Madhyamaka or praj-
pramit thought see Saito (2010); although Frauwallner
notes that Madhyamaka was an important influence on early
Vijaptimtra (e.g. in his account of the Sam.dhi-nirmocana
Stra, 2010: 296ff), he also identifies the absolutist/substantialist
school of Sramati as an influence on Maitreyantha (e.g. 2010:
483ff). Masaaki (1988) has argued that Vasubandhus Yogcra
works are critical of philosophical realism.
154. On the meaning of the term yogcra see Silk (2000); for an
overview of different interpretations of early Yogcra history
see DAmato (2009); on the history of the Yogcra-bhmi see
References 23
Deleanu (2006, chapter 5); on the same text see Frauwallner

(2010: 281ff); on the substratum consciousness see Schmithausen
(1987) and Waldron (2003, chapter 3). On the relationship
between the Yogcra-bhmi and the Sam.dhi-nirmocana Stra see
Deleanu (2006: 172ff); the Sam.dhi-nirmocana Stra has been
translated by Powers (1995) and Cleary (1999); important
sections are contained in Frauwallner (2010: 302ff).
On Asan.ga, Vasubandhu and Maitreyantha see Frauwallner
(2010: 313, 346, 37475, 478ff), Tola and Dragonetti (2004: xivff),
Jamspal et al. (2004: xviff) and Sakuma (2013); on the possibility
that the Yogcra works were authored by a different Vasubandhu
from the author of the Abhidharmakoa, see Frauwallner (1951a),
Jaini (1958) and Skilling (2000); for the Yogcra works of
Vasubandhu see Tola and Dragonetti (2004, parts II and III),
Anacker (2005) and Frauwallner (2010: 392ff); on early Yogcra
thought prior to Vasubandhu and Asan.ga see Keenan (1982).
157. On Vasubandhus refutation of atomism see Kapstein (2001:
188ff).
161. For the Buddhas claim to longevity in Mah-parinibbna Sutta
see Rhys Davids (1910: 110); for similar claims in the Lotus
Stra see Kubo and Yuyama (2009: 223ff); similar ideas are also
implied in the Pali version of the Buddhas second sermon, on
which see Wynne (2009b).
162. For the Lotus Stra see Kern (1884), Watson (1993) and Kubo
and Yuyama (2007); on the single path in the Lotus Stra see
Kubo and Yuyama (2009: 31ff); on the possibility that the Lotus
Stra set the doctrinal background for the Tathgata-garbha
Stra see Zimmermann (2002: 77). For the citation from the
Tathgata-garbha Stra see Zimmerman (2002: 102ff).
163. For statements in the Tathgata-garbha Stra which imply that the
Buddha within is a transmigrating substance see Zimmerman
(2002: 132ff); on the general doctrinal content of the Tathgata-
garbha Stra see Zimmerman (2002: 50ff). On the relationship
between the Loknuvartana Stra and the early praj-pramit
tradition, and the location of both in the Andhra region, see
Harrison (1982: 225). Verses 2123 of the Loknuvartana Stra
suggest that the Bodhisattva career of the Buddha was just a
show (Harrison 1982: 218).
164. On the authorship of the Mahyna-strlam.kra see Frauwallner
(2010: 314). On the concept of dharma-kya in canonical

literature see Harrison (1992a: 56) and Xing (2005: 35ff); on
early formulations of the dharma-kya idea see Harrison (1992a).
165. For the section on the dharma-kya, the enjoyment and
emanation bodies in the Mahyna-strlam.kra see Jamspal et
al. (2004: 95ff); for the statement the entire collection of bodies
..., see Jamspal et al. (2004: 97).
166. For overviews of Tantric Buddhism in India see Samuel (1993:
409ff; 2008: 258ff), English (2002: 1ff) and Davidson (2011);
for a more detailed account see Davidson (2002, chapter 4).
On the distinction between mantra-naya (or mantra-yna) and
Vajrayna in the archaeological record see Samuel (1993: 411ff).
On the classification of early Buddhist Tantric literature and
practices see Snellgrove (2004: 117ff, 147ff); on the formation of
Tantric literature, beginning with proto-Tantric dhran. texts,
see Davidson (2002: 144ff); on the general difference between
Kriy/Cary and Yoga Tantras see Samuel (1993: 412).
167. On the difference between the ritualistic aspects of Mahyna
and the rapid emergence of mature Tantric systems from the
late seventh century onwards see Davidson (2002: 11718)
and Gray (2007: 79ff). According to Isaacson (1998: 4) Tantric
Buddhism had developed into a soteriological vehicle no later
than the composition of the Sarva-tathgata-tattva-sam.graha
(translated into Chinese in ad 723, on which see Snellgrove
2004: 180ff); on the man.d.ala and different Buddha families see
Snellgrove (2004: 189ff).
On the Mahyna expansion of skill in means to include
immoral acts, such as killing, see the Upyakaualya Stra (Chang
1983, chapter 8); on this issue see Gethin (2004b: 189); on the
transgressive aspects of Buddhist Tantra see Snellgrove (2004:
160ff). On dhran.s see Braavig (1985), Snellgrove (2004: 122,
141ff) and Davidson (2009). On the significance of the term
vajra-yna see Snellgrove (2004: 128ff).
168. On the use of the cakravartin ideal as a metaphor for the spiritual
path in Buddhist Tantra see Davidson (2002: 118ff); on Tantra as
the sacralization of medieval society see Davidson (2002: 160ff).
For the Cakkavatti-shanda Sutta see Rhys Davids (1921: 59ff).
169. On the Siddhas see Samuel (1993: 419ff) and Jackson (2004: 3ff);
on the pre-Buddhist background to the Siddhas see Davidson
References 25
(2002: 174ff); on the relationship between vidy-dharas and

Siddhas see Davidson (2002: 194ff); On the association between
the Siddhas and Yogin Tantras see Jackson (2004: 10ff). On the
different social circles in which Buddhist Siddhas moved, and
the different forms of their religious activities, see Davidson
(2002: 291, 33435). On the aiva sources of Buddhist Tantra
see Sanderson (1994: 92ff; 2009: 124ff), Davidson (2002: 202ff)
and Gray (2007: 7ff); on d.kins and yogins see Gray (2007:
77ff). On the difficulty Buddhists faced in competing with
aivism for patronage see Davidson (2002: 86).
170. On village shamanism as a possible source of Tantrism see
Samuel (1993, chapter 12); Davidson (2002: 129) believes there
is no textual proof that the visualization of oneself as a Buddha
originated in spirit possession, but also notes that many practices
originated beyond monastic circles (2002: 153), and that the
Buddhist Siddhas derived an important input from tribal groups
(2002: 173ff, 224ff). According to Sanderson (2009: 133ff)
possession was absorbed from the kta aiva tradition.
For an overview of the monastic response to the sexual
practices of the higher Tantras see Sanderson (1994: 97), Isaacson
(1998: 89) and Davidson (2002: 197ff). For an overview of
Tantric initiation ceremonies see Snellgrove (2004, chapter 13).
With regard to the idea that the turn towards esotericism was
a response to the cultural trauma of the early medieval period,
Gombrich and Obeyesekere have defined similar developments
in modern Sri Lanka as Tantric (1999: 5556, 346, 456ff);
on the recent growth of interest in spirit cults in northern
Thailand see Tambiah (1970); on the increasing popularity of
spirit mediums in northern Thailand see Muecke (1992).
171. On the fourfold classification of Tantric initiations see Snellgrove
(2004: 243ff) and Isaacson (1998: 10ff); for an account of the
higher initiations according to the tradition of the Hevajra Tantra
see Snellgrove (2004: 254ff); for an overview of initiation in the
Yogin Tantra tradition see Sanderson (1994: 88ff); on initiation
in general see Davidson (2011a).
For an example of post-initiatory sdhana literature see English
(2002, chapter 3); for an overview of the visualization practices
advocated in association with the man.d.ala of the Cakrasam.vara
Tantra see Gray (2007: 54ff).
172. On the yoga practices concerned with the subtle body see
Snellgrove (2004: 288ff); on sexual practices in Tantric yoga see
Jackson (1992) and Gray (2007: 103ff); on the yogic and sexual
practices of the Siddhas see Jackson (2004: 25ff). On sahaja see
Kvaerne (1975) and Snellgrove (2004: 24546); on the four
ecstasies of advanced Tantric practice, culminating in innate
ecstasy (sahajnanda), see Jackson (2004: 21ff).
On Xuanzangs trip to India see Beal (1884, 1911), Lee
(2004, part two) and Watters (1904); for the travel account of
Faxian see Legge (1886); on the travel observations of Faxian
and Xuanzang see Verardi (2011: 132ff, 170ff); for an overview
of the data on Buddhist decline from the Gupta period
onwards, including the statistics and observations of Xuanzang
and Faxian, see Sarao (2012, chapter 2).
On the decline in the donative record during the fifth century
ad see Schopen (1987: 120; 198889). On the Pla and Sena
support for Buddhism throughout the medieval period see Kulke
and Rothermund (2004: 11819); on Buddhist monasticism
under the Plas see Dutt (1962: 349ff); on continued support
for Buddhism under the Guptas and Vkt. akas see Dutt (1962:
195ff) and Neelis (2011: 146ff); for a different opinion see
Verardi (2011: 129ff). On the Islamic attacks on the monastic
universities of Magadha see Verardi (2011: 155ff).
173. On the lack of a tradition of statecraft among Indian Buddhists
see Bronkhorst (2011: 99ff); on the confinement of Brahminic
culture to the doab until the late first millennium bc see
Bronkhorst (2007: 1ff); on the spread of Brahminism across South
Asia in the post-Mauryan period, and appearance of Sanskrit in
Indian inscriptions, see Bronkhorst (2011: 42ff). On the anti-
Brahminic aspects of the Aokan edicts see Bronkhorst (2011,
introduction); on the Brahminic reaction to the non-Brahminical
order established by the Mauryans, and the re-emergence of
Brahminism under the Guptas, see Witzel (2006); on pre-Gupta
attempts to re-assert Brahminism see Verardi (2011: 103ff).
For an overview of the Gupta empire see Kulke and
Rothermund (2004: 87ff); on the rise of Brahminical orthodoxy
under the Guptas Verardi (2011, chapter 3); Hazras tabulation
of Xuanzangs observations (1995, chapter 11) includes details
on non-Buddhist developments. Davidson (2002: 85) and
References 27
Verardi (2011: 155) have noted that Pupata ascetics played

an important role in spreading Brahminism beyond orthodox
circles, among outcastes, tribals and other barbarian social
groups; on the Buddhist acceptance of the Brahmanical ideology
of four classes see Bronkhorst (2011: 153ff).
174. On the different versions of the Rs..t rapla Stra see Boucher
(2008: 108ff); on the Hun invasions and economic decline
of urban centres during the Gupta period see Kulke and
Rothermund (2004: 96ff); on archaeological evidence for the
decline of Buddhist and contiguous urban sites see Sarao (2012,
chapter 10); on the Kus. n.a empire as last surviving remnant
of the open society which flourished after Aoka, see Verardi
(2011: 107); according to Sharma (1987: 178) the urban period
peaked between the period 200 bc300 ad, exactly the same
time when Buddhism flourished after the Mauryan expansion;
Sharma (1987: chapter 7) has also charted the lack of urban
remains in Buddhist monasteries from the Gupta period
onwards; on the devaluation of Gupta coins see Thapar (2002:
297ff) and Kulke and Rothermund (2004: 92); on the general
lack of a monetary economy in the Gupta period see Sharma
(1987:12425) and Verardi (2011: 133).
175. On the different factors in the early medieval period which placed
Buddhism in a precarious position see Davidson (2002: 167).
On the martial ethos of early medieval India see Davidson (2002,
chapter 2); on the use of the Bhagavadgt as a justification for war
see Lang (2008: 137); on religious antagonism and conflict in
early medieval India see Davidson (2002: 192ff). On the success
of aivism in attracting patronage in the early medieval period,
especially at the Chalukya, Pallava and Cola courts of the South,
see Davidson (2002: 177); on the early medieval inscriptions
which praise ivas wrathful form, see Lang (2008: 133ff).
For Candrakrtis pacifism and appraisal of Brahminic
martialism see Lang (2008: 135ff). On the effect of the Islamic
incursions on Buddhism see Sarao (2012, chapter 7); see Verardi
(2011: 376ff) and Sarao (2012: 2930, 32, 59, 6667) for some
facts on Buddhist traditions which survived to the late medieval
and early modern periods.
Chapter VII
Guild Monasticism in the East
177. For Huiyuans statement on not bowing to an emperor see de
Bary and Bloom (2008: 231ff).
178. On the problem of distinguishing Mahyna from Theravda/
rvakayna, see Skilling (2013, especially p.75ff on the inade
quacy of the Hnayna/Mahyna dichotomy; and p.111ff on
the fact that Bodhisattva ideology belongs to both Mahyna
and Theravda/rvakayna forms of Buddhism).
On differing standards of scriptural authenticity being the
major difference between mainstream and Mahyna Buddhism
see Schopen (1975), Walser (2005: 95ff) and Wynne (2011: 98ff);
on post-canonical Theravdin literature composed in Southeast
Asia see von Hinber (1996, chapter 12); for examples of para-
canonical Theravdin Suttas see Hallisey (1990, 1993).
179. For an overview of Buddhism in Gandhra see Salomon (1999,
chapter 1) and Dietz (2007).
180. On doubts that that Buddhism reached Bactria in or soon after
Mauryan period see Seldeslachts (2007: 138); on the western
limits of Buddhism see Seldeslachts (2007: 142ff) and Trembley
(2007: 80). On Manichean texts showing signs of Indian
Buddhist terminology see Trembley (2007: 80); on Buddhism
in and around the Iranian cultural region see Utz (2012). On
the possibility of Buddhist influence on Greek thought see
Kuzminski (2008, chapter 2).
181. For an overview of Buddhism on the Silk Road see Kudara
(2002) and Trembley (2007). On Buddhism in Bamiyan see
Yamada (2002); on recent discoveries of Gandhran texts see
Salomon (2006); on Buddhist manuscripts recovered from Silk
Road sites see Sims-Williams (2006), Hartmann (2012) and
Sander (2012); on the art of the Silk Road see Hrtel (1983:
46ff) and Rhie (19992010). On the lay Buddhism of Niya see
Hansen (2012, chapter 1).
182. On Buddhism in Khotan see Skjrv (2012), Kumamoto
(2012) and Hansen (2012, chapter 7); on Buddhism in Kucha
and Turfan see Hansen (2012, chapters 23). The account of
Faxians visit to Khotan is found in Legge (1886, chapter 3). On
the Mahyna presence in Khotan in 401 see Trembley (2007:
References 29
100); on the possible Khotanese transition from Hnayna to

Mahyna in the third century ad see Zrcher (2007: 62ff).
On the Mla-Sarvstivdin tradition in Kucha and Kashgar
see Trembley (2007: 106). For the Book of Zambasta see
Emmerick (1968, 1989). On decline of Indian influence and
rise of Tibetan and Chinese influences on the Silk Road from
the sixth century onwards, see Trembley (2007: 116). On the
disappearance of Buddhism from Gandhra in the tenth century
see Trembley (2007: 79).
183. On the earliest evidence for Buddhism in China see Zrcher
(2007: 18ff) and Kieshnick (2009: 550). On An Shigao see
Zrcher (2007: 32ff) and Trembley (2007: 93); on Lokaks.ema
see Zrcher (2007: 35ff). On early Buddhist translation into
Chinese see Heirman (2007: 16970), Trembley (2007: 94) and
Boucher (2008: 88ff). For an example of an exegetical work of
An Shigao see Zacchetti (2004).
184. On the awareness of Buddhism in elite Han circles see Zrcher
(2007: 36); on the Daoist knowledge of Buddhist meditation
and texts see Bumbacher (2007: 217ff); on the early Daoist
support for Buddhism see Zrcher (2007: 35ff). On meditative
aspects of An Shigaos texts see Zrcher (2007: 33) and
Zacchetti (2002). On Dark-Learning (xuanxue) and Buddhism
see Zrcher (2007: 4546, 87ff); on Zhi Qian and Kang Senhui
see Zrcher (2007: 47ff) and Nattier (2008: 116ff).
185. On the beginnings of Chinese Buddhist monasticism see
Zrcher (2007: 5556), Heirman (2007: 170ff) and Kieshnick
(2009). On the fourth century ad neo-Daoist interpretation of
the Perfection of Understanding see Zrcher (2007: 73ff); on
the idea of gentry Buddhism see Zrcher (2007, chapter 1).
186. On Dharmaraks.a see Boucher (2008: 90ff) and Zrcher (2007:
65ff); on Fotudeng see Wright (1948); on Fotudeng and Daoan
see Zrcher (2007: 181ff).
187. On Kumrajvas transmission of Madhyamaka thought see
Robinson (1967: 90ff, 156).
188. On Sengrui see Zrcher (2007: 115ff) and Robinson (1967:
127); on Sengzhao see Zrcher (2007: 123ff) and Robinson
(1967: 118ff); on Huiyuans philosophical realism see Robinson
(1967: 157).
189. For an overview of Pure Land Buddhism in China see Mochizuki
(1999); on the early development of Pure Land Buddhism in

China see Tanaka (1990, chapter 1); on East Asian Pure Land
Buddhism in general see Corless (1993) and Blum (1994). On
the attribution of the translation of the Pratyutpanna-buddhasam.-
mukhvasthita-samdhi Stra to Lokaks.ema see Nattier (2008:
86ff); on early Pure Land texts translated into Chinese see
Mochizuki (2001, chapter II).
The Amityur-dhyana Stra (Inagakai and Stewart, 2010:
63ff), an important visionary Sutra concerned with Amitbha/
Amityus, was translated or composed in the fifth century ad.
For the citations from the shorter Sukhvat-vyha Stra see
Cowell, Muller and Takakusu (1894: 9899, 1012), and
Inagaki and Stewart (2010: 119ff).
191. For the citation from the Pratyutpannabuddha-sam . mukhvasthita-
samdhi Stra see Harrison (1998: 17ff). On Daoans Maitreya
cult see Zrcher (2007: 194); Mahyna Stras concerning
Maitreya existed in China at least from the time of Dharmaraks.a
(Legittimo 2008: 252); on early Maitreya cults in East Asia see
Sponberg (1988: 94ff); Tanaka has pointed out (1987: 39) that the
cult of Maitreya exceeded the cult of Amitbha up to the Tang
period.
192. On Huiyuan see Mochizuki (2001, chapter III) and Zrcher
(2007: 204ff); on Tanluan see Mochizuki (2000) and Corless
(2000, 2006); for an example of Shandaos writing on
visualization and chanting see Inagaki (1999).
193. On the different sorts of nien-fo see Jones (2001); on Buddha
recollection and the Indian background to nien-fo see Keenan
(1989). For an overview of the Pure Land tradition in early
medieval China see Mochizuki (2002). On the elevation of
devotion above spiritual effort in the shorter Sukhvat-vyha
Stra see Inagaki and Stewart (2010: 9495); on the practice
of reflecting on Avalokitevara in early Mahyna Stras see
Harrison (1992: 224ff); on Avalokitevaras subordinate role in
the Stras focused on Amitbha see Studholme (2002: 4950);
on the cult of Avalokitevara in East Asia see Tay (1988). On the
roots of lay Pure Land practice in the teachings of Tanluan and
Daochuo see Velasco (1996); on the ecumenical nature of Pure
Land societies in the Sung see Getz Jr. (1999).
On the general lack of a meditative tradition until the fourth
References 31
century see Zrcher (2007: 187); on Huiyuans understanding

of dhyna see Zrcher (2007: 22223).
194. On the oldest occurrence of the term chan zhong see Foulk
(2007: 444). For Tanlins seventh century biography of
Bodhidharma see Broughton (1999: 8-9, 52ff); on the possibility
that Bodhidharma was an Iranian see Broughton (1999: 53);
Huike and Daoyu, Bodhidharmas two disciples, are mentioned
in the biography of Tanlin and Daoxuan (Broughton 1999:
9, 5556); on the invention of a mythical Chan transmission
via 28 patriarchs see Foulk (1992, 2007: 444ff); on the Chan
background to this mythological formation see McRae (2003:
48, 55) and Morrison (2010, chapter 2); on the development of
the idea of Chan as a tradition of mind to mind transmission see
Welter (2000). On Bodhidharmas two entrances see Broughton
(1999: 9ff, 68ff), McRae (2003: 28ff) and Suzuki (1935, part
IV); on the meaning of wall-gazing see Broughton (1999: 66ff).
195. For the Lan.kvatra Stra see Suzuki (1932); on its position in
early Chan see McRae (2003: 62) and Morrison (2010: 57ff);
for translations of the rmladev-mahsim.handa Stra see
Wayman and Wayman (1974) and Paul and McRae (2004); on
its Buddha-nature doctrine see Paul (1979); for a translation
of the Mah-parinirvn.a Stra see Blum (2013); on its Buddha-
nature thought see Lai (1982) and Liu (1982).
For the Ratnagotravibhga see Takasaki (1966: 135ff); for
key sections and analysis see Frauwallner (2010: 274ff, 480ff);
according to Takasaki (1966: 57ff) there is no vijaptimatra
doctrine in the Ratnagotra-vibhga. For a translation of the
Awakening of Faith see Hakeda (1967); on Paramrthas likely
authorship of it see Grosnick (1989); on its Buddha-nature
doctrine see Lusthaus (1998, section 5).
On the synthesis of Yogcra and Tathgatarbha thought in
China see Lai (1977) and Keenan (1982); on this synthesis and
Paramrthas identification of a purified consciousness with the
Buddha-nature see Lusthaus (1998, section 4); for this synthesis
in the Lan.kvatra Stra see Suzuki (1932: 190ff).
196. For the Xin Xin Ming see Suzuki (1935, part IV). On the Chan
lineage from Hongren to Shenxiu see McRae (2003, chapter 1).
197. On literary activity in early Chan, especially among the disciples
of Shenxiu, see McRae (2003, chapter 3); on Shenhui and his
polemical campaign against the Northern School see McRae

(1987, 2003: 54ff).
198. On the composition of the Platform Stra see McRae (2003:
56ff); on its verse competition see McRae (2000: 19ff, 2003:
6162); for further studies of sudden and gradual approaches to
meditation in Chan see Gmez (1987) and Foulk (1993).
199. On the An Lushan rebellion see Dalby (1979: 561ff); for its
effects on Chinese Buddhism see McRae (2003: 71); on
Mazus Hongzhou school see Jia (2006) and Poceski (2007);
on encounter dialogue and the Song depiction of Mazu as an
iconoclast see McRae (2000a; 2003, chapter 4) and Jia (2006,
chapter 3); on Chan as an orthodox rather than iconoclastic
school see Faulk (1993a) and Poceski (2007, chapters 34);
on the general lack of instantaneous rhetoric and ideas in the
Hongzhou school see Poceski (2007, chapter 6).
On the emergence of the scheme of five Chan houses in
the eleventh century see Schltter (2008: 20ff); on the Chan
dominance of Buddhist monasticism in the Song see McRae
(2003, chapter 5) and Schltter (2008: 45ff); on the historical
development of kongan literature see Foulk (2000); on the
revival of the Caodong school in the early twelfth century see
Schltter (2008, chapter 4); on the teachings of the Linji school
see Sasaki (2009: 3ff) and Welter (2008).
200. On Honghzis silent meditation see Schltter (2004; 2008,
chapter 7); on the ganhwa method of Dahui see Buswell (1987)
and Schltter (2008, chapter 5); Schltter (2000) has shown
that the Linji and Caodong traditions were not clearly distinct
before Honghzi and Dahui, despite Dahuis attack on silent
meditation (on which see Schltter, 2008: 116ff).
201. On the literary activity of Paramrtha and Xuanzang see
Lee (2004, part 3) and Lusthaus (2002: 274, 318ff, 369ff); on
the composition and literary history of the Lotus Stra see
Karashima (2001) and Pye (2003, Appendix B); on its worship
and the results to be expected thereof see e.g. chapters 17, 19;
on its ridicule see Kubo and Yuyama (2007: 73, 76, 158, 189
90, 265).
On the apotropaic and gnostic goals achieved through
reciting the Lotus Stra see Kubo and Yuyama (2007: 205-07);
on its conception of the Buddhas longevity see chapter 16.
References 33
202. The idea of a single vehicle first appears in the verses that
conclude chapter 2 of the Lotus Stra (Kubo and Yuyama 2007:
34ff); on its notion of skill in means, see Pye (2003, chapters
23). On the historical background to panjiao exegesis in early
medieval Chinese Buddhism see Gregory (1991, chapter 3); on
Zhiyis panjiao see Chappell (1976); on the similar scheme of
the Huayan scholar Zongmi see Gregory (1993: 134ff; 2009);
for an overview of Zhiyi's thought see Chappell (1987); for
an overview of Zhiyi's teachings on meditation see Stevenson
(1986).
203. For an overview of Fazangs life and work see Chen (2005); on
Fazangs thought see Chen (2007, chapter 7); on the panjiao
scheme of Fazang see Ming-Wood (1981); for a translation
of the Avatam.saka Stra see Cleary (1984); on Huayan as
a philosophical rendering of the Avatam.saka Stras mythic
Buddhism in terms of li and shih see Kang-nam (2000); for a
introduction to Huayan thought see Chang (1971).
On the early history of Buddhist monasticism in China
see Heirman (2007) and Kieschnick (2009); on the Tantric
Buddhism of the Tang period see Chou (2006), Orzech (2011)
and Srenson (2011); on ubhrakarasim.ha, Vajrabodhi and
Amoghavajra see Pinte (2011), Orzech (2011a) and Lehnert
(2011) respectively.
204. According to Gernet, despite the large expenditure required to
maintain a non-productive monastic class, Buddhism in early
medieval China led to an increase in commerce and manufacture
(1995: 14); on the economic activities of Buddhist monasteries
see Kieschnick (2009: 567ff).
205. For the text of Wuzongs suppression edict see de Bary (2008:
3067); for observations on its causes and effect see Dalby (1979:
666ff). On elite support for Buddhism in the Song see Schltter
(2000: 26ff); on the Song as a period of Buddhist consolidation
see Gregory and Getz (1999, introduction); on the regulation
of monasticism in the Song, and the increased level of state
interference in Buddhism, see Schltter (2000, chapter 2).
206. On Buddhism during the Ming period see Chn-Fang (1998).
On Buddhist vitality in early twentieth century China see
Welch (1967).
207. On the impact of the Cultural Revolution on Chinese Buddhism
see Welch (1972); on Ven. Taixu see Long (2000); on Buddhism

in contemporary China and Taiwan see Chandler (2006).
Chapter VIII
State Buddhism in Asia
209. For the statement of King Taejo see Vermeersch (2008: 92). On
the problems involved in applying the term nation to Buddhist
societies in Asia see Dreyfus (1995: 117) and McDaniel (2002).
210. For canonical sources on the wheel turning Dharmarja see
Rhys Davids (1995: 110, 2002: 59ff); for a discussion of this
ideology see Tambiah (1976, chapter 2); on the presentation
of Aoka as a Cakravartin Dharmarja in the Aokvadna see
Strong (1984: 44ff). For useful data on the royal patronage of
Indian Buddhism see Hazra (1984), Daswani (2006: 246ff) and
Strong (1984, chapter 2); on the general lack of Indian Buddhist
involvement in state affairs see Bronkhorst (2011: 99ff).
211. On the different forms of Sangha governance in ancient India
and the Theravda nations see Bechert (1973); for an overview
of early Buddhist conceptions of kingship see Gokhale (1966;
1994, chapter 9). On the royal appropriation of Buddhist
cosmology and mythology see Heine-Geldern (1942),
Tambiah (1976, chapter 6), Vermeersch (2008: 133ff) and
Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 141ff).
On the royal appropriation of the terms cakravartin and
bodhisattva in Pagan see Luce (1969: 14, 56); on the identifications
of kings as Bodhisattvas, Cakravartins and Buddhas in Siam see
Skilling (2007: 188ff); on the symbiosis of Sangha and state and
dhammarja/cakkavatti mythology in Laos since the fifteenth
century see Grabowsky (2007: 126ff); with regard to royal
patronage as a form of pious generosity, see the statements of
Rma I (Skilling 2007: 185).
On the state involvement of Buddhism in historical Asia see:
Skilling (2007) for Thailand; Tambiah (1976: 93ff), Ray (2002:
269ff) and Huxley (2007) for Burma; Rahula (1966: 69ff; 1974,
chapter 5) for Sri Lanka; Vermeersch (2008, chapter 5) for
Korea; Kitagawa (1990) and Blum (2006) for Japan; and Dreyfus
(1995) for Tibet.
References 35
On Buddhists as lawmakers see Reynolds (1995) and Huxley

(2002); on the Buddhist sources of Southeast Asian law see
Lingat (1950) and Huxley (1995); on the relationship between
Buddhist and Tibetan law see Dreyfus (1995) and French (1995,
1995a). Rays overview of the Sangha in Burmese society
(2002: 266ff) highlights the most salient socio-cultural features
of Buddhism as a state religion.
On monastic roles approximating the Sangha-rja in medieval
Sri Lanka see Tambiah (1976: 17677); on Sangha-rjas in the
Siamese Sangha since the Sukhothai period see Taylor (1992:
114ff) and Tambiah (1976: 181, 230ff); on the different sorts
of Sangha-state relations which developed in India and China
on the one hand, and the rest of Asia on the other, see Dreyfus
(1995: 117); the relationship between Chan and the Song
state outlined by Schltter (2008, conclusion) describes the
general situation in China well. For a different perspective on
the historical relationship between Buddhism and the state see
Harris (1999, chapter 1).
212. With regard to the lack of any absolute distinction between
guild and state Buddhism, Rays overview of the organization
of the Burmese Sangha (2002: 272ff) highlights the relative
autonomy of monastic guilds even in a religious culture headed
by a Sangha-rja.
213 For an overview of Sinhalese Buddhist history see Gombrich
(1991: 23ff); on the Aokan mission to Sri Lanka see Gombrich
(1994: 10ff), Gurguge (1994: 70ff), Seneviratna (1994a: 115ff),
Norman (1997: 118) and Wynne (2005: 51ff); on elite patronage
of the early Sangha in Sri Lanka see Conningham (1995); the
epigraphical evidence which supports the Pali record of the
mission is analyzed in Willis (2001); on the transportation to
and ritual use of relics in Sri Lanka see Strong (2004, chapter 6).
On the historical relationship between the different Vibhajja-
vdin sects see Cousins (2001) and Sujato (2006, chapter
6); on the use of the terms theravda and theriya see Skilling
(2009), Gethin (2012) and Anlayo (2103b); on the lack of
the terms sthavira-vda/vdin in Indian Buddhism see Skilling
(2009: 65).
214. On the foundation of the Mahvihra see Geiger (1912: 110ff,
especially v.180ff) and Rahula (1966: 5253); on the tradition
of the Mahvihra see Skilling (2009: 7172) and Gethin (2012:

14ff).
215. For the account of the war between Dut. t. hagmini and the
Tamils see Geiger (1912: 178, especially v.10911); on writing
down of Tipit. aka see Geiger (1912: 237), Rahula (1966: 81),
Collins (1990: 97ff) and Norman (1997, chapter 5); on monastic
feudalism in Sri Lanka see Rhula (1966: 141ff; 1974, chapter
8) and de Silva (1981, chapter 5); on rmikas, kappiya-krakas
and other sorts of monastic slaves and servants see Rahula (140
41, 146ff).
216. On the foundation of the Abhayagiri-vihra see Geiger (1912:
235) and Rahula (1966: 83ff); on the relationship between
the Mahvihra and Abhayagiri traditions see Cousins (2012:
68ff); on the literature of the Abhayagiri school see Norman
(1991), Skilling (1993) and von Hinber (1996: 2223); on the
Jetavanrma see Geiger (1912: 269) and Rahula (1966: 95); on
relations between different Sinhalese fraternities from the third
century ad onwards see Rahula (1966, chapter 7, 194ff) and
Bechert (1993).
On the introduction of Buddhism to mainland Southeast
Asia see Skilling (1997a; 2009: 74) and Assavavirulhakarn
(2010, chapter 3); on Amaravati style dharma-cakras in Southeast
Asia see Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 6768); on the Indian
sources of Buddhist art and architecture in Southeast Asia see
Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 91ff); on the South Indian origins of
Buddhism in r Ks.etra see Ray (2002: 44ff).
On the kingdoms of Dvravat and r Ks.etra see Hall (1981:
153ff, 182ff); on Dvravat see Brown (1996, chapter 3); on
the Buddhism of the early Southeast Asian kingdoms see
Assavavirulhakarn (2010, chapter 4), de Casparis and Mabbett
(1992: 291ff) and Indrawooth (2011). According to Mahthera
(1968: 5ff) Buddhism flourished in Tamil South India between
the third and seventh centuries ad, and persisted until the
fourteenth century.
217. On the Golden Pali text see Stargardt (1995, 2000), Ray (2002:
37ff) and Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 79ff); on early Buddhist
inscriptions in Southeast Asia see Skilling (1997, 2002) and
Assavavirulhakarn (2010, chapter 4).
218. On Brahminic and Mahyna images from Dvravat and
References 37
riks.etra see Behrendt (2007) and Assavavirulhakarn (2010:

94). On Funan, Chenla and Champa see Harris (2005: 3ff); on
the mixture of Buddhism and Brahmanism which flourished
in Southeast Asia during the first millennium ad see Brown
(1992), de Casparis and Mabbett (1992: 286ff) and Stargardt
(2005); on Mahyna and Brahminic aspects of religion and art
in the kingdom of Pagan see Strachan (1989: 10); on the lin.gas
which suggest strong support for aivism in medieval peninsular
Thailand see OConnor (1983).
On the hybrid of Theriya, Mahyna and Brahminic elements
that characterized Southeast Asian religion in the medieval period
see Skilling (2009: 75); on Brahminic influences in medieval
Burma see Luce (1969, chapter 11); on the ceremonial importance
of Brahminism in Pagan see e.g. Luce (1969: 68ff); on the mixture
of Buddhist and Brahminic elements that have characterized royal
ritual in Siam from the early medieval period onwards see Skilling
(2007: 18586); for an overview of the presence of Brahminism
in the various kingdoms in the region of Thailand since the early
medieval period see Skilling (2007: 198ff).
Early medieval contact between Burma and the Pla empire
is indicated by the Burmese votive tablets in the Ngar script,
which appear from the seventh century onwards (Luce 1969:
9798); on the presence of Mahyna and Tantric influences in
Burma since the early medieval period see Luce (1969, chapter
10); for an overview of the archaeology and epigraphy of Pagan
see Ray (2002: 57ff); Aniruddhas restoration of the Mahbodhi
temple of Bodhgay in the twelfth century (Luce 1969: 62;
Ray 2002: 105) shows that contacts between Burma and East
Bengal persisted until the final period of Indian Buddhism;
on the mixture of Theravda, Mahyna and Brahminism
that flourished in Pagan see Ray (2002: 147ff); according to
Luce (1969: 61, 97) the elevation of Theravda over Mahyna
occurred in the reign of Kyanzittha (c.10841112).
On the man.d.ala mode of governance see Tambiah (1967,
chapter 7) and Kulke and Rothermund (2004: 128ff); according
to Holt (2009: 28ff) man.d.ala polities were easily assimilated with
the muang village organization of Tai peoples in Southeast Asia.
On the predominance of Tantric aivism in Angkor (and
earlier) see Sanderson (20034); on the Tantric deification
of the king at Angkor see Harris (2005: 11ff); on kingship in

Angkor see Mabbett (1978); Skilling (2007: 194) has noted that
the deification of the king has been a feature of kingship in Siam
since the Ayutthaya period; on Angkorian support for Mahyna
prior to and under Jayavarman VII see Harris (2005: 16ff).
219. On the presence of Theriyas during Angkorian period see Harris
(2005: 17, 22ff); on the influence of Siamese Theravda since
the fifteenth century see Harris (2005: 30ff); on the rise of the
Theravdins in Southeast Asia in the early second millennium
ad see Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 163ff); on Aniruddhas approp
riation of the Mon Buddhism of lower Burma see Luce
(1969: 23, 40, 44), Ray (2002: 76ff) and Stadtner (2008); on
Burmese contacts with Sri Lanka in the eleventh century see
Luce (1969: 38ff) and Ray (2002: 99f); on the flourishing of
the Sinhalese monastic lineages in northern Thailand since the
late medieval period see Skilling (2007: 18384; 2009: 76ff)
and Veidlinger (2007: 43ff); for reflections on the transference
of monastic lineages from one Theravda state to another see
Blackburn (2003).
On Chiang Mai and the kingdom of Lanna see Veidlinger
(2007: 2ff); on Sukothai see Tambiah (1967: 84ff); on the Mon
origins of Theravda Buddhism in northern Thailand see
Veidlinger (2007: 31ff); on the golden age of Buddhism in
Lanna see Veidlinger (2007, chapter 3); on Sinhalese Buddhism
in the Polonnaruva period see de Silva (1981: 73ff)
220. On the unification of the Sinhalese Sangha see Bechert (1993); on
Buddhism at the court of Kandy see de Silva (1981, chapter 15).
221. On the projection of Buddhist mythology on to the known
world of men in the Traibhmikath (Reynolds and Reynolds,
1982) see Tambiah (1984: 79); Tambiah (1976, chapter 7) has
similarly noted how the medieval man.d.ala states of Southeast
Asia were constructed around cosmological ideals, as has Harris
(2005: 19) for Angkor.
222. On the cycle of royal support, monastic decline and purification
see Tambiah (1967, chapter 9); on purification of the Sangha in
Sri Lanka see Rahula (1966: 67); for information on monastic
reform at the beginning of new regimes in Burma see Ray
(2002: 182ff, 233ff); on the regulatory or purificatory measures
introduced at the beginning of the current Cakri dynasty
References 39
see Taylor (1992); on the royal purification of the Sangha in

Thailand since the nineteenth century see Skilling (2007: 197).
223. On the use of protectional formulas and chants in Theravda see
Skilling (1992); on animistic elements in Theravda see Sharot
(2001, chapter 6), Obeyesekere (1963), and Ames (1964); on
the historical background to Southeast Asian animism see
Assavirulhakarn (2010: 113ff); on the supernatural beings of
the Theravdin cosmos as understood in rural Sri Lanka see
Gombrich (1991, chapter 4); on the difference between the
Sinhalese and Lao approach to animistic deities see Holt (2009:
16ff); on apotropaic elements of modern Thai Buddhism see
Terwiel (2012, chapter 4); on some of the various means of
making merit in modern Thai Buddhism see Terwiel (2012,
chapter 9); on the close relationship between karmic and
apotropaic Buddhism in modern Thailand see Terwiel (2012,
chapter 8).
On the Yogvacara tradition see Cousins (1997) and Crosby
(1999, 2000); for an overview of esoteric Buddhism in
Cambodia see Harris (2005: 93ff, 100ff); on Buddhist wizards
in modern Burma see Pranke (1995, 2010).
224. On Mahyna and Tantric Buddhism in Sri Lanka see de Silva
(1981: 49ff), Skilling (2013: 92ff) and Schopen (2005, chapter
11); for an overview of Tantric Buddhism in Southeast Asia
see Woodward (2004: 334ff); for the reference to secret or
cryptic (gl. ha) books on meditation in the Visuddhimagga see
n.amol. i (2010: 110).
For an overview of vipassan teachings in modern Southeast
Asia see Kornfield (2010); on its revival in the nineteenth
century see Carrithers (1983, chapter 11) and Braun (2013);
on the possible links of modern vipassan practice to ancient
Theravdin or even Indian tradition, see Anlayo (2006). On
Buddhaghosa see Law (1932), Malalasekera (1958, chapter 5),
Norman (1983: 120ff), n.amoli (1999: xxviii ff), von Hinber
(1996: 1023), and Gethin (2012).
225. With regard to the persistence of old traditions in modern
Thailand, see Reynolds comments (1975: 41) on the cosmic
symbolism of contemporary royal architecture; Tambiah
(1984) has also noted the persistence of old Buddhist ideas and
traditions in Thailand. For an overview of modernism in Thai
Buddhism see McDaniel (2006); on the Dhammakaya temple

see Mackenzie (2007) and Scott (2009); on Santi Asoke see
Mackenzie (2007).
226. On King Mongkuts reforms see Swearer (1999); for reflections
on the life and times of King Mongkut see Pramoj (1950),
Rajathon (1954) and Griswold (1957); on the growth of the
Thammayut network in the early twentieth century see Taylor
(1992: 117ff); on the Sangha Act of 1902 see Tambiah (1967,
chapter 12) and McDaniel (2009, chapter 3); on the issue of
Buddhist centralization in modern Thailand see McDaniel (2006:
102ff; 2008, chapter 3); with regard to the vibrancy of Thai
Theravda beyond the institutional level see the study of Stengs
(2009) on the cult of Rama V.
228. On the fifth and sixth Buddhist councils see Frasch (2013). For an
overview of Buddhist modernism in Burma see Schober (2006).
229. On the effects of the Khmer Rouge on Buddhism in Cambodia
see Harris (2005, chapter 7); on modernist trends in Cambodian
Buddhism see Harris (2005, chapter 8); on the impact of
Marxism on Lao Theravda see Holt (2009, chapter 3); on
Buddhism in modern Laos see Stuart Fox (1999).
On Anagarika Dharmapala see McMahan (2007: 91ff) and
Grant (2009, chapter 4); on the variety of Sinhalese Buddhist
responses to British colonialists see Harris (2006, parts IVV);
on Protestant Buddhism see Gombrich and Obeyesekere (1988,
chapter 6); on Buddhist nationalism in Sri Lanka see Tambiah
(1992), Seneviratne (1999) and Grant (2009, chapters 56).
230. On the revival of the Theravdin order of nuns see Bodhi (2009)
and Anlayo (2013, 2013a); on the order of nuns in ancient Sri
Lanka see Bartholomeusz (1992: 37ff).
For an overview of Korean Buddhist history see Buswell
(1992: 22ff); on the introduction of Buddhism to Korea see
Ahn (1989); on Buddhism among the early Korean kingdoms
see Inoue (1989) and Rhi (1989); on the relation between
Buddhism and the Silla state see Ki-baek (1989) and Vermeersch
(2008, chapter 1).
232. On early scholastic traditions in Buddhist Korea see Kim
(1989); on Wonhyo see Muller et al. (2012, introduction); on
the arrival of esoteric Buddhism in Korea see Srenson (2006a:
63ff).
References 41
233. On the establishment of the Seon school in Korea see Lee

(2013, chapter 1); on the practice of Seon in Korea see Buswell
(1992, chapter 7).
234. For an overview of the life and work of Jinul see Buswell (1983,
introduction; 2012, introduction).
236. On Buddhism in the Goryeo period see Vermeersch (2008); on
Buddhism in the Goryeo and Joseon periods see Han (2002);
on esoteric Buddhism in the Joseon period see Srenson (2006).
238. On Buddhism in modern Korea see Buswell (1992, chapter 1)
and Park (2006).
241. On the introduction of Buddhism to Japan see Kamata (1989);
on Buddhism prior to and during the Nara period see Ky
(2006); for an overview of Japanese Buddhism see Stone (2006).
242. On the transition from Nara to Heian see Hurst (2009: 3233);
on Buddhism in the Heian period see Weinstein (1999); on
Saich and Tendai Buddhism see Groner (2000) and Chen
(2009); on Tendai esotericism see Dolce (2011); on Kkai
and Shingon Buddhism in Japan see Yamasaki (1988) and Ab
(1999).
243. On Buddhism in the Kamakura period see Dobbins (1988) and
Osumi (1990); on mapp see Blum (2002: 87ff); on Pure Land
Buddhism in Japan see Dobbins (2002).
244. On Hnen and his followers see Blum (2002, chapters 12); on
Shinran see Bloom (2007) and Dobbins (1999); on Nichiren see
Asai (1999), Sato (1999) and Stone (1999).
246. On Eisai and early Zen in Japan see Colcutt (1981: 36ff); on
Rinzai Zen see Collcutt (1981); on Dgen see Bielefeldt (1988).
On St Zen see Bodiford (1993) and Williams (2005).
247. For the citations from Dgen see Kim (2004: 127, 132).
248. For an overview of the medieval growth of Zen see Collcutt
(1990); on Zen in the late medieval period see Bodiford (1993,
chapter 11) and Colcutt (1981, chapter 3); for studies of the
Buddhist influence on Japanese culture see Sanford et al. (1992).
On Buddhism in the Tokugawa period see Hur (2007); on the
disestablishment of Buddhism see Ketelaar (1990).
249. On Buddhist support for Japanese militarism in the twentieth
century see Heisig and Maraldo (1995) and Victoria (2006);
on Buddhism in contemporary Japan see Covell (2006); on
modern Buddhist movements in Japan see Reader (1991);
on the role of traditional Buddhist institutions in modern Japan

see Covell (2005) and Porcu (2008).
250. For a useful overview of the history of Tibetan Buddhism see
Dreyfuss (2003: 17ff); for a timeline of Buddhism in medieval
Tibet see Kapstein (2000: xviixx); on the establishment of
Buddhism in imperial Tibet see Kapstein (2000, chapter 4) and
Kollmar-Paulenz (2007).
251. On Lang Darma and the collapse of imperial Tibet see Kapstein
(2000: 10ff) and Davidson (2005, chapter 2); on the Buddhist
revival beginning in the late tenth century see Davidson (2005,
chapter 3)
252. On the emergence of the Tibetan Buddhist schools see Davidson
(2005, chapters 78); for an overview of the schools of Tibetan
Buddhism see Kapstein (2005); on the Sakya order see Samuel
(1993: 473ff) and Tseten (2008).
253. On the Nyingma tradition see Samuel (1993: 458ff); on
treasure literature see Davidson (2005: chapter 6); on Dzogchen
meditation see Karmay (1988), Dudjom Rinpoche (1991) and
Germano (1994); on the utilization of Tantra in establishing
cultural unity in Tibet see Davidson (2005: 37273); on the
Bn school see Tucci (1980, chapter 7) and Kvaerne (1994).
254. On the Mongols and Sakya Pan.d.ita see Kapstein (2000: 89ff);
on Atia and the Kadampa tradition see Davidson (2005: 108ff);
on the Kagyu school see Samuel (1993: 473ff).
255. On Tsongkhapa see Samuel (1993: 506ff); on the Geluk school
and the Dalai Lamas see Samuel (1993, chapter 27).
256. For Heinrich Harrers account of his time in Tibet see Harrer
(1954). On the Chinese invasion of Tibet see Sihl (2006:
266ff). On the Younghusband mission see Allen (2004) and
French (2004, chapter 13).
Chapter IX
Why has Bodhidharma left for the West?
259. For the citation from The Dharma Bums see Kerouac (1986: 5);
on this novel see Levering (2004).
260. On the pre-modern and early modern knowledge of Buddhism
in the West see de Jong (1976, chapter 1) and Almond (1988,
References 43
chapter 1); on the discovery of Indian Buddhism by British

colonialists see Allen (2002); on the formation of Buddhist
studies in the West in the late nineteenth century see de Jong
(1976, chapter 2).
On the Victorian response to Buddhism see Almond (1988,
chapter 45) and Tweed (1992, chapters 12); on the positive
and negative appraisal of British colonialists in Sri Lanka
see Harris (2006, chapters 1012); on the Theosophists and
Buddhism see Harris (2006, chapter 14) and McMahan (2007:
97ff); on the influence of the Theosophists in America see
Fields (1992, chapter 6); on The Light of Asia see Harris (2006,
chapter 9).
261. On early migrant Buddhist communities in America see Fields
(1992, chapter 5) and Seager (1999, chapter 5); on immigrant
Buddhists in the West see Prebish and Baumann (2002, Part II).
On the two Buddhisms of immigrant and convert Buddhists see
Numrich (2006); on the conceptual simplicity of the immigrant/
convert dichotomy see Baumann (2002: 52ff) and Seager (1999:
233ff, 247). For William Prufursts account of his life as a monk
in Thailand see Randall (1990); on this episode in modern
Buddhism see Batchelor (1994: 4142) and Skilton (2013).
On the Buddhist response to scientific rationalism see McMahan
(2007: 63ff, chapter 4); on the appeal of Buddhist rationalism in
late Victorian America see Tweed (1992, chapter 3).
262. For an overview of mindfulness-based cognitive therapy see
Siegel et al. (2009) and Williams and Kabat-Zinn (2011); on the
theory and practice of mindfulness-based cognitive therapy see
Segal et al. (2004); on the Buddhist background to the practice
see Mace (2008, chapter 1), Gilpin (2008), Bodhi (2011) and
Dreyfus (2011); on the scientific aspects of this practice see Mace
(2008, chapter 2); on modern scientific approaches to Buddhist
meditation see Austin (1998) and McMahan (2007: 204ff).
On the Buddhist interaction with cognitive science see
Houshmand et al. (1999), Hayward and Varela (2001), Payne
(2002) and Flanagan (2011).
263. On the error of ascribing psychological predicates to the brain
in modern cognitive science see Hacker and Bennett (2003,
chapter 3); on the wider cultural significance of the dialogue
between Buddhism and science see McMahan (2007: 113ff); on
explorations of the common ground between Madhyamaka and

modern particle physics see Wallace (2003, part 3).
For a discussion of the protestant critique of Catholic ritual
see Cameron (2011, chapter 13).
264. On the disenchanting effects of science see Weber (1946: 139ff);
on the aesthetic function of religion see Weber (1946: 340ff); for
an overview of Webers ideas on rationalism and disenchantment
see Gane (2002, chapter 2). On the Chan critique of ritual
see Heine and Wright (2008: 4); on the critique of ritual by
Buddhadasa and Santi Asoke see Swearer (2006: 242ff); for a
more positive modernist appraisal of the spiritual utility of ritual
see the comments of P. A. Payutto (Swearer, 2004: 241).
The practice and appeal of ritual have not been widely
studied in the emerging Buddhist communities of the West:
Prebish and Baumann (2002: 3) have stated that apotropaic
aspects such as ritual have not been a factor in the spread of
Buddhism to the West, whereas Wallace (2002: 46) believes that
a Buddhist protestant reformation is emerging in the West.
Seager (1999: 114), in contrast, has noted that the rapid spread
of Tibetan Buddhism could be due to the traditional forms in
which it reached the West in the 1960s; Seager has also noted
the devotional ethos (1999: 123) and ritualism (1999: 129ff) of
Tibetan Buddhism in America.
Baumann (2002: 59) has noted that re-enchantment may be a
motive for Westerns attracted to Tibetan Buddhism, but argues
that Tibetan Buddhism in the West is already substantially
different from its traditional practice; on the issue of ritual appeal
in general see Wilson (2009: 110ff). On the appeal of Buddhist
aesthetics in Victorian America see Tweed (1992: 69ff); on the
appeal of Tibetan Buddhism in the West see McMahan (2007:
255ff) and Konik (2009, Part II).
265. On the romantic background to the Western interest in
Buddhism see Batchelor (1994, chapter 15), Clarke (1997,
chapter 4) and McMahan (2007: 76ff, chapter 5); on the
transcendentalist background to American Buddhism see Fields
(1992, chapter 4); on Buddhism and the Beats see Fields (1981,
chapter 11), Tonkinson (1995), Haynes (2005).
266. On modern Western individualism and Buddhism see McMahan
(2007: 188ff); see also Gombrich (2009: 19495) on the early
References 45
Buddhist focus on personal responsibility. On the Western

interest in Buddhist meditation see Clarke (1997: 160ff) and
McMahan (2007, chapter 7).
267. On Buddhist and disenchantment see McMahan (2007: 11ff,
165ff, 236ff); on re-enchantment as a response to modernity see
Jenkins (2000); on the various means of secular re-enchantment
see Landy and Sale (2009); on global folk Buddhism as an
emerging post-modern religious ethos in the West see McMahan
(2007: 261ff).
268. With regard to the replication of the autonomous guild structure
in the West see the comments of Seager (1999: 23233) on
Buddhist decentralization in America; Baumann and Prebish
have noted (2002: 34) that Western schools of Buddhism will
develop at a much faster rate than in historical Asia.
269. Queens view (2003: 23) that engaged Buddhism is a path
in its own right, distinct from ritual, meditation and so on,
is based upon the misconception that ethical engagement has
not been part of the traditional path; while King believes that
engaged Buddhism emerged dramatically in the twentieth
century (2009: 1), and that it is not part of what many consider
traditional Buddhism, she also notes Asian claims that Buddhism
has always been engaged (2009: 8ff).
270. On the humanistic orientation of Stephen Batchelors approach
to Buddhism see Batchelor (1997 and 2010); on the modern
roots of the this-worldly ethos in contemporary Buddhism see
McMahan (2008: 218ff). On this-worldly or secular Buddhism
as an explicit development of canonical teachings see Batchelor
(2012).
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References

The following references are arranged according to the pages of

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