Spring 2017, Volume 3

Letter from the Editor

The true alchemists do not change lead into gold; they change the world into words
-William H. Gass

Dear Readers,

There is power in the written word. Through words we build bridges, open gates, and begin
conversations. This year has challenged our Regis community, and we have harnessed the
power of our words to endure as a culture and as individuals.

This is my third and final year on Regis publishing team, and I noticed something not pres-
ent in previous years. This years submissions had an urgency, a sense of needing to be read.
The works of our fellow artists, academics, and innovators offer a space where new voices are
able to speak to one another. In a social and political climate that often feels divided, we must
listen more deliberately to these voices of intelligence, integrity, and inspiration, whose words
are taken from the world even as they now shape the world from which they came.

As I reflect on the third volumes of our journals, I am humbled to have been a part of a team
dedicated to representing the inclusive culture of our Regis community. I am grateful to our
publishing staff and faculty advisor. Without their hard work, diligence, intelligence, careful
thought, and empathy, Thirty-Three 33 and Loophole would remain only the dream of a very
(often excessively) contemplative writer. Thank you to each and every one of you for your
fun, laughter, and love.

And thank you to you, reader, for engaging the words of Regis very own alchemists. Theirs
are the words that spark dialogue. It is up to us to continue the conversation.

Sincerely,
Jamie Klingensmith
Editor-in-Chief
 Letter from the Editor

Tilapia doesnt taste like fish.

Or so claims a community of East-coast Americans in Paul Greenbergs novel Four Fish. Ac-
customed to eating cod, these men and women were forced by overfishing to consider alter-
native staples such as tilapia. However, after eating so much cod, tilapia did not taste like fish
to them anymore. Overexposure to cod had shrunk their culinary perspective.

This is the struggle of education: balancing exposure to sources of information to prevent

the diminishing of any one viewpoint. It is a struggle behind many, if not all, of the inven-
tive, unique, and intelligent essays published in this third volume of Thirty-Three 33, whose
authors successfully struggled to balance the interpretations of their varying sources and
personal backgrounds with their academic responsibilities.

An equal struggle is what I ask of you while reading these articles. Consider the myriad of
perspectives presented here and allow them to alter your tastethe way you think about the
world. Consider whether or not these essays taste like fish to you.

Above all, I ask you to be uncomfortable. Were all familiar with cod. The difficulty is in de-
ciding to try tilapia in the first place.

Sincerely,
Jonathon Weiss
Assistant Editor
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Islamic Beliefs and Gender Ideology Influences in Beauty Ideals Among the Azawagh |
Angelica Manuel | 9

My Invisible Backpack Can Help Change the World | Annelise Pehr | 15

Comparison of Species Richness and Abundance of Aquatic Invertebrates in Fast and

Slow Sections of Clear Creek near Regis University | Eric Dinneen | 18

[m..i]? | Naomi Sellers | 24

Theories Paper: Dwight K. Schrute | Angelica Manuel | 30

Preventing Youth Opioid Overdose Deaths: A Call for the Expansion of Communi-
ty-Based Naloxone Distribution to Include Schools | Tiffani Roberts | 37

Taking it Right in the Teeth: Irish Identity in Ulysses as Seen through Teeth | Alicia
Meehan | 49

Girls Just Wanna Have [Adequate and Accurate Representation]: Portrayal of Females in
Ligeia and The Birth-Mark | Alicia Meehan | 57

The Ethics of Placebos in Clinical Trials Involving Terminal Cancer Patients | Kelsey
Ladtkow | 62

I would prefer An Examination of Melvilles Sexuality through His Writings |

Alicia Meehan | 70

Single v. Plural Text Reading of Simon Lee | Jamie Klingensmith | 76

The Morality Ruleset | Cameron Roybal | 83

Walt Whitmans I Sing the Body Electric: An Eclectic Critical Edition of the Poem |
Jason Armijo, Andrew Barnes, Connor Campbell, Meredith Cooke, Emily Funk, Nicholas
Isbell, Jamie Klingensmith, Alicia Meehan, Nicholas Myklebust, Gina Nordini, Agnes Pham,
Bruce Ratliff, Laura Spiegle, Dylan Valenti, and Jacob Wilkerson | 86
 Angelica Manuel
Islamic Beliefs and Gender Ideology Influences in Beauty Ideals
Among the Azawagh
_________________________________________________________

F eeding Desire, written by Rebecca Popenoe, is an ethnography that seeks

to explore the beauty ideal of fatness among the Azawagh Arabs of the
Sahara. Drawing on ethnographic evidence within the book, I intend to
demonstrate that the beauty of fatness among the Azawagh is deeply embed-
ded in and shaped by Islamic beliefs and their gender ideology. In order to
do so, I intend to first provide an explanation for the appeal and desirability
of fatness to better understand the logic among the Azawagh. From here, I
will then explain the roots of Islamic beliefs that have acted as a foundation
for this beauty ideal. Lastly, I will illustrate the gender ideology and distinc-
tion present in the Azawagh society that has also shaped this characteristic
of beauty and fatness awmong these people. The consideration of these three
primary topics will allow me to demonstrate the fundamentality and inter-
connectedness that both religion and gender have in shaping the ideals of
beauty in Azawagh culture. [9]
In Feeding Desire, Rebecca Popenoe explores the central idea of how
fatness, beauty, and sexuality all relate to one another as part of the Azawagh
culture and what beauty ideals mean to a society. Popenoe introduces the
reader to the concept of beauty as universal and cultural concepts of this
as more particular within the prologue. She explains that beauty has been
found to be averageness or extremity based on the cultural situations and
environment. In the same section, she also establishes the concept of fat-
ness and cross-cultural fattening as a generic example of a societal ideal and
its connection to beauty, which is a central idea that she addresses in the
ethnography. From here, Popenoe divides the ethnography into four com-
prehensive sections. In the first part, she describes her fieldwork as an an-
thropologist and explains how her experience in the Sahara desert has been
a major basis for the creation of the ethnography. In this fieldwork, she out-
lines the origins of the Azawagh Arabs and their transformation through-
out history. From here, she explores the reasons for fatness within Azawagh
culture as told by past anthropologists and the Azawagh people themselves.
Popenoe titles the second part of the ethnography as self-representations.
In this section, she elaborates on the centrality of Islam within the Azawagh
society and how both men and women have adhered to the teachings and
dictums outlined in the religion. She explores the main differences between
 close and open, and hot and cold as binary pairs crucial to the not only the
body and the logic of fattening, but also the effect of these oppositions on
religious practices and how contiguous they become with Allah. Popenoe
describes the kinship within Azawagh in this section as well, elaborating on
how familiar and acquainted relationships between people are formed and
how they last, which was one of her major topics regarding the system of
divorce and marriage. This leads to her crucial discussion on gender roles
within the next part, which maintains each of men and womens respective
work and their overall contribution to the Azawagh society. Although mo-
mentarily mentioned, Popenoe also describes past caste systems, as well as
the peoples relationship with slavery, which holds accordance with the roles
that women must adjust to, and in turn affect the roles played by men. The
third part of Popenoes ethnography regards the Azawaghs priority in the
maintenance of their interior body, as well as the geography and space of
everyday life for the Azawagh Arabs. She spends a chapter on the distinc-
tion between open and closed, and hot and cold bodies in relation to her
discussion on gender roles. This is further elaborated by her discussion on
external life, and how this affects the unique roles that men and women play.
In the fourth and final part of the monograph, Popenoe steers the book on
a similar topic of binary opposition through her discussion regarding the
[10] differences made between hot and cold, and open and closed as it pertains
to both men and women. Her discussion on health and the body, as well as
sex and diet, are also reviewed in this section as being an important notion
in understanding this society. Popenoe entitles the final chapter Beauty, sex,
and desire, which are the key and foundational topics made throughout the
book, and an anticipatory discussion before reading the ethnography. She
brings this discussion forth as a more universal topic rather than restricting
it to the desirability of fatness amongst the Azawagh people, and truly allows
the reader to contemplate the nature of how desirability and beauty ideals
become established in not only the Azawagh, but other societies around the
world as well.
Just as in the relation of the establishment of beauty ideals through-
out different societies made in the last portion of the book, Popenoe begins
her ethnography by explaining the beauty ideal established in the Azawagh
fatness. When Popenoe directly asked why the Azawagh Arabs would fatten,
it was answered three different ways: (1) because it is beautiful; (2) because
men like it; or, less commonly, (3) because it makes a girl into a woman.1
1 Rebecca Popenoe, Feeding Desire: Fatness, Beauty, and Sexuality among a Saharan People
(London and New York: Routledge, 2004) 48.
The first answer regards the standards of beauty within the Azawagh society
and its very normative cultural worldview established by this society. For
all societies, beauty is desirable for women, and being fat constitutes being
beautiful to the Azawagh, which is why this was one of the common answers
given to Popenoes question. The second answer, in a way, hints towards the
distinctness between males and females in the Azawagh. Being that the men
are generally the courters of women, the society traces its lineage through
the male, and if divorce were to occur, the children would go to the male, it
is shown that the Azawagh are patrilocal.2 This is important for the women,
as they ultimately must rely on their beauty and fatness to take on a husband,
in terms of the aesthetically pleasing and sexual aspects of this. The desir-
ability aspect is crucial in the establishment of kinship and familiar ties for
the Azawagh Arabs. The phrase because men like it thus goes on to mean
more than just attempting to please the opposite sex. Opposition, in this
sense, also showed that fatness was a characteristic of women, while slimness
was primarily a male characteristic.3 Although the third answer to Popenoes
question is deemed less common, it still explores an important aspect of the
Azawagh Arab view on the bodies of men and women within the society.
Fattening of the females first starts when their first two milk teeth fall out, a
physical sign that their bodies are ready to be ripened.4 Popenoe also makes
the clear distinction that fattening, at such a developmental age, has more [11]
to do with making a girl into a sexually mature and desirable adult wom-
an,5 which very much relates to the first two answers provided as well. The
concept of fatness as a beauty ideal is so commonplace within the Azawagh
society that its roots are deeply embedded in concepts such as religion and
ideology.
Among the Azawagh Arabs, the understandings of the body can
specifically be linked to Islam.6 Islamic tendencies and beliefs are deeply
embedded in female fattening among the Azawagh Arabs. To these people,
the body constitutes as a vehicle for religious expression. This relates back to
the concept made earlier about binary oppositions, particularly that of open
and closed, and hot and cold. The womans body is considered to be open
and uncontained through the various holes in that body, especially in the
cases of menstruation and childbirth.7 The fluid that leaks out of the female
body is also associated with coldness, characterized by the quality of things
2 Ibid., 92.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid., 44.
5 Ibid., 45.
6 Ibid., 59.
7 Ibid.
 that are wet, runny, and open.8 The flow of inappropriate air amongst open
and cold things, are also associated with spirits in their Islamic religion.9 This
openness correlated with the womans body is something by which the Aza-
wagh Arabs attempt to prevent and control through the fattening of the fe-
males. The fat body thus acts as a shield by which to veil the bodys openings
from spirits or anything harmful. The Koran also has a big influence in the
womans body as well. Although women are not allowed the same privileges
and positions as men, women can still be as good of Muslims as their male
counterparts through the maintenance of bodily openings and balance be-
tween the hot and cold in their bodies.10 By contrast to the cold, another way
to balance between the two temperatures, apart from veiling the body with
fat, would be to do things of hot nature. Hot is associated with the appropri-
ate flow of things, such as the quick flow of food from stomach to the body.11
By fattening, the woman is able to maintain the balance, veil their openings
with fat, maintain the desirability of fatness with Azawagh beauty ideals, and
practice good Islamic faith.
Although Islamic beliefs have a thorough influence on the practice
of fattening in the Azawagh society, gender ideology also plays a very im-
portant role in the beauty ideal of fatness. In Popenoes chapter on self-rep-
resentation, the Azawagh people are connected by blood through worthy
[12] men to an honorable and lengthy past, as well as to the very roots of Islamic
faith.12 As mentioned earlier, the Azawagh traces lineage through its men,
while also having the notion that children belong to the father rather than
the mother,13 making the Azawagh both patrilinear and patrilocal, in that
sense. Popenoe also directly states that women are pawns in a system of
male-dominated kinship organization,14 which speaks toward the perspec-
tive that women have little impact in this society. However, there is evidence
that may point out that both men and women are able to effectively contrib-
ute to the maintenance of the Azawagh society overall. Popenoe describes the
mens work as subsistence in the Sahara. Being that the Azawagh are a pasto-
ralist society, the men become busy with herding and domesticating animals,
as well as trading with neighboring groups.15 This brings in revenue for the
Azawagh Arabs as well as food to help feed and fatten their wives, daughters,
and sisters. Many regard this as a pinnacle to societal contribution. On the
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid., 172.
10 Ibid., 69.
11 Ibid., 174.
12 Ibid., 87.
13 Ibid., 92.
14 Ibid., 92.
15 Ibid.
other hand, Popenoe describes womens work as being a license to leisure
in which they sit and consume food as a daily practice. Many overlook this
act of consumption as a way of contributing to the production of value in the
society through safeguarding the societys vision and continuation of itself.16
Both men and women depend on each others actions to the production of
what makes people experience life as valuable in Azawagh Awarb society,17
and thus speak towards the ultimate productivity in the culture as well as a
deeply contributing factor of fatness within the Azawagh society.
Through Islamic faith are we able to know the deeply rooted origins
of fattening and how this came to be beautiful for the Azawagh, and through
gender ideology and contribution to the society are we able to see the appli-
cation of not only productive fattening, but also fattening for beauty ideals
in contemporary times. Both of these concepts demonstrate the importance
of this Azawagh cultural characteristic as both a norm and a significant act,
and thus can act as an example for other societal characteristics unique to
that culture, with which Rebecca Popenoe effectively presented.

[13]

16 Ibid.
17 Ibid., 132.
 Bibliography
Popenoe, Rebecca. Feeding Desire: Fatness, Beauty, and Sexuality among a
Saharan People. London & New York: Routledge, 2004.

[14]
 Annelise Pehr
My Invisible Backpack Can Help Change the World
_________________________________________________________

M acintosh uses the idea of an invisible backpack to help us recognize

our various places of privilege, and to use them as a resource for the
greater good. My invisible backpack includes my whiteness, my oppor-
tunity, and my level of education, all of which I believe to be connected; I
also hold a place of marginalization as woman, which is a different kind of
resource. When you look at me you see a white woman, but in actuality I
am mixed. I am a half-Mexican and half-Jewish woman who speaks fluent
Spanish, and was raised with Judaism and Catholicism in my life; although
today I am a practicing Catholic I still have a deep respect for both of these
religions. I have always identified as Latina which has presented various
challenges throughout my young adulthood because many Latinas saw me
as just a white girl in the native speaker Spanish classes I took during my
high school career. Because of their lack of acceptance I had to to prove my
self over and over in order to gain their approval; I was able to gain their ac-
ceptance because it is my culture. A few years ago I stumbled upon a spoken [15]
word poem by Mercedez Holtry titled My Blood is Beautiful; this poem
encapsulates my relationship with my mixed heritage because there is a line
where Holtry says I am part recognize your privilege, and never forget your
struggle. My privilege is that I pass as white, but I am still part of the Latino
struggle, even though I cannot fully understand the injustices Latinos have
faced for centuries, although I can empathize. Because of my whiteness I
believe that I have a responsibility or an invisible backpack of resources
to use in order to better our world. I can be advocate for immigration and
education because the color of my skin gives me an automatic advantage in
our unjust world.
As a middle class American I am privileged because I have had a
greater opportunity to succeed in life than many other people. I grew up in
a predominantly white, suburban, conservative neighborhood. My mom is
is an attorney and my dad is an elementary school teacher. For elementary
school I attended public school in one of the best school districts in South-
ern California and for middle school and high school I attended a private
all girls Catholic school, which speaks to the opportunity I have had versus
what my mom faced growing up. My mom was the first to attend college in
her family as a first generation Mexican-American woman and went to law
school on a full scholarship. Because of my parents level of education and
their current careers I have had many opportunities in my life handed to me
because of how hard they worked (especially my mother) to get to where
 they are today.
Where I am right now is a privilege. I am attending a private uni-
versity and my parents are paying for it. The majority of our world is not so
lucky, people go into tens of thousands of dollars in debt for education, if
they are even lucky enough to make it that far. My dad works for Los Angeles
Unified School District (LAUSD) which is one of the most underfunded and
largest school districts in the nation, where higher education is not an expec-
tation. It is more likely for his former students to become gang members or
have children in their teens, than it is for them to graduate high school and
attend college. My invisible backpack has given me the resources to use my
level of education to help create a better world by not ignoring the problems
in our education system as well as other areas of injustice, which I can do by
educating others as well.
A place of marginalization I have is being a woman in a perpetually
unequal world. Our patriarchal culture says a man is more than a woman
which is perpetuated by calling women derogatory names, making men live
up to gender stereotypes, and making women live up to gender stereotypes
as well. As a young child, boys always told me I was good at sports for a girl
and when I played with the boys at lunch the girls always asked me why I did
not want to sit with them. This is an early expectation of what girls or women
are supposed to act like according to the roles our society puts us into at an
incredibly young age. When men walk alone on the streets at night, for the
most part they do not fear for their lives, but women do. Growing up I was
[16] not allowed to go to certain parts of Los Angeles at night unless I was with
a group of people because I am a woman and assault is always a fear in the
back of a womans mind. I have been catcalled countless times, but it has
only happened when I am dressed femininely. I have been marginalized in
multiple ways as a woman because I do not always present myself with the
stereotypical image of femininity in mind; I enjoy sports, I like being with
the boys, and I dress from both sections of the clothing store. Femininity
is expected of women and if they do not live up to that expectation they are
shunned by mostly other women because this is what we have been taught
as a society, if someone does not live up to societal norms we shun them. I
am responsible for changing this system of injustice by participating in the
feminist movement and by not perpetuating ignorance, which I can change
by educating myself and others on womens issues.
By recognizing my places of privilege and using the resources in my
invisible backpack I am able to create a personal connection with others
through my compassion and understanding. To be truly compassionate indi-
viduals we have to be vulnerable with one another in order to fully recognize
our privilege, which can be difficult to share with others because sometimes
we are not proud of the amount of privilege we have, but if we see them as a
plethora of resources to change the world, it slowly begins to change how we
think. My places of privilege and marginalization intersect to make up the
person I am and the resources I possess to make this world just a little bit
better.
My Blood is Beautiful Mercedez Holtry

[17]
 Eric Dinneen
Comparison of Species Richness and Abundance of Aquatic Invertebrates
in Fast and Slow Sections of Clear Creek near Regis University
_________________________________________________________

Introduction

A quatic ecosystems have many different types of organisms and tend

to be biodiversity hotspots. There are many types of plants, animals
and invertebrates that gather around water sources which include rivers and
creeks. Invertebrates are unique in the fact that they can help determine
the health and general condition of the water source.1 Changes in aquatic
invertebrate biodiversity may show change in the health of the water source.
There are several factors that contribute to the biodiversity of the
aquatic invertebrates. First is the size of the invertebrates themselves, as the
larger invertebrates would have more control over their bodies in distur-
bance situations such as high winds or fast water.2 Therefore it would be ex-
pected that there would be lowered species richness in faster areas of a mov-
ing water source compared to slow moving areas. Another factor that can
[18] affect the invertebrate abundances, species diversity, and the water speed is
the water level, specifically that of seasonal changing, flooding and decreas-
ing water levels (Death, 2008; Tronstad, Tronstad & Benke, 2005 ; Verberk,
Van Kleef, Dijkman & Van Hoek, Spierenburg & Esselink, 2005).3 Overall,
it is generally found that in areas with lowered disturbances, including the
speed of a moving water source has a larger species richness and abundance
in comparison to areas that have a higher level of disturbance, which in-
cludes faster speeds of water sources.
This experiment will test the species richness and abundance of
aquatic invertebrates in fast moving water areas and slow moving water ar-
eas in Clear Creek on Lowell Boulevard near Regis University. We hypoth-
esize that there will be larger species richness and larger abundance at the
slower moving water sites in comparison to fast moving water sites because
1 A.R. Gaufin, Use of Aquatic Invertebrates in the Assessment of of Water Quality, Biological
Methods for the Assessment of Water Quality, ASTM STP 528 (1973).
2 S. D. Rundle D. T. Bilton and A. Fogg. By wind, wings or water: body size, dispersal and range
size in aquatic invertebrates. Body size: the structure and function of aquatic ecosystems. (Cam-
bridge, UK; Cambridge University Press, 2007).
3 R. G. Death, The effect of floods on aquatic invertebrate communities. Aquatic Insects:
Challenges to Populations. (Eds J. Lancaster and RA Briers, 2008); L. M. Tronstad, B. P. Tron-
stad, and A. C. Benke, Invertebrate responses to decreasing water levels in a subtropical river
floodplain wetland.(Wetlands, 2005); W. C. E. P. Verberk, H. H.Van Kleef, M. A. R. T. I. J. N.
Dijkman, Hoak P. Van, P. E. T. E. R. Spierenburg, and H. A. N. S, Esselink. Seasonal changes
on two different spatial scales: response of aquatic invertebrates to water body and microhabitat.
(Insect Science, 2005).
there is less disturbance and it would theoretically be easier for invertebrates
to live and reproduce.

Methods
The experiment took place at Clear Creek, a small creak that is sev-
eral blocks north of Regis University and near I-70 and Federal Boulevard
(Figure 1). Before we left, we prepared six small vials filled about of the
way with ethanol. The vials were labeled as Site 1 Fast, Site 1 Slow, Site 2 Fast,
Site 2 Slow, Site 3 Fast and Site 3 Slow. Once we arrived at the creek, we split
up into two teams. Two researchers had the weighted boots and aquatic gear
along with the net used to collect invertebrates and the other two researchers
waited at the shore for the invertebrates to be captured and they placed the
captured invertebrates into the ethanol filled vials.
To collect the invertebrates, a kick-sampling method was used.4 In
this variant, the researchers that were out in the river found a spot that was
slow in the creek. At that location, one researcher held the net and the over
proceeded to kick the bottom of the creek to cause a disturbance and knock
loose the invertebrates. This was done three times at each site to make sure
that the maximum numbers of invertebrates were collected. After the third
kick-sampling was done, the researchers returned to shore and placed the
invertebrate and water sample into a water pan and the other researchers [19]
would place the invertebrates into the appropriate vials. This process was
repeated for all of the sample sites, and each sample site was collected against
the flow of the creek in order to avoid contamination from other sample sites
that may flow down into the area after being disturbed, which would skew
the abundances for the later sample sites of both slow and fast sites.
Back in the lab, the invertebrates were taken out of the ethanol con-
tainers and the invertebrates were viewed under a dissecting microscope.
Each invertebrates species was determined and the abundance of each spe-
cies was also accounted for. The invertebrates were stored for use in possible
later studies.
For statistical analysis, a rank-abundance chart for the average of the
slow sites and the average of the fast sites was made (Figure 2, Figure 3). This
rank-abundance analysis will be used directly to compare the number of
species present in each of the sites and the abundance of each species at each
of the sites. Rarefication was also run to determine if the size of the samples
are cause for the difference between abundances. This will also be put into
a rarefication curve to see if there is a visual difference between the two dif-
ferent types of water speed areas (Figure 4). It is expected that there will be a
4 E. Letovsky, I.E. Myers, A. Canepa, and D. J. McCabe, Differences between kick sampling tech-
niques and short-term Hester-Dendy sampling for stream macroinvertebrates. (Bios, 2012).
 higher species diversity and higher abundance in the slow areas compared to
fast areas.

Figure 1. The location of Clear Creek in regards to Regis University. The

star represents Clear Creek itself and is the location of the study. The kick
sampling method was used in the field at six separate locations in the creek
(Regis University, Denver, CO, n.d.).

Results

[20]

Figure 2. The average species abundance in slow areas of Clear Creek near
Lowell Blvd. There were four total species that were identified in order of
decreasing abundance being: Biting Midge (17), Small Minnow Mayfly (12),
Non-biting Midge (1) and Flatworm (1).

Figure 3. The average species abundance in fast areas of Clear Creek near
Lowell Bld. There were four total species that were identified in order of de-
creasing abundance being: Small Minnow Mayfly (8), Flatworm (5), Clubtail
Dragonfly (2) and Biting Midge (1).

Figure 4. The rarefaction curve comparing fast and slow sites of Clear Creek.
The 95% confidence intervals belong to the fast site. The average density for
the slow sites is within the upper 95% interval, which suggests that there is
no statistical difference between the two different sites.
We found that there was a similar amount of species richness in
both of the areas. Both areas had four total species found and three species
were found in both of the areas. Small Minnow Mayfly, Flatworm and Biting
Midge were found in both fast and slow. Non-biting midge was found exclu-
sively in slow areas (Figure 2) and Clubtail Dragonfly was found exclusively
in fast areas (Figure 3). [21]
Concerning abundances, slower sites appear to have greater total
abundances but not of all species. For example, Biting Midge had an abun-
dance of 17 in slow areas (Figure 2) in comparison to the fast area where the
abundance was found to be one (Figure 3). However, Flatworms appeared to
have an opposite trend. In the slow areas Flatworms were at an abundance of
1 (Figure 2) and in fast areas they were at an abundance of 5 (Figure 2).
For the rarefication curve, it can visually be seen that there is no
significance between the two sites (Figure 4). The 95% confidence intervals
belong to the fast sites and the entirety of the curve for slow sites is within
the upper limits of the fast sites. All of the data suggest that the hypothesis
is rejected on the basis that there is not statistical significance from either
the Rank-Abundance charts (Figure 2 & Figure 3) or the rarefaction curve
(Figure 4).

Conclusion
The hypothesis of this study was that there will be larger species rich-
ness and larger abundance at the slower moving water sites in comparison
to fast moving water sites. The data analysis suggests that the hypothesis is
rejected. The species richness for both fast and slow moving areas were rel-
atively the same and the rank-abundance curves suggest that there was little
deviation between the species and that multiple species are in both the fast
 and slow moving areas (Figure 2, Figure 3). The rarefaction curve also sug-
gests that the data is not statistically significant because the curve for the
average density of slow areas was within the upper 95% confidence interval
of the fast area curve (Figure 4). Overall, this data suggests that there is very
little probability that the differences in abundances and species richness. The
literature does not support our findings, and this could be from a smaller set
of data in comparison to the smaller sample size of this particular study. It
is also possible that the areas were not significantly significant in regards to
speed, which would lead to similar data when comparing the two different
areas of fast and slow.
This experiment can be further studied by collecting more data and
expanding the number of sites tested. One of the main limitations of the
study was that we only had three sites for fast moving areas and three sites for
slow moving areas due to time constraints. Also not all of the invertebrates
were captured due to time constraints and the imprecision of the instru-
ments and how they could not pick up some of the smaller invertebrates.
Another major limitation was the distance between the shore station and the
aquatic sampling. The aquatic sampling was far away from the shore area,
where it is possible that some invertebrates may have spilled out or escaped
capture on the long walk back. The last major limitation was that the speed of
the water was not quantified well. The water speed was determined by com-
paring the speeds of one area to another area in a relative fashion. It would be
[22] better to have an actual way to determine the speed of the water to see how
much faster the areas are compared to one another. All slow areas should be
relatively the same and all fast areas should be relatively the same, and there
should be a significant difference between the speeds.
Areas to expand this research should primarily focus on human in-
terference within a water source. This was not accounted for nor was any
type of disturbance other than the speed of the water. The relative size of
invertebrates can also be investigated to see if the area of faster water has
larger invertebrates than the invertebrates in the slower areas. The research
can also be expanded to see the abundance and species richness for water
sources that have different levels of nitrogen and other water source-health
related variables.
To conclude, we rejected the hypothesis of slower areas having large
species richness and higher abundances in comparison to faster areas of
Clear Creek. The data did not support the literature, but due to several major
limitations, the study would need to be repeated with more samples to get a
clear view of the species richness and abundance in different areas of Clear
Creek. However, for the time being, our data suggests that both slow and fast
moving water areas of Clear Creek near Regis University on Lowell Boule-
vard have very similar species richness and species diversity throughout the
creek.
 Bibliography
Death, R. G. The effect of floods on aquatic invertebrate communi
ties. Aquatic Insects: Challenges to Populations. Eds J. Lancaster
and RA Briers, 2008. pp, 103-121.
Gaufin, A.R. Use of Aquatic Invertebrates in the Assessment of of Water
Quality. Biological Methods for the Assessment of Water Quality,
ASTM STP 528 (1973): 96-116
Google Maps. Regis University, Denver, CO. Map [n.d.] Retrieved from:
https://www.google.com/maps/@39.7925046,-105.0284042,15z
Letovsky, E., Myers, I. E., Canepa, A., & McCabe, D. J. Differences
between kick sampling techniques and short-term Hester-Dendy
sampling for stream macroinvertebrates. Bios, 2012. 83(2), 47-55
Rundle, S. D., Bilton, D. T., & Foggo, A. By wind, wings or water:
body size, dispersal and range size in aquatic invertebrates. Body
size: the structure and function of aquatic ecosystems. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, UK, 2007. 356.
Tronstad, L. M., Tronstad, B. P., & Benke, A. C. Invertebrate re [23]
sponses to decreasing water levels in a subtropical river floodplain
wetland. Wetlands, 2005. 25(3), 583-593.
Verberk, W. C. E. P., Van Kleef, H. H., Dijkman, M. A. R. T. I. J. N., Van
Hoek, P., Spierenburg, P. E. T. E. R., & Esselink, H. A. N. S. Seasonal
changes on two different spatial scales: response of aquatic inverte-
brates to water body and microhabitat. Insect Science, 2005. 12(4),
263-280.
 Naomi Sellers
[m..i]?
_________________________________________________________

By invocation of the muse

Oh muse!alliteration I shall use
What wonder was there where
I wander; yet

Help! Call the paronomasia

Hes going into caesura. It

Was an emergency
With lines of two-by-three.

Freely fling forth from fricatives

Lingually like long laterals
Before bumbling bilabials
[24] Mute murmuring many nasals,

Playing the part with wordy words

Were the world to see?
Well see.

T he norm of this poem is assonance and repetition of sounds in what

seemingly wants to be iambic meter. The first and third stanzas are ex-
clusively in iambic meter (the first with different number of feet in each line:

x \ x \ x \ x \
By invocation of the muse
x \ x\x\ x \ x \
Oh muse!alliteration I shall use
x \ x \ x \
What wonder was there where
x \ x \
I wander; yet
and the third in trimeter:
x \ x \ x \
Was an emergency
x \ x \ x \
With lines of two-by-three),
though the second stanza complicates this pattern with an unclear, errat-
ic rhythm, evoking a sense of mental seizure while the stanza that follows
(the third) is the only stanza that completely and clearly follows the pattern
for iambic tri-meter with uniformity. Timothy Steele explains that English
speakers have a natural propensity to speak and write in iambic meter, so
when iambic meter appears in poetry (and even prose), we tend to latch
onto that rhythm. Though the third stanza is the only one to completely and
thoroughly follow the expected iambic meter with uniform structure, it is
by this adherence a deviation from the norm that it is supposed to establish.
Through the norms established and the explicit and implicit deviations to
the norm, this poem targets a focus on sound on the level of the syllable,
affecting how the phoneme is distributed, and forming an ironic self-reflec-
tional performance by interlacing top-down and bottom-up processing.
Top-down processing is the cognitive processing of information
in which an idea, perception, or bias is applied to the stimulus, allowing for
assumptions about the stimulus to be made or even perceive a stimulus that
is not there or in a different form because of priming and/or pre-established
internal expectations. Normal language is top-down as we apply assump-
tions and estimates onto what we hear in speech acts for greater efficiency
in communication and maintain what Victor Shklovsky calls economy of
mental effort: presenting ideas in a way that requires the least amount of
mental effort possible to understand.1 Bottom-up processing occurs when [25]
processing starts with only sensory stimulation, allowing for each element of
a stimuluseach allophone presented in each condition for exampleto be
taken as they are before being added and then interpreted.
The poem started out self-conscious of itself as a poetical unit, before
moving through itself to a reflection on the consequence and effect of poetry,
the role poetry has on intellect, discourse, and society. As the poem moves
from its beginning to end, the focus shifts from the tangible tool to the tran-
scendental results. One particular way the poem does this is by beginning
with top-down, such as when the poem alludes to the act many poets per-
forminvocation of the museand then proceeds to invoke a muse with
Oh muse!, before switching to bottom-up processing in the fourth stanza
through repetition of assonance (having the sound overwrite meaning by
using the sounds names that have the sound in them) while still being some-
what top-down by the inclusion of semantic meaning.
The first line of the fourth stanza not only has all word-initial un-
voiced labiodental fricatives, but each are followed by some sonorant (/r/,
/l/, and /o/--the only vowel that is then followed by /r/, so all words have a
unvoiced labiodental fricative-liquid approximate combination. The repeat-
ed breathiness of this line forms a feeling that one is in fact freely flinging
forth these phonemes into the air as there is a lack of air occlusion and only
1 Victor Shklovsky, Art as Technique, (U of Nebraska P, 1965): 18.
 slight air turbulence. It is like the air, puffed up in ones cheeks, fly with pur-
pose in freedom between the teeth and lips, or Frisbeeing its gases and juices
forward with the approximates or vowels vaulting after; this line lassos the
readers attention to the fissureous sensation at the front of the mouth (and
perhaps saliva particles if they are in fact reading out loud).
This stanza is followed by a line with all word-initial lateral liquid
approximates (as if the unvoiced labiodental fricatives were a premonition
of the transition) as well as several velar phonemes (lingually like long
lateralsvelar nasal, voiced velar stop, unvoiced velar stop, and velarized
lateral approximate), forming a sort of pulling and stretching of the line as
the sound bounces from the front of the mouth to the back. As the lateral
liquids knead the tongue like taffy, the speed seems to slow a bit as men-
tally or physically the sounds have to travel between the front (where the
friendly labiodental fricatives established previous focus) to the back, all the
while highlighting a different phonetic sensation. This pull back and forth
is complicated by the third line presenting word-initial and non-word ini-
tial voiced bilabial stops, almost alluding to the first lines frontness with
difference in voicing and articulation (plosive stop versus fricative). The
bilabial stops invoke a feeling of bubbles burbling and tumble away from
the lips, or perhaps marbles rolling around the mouth particularly as this
line also includes several lateral approximates (both velar and nonvelar).
[26] The final line returns again to fricatives with nasal bilabials and al-
veolars, like the first line, but this time as voiced fricatives. The presence of
both alveolar and bilabial nasal fricatives is interesting in the context of Ja-
kobsons idea that the last contrast (in his Principle of Maximum Contrast
theory) acquired by a child in language learning, thought to be /n/, is often
the first to be lost in aphasia while /m/ is one of the first to be acquired and
last to be lost.2 Since the alveolar nasal fricative /n/ is the last nasal of the line,
it is as if the line follows language acquisition (/n/ being the last to be ac-
quired), and the fact that /m/ was repeated multiple times an /n/ only once,
one could argue /n/ would be forgotten as a nasal in the line and only /m/
would be recalled. Roi Tartakovsky analyzes and synthesizes findings from
various research, explaining that alliteration and rhyme of the rhime (nucle-
us and coda) boost recall while repetition of the onset and nucleus hinders
recall. While the repetition of /m/ is repeated and so likely to be remem-
bered as the sound theme of the line, the last addition of a different nasala
variation of the same categorycould create acoustic confusion (slight
dissonance between /m/ and /n/) which induces bottom-up processing.
This stanza is ever jumping back and forth between areas of ar-
ticulation and manner of articulation, ending with a final internal switch
2 Roman Jakobson, Two Aspects of Language and Two Types of Aphasic Disturbances (Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1987): 96.
from three bilabial voiced nasal fricatives to one alveolar voiced nasal fric-
ative, as if calling to the idea that sounds are ever moving and changing
while retaining some form of similarity of idea and purpose. This play of
sounds produces a sort of convergence between top-down and bottom-up
processing through blurring the line between sound and meaning as rep-
etition of sounds defamiliarize the words from their meaning while the se-
mantic meanings refamiliarize them simultaneously. Defamiliarization is a
technique that alienates the perceiver from a familiar stimulus so that the
perceiver becomes conscious of even the intricacies of a stimulus. One of
the main functions of literature is to defamiliarise the subject-matter, Pe-
ter Stockwell explains in Cognitive Poetics, in order to present the world
in a creative and newly figured way.3 Defamiliarization is important in
the realm of literature because it disrupts the economy of mental effort,
pulling the reader out of unconscious automatic information processing
to foreground what is importantin this case, the meaning of particular
wordsas if what is important were new. If these words remained familiar,
they would remain backgrounded and the reader would not be forced to
consider exactly what an unvoiced labiodental fricative or lateral approx-
imant or bilabial nasal is, how it is made, the sensations felt when the air
and articulators are arranged to orchestrate such precise sounds. Defamil-
iarization is necessary for the reader to re-meet the sounds known so well
as to be in reality unknown, to re-encounter sounds in a child-like play- [27]
fully attentive babbling state so to see sounds for their simple complexities.
The final stanza(s) of the poem, lines 13-15, are rhythmically inter-
esting because it is structured in decreasing number of beats, starting with
an iambic tetrameter with a first-foot inversion to three beats in a trochaic
pattern, ending with a one beat line that could be iambicreturning to the
initial structure that was introduced and so primed the readeror two beat
line with no verbal unstressed syllables that make the reader slow down even
more. In addition, the final lines seem ungrammatical as playing the part
with wordy words / were the world to see? lacks a subject (who is play-
ing the part?) and were the world to see generally does not seem to make
any sense. This break down in grammar produces what Jakobson may call
contiguity disorder as patients who experience Brocas Fluent Aphasia have
difficulty with speech, producing broken syntax. Though the combination of
words is impaired in contiguity disorder, the meaning of words survives; in
this crumbling of grammar, the importance of the poems existential meaning
is emphasized, becoming foregrounded, because meaning is the only thing
left for the poem to offer and the only thing left for the reader to hold onto.
Yet, this grammatical complication and deviation causes first disrup-
tion of automatic processing through a physiological neural response to the
3 Peter Stockwell, Cognitive Poetics: An Introduction, (London: Routledge, 2002): 14.
 error which forces the reader to assay the lines, leading to doubt the poems
true meaning. By way of eliciting doubt, the poem seems to take away the
only aspect the reader feels to have left, but through doubting, the reader
may find the sincere meaning. The reader may initially believe the poem to
be a ditty playing and enjoying sounds and words and structures, poking
at great poets and their prescribed structures, but by way of doubting and
then reevaluating, the reader can find that the poem ends with a requirement
for deeper thought about what role poetry plays in the world and how
through structure, sound, and cognitionit play its part. The poem ironizes
bottom-up processing, inducing top-down processing in the reader, but as
the poem moves to the concept of top-down processing towards the end, it
causes bottom-up processing. In the last few lines, there is a visceral experi-
ence through the break from grammar as the poem separates itself from the
irony, declaring itself not just a philosophy but as a poem. By the final line,
the poem declares its identity as a poem, as a participant in the poetical tra-
dition, and challenges the reader to find what it is really about. It is a poem
about Poetry, but, in the end, it is in itself a Poem.

[28]
 Bibliography
Jakobson, Roman. Two Aspects of Language and Two Types of Aphasic Dis
turbances. Language in Literature. Ed. Krystyna Pomorska. Cam-
bridge: Harvard UP, 1987. 95-120.
Shklovsky, Victor. Art as Technique. Trans. Lee Lemon and Marion Reis.
Russian Formalist Criticism. Ed. Lemon and Reis. Lincoln: U of Ne-
braska P, 1965. 16-30.
Steele, Timothy. All the Funs in How You Say a Thing: An Explanation of
Meter and Versification. Athens: Ohio UP, 1999.
Stockwell, Peter. Figures and grounds. Cognitive Poetics: An Introduction.
London: Routledge, 2002.
Tartakovsky, Roi. Acoustic Confusion and Medleyed Sound: Stevens Recur
rent Pairings. The Wallace Stevens Journal 39.2 (2015): 233-48.

[29]
 Angelica Manuel
Theories Paper: Dwight K. Schrute
_________________________________________________________

D wight Kurt Schrute III is one of the primary characters from NBCs
sitcom The Office. Dwight is a top sales representative who works at the
paper company Dunder Mifflin, in Scranton, Pennsylvania. His character is
often portrayed as intense in terms of over-rationalizing normal situations
and promoting himself as a better human being than everyone else. Rainn
Wilson, the actor who portrays Dwight Schrute, describes Dwight as a fas-
cist nerd with a deep and abiding love for the system.1 Dwight is an extro-
vert who takes himself very seriously. He often speaks in an unhesitating
and severe manner to emphasize himself above others. He craves authority
to the point of sucking up to the manager, Michael Scott, and constantly
changing his title from Assistant to the Regional Manager to Assistant
Regional Manager in order to elevate his status. Being a survivalist, Dwight
also takes part in surveillance and maintains a large arsenal of weapons hid-
den throughout the office in the event of an improbable attack. Dwight is
[30] one of the most qualified sales representatives in Dunder Mifflin, having
won numerous awards for selling paper, with a militaristic piousness in his
sales approach.2
Dwight is a white male with a German background, who runs a 60-
acre beet farm. His general upbringing can be understood as unconvention-
al by his detailed recollection of childhood and adolescent events that often
arise when he attempts to connect with a situation or emphasize a point.
Dwight claims to have remembered his own childbirth and has stated that
he resorbed his own twin in the womb and performed his own circumci-
sion. He has also stated that all Schrute boys are assigned 40 rules that they
must learn by the age of five in order to productively run their beet farm.
Being the youngest of the Schrute boys, Dwight was also tasked with raising
his older siblings. Dwight was shunned between the ages four and six for
forgetting to save the excess oil from a tuna can. Some of his family members
are predicted to be Amish due to the history of his farm and the manner of
dress that his cousin Mose adheres to. It is also implied that his grandfa-
ther served in WWII as a member of the SS who fled to Argentina, which
accounts for Dwights ties to German language, culture, and history. Aside
from his family background, Dwight enjoys science fiction movies and pop-
ular TV shows such as Battlestar Galactica, 24, and The Apprentice. He is

1 G. Daniels, R. Gervais, S. Merchant, et al., The Office. Television Series, (2005; Philadelphia,
PA: NBC Universal Television Distribution).
2 Ibid.
against vegetarianism and dislikes PETA.3
When examining Erik Eriksons eight stages of psychosocial devel-
opment, Dwights development throughout his childhood experiences dif-
ferent crises at each age. Given the task of raising his older brothers, it is
likely that Dwight may have been neglected himself for the majority of his
infancy through adolescence. In the first stage of trust v. mistrust, Dwight
failed to successfully complete this stage, which accounts for his survival-
ist persona. The lack of consistency, continuity, and sameness4 of Dwights
upbringing further intensified his lack of trust with others, causing Dwight
to have the need to hide various weapons throughout the office. He uses
such weaponry in order to feel more secure and comforted with the ability
to protect himself, which was a right not given to him as an infant. This also
surfaces in autonomy v. shame. At this stage, because Dwight is given such
responsibility, he self-rules over his actions and his own body5, leading to
a more autonomous and slightly tyrannical lifestyle in his adulthood and
his approach in sales. When we look at Dwights childhood between ages
four and six, we see that his family shunned him for not saving excess fish
oil. This age range covers the majority of initiative v. guilt as well as parts of
industry v. inferiority.6 Dwights punishment and feelings of guilt at this age
impacted him to the point of being overly resourceful. In season six of The
Office, Dwight is the building tenant where they work. He waters down the
soap and has a contraption that divides two-ply toilet paper in order for it to
last longer and for a reduction of overall costs.7 This action is an effect of the [31]
guilt he felt at this stage. The severity in Dwights punishment between ages
four and six may have caused Dwight to overcompensate at the next stage of
industry v. inferiority, where children develop specific competencies valued
to society.8 In order to prove his resourcefulness to his family, Dwight devel-
oped an overly competent persona in order to prove his skills. If anything,
the adult Dwight is far from inferior. Dwight establishes himself as alpha
male and superior to his peers in terms of better sales and strength when he
challenges his boss Michael Scott and co-worker Jim Halpert to various duels
in karate and snowball fighting.9 With ego identity v. role confusion, Dwight
appears to have already planned his role in life to be most successful and
most authoritative. Although little is known about Dwights adolescence in
this stage, his overall personality exhibits no confusion in his role in society,
and although he does not fit in with the general consensus, his identity
towards authority and success are clearly noted. With these stages, Erikson is
able to outline the process of development that Dwight experiences.
3 Ibid.
4 K. S. Berger, Invitation to the Lifespan, (New York, NY: Worth Publishers, 2014: 2nd edition).
5 Ibid.
6 S. A. McLeod, (2013). Erik Erikson, Simply Psychology.
7 G. Daniels, R. Gervais, S. Merchant, et al., The Office. Television Series.
8 S. A. McLeod. Erik Erikson.
9 G. Daniels, R. Gervais, S. Merchant, et al., The Office. Television Series.
 Apart from Eriksons Psychoanalytical Theory, Dwights develop-
ment is observed in the learning theory of Behaviorism. Social learning is the
acquisition of behavior patterns by observing the behavior of others.10 In
Dwights case, his tyrannical persona attributes the behavior on his paternal
side. Being the third Dwight Schrute of his family, the passing down of the
name may have mirrored the passing down of the personality of the Schrute
men. In many cases throughout the series, Dwight notes that his grandfather
has served in WWII, but eventually ended up in an Allied prison camp, im-
plying that his grandfather sided with the Nazis.11 The Nazis represent the
fascist ideals that Hitler held at this time. Dwights father possibly adopted
these ideals from Dwights grandfather, and eventually passed on such ideals
to his son. This explains Dwights authoritarian behavior in leadership and
why he feels compelled to elevate his status from Assistant to the Region-
al Manager to Assistant Regional Manager and thus, the second in com-
mand of the office.12 Throughout the series, the audience observes glimpses
of what would happen if Dwight were to gain position as regional manager.
In one case, Dwight develops a bartering system of Schrute Bucks that have
a picture of his face13 in order to motivate the office to perform better for five
extra minutes of their lunch break. Dwight is also knowledgeable of German
language and customs, which was most likely practiced amongst his family
on the beet farm.14 The act of his parents speaking and practicing German
traditions taught Dwight to develop these customs and learn from them as
[32] stated from definition of social learning.
Another theory of development that explains Dwights authoritative
tendencies and personal development is the Evolutionary Theory. The Evolu-
tionary Theory stresses the need of survival and reproduction.15 In Dwights
childhood, he had the task of raising his older brothers as well as perform-
ing chores to ensure the farms prosperity. From an evolutionary standpoint,
being authoritative and in command ensures that both of these tasks are
effectively and properly performed. Importantly, the success of the beet farm
would ensure Dwights survival. In terms of reproductive success, Dwight
asserts himself as alpha male. In The Office, Dwight upholds a relationship
with Angela Martin, an accountant. When Angela deferred from Dwight be-
cause he killed her dying cat in an act of pity and assumed a relationship
with another salesman, Andy Bernard, Dwight uses his virility and cunning
strategy in order to once again gain control of the situation and win Angela
back. He does so by giving fake advice to Andy about how to get Angela,
emphasizing the rules of the office, and dueling Andy in a machismo act to

10 K. S. Berger, Invitation to the Lifespan.

11 G. Daniels, R. Gervais, S. Merchant, et al., The Office. Television Series.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 K. S. Berger, Invitation to the Lifespan.
win her back.16 From an evolutionary perspective, all of these acts attempt
to prove Dwight as the alpha male in order to reproduce with Angela, ful-
filling the evolutionary need for reproduction. In another case within the
series, Dwight himself views certain aspects from an evolutionary mindset.
When rationalizing between Angela Martin and Isabelle Poreba (a friend
of his coworker) as a mate, Dwight considers the aspects of height, birthing
hips, and overall strong biological genetics.17 This tendency strongly speaks
to Dwights own evolutionary perspective on reproduction. From a general
outlook on Dwights decisions, the Evolutionary Theory explains and rein-
forces his lifestyle.
The Psychoanalytic Theory in Dwights developmental change is
able to account for certain characteristics from the crises at each stage that
Dwight was not able to overcome. Mistrust, autonomy, guilt, industry, and
ego identity are a few of the characteristics that have remained with Dwight
throughout his life. A weakness within this theory is that it does not account
for an overlap of a situation at different stages, such as Dwights shunning
between four and six years old, in which both initiative v. guilt and industry
v. inferiority occur. Another weakness that this theory maintains is the criti-
cal response of each stage in each age range. Eriksons theory states that each
crisis of life must happen at the assigned age range and cannot account for
development at a further point in life. An example of this is that trust v. mis-
trust cannot occur past infancy. This crisis, however, does appear in Dwights
adult life when choosing to trust certain individuals, such as Michael Scott, [33]
more than others. This also occurs with initiative v. guilt. Although guilt is
primarily a trait that Dwight rectifies in his adult life, Dwight is a person that
tends to take the initiative on certain activities and tasks he thinks would
be beneficial. This is seen in some of Dwights schemes against other people
and other Dunder Mifflin branches in order to better himself and his branch
above others. In terms of Dwights salient cultural factors, this theory fails
to account for the normative Schrute culture as German beet farmers who
value independence from the parents and strong responsibility practices at a
very young age.
As opposed to the internal analytical approach of Eriksons eight
stages, the strengths exhibited by the Behaviorism Theory include Dwights
mirroring of his parents in the environment as an observable behavior. It is
easy to predispose that Dwights current behavior is a reflection of what his
parents and grandparents behavior was like. A strong weakness with this
theory, however, is its failure to take into account Dwights own thoughts and
feelings. Fundamentally, this theory is not aware of free will and Dwights
ability to choose for himself whether he wanted to grow up adhering to the
40 rules assigned to him by age five or whether he chose not to raise his older

16 G. Daniels, R. Gervais, S. Merchant, et al., The Office. Television Series.

17 Ibid.
 brothers. As a contrast to his parents teachings of primarily farm work and
responsibility, Dwight chooses to become a sales representative and volun-
teer sheriff s deputy while also managing the beet farm. If Dwight were nev-
er exposed to selling paper or becoming a volunteer sheriff s deputy by his
parents, the Behaviorism Theory would be discredited in its explanations.
Dwights interests in karate and sci-fi films are not taught by his parents,
which would also nullify the Behaviorism Theory or allow a combination of
other theories to explain Dwights interests. In terms of Dwights culture as a
Schrute, this theory is able to account for Dwights mirroring of his parents
teachings and traditions in order to run the beet farm. Without the cultural
teachings passed on by his parents, Dwight would have never been able to
maintain the farm in the normative Schrute tradition and success.
Contrary to the Psychosocial Theory and the Behaviorism Theory,
the Evolutionary Theory accounts for inherent genetic factors and man-
nerisms. Some of the strengths within this theory include an explanation
as to why inherited characteristics are very important. The theory explains
Dwights priority in authority and how such authority ensures his survival
as not only the owner of a beet farm, but also an alpha male worthy of re-
production and passing on his genes to his offspring. A huge limitation to
this theory is how Charles Darwin was more objective in his approach at
understanding species evolution as a whole, rather than subjecting humans,
whose development and behavior are results of culture, feelings, and experi-
[34] ences rather than inherent characteristics. Although it would be more evolu-
tionarily beneficial for Dwight to choose Isabelle Poreba as a mate because of
her height and larger birthing hips, Dwight ultimately chooses Angela Mar-
tin as his wife by the end of the series.18 This choice is primarily influenced
by Dwights feelings for her rather than his genetic predisposition. In terms
of Dwights cultural circumstance, this theory does not account for those not
born a white male in America. By being a white American male, Dwights
career choice and partner options are already broader than a womans career
choice or a person living in a country where their spouse is predetermined,
respectively. He automatically enjoys more rights than someone living in a
developing country, and therefore is able to secure his survival and repro-
duction better than people of developing nations.
An additional theory that addresses the weaknesses stated by the
previous three theories, as well as a theory that I believe is most effective
in explaining Dwights development, is the Humanism Theory developed
by Abraham Maslow. This theory exhibits a hierarchy of needs (physiolog-
ical, safety/security, love/belonging, success/esteem, and self-actualization),
in which previous needs are required before further needs are met.19 The
Psychosocial Theory, which emphasizes age-specific requirements for devel-
opment, is abandoned in the Humanism Theory. It allows development to
18 Ibid.
19 K. S. Berger, Invitation to the Lifespan.
occur at any stage in Dwights life, such as when developing his eventual
trust and friendship with Jim Halpert, who he originally mistrusted because
of the pranks pulled on him by Jim. Once he felt safe around Jim, Dwight
was able to find friendship with him and eventually made him his best man
at his wedding. As opposed to the required social learning aspect of the Be-
haviorism Theory, the Humanism Theory accounts for both learning from
parents and peers as well as individual thoughts and feelings in the need
for love/belonging. Love and belonging are both feelings that are acquired
through others that an individual learns from. In Dwights case, he was able
to find love and belonging in his boss and mentor Michael Scott. Dwight
was willingly able to learn from Michaels management to accept and enjoy
others. Rather than looking solely at the inherent characteristics of a per-
son in the Evolutionary Theory, the Humanism Theory includes experience,
emotion, thought, and culture in order to explain development. The physi-
ological perspective and self-actualization are aspects that take into account
Dwights upbringing as a child on a beet farm and his emotional response
and thoughts towards his development. I believe this theory is the most ef-
fective because of its applicability to internal and external factors in Dwights
life such as his upbringing on the Schrute farm and his feelings towards his
peers. Although the theory does satisfy Dwights particular development, it
may not be applicable to another character, such as if a character skips over
a need and achieves one before the previous. In this case, a combination of
these theories would prove useful for better understanding and contempla- [35]
tion of a characters development.
 Bibliography
Berger, K. S. Invitation to the lifespan (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Worth Pub-
lishers, 2004.
Daniels, G. (Showrunner), Daniels, G., Gervais, R., Merchant, S., et al. (Pro
ducers). (2005). The Office [Television series]. Philadelphia, PA:
NBC Universal Television Distribution.
McLeod, S. A. (2013). Erik Erikson. Simply Psychology. Retrieved from
http://www.simplypsychology.org/Erik-Erikson.html

[36]
 Tiffani Roberts
Preventing Youth Opioid Overdose Deaths: A Call for the Expansion of
Community-Based Naloxone Distribution to Include Schools
_________________________________________________________

Abstract

O pioid use has reached epidemic proportions in the United States, espe-
cially among youth who report experimentation with or regular use of
non-medical prescription opioids. Excess opioid intake may lead to over-
dose which causes respiratory and central nervous system depression and
can ultimately lead to hypoxia and death. Naloxone, an opioid antagonist,
has shown to be a safe, efficient, and cost-effective way to reverse respirato-
ry depression and save lives. Since the late 1990s, community-based orga-
nizations have made naloxone available to those at greatest risk for opioid
overdose. This research review explores the success of community nalox-
one distribution and proposes the expansion of community-based distri-
bution to include U.S. schools in order to prevent youth opioid overdose
deaths. The article addresses anticipated barriers to school-based nalox-
one distribution such as concerns about increased opioid use, layperson
medication administration, liability, and cost-effectiveness. The current
evidence suggests that the benefits of implementation outweigh the cost.
Key words: naloxone, youth, opioid overdose, overdose prevention, com- [37]
munity-based naloxone distribution, school-based naloxone distribution

Preventing Youth Opioid Overdose Deaths

As the opioid epidemic in the United States rages on, lives are lost
eachday due to preventable opioid overdose. According to the World Health
Organization1, the advent of naloxone, a safe opioid antagonist, has reversed
innumerable overdoses and saved lives. While naloxone does not address
the root cause of the epidemic, it is a critical life saving tool that is currently
underestimated and underutilized. Community-based naloxone distribu-
tion has set the precedent for layperson opioid overdose reversal and is in-
credibly successful in preventing fatal overdoses. The next step is to expand
community-based naloxone to include U.S. schools in order to curb inci-
dences of preventable overdose deaths among teenagers and young adults.

Background on Prescription Drug Epidemic

In recent decades, licit and illicit drug use and abuse has become
a major public health concern in the United States. A survey published
by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration2 sug-
gested that 24.6 million people over the age of 12 consumed illicit drugs

1 World Health Organization. (2014). Information sheet on opioid overdose. accessed: http://
www.who.int/substance_abuse/information-sheet/en/.
2 Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Results from the 2013 nation-
al survey on drug use and health: Summary of national findings. 2014b. accessed: http://www.
samhsa.gov/data/sites/default/files/NSDUHresultsPDFWHTML2013/Web/NSDUHresults2013.
htm.
 within the month the survey was conducted.3 From the survey results,
SAMHSA estimated that in 2013 7,800 Americans 12 years or older con-
sumed illegal drugs for the first time, and one in five new people used pre-
scription medication as their drug of choice.4 This national trend largely
applied to U.S. teenagers between the ages of 12 and 17. Teenagers in the
study reported high levels of non-medical prescription drug use, specif-
ically analgesics, at rates surpassed only by marijuana use.5 Among these
youth, rates of current non-medical use of prescription drugs decreased by
1.8% from 2003 to 2.2% in 2013, a slight decrease of 1.5% was also report-
ed for use of non-medical prescription pain relief pills.6 One of the con-
sequences of opioid use is the increase in the number of fatal overdoses.
According to the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control,
46 Americans die per day from prescription drug overdoses.7 Even though
the risk of death is real, a majority of those who use pain medication, pre-
scription or non-prescription, have no intention of ending their lives. A
review by the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) found 81% of
deaths related to drug poisoning in 2013 were accidental.8 These statistics il-
lustrate the dire need for increased interventions aimed at reducing the inci-
dence of preventable and accidental deaths caused by medication overdose.

Naloxone and Opioid Overdose Reversal

Overview of Opioid Overdose
Excess ingestion of illicit (e.g. heroin) and licit opioids (e.g. mor-
phine, oxycodone, hydrocodone, methadone and fentanyl) remains a com-
[38] mon cause of preventable overdose deaths. Among accidental prescription
overdoses in 2013, the NCHS found that the synthetic opioid analgesics
hydrocodone, morphine, and oxycodone were the cause of 37% of fatal
drug overdoses.9 According to Kee, Hayes, and McCuiston opioids act on
the central nervous system (CNS) by activating the mu and kappa recep-
tors, which result in reduced pain sensations, decreased respiration, elation,
and drowsiness.10 Within the prescribed ranges, these medications are often
used safely for acute pain or as an antitussive. However, in excess opioids can
cause overdose by suppressing the respiratory centers in the brainstem. Doy-
on, Aks, and Shaeffer found that if untreated, severe respiratory depression
caused by excess opioid intake could lead to hypoxia and ultimately death.11
3 Ibid., Illict Drug Use Section, para. 1.
4 Ibid., Initiation of Substance Use Section, para. 1.
5 Ibid., Comparison of NSDUH, MTF, and YRBS Trends for Youths Section, para. 9.
6 Ibid., Illicit Drug Use Section, para. 12.
7 National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, CDC vital signs: Opioid painkiller pre-
scribing, accessed December 6, 2015, http://www.cdc.gov/vitalsigns/opioid-prescribing/, para. 1
8 National Center for Health Statistics, NCHS data on drug poisoning deaths, accessed De-
cember 6, 2015, http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/factsheets/factsheet_drug_poisoning.pdf. Recent
Findings Section, para. 2.
9 Ibid., para. 5.
10 J. Kee, E. Hayes, and L. McCuiston, Pharmacology: A nursing process approach (8th ed., pp.
358). (St. Louis, MO: Elsevier Saunders, 2015), 358.
11 S. Doyon, S. Aks, and S. Schaeffer, Expanding access to naloxone in the United States,
Clinical Toxicology, 52, (2014): 989.
 Pharmacology of Naloxone
According to Micromedex Solutions, an online pharmaceuti-
cal database, naloxone (also marketed under naloxone hydrochloride,
Narcan, and Evizo) is an opioid antagonist approved for treatment of a
known or suspected opioid overdose for decades.12 Robinson and Wer-
meling conducted a study which found naloxone displaces opioids from
their receptors in the CNS and temporarily binds to the receptor sites in
place of the ingested opioid, ultimately reversing respiratory and CNS
depression.13 Given the temporary nature of the antagonist, Microme-
dex Solutions cautions those administering naloxone that it is a short-
term intervention and as such multiple doses may need to be adminis-
tered until advanced resuscitation and overdose treatment are available.14

FDA Approval of Nasal Naloxone (Narcan)

According to Davis and Carr, naloxone has historically been admin-
istered via injection or intravenous routes in hospitals and medical settings.15
Nevertheless, since the late 1990s a nasal spray version of the opioid antag-
onist has been used off-label with great success in community settings by
laypersons, police officers, and first responders to reverse suspected or con-
firmed opioid overdose.16 In a landmark decision in November of 2015, the
United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved the use of
nasal naloxone under the brand name Narcan for adults and children.17
In a press release announcing the approval of nasal naloxone, the FDA stated
that the nasal spray version of naloxone is not only as efficacious as the inject-
ed form but is also safer to administer as it does not require pre-assembly; is [39]
pre-measured to provide accurate dosing; and is needleless which reduces the
risk of needle stick injury.18 The side effects caused by Narcan itself are minimal,
though the drug causes an immediate onset of opioid withdrawal symptoms
characterized by body aches, diarrhea, increased heart rate (tachycardia),
fever, runny nose, sneezing, goose bumps (piloerectin), sweating, yawning,
nausea or vomiting, nervousness, restlessness or irritability, shivering or
trembling, abdominal cramps, weakness, and increased blood pressure.19
While the FDA recognizes that naloxone is not the panacea for the opioid
overdose epidemic, it is recognized as a powerful tool that will ultimately save
lives that might otherwise be lost to drug addiction and overdose (para. 3).20
12 Micromedex Solutions Naloxone hydrochloride, accessed December 10, 2015, http://
www-micromedexsolutions-com.dml.regis.edu/micromedex2/librarian/PFDefaultActionId/evi-
dencexpert.DoIntegratedSearch#. FDA Uses Section, para. 1.
13 A. Robinson, and D. Wermeling. Intranasal naloxone administration for treatment of opioid
overdose. American Journal of Health-System Pharmacy, 2014: 2129.
14 Micromedex Solutions Naloxone hydrochloride. Medication Counseling, para. 8
15 C. Davis and D. Carr, Legal changes to increase access to naloxone for opioid overdose
reversal in the United States, Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 157, (2015): 113.
16 Ibid.
17 United States Food and Drug Administration. FDA moves quickly to approve easy-to-use
nasal spray to treat opioid overdose. 2015. accessed: http://www.fda.gov/NewsEvents/News-
room/PressAnnouncements/ucm473505.htm. Para. 7.
18 Ibid., para 4-7.
19 Ibid., para. 12.
20 Ibid., para. 3.
 Community-Based Naloxone Distribution
Effectiveness of Community-Based Naloxone Distribution
A growing body of evidence shows the distribution of nalox-
one by laypersons is an effective way to combat the opioid overdose epi-
demic. Rowe, Santos, Vittinghoff, Wheeler, Davidson, and Coffin eval-
uated a prominent community-based organization, the Drug Overdose
Prevention Education Project (DOPE).21 Rowe et al. discovered be-
tween 2010 and 2013, the DOPE Project equipped 2,500 program par-
ticipants with naloxone and received 702 reports of naloxone admin-
istration, of which 95.7% of overdoses were successfully reversed.22
Among DOPE program participants equipped with overdose pre-
vention and naloxone distribution training, the majority (73.9%) report-
ed illicit drug use in the last month, 50.7% of which reported opioid use
specifically.23 As Rowe et al. hypothesized, among the DOPE Project par-
ticipants 32.5% experienced an overdose themselves, 63.7% had witnessed
the overdose of a friend or fellow user, and 32% saw naloxone adminis-
tered during an overdose prior to completing the DOPE Project train-
ing.24 Using this data analysis, Rowe et al. concluded those at high risk
for overdose are also likely to witness an overdoseand that the most ef-
ficient approach to getting naloxone at the scene of overdose events is
to put in in the hands of those at great risk of overdose themselves.25
There are hundreds of programs nationwide that provide simi-
lar services and have experienced comparable levels of success. Wheel-
er, Jones, Gilbert, and Davidson investigated Harm Reduction Coalitions
[40] (HRC) nationwide survey of naloxone distribution programs.26 One of its
major findings was between 1996 and 2014 where 140 organizations na-
tionwide collectively distributed 152,283 naloxone kits and there were
26,463 instances in which the kits were used to reverse an opioid over-
dose.27 Similar to the DOPE Project, the majority of people who reported
a incident of naloxone administration identified themselves as a person
who uses drugs (81.6%), while a smaller percentage were family or friends
(11.7%) or health care providers (3.3%).28 The evidence presented in both
studies provide a compelling argument for the increased access and avail-
ability of naloxone to those who use illicit drugs, as well as the people in
their lives who are close to them and are likely to be first on the scene.

Third Party Naloxone Distribution

In response to evidence that laypersons are capable of effec-
21 C. Rowe, G. Santos, E. Vittinghoff, E. Wheeler, P. Davidson, and P. Coffin. Predictors of
participant engagement and naloxone utilization in a community-based naloxone distribution
program. Society for the Study of Addiction, 2015: 1303.
22 Ibid., 1303.
23 Ibid.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid., 1308.
26 E. Wheeler, P. Jones, M. Gilbert, and P. Davidson, Opioid prevention programs providing
naloxone to laypersons United States, 2014, MMWR: Morbidity & Mortality Weekly Report,
64 no. 23 (2015): 101-105. Accessed: http://web.b.ebscohost.com.dml.regis.edu/.
27 Ibid., 631.
28 Ibid., 632.
tively administering naloxone, many states have revised their prescrib-
ing laws to increase access to naloxone. According to a nationwide le-
gal survey led by Davis and Carr, the first state to do so was New Mexico
in 2001, and by the end of 2009 there remained only seven states in the
U.S. that did not enact legislation of some form that encouraged and
protected laypersons access to naloxone.29 The legal landscape is con-
stantly changing in favor of naloxone access by third party distributors.
The most recent reform is the approval of third party naloxone distri-
bution by 38 states, which allows prescribers to legally write prescriptions for
naloxone for laypersons to use on anyone with symptoms of an opioid over-
dose.30 Additional examples include laws that allow people to obtain nalox-
one from a pharmacy without a prescription (38 states); passage of statewide
standing orders for naloxone (29 states); and granting permission to qualified
individuals without a license to distribute pharmaceuticals to prescribe nalox-
one (12 states).31 These reforms are praised for recognizing the importance of
equipping those most likely to witness an overdose with the critical antidote,
and are expected to have an incredible impact on preventing overdose deaths.

School-Based Naloxone Distribution

Youth Prescription Opioid Perceptions and Use
Though the historical focus of opioid use and abuse has largely cen-
tered on adults, it is imperative that youth be included in research and in-
tervention efforts. According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse youth
age 18 to 25 are the population most affected by prescription drug abuse.32 A
2013 study conducted by MetLife Foundation found 23% of teenagers sur-
veyed reported at least one incident of abusing or misusing a prescription [41]
medication, and 16% reported non-medical use of a prescription medica-
tion within the last year.33 The MetLife Foundation study found two major
factors predisposed youth to misuse of prescription opioids; the first was
having friends who misused opioid medications and the second was the ac-
cessibility of the medication itself. In regards to the first risk factor, 32% of
teens surveyed stated they had friends who misused opioid medication, a
rate 26% lower than in 2009.34 In terms of accessibility, only 33% of teenag-
ers reported that it would be hard to obtain a prescription opioid, ranking
it as the second easiest illicit drug to obtain following marijuana.35Among
those who had misused a prescription opioid, 38% cited their parents
medicine cabinet as the source where their medication was obtained.36
According to the MetLife survey, 67% of youth reported low risk as-
sociated with experimenting with opioid medications whereas 85% identified

29 C. Davis and D. Carr, Legal changes to increase access to naloxone for opioid overdose
reversal in the United States, Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 157, (2015): 113.
30 Ibid., 114.
31 Ibid.
32 National Institute on Drug Abuse Abuse of prescription drugs affects young adults most,
accessed December 12, 2015, http://www.drugabuse.gov/related-topics/trends-statistics/info-
graphics/abuse-prescription-rx-drugs-affects-young-adults-most.
33 Ibid., 14.
34 Ibid., 19.
35 Ibid., 18.
36 Ibid.
 high risks associated with routine use.37 Among the risks identified, youth cited
overdose as the primary concern (50%) followed closely by negative health con-
sequences (30%) and risk of addiction (30%).38 While these responses illustrate
youth are aware of the potential dangers of misusing prescription medications,
it appears as though these risks do not deter the youth from experimenting.

Expanding Community-Based Naloxone to Schools

In response to the high rates of opioid use among teens, and the risk of
fatal opioid overdoses, a number of states have put overdose prevention and
naloxone distribution measures in place in their public schools. According to
Partnership for Drug-Free Kids New York, Vermont, Massachusetts, and Del-
aware gave authority for school nurses to stock and administer naloxone in the
event of a confirmed or suspected opioid overdose.39 As part of their approval
process, and to encourage other states to adapt similar policies, The New York
State Education Department (NYSED) published a document entitled Guid-
ance for Implementing Opioid Overdose Prevention Measures in Schools.40
The NYSED references the recently enacted laws per-
mitting naloxone distribution in school settings statewide:
Education Law 922 and the Commissioners Regulation 136.7 permits
NYS school districts, boards of cooperative educational services (BOCES),
county vocational education and extension boards, charter schools, and
non-public elementary and secondary schools to provide and maintain opi-
oid antagonists on site in each instructional facility to ensure emergency
access for any student or school personnel having opioid overdose symp-
toms, whether or not they have previous known history of opioid abuse.41
[42] Schools choosing to participate in the program as an opioid antagonist
recipient may permit volunteer employees to be trained by a program ap-
proved under Public Health Law 3309 to administer opioid antagonists in
the event of an emergency. Therefore, such entities may deliver, and main-
tain on site, opioid antagonists in adequate supplies and types deemed by the
Commissioner of the New York State Education Department, in consulta-
tion with the Commissioner of the New York State Department of Health.42
The document also acknowledges revised amendments to state laws that
permit registered nurses (RNs) within the school district to administer opi-
oid overdose treatment under statewide standing orders, thus allowing RNs
to administer treatment without a prescription specific to the person experi-
encing an overdose.43 Finally, the document references updates to New Yorks
public health laws which classifies the administration of naloxone or any
37 MetLife Foundation, The partnership: Attitude tracking study. Last modified December
11, 2015.http://www.drugfree.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/PATS-2013-FULL-REPORT.pdf.
17
38 Ibid.
39 Partnership for Drug-Free Kids. Some states allow school nurses to stock naloxone, ac-
cessed December 11, 2015, http://www.drugfree.org/join-together/states-allow-school-nurses-
stock-naloxone/. Para. 1.
40 New York State Education Department Guidance for implementing opioid overdose pre-
vention measures in schools, accessed September 1, 2015, http://www.schoolhealthservicesny.
com/m/content.cfm?subpage=367.
41 Ibid.
42 Ibid., 1.
43 Ibid.
other opioid antagonist as critical emergency treatment if given by a layper-
son trained by an approved curriculum to provide protection from liability
for those who intervene on behalf of the person experiencing an overdose.44

Support for School-Based Naloxone Distribution

One of the biggest proponents of expanding community-based nal-
oxone into the school setting is the National Association of School Nurs-
es (NASN). In June of 2015 the NASN issued the following statement:
It is the position of the National Association of School Nurses (NASN) that
the safe and effective management of opioid pain reliever (OPR)-related over-
dose in schools be incorporated into the school emergency preparedness and
response plan. The registered school nurse (hereinafter referred to as school
nurse) provides leadership in all phases of emergency preparedness and re-
sponse. When emergencies happen, including drug-related emergencies,
managing incidents at school is vital to positive outcomes. The school nurse
is an essential part of the school team responsible for developing emergency
related procedures. School nurses in this role should facilitate access to nal-
oxone for the management of OPR-related overdose in the school setting.45
Essentially, RNs are an integral part of the plan to combat pre-
scription opioid abuse and prevent opioid overdose deaths. As part of
the emergency response and preparedness team, RNs are not only in-
volved in planning incident management responses, but they are of-
ten the first people to be called to a potential overdose. States, such as
New York, recognize the most effective way to save a life in an over-
dose is to utilize the advanced training and knowledge of nurses and to
equip them with all the tools possible to prevent an overdose fatality. [43]
In addition to recognizing the role of school nurses in emergency re-
sponse, the NASN also acknowledges the key role that school nurses play in
educating students and parents about the risks associated with prescription
opiate use as well as recognizing indications of use and making appropriate
referrals for addiction support and recovery.46 Given the training of registered
nurses, and their role to prevent harm and promote the health of their students,
the NASN recognizes that the importance of equipping nurses with all of the
tools and education possible in order to respond to this increasing threat.

Addressing Anticipated Barriers for School-Based Naloxone Distribution

Concern 1: Naloxone Availability Increases Opioid Use
Given the stigma surrounding drug use, it is expected a plan pro-
posing school-based naloxone distribution will have strong opponents
and number of barriers to overcome. One of the first obstacles that is an-
ticipated from opponents is non-medical prescription opioid drug use will
increase if youth perceive the chance of dying from an overdose is lower
if an antidote is readily available. The same argument was made when the
vaccine to protect young people against Human Papilloma Virus (HPV)
44 Ibid.
45 National Association of School Nurses, Naloxone use in the school setting: The role of the
school nurse, accessed September 1, 2015, https://www.nasn.org/PolicyAdvocacy/PositionPaper-
sandReports/NASNPositionStatementsFullView/tabid/462/ArticleId/854/Naloxone-Use-in-the-
School-Setting-The-Role-of-the-School-Nurse-Adopted-June-2015. Summary Section, para. 1.
46 Ibid., para. 6.
 first became widely available where vaccine opponents claimed young peo-
ple who received the HPV vaccine would take more sexual risks because
they may believe they are immune to the virus. A longitudinal study by
Kowalczyk-Mullins, Widdice, Rosenthal, Zimet, and Kahn (2015) inves-
tigating the effect of the HPV vaccine on sexual risk perceptions and be-
haviors found just the opposite was true. In addition to protecting the girls
directly by vaccine-induced immunity, the administration of the vaccine
provided indirect protection as well because it offered opportunities for
the young girls and their families to discuss sexual health with their pro-
viders.47 This ultimately improved young girls risk perceptions and fur-
ther reduced their exposure to a myriad of sexually transmitted infections.
The studies investigating naloxone distribution and drug risk tak-
ing behavior demonstrate that this fear is largely unfounded. A study
by Doe-Simkins et al. found no significant evidence that participants
in an overdose prevention program participated in higher risk drug be-
havior following the distribution of naloxone kits.48 A review of pub-
lished research on naloxone conducted by Bachhuber, McGinty, Ken-
nedy-Hendricks, Niederdeppe, and Barry, found that similarly to the
studies conducted on the HPV vaccine, overdose prevention and nal-
oxone distribution was correlated to a decrease in opioid overdose.49

Concern 2: Layperson Naloxone Administration is Unsafe

Opponents of both community and school-based naloxone distribu-
tion argue the standard of care will be lower if provided by a layperson than a
trained medical professional; however, this claim is not supported by evidence.
[44] A study by Rando, Boering, Olson, Marco, and Evans studied a pilot program
in Lorain County in Ohio where police officers completed a two-hour training
to learn basic life support; recognize signs of opioid overdose; understand the
basic mechanism of action of naloxone; and practice administering intranasal
naloxone.50 In the one-year time frame following the training, police officers
administered naloxone to 67 people with a success rate of 76.6%.51 Prior to
implementation of the pilot project, the opioid overdose death rate in Lorain
County grew by 1.5 0.3 deaths per quarter, but following the pilot project
the rate reduced by -4.1 1.0 demonstrating the success of the program.52
Additional studies confirm the findings of Rando et al. regarding
the effectiveness and safety of naloxone distribution by laypersons with no
47 T. Kowalczyk-Mullins, L. Widdice, S. Rosethal, G. Zimiet, and J. Khan, Risk perceptions,
sexual attitudes, and sexual behavior after HPV vaccination in 11-12 year-old girls, Vaccine, 33
no. 32, (2015): 3910.
48 M. Doe-Simkins, E. Quinn, Z. Xuan, A. Sorensen-Alawad, H. Hackman, A. Ozornoff, and
A. Walley, Overdose rescues by trained and untrained participants and change in opioid use
among substance-using participants in overdose education and naloxone distribution programs:
A retrospective cohort study, Bio Med Central Public Health, (2014): 234.
49 M. Bachhuber, E. McGinty, A. Kennedy-Hendricks, J. Niederdeppe, and C. Barry, Mes-
saging to increase public support for naloxone distribution policies in the United States: Results
from a randomized survey experiment, 10, no. 7 (2015): 2.
50 J. Rando, D. Broering, J. Olson, C. Marco, and S. Evans, Intranasal naloxone administration
by police first responders is associated with decreased opioid overdose deaths. American Jour-
nal of Emergency Medicine, 33 (2015): 1202.
51 Ibid., 1203.
52 Ibid.
prior medical or first responders training.53 Clark, Wilder, and Winstanely
reviewed 13 scientific articles published on trained layperson naloxone dis-
tribution and found among the 1,949 naloxone administrations reported,
eleven studies surveyed had a 100% success rate and the remaining two stud-
ies had a 83-96% success rate.54 A separate study performed by Doe-Simkins
et al. compared the effectiveness of naloxone administration between layper-
son and trained rescuers and found no significant differences between the
safety or effectiveness of opioid overdose reversals between the two groups.55
An important component in layperson naloxone distribution is ap-
propriate training to educate and prepare people who may be a witness to an
opioid overdose. In a meta-analysis on layperson naloxone distribution by
Clark, Wilder, and Winstanely, nearly all opioid prevention and naloxone dis-
tribution training programs included core components such as contacting
emergency medical personnel, instructions on rescue breathing/cardiopul-
monary resuscitation (CPR), placing the person in the recovery position, and
staying with the victim in order to better equip them with the information
they need to be safe and effective.56 For example, in the NYSED school-based
naloxone distribution model laypersons (i.e. teachers, coachers, and school
administrators) are legally permitted to administer naloxone after completing
an approved overdose management training .57 RNs are the primary facilitators
of this training and provide leadership for overdose response management.

Concern 3: Liability Following Naloxone Administration

A concern that goes hand in hand with third party or layperson nal-
oxone distribution is liability. According to Davis and Carr, in order to min-
imize fear and promote interventions gained at reversing opioid overdoses, [45]
many states have enacted legislation that grants some level of civil immunity
to those who prescribe and those who administer naloxone.58 Davis and Carr
reviewed current naloxone legislation and found in late 2015 civil immunity
was granted to naloxone prescribers in 32 states; people who dispense naloxone
in 30 states; and laypersons who administer naloxone in 36 states as long as in-
dividuals did not act with gross negligence or reckless indifference to harm.59
This example of liability coverage is illuminated in the NYSED
school-based naloxone distribution guidelines. The agency cites the pub-
lic health law that covers laypersons trained to distribute naloxone in the
event of an overdose, classifying the opioid antagonist as a standard emer-

53 Ibid.
54 A. Clark, C. Wilder, and E. Winstanley, A systematic review of community opioid overdose
prevention and naloxone distribution programs, Journal of Addiction Medicine 8, no. 3 (2014):
153-163. Accessed December 2, 2015. https://scholar.google.com. 155.
55 M. Doe-Simkins, E. Quinn, Z. Xuan, A. Sorensen-Alawad, H. Hackman, A. Ozornoff, and
A. Walley, Overdose rescues by trained and untrained participants and change in opioid use
among substance-using participants in overdose education and naloxone distribution programs:
A retrospective cohort study, 304.
56 A. Clark, C. Wilder, and E. Winstanley, A systematic review of community opioid overdose
prevention and naloxone distribution programs, 155.
57 Ibid., 1.
58 C. Davis and D. Carr, Legal changes to increase access to naloxone for opioid overdose
reversal in the United States, 115.
59 Ibid., 115-116.
 gency first aid treatment during a suspected overdose.60 According to re-
searchers Coe and Walsh extended liability coverage is indicative of a
positive social shift as medical professionals, legislators, and communi-
ties begin to recognize the important role of naloxone in saving lives.61

Concern 4: Cost of Implementing School-Based Distribution

One of the biggest concerns of expanding community-based nalox-
one to include schools is the cost of implementing protocol and maintain-
ing naloxone on hand. Many governmental agencies recognize the lifesav-
ing potential of naloxone and have set aside funding to increase naloxone
access. For example, in the 2014 fiscal year, SAMHSA allocated $1.82 bil-
lion to fund the Substance Abuse Prevention and Treatment Block Grant
(SABG) in which naloxone was listed as permitted expenditure covered
under SABG grant funding.62 More recently, the Office of the Press Secre-
tary released a report stating the Presidents 2016 fiscal year budget would
be allocating $133 million towards efforts to curb opioid addiction, prevent
misuse, increase access to naloxone, and help fund substance use treat-
ment programs.63 In addition to these federal funding opportunities, there
are a number of regional, state, and local funding opportunities available
nationwide to help cover or supplement the cost of stocking naloxone.
Rowe, Santos, Vittinghoff, Wheeler, Davidson, and Coffin found nal-
oxone is a cost effective health intervention by current public policy stan-
dards.64 According to Rowe et al.s calculations, for naloxone distribution to not
be cost effective, the survival rate would have to decrease to lower than 0.05%;
the cost of the naloxone kit (priced at $25 at the time of the calculation) would
have to cost more than $4,480; or the cost of emergency response care would
[46] have to exceed $1.1 million per visit.65 Given these calculations, it is reason-
able to assume naloxone will remain cost effective for the foreseeable future.
While financial costs are an important consideration when im-
plementing school-based naloxone distribution, a primary consider-
ation is the cost of inaction. The death toll of opioid overdose in the
United States has reached an all time high. While naloxone is not a mag-
ic bullet, it is a safe, reliable, and cost-effective tool proven to save lives
and reduce the rates of preventable overdoes deaths. Expanding nal-
oxone access to youth via school health centers is one of the next steps
to curb the opioid overdose epidemic because it equips school nurses,
teachers, and coaches with the knowledge and tools to save young lives.
60 New York State Education Department Guidance for implementing opioid overdose pre-
vention measures in schools, 1.
61 M. Coe and S. Walsh, Distribution of naloxone for overdose prevention to chronic pain
patients, Preventative Medicine, 80, (2015)L: 42.
62 Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Expansion of naloxone in the
prevention of opioid overdose FAQ. 2014a. accessed: http://www.samhsa.gov/sites/default/files/
programs_campaigns/medication_assisted/expa. 1.
63 Office of the Press Secretary, Fact sheet: Obama administration announces public and
private sector efforts to address prescription drug abuse and heroin use, accessed December 12,
2015, https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/10/21/fact-sheet-obama-administra-
tion-announces-public-and-private-sector. Todays Actions Section, para. 2.
64 C. Rowe, G. Santos, E. Vittinghoff, E. Wheeler, P. Davidson, and P. Coffin. Predictors of
participant engagement and naloxone utilization in a community-based naloxone distribution
program. Society for the Study of Addiction, 2015. 5.
65 Ibid.
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mation-sheet/en/
 Alicia Meehan
Taking it Right in the Teeth: Irish Identity in Ulysses as Seen through
Teeth
_________________________________________________________

T eeth are magic. They are the one piece of you people can see in life
and then again when you get dug up millions of years down the line.
They can outlast virtually anything. Perhaps for this reason, teeth have al-
ways played a role in literature. This role, however, changed around the
time James Joyce was writing, allowing for teeth to take on a whole new
meaning in his text, Ulysses. In Ulysses, teeth become symbolic of the in-
ner depths of a character. More specifically, teeth become represen-
tative of how that character connects to his or her own Irish identity.
Due to advances in dental sciences around the turn of the twentieth
century, the significance of teeth in literature shifted dramatically. Through-
out history, the tooth appears regularly, both as a main focus and an unex-
pected passing reference, in literature as a creative engagement with other
spaces of understanding the tooth to reflect and explore identity.1 Prior to
the twentieth century, teeth tended to be symbolic of things such as poten-
cy, beauty or pain.2 This theme is demonstrated across historic literature
from Cadmus in Greek mythology, to curses brought down upon the ene-
mies of biblical Hebrews. Ziolkowski claims, however, that by the end of the [49]
nineteenth century the conventional image of the tooth with its attributes
of potency and beauty had been exhausted.3 This expiration of a previously
well-established image coincides with the shift from psychodontia, the idea
that teeth were representative of the individuals internal state, towards so-
ciodontia, which argued that teeth were representative of the societal state
of affairs. In other words, decaying teeth now represent with increasing fre-
quency society as a whole and not just the esthetic or moral agony of the in-
dividual.4 Ezra Pound expounds upon this point in a poem written during
the aftermath of WWI saying, There died a myriad,/And of the best among
them,/For an old bitch gone in teeth,/For a botched civilization5. Society
had reached a turning point, and many authors were attempting to capture
the decay they were seeing day in and day out. Ziolkowski argues that in ad-
dition to teeth, authors used physical ailments such as syphilis, cancer, and
paralysis (e.g. Joyces Dubliners) to represent this societal decay.6 It is fasci-
nating to note that at the same time teeth were being used to represent social
failures, the American fetishism of white teeth was beginning to take root.
1 Keely C Laufer, The language of teeth: the tooth as a physical embodiment of identity in
literature. (New Writing, vol. 13, no. 1, 2016), 53.
2 Theodore Ziolkowski, The Telltale Teeth: Psychodontia to Sociodontia. (Publications of the
Modern Language Association of America, vol. 91, no. 1, 1976), 11.
3 Ibid., 23.
4 Ibid., 19.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid., 20.
 Straight, white teeth, a must in modern American media, were not
the norm, or even mentioned all that often until the turn of the century. Zi-
olkowski notes that the beautiful teeth that concern folklore have little need
of dentists,7 a necessary aspect of the white teeth fetish that became much
more prominent in literature during the twentieth century. Two of the earli-
est representations of the white teeth fetish in American literature are Poes
Berenice (1835) and Norriss McTeague (1898).8 Berenice focuses on the
male protagonist empowering himself by possessing Berenices beautiful
teeth, ripping them from her head with surgical implements, leaving a now
toothless (disfigured) mouth in the beautiful face of Berenice.9 In Norriss
piece, the gold miner turned dentist, McTeague, first fell in love while he
worked to save [Trinas] broken tooth and a great fuss was made over the loss
of her perfect prettiness due to the gap left behind.10 McTeague attempts to
rectify her disfigurement with a clumsy gold bridge but fails.11 Ultimate-
ly, teeth in American literature translate power to aesthetics, perfect to ru-
ined teeth, the male gaining dominance by disfiguring the female, allowing
for the decay and blemish [to] be aesthetic or moral or both.12 While this
theme developed first in America, its prominence, as well as the timing of
Poe and Norriss publications, mean that Joyce would have been exposed
to this concept of American white tooth fetishism during his adolescence.
Joyces own relationship with teeth was not the best. To start with,
teeth in Joyces time were not really viewed as a vital piece of physical ap-
peal. In fact, the grinning face that is considered socially de rigueur in
[50] the mid-twentieth century is a product of our image-conscious culture,
as Rome had highly advanced dental hygiene for its time, but persisted in
close-mouthed smiles.13 Joyce grew up in the time when the social conduct
surrounding toothy-smiles was beginning to change. The previous gener-
ation, of which Joyces parents were a part, was still suffering the effects of
The Great Irish Famine. According to Beaumont and Montgomerys 2016
study of teeth found in a mid-nineteenth century mass grave, dramatic vi-
tamin deficiencies tending towards starvation were visible in all teeth, but
most notably in adolescents whose teeth were still in the process of min-
eralizing.14 Both John Joyce and Mary May Joyce were young children
during the famine and its aftermath, indicating that they and their gener-
ation as a whole would have had poor teeth. Joyce supports this claim in a
letter he wrote home from Paris in 1902 wherein he pleased his mother
by extravagantly promising to devote his first earnings to buying her a new

7 Ibid., 14.
8 Ronald Paulson, The Perfect Teeth: Dental Aesthetics and Morals. (Critical inquiry, vol. 34,
no. s2, 2008), s132.
9 Ibid., s133.
10 Ibid., s134.
11 Ibid.
12 Ibid.
13 Theodore Ziolkowski, The Telltale Teeth: Psychodontia to Sociodontia. (Publications of the
Modern Language Association of America, vol. 91, no. 1, 1976), 12.
14 Ibid., 18.
set of teeth.15 Perhaps he felt he owed her for the years of unrest, for in-
deed, as is mentioned in Finnegans Wake, glass eyes for an eye, gloss teeth
for a tooth.16 Joyce began mentioning his own deteriorating dental health
in 1905 at the ripe old age of 23, writing his brother Stanislaus saying, As
soon as I get money I shall have my teeth set right by a dentist here.17 It
must be assumed that Joyce either never got the money or chose to spend
it in places other than his mouth, for he once again wrote Stanislaus, this
time from Marseilles saying, My mouth is full of decayed teeth and my soul
of decayed ambition.18 While Joyces ambition definitely rose to the occa-
sion in following years, it appears that his dental hygiene did not. In July
of 1922, Ezra Pound sent an endocrinologist to see Joyce who, after one
look at Joyces teeth insisted upon their being X-rayed at once.19 The teeth
were so bad that the doctor advised complete extraction, which Joyce ig-
nored.20 Joyce continued postponing any dental procedures until April 1923,
whereupon he underwent seventeen extractions, remarking to his son that
it wasnt a problem really, since They were no good anyway.21 Somewhat
unsurprisingly, there are no known pictures of Joyce showing his teeth,
contrasting starkly with the sixty or so direct mentions of teeth in Ulysses.
Obviously, societal and cultural decay were visible to Joyce and on his
mind constantly, as he wrote an entire series of short stories focused on the
issue (i.e. Dubliners). As such, it should be no surprise that he carries these
issues into his next great work, Ulysses. Rotten teeth are the norm in Joyces
Ulysses, just as they were the norm in the Ireland of his time. Upon drinking
the milk delivered in the morning, Buck Mulligan comments, If we could [51]
only live on good food like thatwe wouldnt have the country full of rotten
teeth and rotten guts. Living in a bogswamp, eating cheap food and streets
paved with dust, horsedung and consumptive spits.22 Obviously, Mulligan
is making a broad statement here about the overall health of Irish teeth. The
interesting bit of this quote, however, rather than the rottenness in general, is
the explanations Mulligan provides. A bog is specifically categorized as such
due to its poor soil and high peat content, both of which are detrimental to
agriculture. Poor agriculture leads to the poor nutrition, which eventually
leads to poor bones and teeth. Perhaps most importantly, however, Mulli-
gan ties in an extreme lack of infrastructure, calling blame upon the gov-
ernment and Queen Victoria (the old hag with yellow teeth23) for causing
the decay of both Irish society and Irish health. Both Stephen and Bloom,
as solid representations of the Irish state of affairs, have poor teeth. Indeed,
Stephen muses, My teeth are very bad. Why, I wonder? Feel. That one is

15 Richard Ellmann, James Joyce. Revised ed. (New York: Oxford UP, 1982), 13.
16 James Joyce, Finnegans Wake (http://www.chartrain.org/PDF/Finnegans.pdf, 1939), 252
17 Richard Ellmann, James Joyce. Revised ed. (New York: Oxford UP, 1982), 192.
18 Ibid., 242.
19 Ibid., 536.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid., 543.
22 James Joyce, Ulysses (New York: Vintage Classics, 1990), 14.
23 Ibid., 43.
 going too. Shells. Ought I go to a dentist, I wonder, with that money?,24 and
Bloom uses floss quite ineffectually on his unwashed teeth.25 Bloom un-
knowingly adds to Mulligans earlier claims that teeth and society may be one
in the same when he says, Never know whose thoughts youre chewing
Might be feeding on tabloids that time. Teeth getting worse and worse.26
This statement nicely summarizes exactly what is going on in Irish culture.
Should they all be learning Gaelic and focusing on their ancient history like
Englishman-Haines is advertising, or should they focus on what is happen-
ing right in front of them? No one knows which way is up, down, or even
sideways, and it is only causing the situation to get worse and more painful.
Some characters in Ulysses aim to disguise the rottenness of their
Irish-ness with gold and false teeth. In Stephens wanderings, he comments
on two French women who newmake their tumbled beauties, shattering
with gold teeth chaussons of pastry.27 This tie between false golden teeth
and the French is interesting within the specific historical context of Ulysses.
France had just entered into a cooperator agreement with the UK in April of
1904, something which probably did not thrill the Irish. With this in mind,
the golden teeth take on a certain amount of negativity and falsenessthe
French having fought so many times for revolution, now potentially stepping
on the Irish ability to do the same. Others mentioned with golden teeth in-
clude prostitutes, who carry an obvious layer of falsity upon them, and Buck
Mulligan, with his even white teeth glistening here and there with gold
points.28 This specific description of the gold in Mulligans smile is interest-
[52] ing in its lack of completeness. Were Mulligan to have a full smile of gold,
or at least a decent percentage, his falsity could be almost assured. How-
ever, because it is only here and there, Mulligans character and his mo-
tivations must continually be brought into question throughout the novel.
The whiteness of Mulligans teeth is equally, if not more question-
able than the gold flecks throughout. His teeth are described not only as be-
ing white, but also as glistening and glittering29 This description would
probably not stand out to a modern Western audience. However, as we have
previously established, white teeth are far from the norm. This description is
especially problematic when one recalls Mulligans statement about Ireland
being a country full of rotten teeth.30 Within this new context, knowing
how blindingly white Mulligans own teeth are, the previous statement must
become either facetious or must serve to separate Mulligan from the Irish
people. In other words, either Mulligan is joking that Ireland is full of poor
dental hygiene (which contradicts historical facts) or Mulligan, through ei-
ther counter-cultural, fastidious dental cleanliness or by growing up in a non-
Irish environment, is not truly Irish. The latter makes sense when brought
24 Ibid., 50.
25 Ibid., 127.
26 Ibid., 171.
27 Ibid., 42.
28 Ibid., 3.
29 James Joyce, Ulysses (New York: Vintage Classics, 1990), 3; 6.
30 Ibid., 14.
into context with Oliver St. John Gogarty, the basis for Mulligans character
who, though Irish, was educated at Stonyhurst College in Lancashire.31 The
other white teeth in Ulysses are in reference to Gerty who, in addition to
possessing the whitest of teeth herself, also desires glistening white teeth
in her fantasy husband32 Gerty has no particular desire to be Irish, preferring
to dream of bigger, better things, such as going on the continent for [her
imaginary] honeymoon.33 As such, white teeth in Ulysses appear to repre-
sent an abandonment of ones culture, a form of betrayal. In other words, if
one is to truly be Irish in the depths of her being, rotten teeth are just part
of the deal, unless of course you are Eileen Aruna who needs a pretty
box of Pettyfibs Powderto whiten her teeth and outflash Helen Arhone
in Finnegans Wake. In that particular case, she might be even more Irish.34
It appears the only other acceptable state for Irish teeth, aside from
rotten, is simply absent. On multiple occasions Joyce, who at the time of
Ulysses publication was aware he too might soon be toothless, brings up
the motif of toothlessness. Being familiar with Freud, Joyce would have
most definitely been aware of the theory that the loss of teeth or the pull-
ing of teeth in dreams serves as a form of castration anxiety.35 While Joyce
is not known for buying in to Freuds theories, he appears to at least uti-
lize this image in Ulysses. Stephen passes lions couchant on the pillars as
he passed out through the gate; toothless terrors upon leaving a meeting
with Mr. Deasy, who an active British sympathizer and Stephens boss.36
This image of a powerful predator, brought to a useless and impotent state
in such close quarters with an Ulsterite agenda speaks volumes about the [53]
Irish/British power dynamic. In other words, if the lions are a stand in for
the Irish people, their toothlessness is representative of their lack of agen-
cy. The song sung by The Citizen recognizes Irelands metaphorical tooth
castration when he says, May the God above/Send down a cove/With
teeth as sharp as razors/To slit the throat/Of the English dogs/That hanged
out Irish leaders.37 In this piece, The Citizen, symbolizing the enraged,
yet impotent Irishman, calls for relief in the form of a sharp-toothed sav-
ior who has yet to arrive, and probably will not do so for quite some time.
This brings us to the enigma of Molly Blooms teeth, or lack thereof,
for she fits into exactly zero of the aforementioned, dental categories. Mollys
teeth are mentioned significantly more often than other characters, includ-
ing Stephen and Bloom. Interestingly, however, they are utterly devoid of de-
scriptive terms. We see her washing her teeth.38 We hear Bloom getting her
31 S. OMahoney, The extraordinary undergraduate career of Oliver St John Gogarty: has the
modern medical student anything to learn from him? (Royal College of Physicians Edinburgh,
vol. 3, no. 43, 2013), 170.
32 James Joyce, Ulysses (New York: Vintage Classics, 1990), 360; 352.
33 Ibid., 352.
34 Ibid., 289.
35 Theodore Ziolkowski, The Telltale Teeth: Psychodontia to Sociodontia. (Publications of the
Modern Language Association of America, vol. 91, no. 1, 1976), 12.
36 James Joyce, Ulysses (New York: Vintage Classics, 1990), 35.
37 Ibid., 593.
38 Ibid., 69.
 soap with strawberries in it for the teeth.39 She [gnashes] her teeth in sleep
and has the very same teeth as her daughter.40 As such, we lack the answer
to potentially the most important question of all---what on earth do Molly
Blooms teeth look like? Does she have dentures? Are her teeth a mossy, Irish
green? Does she have a huge gap up front? Are they dazzlingly white from
her days in Gibraltar? We do not know. Molly herself states that a previous
beau told her no man could look at [her] mouth and teeth smiling like that
and not think of it,41 and we are left to assume that it refers to sexual acts.
However, all that tells us is that Molly has a sexually suggestive mouth, which
is not all that helpful in the big scheme of things. Ultimately, the only de-
scriptive moment we have of Mollys teeth comes from Stephens observation
of an old photo in the Blooms house. He describes her as being a large sized
ladyin the bloom of womanhood, in evening dress cut ostentatiously low
for the occasion to give a liberal display of bosomher full lips parted, and
some perfect teeth.42 Now a more lax reader would simply take that descrip-
tion and run with it. Molly Bloom has perfect teeth. However, this is obvi-
ously an old photograph, most likely taken prior to, or right around Molly
and Leopolds engagement. Thus, we cannot treat this evidence as authori-
tative. Rather, in order to uncover Mollys now-hidden teeth, we must first
work backwards to determine whether or not Molly Bloom is in fact Irish.
Much of what we know about Molly Bloom is presented from her
husbands perspective. Unfortunately, much of what we know about Mol-
ly Bloom also appears to be inaccurate. Bloom claims that his daughter is
[54] the same thing as his wife, just watered down.43 Milly is obviously an
Irish woman, having been raised in Dublin. By association, that would make
Molly Irish as well. This is brought into tension, however, by Blooms con-
tinuous references to Mollys blood of the south and her being Moorish,
sometimes positive traits in his eyes and sometimes detrimental ones.44
Bloom clearly associates Mollys life in Gibraltar with promiscuity, calling
to mind a lieutenant Mulvey that kissed her under the Moorish wall be-
side the gardens, giving all sorts of in depth details.45 Assumedly, this is a
side of herself that, upon marrying Bloom, Molly planned to keep within
her marriage. Nonetheless, Blooms obsession with his wifes sexuality ap-
pears to be driving them to ruin. He spends the entirely of Ulysses con-
stantly being drawn back to what may or may not be happening in his
wifes bed, but it may be that the presumed affair that preoccupies him is
not the relationship he should be focusing in on. Rather, what if all he has
to do to repair his relationship with Molly is to keep her grounded in Ire-
land and Irish culture, the culture she supposedly became a part of some
sixteen years before? If so, perhaps Molly is Irish. Perhaps her teeth are
rotting right out of her head in conjunction with all of their neighbors on
39 Ibid., 84.
40 Ibid., 371; 379.
41 Ibid., 762.
42 Ibid., 652.
43 Ibid., 89.
44 Ibid., 373.
45 Ibid., 371.
Eccles Street. Perhaps Molly is the queen in Finnegans Wake who is old-
er now than her teeth, forming new ones in her new life,46 or maybe not.
It might be that Mollys teeth are just as perfect as they were before she met
Bloom. For when Molly recalls the incident with the lieutenant, she only
has a vague recollection of who the man was, caring more for being called
Molly darling.47 She does not care about who or when, but rather, about
what he thought of her and how he spoke to her. More importantly, when
Molly tells the story of being kissed under the Moorish wall, it is Bloom
who does the kissing during his proposal48, and therein lies the crux of the
issue. It is Bloom who calls Molly a flower of the mountain, and she loved
him for it, because he understood or felt what a woman is.49 Bloom is the
one who made her associate her sexuality with Gibraltar. Bloom is the reason
that when she is on the brink of orgasm, she pictures glorious sunsets and
the figtrees in the Alameda gardens yes and all the queer little streets and the
pink and blue and yellow houses and the rosegardens and the jessamine and
geraniums and cactuses, because it was there that she was a Flower of the
mountain.50 Blooms words from years in the past affect Molly to this day.
Thus, whether Mollys teeth have deteriorated during her sixteen odd years
in Ireland, or they remain in the perfect condition Bloom first encountered,
he played a role in that course of events. When he lies down in bed, with his
feet at her head, Molly states the deep and meaningful truth that its well
he doesnt kick or he might knock out all my teeth, for Bloom is the only
man with the power to knock Molly down from her state of power, the only
man who could dentally castrate her in the same way Ireland has been.51
Ulysses is a one of a kind text for innumerable reasons, one tiny sub-
set of which involves teeth imagery. Joyce, in attempting to fully encapsulate [55]
Dublin, was never hesitant in his imagery, which allowed him to play with
teeth in a way most authors never would. While teeth were beginning to
take a larger and more influential role in literature as a whole, Joyce took
gross, rotten teeth and made something beautiful out of them. In Ulysses,
rotten teeth become something of a badge of honor, an external expression
of ones cultural identity. As a result of this, all teeth, no matter their state, be-
come indicative of that persons relationship with Irish identity. Thus, when
Molly Bloom, one of the most influential characters of the text, is portrayed
with a deliberate absence of descriptive words in the numerous referenc-
es to her teeth, conclusions must be drawn. The ambiguous state of Mollys
teeth becomes a quandary worthy of Schrodinger. The question of Mollys
Irish-ness, or lack thereof, becomes the fulcrum of the text, shaping the re-
lationship between Molly and Bloom, and ultimately giving a new mean-
ing to the novel as a whole. Is she Irish or is she not? Perhaps we will nev-
er know, but then again, Joyce was never one to make things easy, was he?

46 Ibid., 141.
47 Ibid., 747.
48 Ibid., 783; 371.
49 Ibid., 782.
50 Ibid., 783.
51 Ibid., 771.
 Bibliography
Beaumont, Julia, and Janet Montgomery. The Great Irish Famine: Identi-
fying Starvation in the Tissues of Victims Using Stable Isotope
Analysis of Bone and Incremental Dentine Collagen. PLoS ONE,
vol. 11, no. 8, 2016, pp. 1-21.
Ellmann, Richard. James Joyce. Revised ed. New York: Oxford UP, 1982.
Print.
Joyce, James. Ulysses. 1922. New York: Vintage Classics, 1990. Print.
Joyce, James. Finnegans Wake. 1939. http://www.chartrain.org/PDF/Fin
negans.pdf.
Laufer, Keely, C. The language of teeth: the tooth as a physical embod-
iment of identity in literature. New Writing, vol. 13, no. 1, 2016,
pp. 50-58.
OMahoney, S. The extraordinary undergraduate career of Oliver St.
John Gogarty: has the modern medical student anything to learn
from him? Royal College of Physicians Edinburgh, vol. 3, no.
[56] 43, 2013, pp. 169-174.
Paulson, Ronald. The Perfect Teeth: Dental Aesthetics and Morals.
Critical inquiry, vol. 34, no. s2, 2008, pp. s130-s145.
Ziolkowski, Theodore. The Telltale Teeth: Psychodontia to Sociodon-
tia. Publications of the Modern Language Association of Ameri-
ca, vol. 91, no. 1, 1976, pp. 9-22.
 Alicia Meehan
Girls Just Wanna Have [Adequate and Accurate Representation]:
Portrayal of Females in Ligeia and The Birth-Mark
_________________________________________________________

W hile Edgar Allen Poe and Nathaniel Hawthorne were born less than
25 miles apart with only 5 years between them in age, their depictions
of women in their works vary drastically. Where Poe tends towards the ef-
fervescent, ethereal woman found in dreams and fantasies, Hawthorne pres-
ents women of great strength and beauty who are constantly crushed under
the weight of societal expectations. Both Poes Ligeia and Hawthornes Geor-
giana serve as representations of each authors trend in feminine portrayals.
Interestingly, while these women are presented in seemingly contradictive
narratives, their stories impart fascinating moves toward proto-feminist
writing, Poe overtly and Hawthorne through complex parody.
Both Poe and Hawthorne present their female leads as the epitome
of beauty. Ligeia is described as faultless and having skin rivaling the pur-
est ivory for, in beauty of face no maiden ever equaled her.1 Poes narrator
waxes for pages on the physical beauty of his love, finding her to be absolute
perfection, at least within his memories. Similarly, Georgiana is described [57]
as not only a beautiful woman, but one so beautiful that without the tiny
red spot on her cheek, the world might possess one living specimen of ideal
loveliness, without any semblance of a flaw.2 It is at this surface level of fem-
inine beauty, however, that the similarities between Georgiana and Ligeia
begin to diminish. While Poes narrator is cognizant that that there was
much of strangeness pervading [Ligeias features], he is unable to pinpoint
the source of this issue, allowing the issue to slip from his mind entirely in
his worship of Ligeia. To him, any theoretical fault his beloved might possess
fades in comparison to the rest of her. In contrast, Hawthornes protagonist,
Aylmer, finds after marrying Georgiana, that seeing her otherwise so per-
fect, he found this one defect grow more and more intolerable, with every
moment of their united lives.3 While Poes narrator seeks fault and cannot
define any, Aylmer sees fault in Georgiana at every turn and in every mo-
ment they are together. This contrast is palpable, leeching into every aspect
of the couples married lives, both representations stemming directly from
the males perspective of the situation. When taking this back out to the
authors, it becomes a more complex issue. Is it the husbands who see their
wives inaccurately, or the authors who see women in this way?
The differences in the females presented by Poe and Hawthorne be-
1 Wayne Franklin, The Norton Anthology of American Literature, Vol. A, 7th ed (New York:
Norton and Co., 2007), 645.
2 Ibid., 419.
3 Ibid.
 come most visible in the relationships between spouses. For Poe, the rela-
tionship of husband and wife is much more of a partnership. Ligeia, is spo-
ken of with utmost respect by her husband who reflects, [she] who was my
friend and my betrothed, and who became the partner of my studies and
eventually the wife of my bosom.4 It is clear that Ligeia holds a level of im-
portance and value to her husband that was not explicitly dominant during
the time in which Poe was writing. Interestingly, Ligeia has been presented
as the dominant personality, in their relationship, her husband calling him-
self sufficiently aware of her infinite supremacy to resign [himself], with
childlike confidence, to her guidance.5 Indeed, Poes narrator lays himself
at Ligeias mercy in all fields of learning, deeming her education and intel-
ligence to be not only superior to all women6, but even more learned and
experienced than all men as well.7 Hawthornes representation of married re-
lationships, however, is much more in line with what modern readers would
have expected from a man of their time.
The intense contrast between the husbands reception of their wives
into their academic pursuits is indicative of much deeper issues. When Geor-
giana attempts to learn about her husbands work, Aylmer bids her to cease
reading his notes, lest it prove detrimental8 to her, implicitly stating that
his work was far above her ability to understand. Aylmer clearly does not see
his wife as equal to him in intelligence or importance. Where Poes narrator
is graced by Ligeias soothing presence in his study9, Aylmer seized Geor-
[58] giana with enough strength to bruise, demanding that she return to [her]
boudoir10 when she dares enter his workspace. It is plausible that this juxta-
position stems from the fact that Ligeia was already well-educated when she
married Poes narrator. Thus, her being in the generally male occupied room
of the study was no surprise. In fact, she was actively welcomed into the
space. On the other hand, the reader receives no indicators that Georgiana
was ever seen for anything besides her looks. She chose Aylmer instead of a
host of other suitors for some reason, perhaps it was his intelligence. Perhaps
Georgiana holds more agency than we have given her credit for.
In the writing of Georgiana, Hawthorne presents us with quite the
conundrum. Either Hawthorne genuinely had no inkling into the female
psyche, or he intentionally wrote Georgiana as one of the most subtly manip-
ulative women ever created. Aylmer, out of the blue several days into their
marriage, asks his wife, Georgianahas it never occurred to you that the
mark upon your cheek might be removed?11 Now, perhaps to a male audi-
ence this might seem a logical question. However, as a female who has lived
4 Ibid., 644.
5 Ibid., 647.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 Ibid., 423.
9 Ibid., 645.
10 Ibid., 427.
11 Ibid., 418.
.through the ages of seven to seventeen, I can tell you without a doubt, that
the thought has most definitely occurred to Georgiana before. There is not a
blemish on a young girls body, especially on her face, that has not been ex-
amined with the utmost scrupulousness by both her, and a multitude of little
mean girls out to humiliate her. As such, the response Georgiana provides,
No indeedTo tell you the truth, it has been so often called a charm, that I
was simple enough to imagine it might be so12, is utterly ridiculous. For each
time a nice old lady has called that red spot on her face a charm, three of her
peers have called it a curse. Thus, either Hawthorne genuinely has no under-
standing of how female interaction work (doubtful with his upbringing), or
he is playing with complex irony.
While Poe explicitly makes Ligeia the powerholder in his text, Haw-
thorne places his female lead in control more covertly. As has been previous-
ly stated, Georgiana had a number of viable suitors before selecting Aylmer,
who appears to be a complete and utter reclusive nerd, for lack of a better
term. I would argue that Georgiana, after spending years focusing on this red
spot, be it symbolic or literal, saw her chance and jumped on it. Aylmer, by
all accounts was the most successful man of science around13, and if anyone
could get that spot out, it was him. Thus, all Georgiana had to do was play
her cards right. Aylmer, quite obviously, has an ego about the size of seven
elephants. Georgiana, also quite obviously, uses this to her advantage, mak-
ing a multitude of overly dramatic speeches in which the reader can almost
feel her casting her body across a couch with her arm thrown over her eyes.14 [59]
Overall, Georgiana is quite the actress, playing on Aylmers ego saying things
such as, It has made me worship you more than ever15, and Aylmer, are
you in earnest?...it is terrible to possess such power, or even to dream of
possessing it!16 She coddles him, building him up, then tears him down by
breaking into hysterics without a moments notice, flipping back and forth at
the drop of a hat, perhaps getting exactly what she wanted in the end.
Perhaps, rather than being the story of a poor woman killed by her
husbands scientific urges, The Birth Mark is truly a tale of a woman getting
exactly what she wants from the patriarchy. Georgiana pushes Aylmer, driv-
ing him onward, even to the point of her own death by transcendence. Geor-
giana stated upfront, let the attempt be made, at whatever risk. Danger is
nothing to me.17 It is in the final scene, Georgianas death, that her ultimate
goal is truly revealed. She cries, My poor Aylmer!...You have aimed loftily!...
Do not repent, thatyou have rejected the best that the earth could offer.18
Georgiana knows her worth in the same way any 21st century feminist does.
12 Ibid., 419.
13 Ibid., 418.
14 Ibid., 419, 421, 423.
15 Ibid., 426.
16 Ibid., 424.
17 Ibid., 421.
18 Ibid., 429.
 She knows that she is as perfect as any woman could ever hope to be on this
earth. And yet, she wanted more. Georgiana wanted to be the epitome of
perfection, and thus, understood that she would have to leave this earth to
achieve that goal. Thus, knowing she was unable to achieve transcendence
on her own, she manipulated Aylmer to do the work for her. Finally, as the
parting breath of the now perfect woman passed into the atmosphere
heavenward19, Georgiana ascends to the higher plane she had desired from
the start, leaving Aylmer to pick up the pieces left behind.
While Poe and Hawthorne each write strong women in their own
ways, Hawthorne seems to be a bit more exasperated with his generation.
Having grown up surrounded by women, Hawthorne was sure to know how
intelligent, witty, and creative women can be. As such, reading and hearing
about how women were represented during the time he was writing much
have been unbelievably frustrating. Thus, where Poe spends pages lauding
women to the point of being rather nauseating, Hawthorne takes things in a
different direction. He creates the most stereotypical modern woman, over-
ly emotional and flighty, but inexplicably beautiful and dim-witted, only to
turn the whole thing on its head. Thus, Georgiana, a potentially weak-willed
victim, becomes the mastermind of her own transcendent journey. Thus,
where Poe spends pages lauding women to the point of being rather nause-
ating, Hawthorne takes things in a different direction. He creates the most
stereotypical modern woman, overly emotional and flighty, but inexplicably
[60] beautiful and dim-witted, only to turn the whole thing on its head. Thus,
Georgiana, a potentially weak-willed victim, becomes the mastermind of her
own transcendent journey.

19 Ibid.
 Bibliography
Wayne Franklin, The Norton Anthology of American Literature, Vol. A, 7th
ed (New York: Norton and Co., 2007).

[61]
 Kelsey Ladtkow
The Ethics of Placebos in Clinical Trials Involving Terminal Cancer
Patients
_________________________________________________________

I magine a patient in their hospital bed. His doctor has just said the word
that would make any heart sink: terminal. Options? Well there are not
many as a terminal patient is a person with an incurable illness. But, there is
a glimmer of hope in the form of experimental treatment. Clinical trials are
scientific experiments on humans to test the efficacy and safety of a new drug
or treatment. Clinical research has provided hope to people for hundreds of
years. Part of most trial designs is a placebo, or the control arm of the ex-
periment. A placebo arm either receives the standard of care, or a substance
that is non-reactive in the body: this includes a sugar pill, or a NaCl IV drip.
Currently, there is a debate regarding the ethics of placebos in clinical trials
that enroll terminal patients. Some people believe placebos give false hope
[62] to the dying patient, while others believe it is necessary for the scientific
method. I argue that in some circumstances it is ethical to give a cancer
patient enrolled in a clinical trial a placebo. I will explain why placebos are
ethical. Then, I will explain opposing arguments. Finally, I will give condi-
tions to when placebos are ethical in response to the opposing arguments.
The charge of a clinical trial is to develop a treatment that restores
quality of life while proving to physicians that it is the safest, and most ef-
ficacious remedy for a condition.1 W.D Ross would say the prima facie for
the researcher is beneficence, or simply doing good, for the participants and
eventually the sick community the treatment seeks to aid.2 This duty lines up
with the principle charge of a clinical trial. Utilitarianism takes Ross prima
facie one step further and asserts that researcher must, maximize good,
both quantitatively, with the number of people benefitting, and qualitatively,
or the efficacy of the treatment3. Another necessary virtue for a researcher is
fidelity. A clinician must adhere to research protocol in order to ensure the

1 C. K. Daugherty, M. J. Ratain, E. J. Emanuel, A. T. Farrell, and R. L .Schilsky, Ethical, Sci-

entific, and Regulatory Perspectives Regarding the Use of Placebos in Cancer Clinical Trials,
(Journal of Clinical Oncology 26, no. 8 , 2008).
2 D. J. Garrett, A Simple and Usable (Although Incomplete) Ethical Theory Based on the
Ethics of W.D Ross, (2004).
3 D. McNaughton and P. Rawling, On Defending Deontology, Ratio 11, no. 1 (1998).

integrity of the trial. If the trial loses its integrity, it ceases to benefit anyone.
Successful trials can benefit a large group of people at the expense of a small
percentage in a control group; however, the small percentage assigned to
a control group is in no way exploited for their sickness because they are
given the same care a person outside the trial would receive. If the treat-
ment is successful, the number of people potentially benefitting from a safe,
effective treatment is maximized and, according to utility, this is ethical.4
In order for a clinical trial to abide by utility, it has to be scientifi-
cally valid.5 A scientifically valid experiment follows the scientific method:
starting with a question, developing a hypothesis, and forming experimen-
tal groups, the variable we change, and control groups, the status quo.6 The
most important part of a clinical trial is the control group. A control group
allows for the researcher to compare data from a changed variable, with
an unchanged variable. For example, a researcher may give one patient a
sugar pill (control) and another patient an Ibuprofen (changed variable) to
prove that it is the ibuprofen causing the change in the patient, rather than
other factors. The placebo is, the most rigorous comparator by which to
assess the efficacy of an intervention, according to an article on sham pro-
cedures.7 Randomized, double blind trials with placebos also reduce bias by
forcing the clinician to record objective facts in the patients condition. Re- [63]
turning to our ibuprofen example, the person administering the pills would
not know if it were the placebo or the ibuprofen. Knowledge might cause
changes in behavior, such as looking for signs that the ibuprofen is work-
ing or signs that the placebo is not working. Keeping the administrator and
patient in the dark about the treatment they are receiving helps to keep the
trial valid. This is not deception, because clinical trial protocol requires a
patient be informed that they may receive a placebo. Placebos in cancer tri-
als were considered unethical until physicians and researchers realized the
difficulty of determining the therapeutic agents efficacy.8 Because of can-
cers variant nature, agents that had promised elimination of the disease
were only slowing its progress. Sometimes, they were not effective at all.9
4 G. Pence, Medical Ethics (7th ed.) (New York, NY, US: McGraw-Hill Education, 2015)
5 EJ Emanuel, D. Wendler, and C. Grady, What makes clinical research ethical?, JAMA 283
no. 20 (2000).
6 Ibid.
7 S. ER, Sham procedure versus usual care as the control in clinical trials of devices: which is
better, (Proc Am Thorac Soc 4, 2007).
8 C. K. Daugherty, M. J. Ratain, E. J. Emanuel, A. T. Farrell, and R. L .Schilsky, Ethical, Scientif-
ic, and Regulatory Perspectives Regarding the Use of Placebos in Cancer Clinical Trials.
9 Ibid.
 There have been uncontrolled trials where the results proved the effi-
cacy of a treatment; however in a controlled setting, years later, those results
were proved inaccurate. For example, surgeons around the world began
transplanting fetal nigral cells into the brains of Parkinsons patients because
an uncontrolled study proved it to alleviate symptoms.10 When a controlled,
double blind randomized study was done, they discovered that the transplan-
tation was ineffective.11 The original uncontrolled study was unethical be-
cause the researchers were not loyal to the scientific process. The consequenc-
es were unnecessary risk, pain and harm to the patients receiving treatment,
also known as maleficence. If a placebo had been used in the original study,
the amount of people exposed to unnecessary risk would have minimized.
Opponents of placebos in clinical trials worry about patient autono-
my. This principle centers on the patients right to their bodies. This includes,
but is not limited to, making fully informed decisions. Fully informed decision
making, or consent, involves knowing all the facts of a diagnosis, procedure,
or clinical trial, thusly, equipping the patient with the tools to make a rational
decision.12 For example, a clinical trial participant has the right to know the
probability of being placed in a placebo group and the care they will receive in
that group. This knowledge, along with other information discussed above,
[64] is meant to help decide whether or not to participate in a given study. Pres-
ervation of autonomy requires veracity; this means telling the whole truth in
ways the patient can understand.13 Veracity is a standard protocol in all clin-
ical research; most often called informed consent. Researchers explain the
trials potential benefits, risks and the probability of receiving standard care
before the patient can consent. In addition to veracity, fidelity, is an import-
ant virtue in clinical research. The physician is loyal to the patient and his or
her condition. When informing the patient of their options, a physician must
weigh the risks to benefits of a trial in the context of that patient. The physi-
cian can then make suggestions to the best option. The researcher, however,
is loyal to the scientific method because the motives are for greater commu-
nity, not the individual patient.14 Ultimately, the decision is up to the patient.

10 S. ER, Sham procedure versus usual care as the control in clinical trials of devices: which is
better.
11 Ibid.
12 S. Buss, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. In E. N. Zalta ed.Personal Autonomy,
2014. http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2014/entries/personal-autonomy/ (accessed Spring
2014).
13 R. Taylor, Virtue ethics: an introduction (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2002).
14 EJ Emanuel, D. Wendler, and C. Grady, What makes clinical research ethical?, JAMA 283
no. 20 (2000).
 Insufficient informed consent lacks veracity, and makes autono-
mous decisions impossible. 47% of doctors in one study thought clinical
trial participants were given deficient informed consent about the con-
trolled nature of the study.15 Inadequate information about the controlled
aspects of the study refers to placebo or standard of care groups. This ig-
norance destroys patient autonomy because they do not have all the infor-
mation to make an informed decision. For example, if a patient knew they
could be treated with standard of care, they might decide not to enroll in
the trial; however, since the this information was not clearly presented to
the patient, this is not an option from the patients perspective. Since the
patient is not always aware of the use of placebo, regardless of the protocol
to fully inform them, it would be unethical to use one because of the risk of
faulty informed consent. Feminist ethics finds this situation extremely un-
ethical because the patient lacks the resources to make a rational decision.16
62% of doctors in another study believe that the use of placebos,
involves deception, which is the antithesis of veracity.17 As discussed be-
fore, without veracity, there is limited autonomy. Placebos also endanger
the trust between patient and physician, which causes question the fidelity
of the physician; because loyalty to the patient is the foundation of trust.18
The patient is at a disadvantage, and therefore loses power due to his/her [65]
illness. By remaining loyal to the patient and treating their ailment, the phy-
sician preserves as much autonomy, or individual power, as possible and it
is the physicians duty to maintain as much autonomy (or individual pow-
er) as possible. Trust between patient and physician is formed by veracity
and loyalty. Doctors in this study believe that placebos destroy veracity and
loyalty, making autonomy impossible. In addition, feminine ethics believe
that without autonomy, the power relationship between patient and phy-
sician is severely unbalanced in the physicians favor. Therefore, placebos
are unethical according to feminist ethics because they involve deception,
lack veracity and fidelity, and ultimately cost the patient their autonomy.19
Another reason some people think Placebos are unethical is be-
cause of the participants loyalty to their health. Patients are, strong-
15 S. J. L. Edwards, R. J. Lilford, and J. Hewison, The ethics of randomised controlled trials
from the perspectives of patients, the public, and healthcare professionals, British Medical Jour-
nal 317, no. 7167 (1998): 12091212.
16 A. Donchin, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, E. N. Zalta ed.Feminist Bioethics,
2012. http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2012/entries/feminist-bioethics/ (accessed Fall 2012).
17 K. Wartolowska, D. J. Beard, and A. J. Carr, Attitudes and Beliefs about Placebo Surgery
among Orthopedic Shoulder Surgeons in the United Kingdom, PLoS ONE 9, no. 3 (2014).
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid.
 ly motivated by the chance to maintain their condition or simply
maintain hope.20 Terminal cancer patients last hope is often an exper-
imental treatment; and they often go into it believing the trial is de-
signed to benefit them21. Many people believe it is unjust to, further
limit, access to a patients last hope of survival with a placebo.22 This is
false hope to a patient. Since it is false, it lacks veracity and is unethical.
Placebos in cancer clinical trials can be ethical because of the tri-
als function in medicine. To review, a clinical trials purpose is to develop
a treatment that will treat or cure a disease. The purpose is not to cure an
individual, rather offer an experimental treatment for a price. The partici-
pant, being part of a scientific endeavor, must risk being part of a scientific
control group. Clinical research is loyal to the scientific process; therefore,
a researcher should not compromise the process that could benefit many
people for the autonomy of a single participant. While I understand that
informed consent can be faulty, a patient should be well informed that there
is the chance of no experimental treatment. Additionally, a placebo only
means receiving no treatment if there is not active treatment to give. People
in placebo groups always receive the same care they would outside of the
trial. Most often, patients on the, placebo arm, receive standard care, while
[66] the experimental group receives standard of care plus the new treatment.23 In
research, this is called the, add on, method.24 The most ethical way placebos
can be used in cancer clinical trials is in a carefully controlled and moni-
tored research design. At the start of the trial, all participants receive the
experimental drug: people with disease progression or symptoms of toxicity,
etc, are eliminated from the trial. This solves the false-hope crisis caused
by placebos in other designs. The placebo is then introduced to half of the
group that responded positively to the experimental treatment. The placebo
group serves as a reassuring measure that the drug caused the change. When
the experimental drug is replaced with the placebo, that groups condition
should worsen. As soon as it does, that participant is unblinded and treated
with the active drug. From there, the researcher can decide if the drug is ac-

20 M. Chahal, Off-trial access to experimental cancer agents for the terminally ill: balancing
the needs of individuals and society, Journal of Medical Ethics, 36 no. 6 (2010).
21 S. Joffe, E. F. Cook, P. D. Cleary, J. W. Clark, and J. C. Weeks, Quality of informed consent in
cancer clinical trials: a cross-sectional survey. The Lancet 358, no. 9295 (2001).
22 M. Chahal, Off-trial access to experimental cancer agents for the terminally ill: balancing
the needs of individuals and society.
23 C. K. Daugherty, M. J. Ratain, E. J. Emanuel, A. T. Farrell, and R. L .Schilsky, Ethical, Scien-
tific, and Regulatory Perspectives Regarding the Use of Placebos in Cancer Clinical Trials.
24 Ibid.
tive.25 This design was used to test Sorafenib for patients with kidney cancer.26
Therefore, placebos, in the right situation and research design, can be ethical.
While faulty informed consent, and false hope are major concerns, these
can be remedied by continually reminding the patient of the risks of placebo,
and by changing the research design to use placebos as a reassurance. Maximiz-
ing care for all is the top priority when it comes to medical research. Patients
on their deathbeds lack options, and maximizing their chances at survival may
be a clinical trial. The odds are already against a terminal patient, but a scien-
tifically valid clinical trial could benefit both the patient and the community.
scientifically valid experiment follows the scientific method: start-
ing with a question, developing a hypothesis, and forming experi-
mental groups, the variable we change, and control groups, the sta-
tus quo.27 The most important part of a clinical trial is the control group.

[67]

25 Ibid.
26 M. J. Ratain, T. Eisen, W. M. Stadler, K. T. Flaherty, S. B. Kaye, G. L. Rosner, and P. J. ODw-
yer, Phase II Placebo-Controlled Randomized Discontinuation Trial of Sorafenib in Patients
With Metastatic Renal Cell Carcinoma, Journal of Clinical Oncology 24, no. 16 (2006).
27 EJ Emanuel, D. Wendler, and C. Grady, What makes clinical research ethical?, JAMA 283
no. 20 (2000).
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minally ill: balancing the needs of individuals and society, Jour-
nal of Medical Ethics, 36 no. 6 (2010): 367370.
Christman, J. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. In E. N. Zalta
ed. Autonomy in Moral and Political Philosophy. 2012 http://
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(accessed Spring 2011).
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Donchin, A. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, E. N. Zal
[68] ta ed.Feminist Bioethics. 2012. http://plato.stanford.edu/ar-
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domised controlled trials from the perspectives of patients, the
public, and healthcare professionals. British Medical Journal
317, no. 7167 (1998): 12091212.
Emanuel EJ, Wendler D, and Grady C. What makes clinical research
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of devices: which is better. Proc Am Thorac Soc 4 (2007): 574
576.
Freeman, T. B., Vawter, D. E., Leaverton, P. E., Godbold, J. H., Hauser,
R. A., Goetz, C. G., and Olanow, C. W. Use of placebo surgery
in controlled trials of a cellular-based therapy for Parkinsons dis-
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of informed consent in cancer clinical trials: a cross-sectional
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Books, 2002.
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 Alicia Meehan
I would prefer An Examination of Melvilles Sexuality
through His Writings
_________________________________________________________

W hen an author creates a work, or even a singular character, he cannot

help imparting that creation with a piece of himself. Because, Her-
man Melville was such a prolific writer, publishing consistently for nearly
50 years, these pieces can be used to paint a fairly clear image of who he
may have been at his core. By tracing references to sexuality through three
of Melvilles best known works, Typee, Moby-Dick, and Bartleby the Scriv-
ener, as well as some of his personal letters, it becomes clear that Melvilles
own journey of sexual discovery and orientation can be seen implicitly in his
published writings.
The publication of Typee in 1846 marked the beginnings of Mel-
villes literary exploration of his sexuality. In the third paragraph of Typee,
the reader is introduced to Pedro, a solitary, one-legged cock, the last in the
coop, an image that foreshadows the later maiming of the narrator, Tommo.
[70] Tommo presents a variety of reasons as to why he abandons ship when the
crew reaches the islands, but ultimately, instead of escaping injustice, he has
only escaped the world that has a sense of what justice is.1 Tommo and Toby
spend one night ashore in a torrential rain that leaves Tommo burning
with fever and one leg painfully swollen.2 It is only after this euphemistic
leg becomes swollen that Tommo finally sees the valley within which
he is to spend the next chunk of the text. He states that, Had a glimpse
of the gardens of Paradise been revealed to me, I could scarcely have been
more ravished with the sight.3 This paradise onto which Tommo has stum-
bled is a direct parallel to a path of sexual discovery. Tommo is transfixed
with surprise and delight and, upon attempting to descend into the valley,
scarcely knew whether [he] was helplessly falling from the heights above,
or whether the fearful rapidity with which [he] descended was an act of [his]
own volition.4 Tommo has a mighty thirst he must quench with the water
from this valley of death, anticipating the coming delicious sensation only
to exclaim upon tasting the water that Had the apples of Sodom turned to
ashes in [his] mouth, [he] could not have felt a more startling revulsion.5
1 James L. Babin, Melville and the Deformation of Being: From Typee to Leviathan. The
Southern Review 7, no. 1 (1971): 94.
2 Ibid., 94.
3 Herman Melville, Moby-Dick. (1st ed. PlanetPDF, 2016): 39.
4 Ibid., 44.
5 Ibid.
Melville could not have been more clear if he was hitting his reader over
the head with a two-by-four. Tommo, the narrative stand in for Melville,
has experienced a moment of sexual discovery and temptation. The discov-
ery was at first a thing of beauty, a thing to be adored on par with the gar-
den. However, upon tasting what he desired, Tommo is struck by an intense
wave of guilt. The direct reference to apples in conjunction with the previous
mention of Paradise draws to mind the image of the forbidden fruit, the
original breaking of the covenant. This connected to the mention of Sodom
(i.e. sodomy) makes Melvilles meaning clear. Tommo has broken the cove-
nant, physically by abandoning the ship, but metaphorically, by partaking
in homosexual activity of some kind. Tommo, and by extension Melville,
has broken the societal covenant. However, Melville is not ready to proceed
any further down that path at the point of Typees publication, as Tommo
eventually returns to the ship and by association, an accepted form of sexual
expression.
By the time Melville publishes Moby Dick five years later in 1851,
these compulsions surrounding homosexual activity no longer seem to be
an issue to him. The ties to Christian religion visible in Typee, while still
present, are no longer holding the narrator, in this case Ishmael, back. The
Biblical stories of Jonah and Job are both vital to the thematic structure of
[71]
Moby-Dick. The story of Job relates the tale of a man who, although he fol-
lows the precepts of his God, continues to suffer. Jonah, relates the story
of a man called by God, who abandons his covenant, running from Gods
will. These stories, brought together in the creation of Moby-Dick, form an
allegory for Melvilles decisions surrounding his own sexual preferences. Ac-
cording to Babin, Ishmael becomes the only survivor of the whaling voyage
because he accepts the healing grace offered himin the person of Que-
equeg.6 After sleeping in the same small bed as Queequeg, Ishmael states
that he had never slept better in [his] life, likening their most loving and
affectionate position upon waking to Ishmael being Queequegs wife.7 Ish-
mael wakes Queequeg, who [sits] up in bed, stiff as a pikestaff 8 and then
proceeds to watch intently as Queequeg gets ready for the day. As part of his
morning routine, Queequeg disappears beneath the bed, trouserless and Ish-
mael infers from sundry violent gaspings and strainings that he was hard
at work booting himself, a seemingly innocent act, however, it would appear
that Melville is referencing a masturbatory act.9 It is later this same day that
6 Ibid., 112.
7 Ibid., 64-65.
8 Ibid., 68.
9 Ibid., 70.
 Ishmael takes the final plunge. Having heard a long sermon on the story of
Jonah, Ishmael returns to the inn where he attempts to befriend Queequeg,
eventually joining him in idol-worshipping, an offense to the first command-
ment. The two go to bed at peace with [their] own consciences and all the
world, indicating the ease with which both Ishmael and Melvilles abandon
the religious constraints placed upon their sexual preferences.10 As a result,
the two men lay in bed in [their] hearts honeymoona cosy, loving pair
with Queequeg spooning Ishmael in some manner as they open the very
bottom of their souls to each other.11 Overall, the obvious homoerotic tones
throughout Moby-Dick indicate an author much more at ease with his own
sexuality and preferences. In the years between the publication of Typee and
the creation of Moby-Dick, Melville appears to have undergone some life
events that shaped him into a man more at ease with himself, and much
more willing to evade religious and societal constraints.
Some of these dramatic life changes that so shaped Melville can be
seen in the letters he wrote to Nathanial Hawthorne. Melville met Haw-
thorne on August 7, 1850 and proceeded to write a highly salacious, anony-
mous review of one of Hawthornes works containing the phrases soft rav-
ishments and Heshoots his strong New England roots into the hot soil of
my Southern soul.12 At this time, both men were married with multiple chil-
[72]
dren, living in relatively close proximity to each other. In January of 1851,
Melville writes Hawthorne about the postponement of a visit in the fevered
tone of someone in love, or at least in the midst of a tremendous crush say-
ing, among other things, that if Hawthorne wants to spend the period of
[his] visit in bed that is completely fine and that if Mrs. Hawthorne can not
make it, that is also not an issue.13 Their correspondence continued actively
throughout the year 1851, during which time Melville was putting his fin-
ishing touches on his culminative love letter, pardon me, I mean Moby-Dick.
Melville wrote Hawthorne about Moby-Dicks publication, shortly before go-
ing to visit Hawthorne, whose wife was away for an extended time visiting
family. The rapport between the two men appears to have been mutual, for
Hawthorne wrote about this visit with a comfortable eroticismthat is ab-
sent in [his] fiction and other letters.14 August 8, 1851, however, appears to
be the beginning of a dramatic downhill slide in their relationship. After a
visit to a Shaker village, Hawthorne was appalled by the separation of the
10 Ibid., 114.
11 Ibid.
12 Michael Bronski, When Nathanial Met Herman. The Gay & Lesbian Review Worldwide 11,
no. 3 (2004): 24.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
sexes and the fact that people of the same sex were forced to share particu-
larly narrow beds.15 This direct parallel to the scene between Ishmael and
Queequeg, indicates a potential discomfort in Hawthornes feelings toward
Melville. Finally, on November 17, Melville remarks in a letter, Knowing
you persuades me more than the Bible of our immortality continuing in the
post script, The divine magnet is on you, and my magnet responds.16 This
explicit reference to Ishmaels strange feelings for Queequeg, in which he
states, those same things that would have repelled most others, they were
the very magnets that thus drew me indicate that Melville had felt this way
about Hawthorne for some time.17 Five days after this letter was sent, Haw-
thornes family moved back to Boston. A few letters were exchanged in the
fall of 1852, wherein Hawthorne refused to write a story, suggested by Mel-
ville, about the breaking of a betrothal, and they were never really friends
again. This crushing break is ultimately the causation behind Melvilles 1853
short story, Bartleby the Scrivener.
When taken in personal and historical context, the character Bartle-
by becomes the physical embodiment of Melvilles own depression and sex-
ual repression. Bartleby the Scrivener, written in the aftermath of Melvilles
failed attempts at seducing Hawthorne, contains none of the homoerotic
overtones carried throughout many of his other texts. In fact, Bartleby
[73]
barely contains any references to sexuality at all. Bartleby is described as
sedate being pallidly neat, pitiably respectable, [and] incurably forlorn.18
This physical expression in Bartleby is reflective of Melvilles own internal de-
pressive state. Bartleby, instead of preferring to do something, rather, simply
prefers not to.19 This is a direct connection to Melvilles lack of agency in re-
lation to his desire for Hawthorne. He is unable to act on his feelings toward
Hawthorne, and thus, prefers not to act in any other way. As we have seen
through Melvilles textual expression of his journey, he no longer cares about
the expectations of religion of society. He wishes only to pursue his desires
and upon failing that, nothing else interests him. This means that Bartleby,
and by association Melville, is not point-blank refusing to do what is asked
of him, but is instead simply not allowing the question to be asked in the first
place. In this 1853 publication, Melvilles main character no longer possesses
any form of sexualization. In fact, according to the narrator, Bartleby would

15 Ibid., 25.
16 Ibid.
17 Herman Melville, Moby-Dick. (1st ed. PlanetPDF, 2016): 111.
18 Wayne Franklin et al., The Norton Anthology of American Literature A, 7th ed., New York:
W.W. Norton and Co (2007): 1488.
19 Ibid., 1489.
 be the last man to sit down to his desk in any state approaching nudity.20
This lack of sexuality, lack of agency, and lack of direction that is so clearly
embodied in Bartleby, is a clear reflection of Melvilles own internalized emo-
tions at the time. Thus, Bartlebys death via starvation becomes a dramatic
metaphor for Melvilles sexual and emotional decay.
When viewed through the lens of his own journey of sexual discov-
ery, Melvilles texts portray a rather tragic tale of events. He begins as a young
man, writing about a boy on the cusp of adulthood, experiencing his first
homosexual encounter, only to run terrified back into the clutches of societal
normalcy. Then, after a period of growth and while in the midst of what he
potentially saw as a great love affair, Melville creates Moby-Dick, as a tale of
homosexual love and expression, only to have his hopes dashed soon after its
publication and dedication to the man of his dreams. Then, he writes a tale of
sorrow and loss, relating the emotional strife he is dealing with by speaking
of a man who was a cog, then broke from the machine of society, but had no-
where and no one to go to once he escaped. It is a rather dismal conclusion,
but then again, who is to say Bartleby had to be the end?

[74]

20 Ibid., 1494.
 Bibliography
Babin, James L. Melville and the Deformation of Being: From Typee to
Leviathan. The Southern Review 7, no. 1 (1971): 89-114.
Bronski, Michael. When Nathanial Met Herman. The Gay & Lesbian Re
view Worldwide 11, no. 3 (2004): 23-26.
Franklin, Wayne, et al., eds., The Norton Anthology of American Literature
A, 7th ed., New York: W.W. Norton and Co (2007).
Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick. 1st ed. PlanetPDF, 2016. Web. 23 Nov. 2016.
Melville, Herman. Typee. 1st ed. MonkeyNotes, 2016. Web. 23 Nov. 2016.
The Life and Works of Herman Melville. Melville.org. Multiverse, 25 July
2000 Nov. 23, 2016.

[75]
 Jamie Klingensmith
Single v. Plural Text Reading of Simon Lee
_________________________________________________________

W illiam Wordsworths poem Simon Lee, The Old Huntsman, With an

Incident in Which He was Concerned is a curious poem that ques-
tions the conventions of storytelling both from the perspective of the reader
and the poet. Simon Lee starts in a kind of narrative format discussing a
character by the name of Simon Lee. The first eight stanzas paint the pic-
ture of Simons appearance, livelihood, and how the community generally
sees him. These specific stanzas are continually reworded and reordered by
Wordsworth throughout his career. Through these revisions, the reader re-
ceives multiple versions of the story. This is especially important, for after
these stanzas comes the infamous address Wordsworth specifically makes
to his readers, which challenges the normal conventions of storytelling and
addresses why as humans we crave such a framework. This paper will track
and explore these changes made to Simon Lee from 1798-1832, with refer-
[76]
ence to the critical arguments given by Andrew L. Griffin who adopts a more
single text reading and Sally Bushell, whose theory on re-reading leads to
more of a plural text reading. I will argue that as readers of poetry, a more
plural form of reading texts is an ideal practice.
In the article Wordsworth and the Problem of Imaginative Story:
The Case of Simon Lee Andrew L. Griffin is highly concerned with the re-
lationship between the reader and narrator in regards to the poems odd ar-
rangement of a supposed narrative. He discusses that there is a lot of detail,
mainly referring to the appearance and status of Simon Lee, which lures the
reader in. However, he goes on to argue that this connection is broken and
interrupted when the speaker begins to address the reader directly. Griffin
says that, In Simon Lee an incipient story becomes an incident, a moment
of remembered vivid, meaningful personal life. The poem offers the fact of a
kind of failuresomething withheld or missed, for which something quite
different is substitutedwhile leaving open the possibility that to fail thus
is, of course, a kind of success.1 Wordsworth leads his readers on for a sup-
posed tale then he fails, as Griffin suggests, but in that failure he succeeds
because it challenges the aspect of a conventional story. This dualism con-
vinces Griffin to view Simon Lee as a manipulation and rhetorical tour de
1 Andrew L. Griffin, Wordsworth and the Problem of Imaginative Story: The Case of Simon
Lee, Pmla 92.3 (1977): 393.
force.2 Thus, Griffin seems to believe that the break in narrative or failure
was intentional on a didactic level. He thinks this shift in genre teaches us
to Learn to take things kindly, that is, with human sympathies, recognizing
that men share a common humanity.3
While this interpretation may seem acceptable upon initial inspec-
tion, it is important to note that Griffin bases his analysis on a single text
reading. In other words, Griffin primarily focuses on the 1832 version of
Simon Lee, and very briefly discusses the differences that exist in the 1798
version. Griffin does not mention any of the two versions that lie between
1798 and 1832. After his analysis, which was all based primarily on the 1832
version, Griffin finally brings to light some past revisions that Wordsworth
made and how these change the meaning of a few crucial parts. For example,
one line towards the end of the poem starts out (in the 1798 version) with I
hope youll kindly take it,4 whereas in the most recent version (1832) the
same line was revised to You must kindly take it.5 Griffin explains When
at last we reach his plea to the reader, we surely understand it, not as the
sneering challenge it may be in the revised version, but rather as a charac-
teristically fumbling apology.6 He seems to not prefer either version, but is
content with this section as just a failure of a conventional story. He says,
Both poems find themselves only by admitting failure in medias res and
[77]
making it, for the time being, their theme.7 Failure as a theme is a peculiar
way of looking at things, and only offers so much as to the meaning of the
text. Griffin states that the speaker of the poem Has so little sense of or-
der or development that he sets down what he knows of Simon in a jumble,
mixing personal observations with hearsay and history, the present with the
past.8 The single text reading only offers Griffin so much to work with on an
analytical level.
In contrast, poetic lines become more dynamic if one tracks the evo-
lution of their changes over time and not primarily through one text and
perhaps a little in another, like Griffin has done. Sally Bushells article From
The Ruined Cottage to The Excursion: Revision as Re-reading presents a
theory of re-reading a text in its plural form that offers a more appropriate
way of reading Wordsworths poetry. Bushell explains that an act of re-read-
ing occurs both on the readers and the poets side. We can see on multiple
2 Ibid., 394.
3 Ibid., 396.
4 Ibid., line 78.
5 Ibid., line 79.
6 Ibid., 399.
7 Ibid., 401.
8 Ibid., 399.
 occasions when Wordsworth must have returned to Simon Lee and re-read
to create the differing versions (4 finished versions ranging from 1798-
1832). Through Bushells analysis of The Ruined Cottage and The Excur-
sion, she talks about the writer (Wordsworth) returning to his work and how
it Allows (structurally and semantically) a distinctive mode of interpreta-
tionfor both the writer (released by and within the creative process back
into a state of open creativity) and the reader (released into interpretative
free play of text, notebook, manuscript page).9 The open creativity of the
writer exposes a new form of the piece at hand and then coupled with the
interpretative free play of text that is invoked from the reader, gives us an
involved relationship of writer with reader that Bushell is advocating for. If
the poet is re-reading his own text, then this offers the opportunity for the
reader to do the same. Re-reading, according to Bushell, offers an Analysis
in terms of the meeting point of writer and reader in a performative experi-
ence that produces a unique work out of language.10 Bushell offers readers a
tool to enable us to engage and experience a text through a textual historical
lens. Through this lens and Bushells theory, we are able to experience a plu-
ral text, that is a text that includes all texts at once.
If Bushell were responding to Griffin, she would argue that a more
holistic approach would be the better way to enter into a full criticism of a
[78]
Wordsworth poem, rather than focusing on just one version. Griffin misses
the complete evolution of Simon Lee in his analysis and therefore some of
his claims cannot be credible. He says that Wordsworths speaker was fail-
ing in his attempt at a story, but over time through multiple versions of the
poem, the speaker is actually challenging the readers to dig deep into their
imagination and come out with a new interpretation of the structure of a
story. Thus, a story outside of the criticism of the conventional story occurs.
If one reads through many versions of the same poem, the textual experience
is a richer one due to different levels of interpretations from both the reader
and the writer. Through an act of re-reading the text in all its versions, one
can see an intentional evolution of storylines that questions the traditional
narrative. This is the root to Sally Bushells article that says Re-reading can
be understood as a real life chronotope: a temporal return that links the past
reading to a present reading on a particular site (actual or both) and runs
across the entire experience of the literary work for writer, narrator, charac-
ter, and reader.11 Griffin would argue that the framework of the storyline in
9 Sally Bushell, From The Ruined Cottage To The Excursion: Revision As Re-Reading,
Wordsworth Circle 45.2 (2014): 81.
10 Ibid., 76.
11 Ibid., 82.
which Simon Lee begins and how that transforms from the 1798 to 1832
actually does the opposite. Griffin states that The fine blue coat that lured
the original speaker into such idiotic praise has been transfigured, by 1832,
into phrase of almost Augustan power and concision, liveried poverty. The
revision gains most, however, from a clean separation of past from present
times.12 Griffin implies that the tone between these two versions (1798 and
1832) changes too dramatically, and he would be correct, but he is ignoring
versions of the poem that exists between these versions. The singular view,
which Griffin is adopting is far more limited than the dynamic and holistic
view of the plural text that Bushell is encouraging. By studying all the ver-
sions at once and reading them as if they were one text, we can experience
the text in plural form, and can access a new interpretation that is possibly
closer to what the author may have intended.
Analyzing specific changes to this poem can further shed light on
whether a single text read or a plural text read is more appropriate. Stanzas
4-6 in Simon Lee are reordered from the 1798 version to the 1800/2-1815
version. This change is then implemented in the later versions of 1820 and
1832 with other significant changes to follow. For the purposes of this paper,
the changes from the two earliest poems will be discussed, for they offer a
change that is seen throughout all versions. In the 1798 version the fourth
stanza depicts Simon Lees profession and family life. Simon Lees Hunting [79]
feats have him bereft13 and He as no son, he has no child.14 The follow-
ing stanza depicts Simons poor physical strength with His ancles they are
swoln and thick / His legs are thin and dry.15 Finally, in the sixth stanza, the
description turns towards a positive and hopeful note for Still theres some-
thing in the world / At which his [Simon Lee] heart rejoices.16 This specific
progression of stanzas sets up one version of the story that is being related at
this stage in the poem. However, these stanzas are reordered in the 1800/2-
1815 version. What used to be the fifth stanza is now the fourth, the sixth the
fifth, and now the fourth is the sixth. In the 1798 version we end these stan-
zas with the image of Simon Lee as a positive man with thoughts of a hopeful
future, but with the reordering we now end with the image of Simon Lee
being overworked and not having much of a family. This drastically chang-
es our experience of both the story and the character of Simon Lee. These
stanzas are especially important because they come prior to the address that

12 Andrew L. Griffin, Wordsworth and the Problem of Imaginative Story: The Case of Simon
Lee, 400.
13 Ibid., line 25.
14 Ibid., line 29.
15 Ibid., lines 35-36.
16 Ibid., lines 44-45.
 Wordsworth makes directly to his readers that breaks the narrative. Is the
1798 version too cohesive in chronological events to back up to such a dis-
ruption? Then therefore, is the new reordering serving as a foreshadowing to
the disruption?
Perhaps we have to consider both as if both are happening at the
same time. The 1800/2-1815 version sets up a framework that almost expects
the break in the narrative as well as it seems more real as it pertains to the hu-
man experience. For example, having the lines And still theres something in
the world / At which his heart rejoices17 occur in the fifth paragraph rather
than the sixth paragraph in the 1800/2-1815 version re-characterizes them
as an act of reminiscing rather than a nice sentiment at the end of Simon
Lees life in the 1798 version. The layout of the 1798 version is far more cohe-
sive in that it sets up a chronological telling of Simon Lees life, which sets the
reader up for a complete story. However, when those stanzas get reordered in
the 1800/2-1815 version the story is more fragmented that resembles more
of what the human experience actually is, for actual human lives are not so
linear as the 1798 version portrays. By participating in both readings, the
reader experiences two different perspectives of Simon Lees character and
the story structure in which he is involved in. This enables involvement from
the reader to reach a richer interpretation of what Wordsworth is building or
[80]
not building. Therefore, these stanzas portray perfectly how the reader can
re-read a text that the writer, beforehand, has already re-read and re-wrote
from his own writing. This is the plurality that must be reached in order to
understand, on a more inclusive level, of the poem and more importantly of
the poet himself.
Since these stanzas are reordered over a course of multiple versions,
the reader has to re-read to understand the evolution. Consequently, the poet
had to re-read even before the reader had to in order to emend and change
what he had written before. Therefore, The writer becomes reader in order
to write; the reader interprets the writer re-readingonly the author can re-
read activelyto change the nature and content of the text itself.18 The na-
ture that is being changed through these revisions is the exposition in which
Wordsworth wants to frame and construct a story. Griffin would argue that
there is no story, but what Wordsworth has created is a story about stories, a
Bushell plurality then can be accessible if one looks at the evolution of the
poem and not just one single text reading, like Griffin has done. We not only
get multiple versions of Simon Lee as a character, the strong hopeful one, or

17 Ibid., lines 37-38.

18 Sally Bushell, From The Ruined Cottage To The Excursion: Revision As Re-Reading, 78.
the weak, overworked one, but we get multiple versions of how Wordsworth
wants his readers to reflect on the convention of the story as a genre. While
Griffin primarily looks at the 1832 text, his concluding thought that there is
no tale but instead, a moment of re-created experience; yet, the experience
is oddly like a tale19 speaks volumes to what a plural text can offer, even if
Griffin did not know he was making that point at all. Through plural read-
ing, we get a tale that resembles what reality is or ought to be and at the same
time we, as the readers, have access to the essence of Wordsworths poetry as
it all layers together as the single imagination of one poets incredible mind.

[81]

19 Andrew L. Griffin, Wordsworth and the Problem of Imaginative Story: The Case of Simon
Lee, 397.
 Bibliography
Bushell, Sally From The Ruined Cottage To The Excursion: Revision As
Re-Reading. Wordsworth Circle 45.2 (2014): 75-83.
Griffin, Andrew L. Wordsworth and the Problem of Imaginative Story: The
Case of Simon Lee Pmla 92.3 (1977): 392-409.

[82]
 Cameron Roybal
The Morality Ruleset
_________________________________________________________

F

ortune favors the daring, but seldom rewards the foolish. Roman Prov-
erb.
Imagine your perception of personal morality as standing at the
base of a tree. The impulse of your decision on a topic or action starts at the
base of the trunk. Immediately apparent to you before the application of that
decision is the rest of the tree above ground. You may see a few leaves and
branches if you decide to look further up, and perhaps some roots above
ground if you look down. The roots in this case will act to represent the
foundation upon which your morality in this situation is built. It has branch-
es and stems from many places. Thus, two similar opinions on morality will
differ due to their upbringing and growth. Let the branches above you and
the many leaves and stems represent the fractal cause and effect action that
is to take place upon deployment of your decision based in your morality.
On both ends of the tree you may see some glimpse of where the ideolog- [83]
ical construct came from, or where it could be going; however you cannot
understand the depth and intricacy of those events without taking a closer
look.
Humans are comprised of information, like our tree. We have a past
and a present. The build of our ideology and decision making toolbox is a
derivative of our past and, coincidentally, is the architect of our future. We
have the capability to assess our situation from our point of morality and
from a strategic independence from our impulse.
For example, let us say that you grew up a middle-class child in a
good home with loving parents who worked very hard to get where they are
today. You were engrained from a young age that money is only as good as
the sweat you payed for it. How does this person handle the idea of welfare?
In simple terms a person will get basic income for work they have not done.
This is binary to the ideas you grew up with.
Where in the roots do we find the path leading up to this persons
ideology? There is more to the story than middle class working American
here. The person develops their own core values over the course of their
experience. We can liken this to the rings within the trunk of our tree, the
colors, thickness, shape and quantity are all markers of experience. Think
of the morality as being comprised by a series of attribute points that are
 gained from each experience and placed into categories. Among those are
empathy, indifference, charisma, bravery, decisiveness, memory, etc.
In our example the child was taught that you must pay dearly for
your keep. Ultimately a manifest destiny ideology. This came from one les-
son, taught several times over and over as such is reinforced several times
over. Further, the other side of the story is, how do all the other lessons this
kid learned along the way affect the outcome of his opinion on something as
simple as welfare. The branches at the top of this tree continue to split and
turn the deeper you look.
When taking an analysis of the potential outcomes of a decision, one
must think logically and trace as many branches out to the top as possible.
Take a personal decision applied to a professional environment for example.
You are the investment advisor to a pension fund and after some personal
deliberation, you make the decision to divest in privatized prisons and any
companies that support their use. You are the manager, it is your choice. Let
us trace the potential branches out as far as we can. Morally, you are against
the unethical treatment of inmates as a work force effectively used as cheap
labor for American companies. They are humans and they deserve respect.
You divest. Now you must find something to invest in with similar returns
(the profits to operational cost on this type of work is low so suitable compa-
[84] nies will be difficult to find) in order to help support your ability as the fund
manager to pay the pension disbursements. Your decision, without a plan
of action for replacement has now potentially compromised the wellbeing
of those depending on your fund for their retirement income. Further, the
economic effect of divestment could be great in a large scale. Often times
the contracts for the prisons for cheap labor keep the prices down on their
products.
On the other side, privatized prisons appear to incentivize the use
and storage of prisoners. Increasing the number of inmates at each facility
can be profitable for those companies. The justice system is adversely affect-
ed and the inmates are subject to abuse. This sets a precedent for workers
rights globally placing them on a earn your rights basis. The affects of deci-
sions such as this can be explored into infinity.
Taking an analytical approach and surveying your options before
acting can allow you to wield your morality as a tool for accomplishing an
effective goal. Though this can appear as the longer and more difficult result,
the use of analysis, preparation and execution yield far more results. This
lens is used by successful investors and large corporations in determining
the best route to take when making decisions. The removal of emotion and
the implementation of a strategic plan allow you to visualize the goal and
take the most effective path.
For those that base their actions on systems of impulse and emotion
often times see decisive behavior (especially when it is successful) as hypo-
critical and often times questionable morally. In fact the timing of moving
their pieces is often very key to how effectively they achieve their goal. Re-
verting back to our prison example, the advisor that felt strongly about pri-
vate prisons can work within the system to achieve the goal. They can wield
their desire to end private prisons to achieve their goal by approaching the
situation analytically taking their pros and cons into consideration before
acting. It is not an instant gratification of achieving the goal but working
towards an end, a slow release of the clutch and press of the gas.
Take the initiative to achieve your objectives, just do so from the
high ground.

[85]
 Walt Whitmans I Sing the Body Electric: An Eclectic Critical
Edition of the Poem
_________________________________________________________

B etween 1855 and 1892, Walt Whitman wrote, published, revisited, and
revised Leaves of Grass into seven distinct versions and six authentic
editions that present readers and editors with enduring practical and the-
oretical problems. Because Whitman approved multiple varying versions
of his magnum opus during his lifetime, it remains unclear which of these
authoritative editions represents the true Leaves of Grass. Editions differ
globally in their organization and arrangement of poems, as well as in their
contents, and locally in the accidental and substantive readings they witness.
Readers who wish to encounter Whitmans work in its definitive and uncor-
rupted state face an unwelcome truth: the survival of competing authorial
versions obscures which, if any, of the editions one may confidently accept
as final. Editors who wish to prepare such a text must contend with an even
unhappier prospect: because Whitman approved each of the editions during
his lifetime, and because each version contradicts the others, neither first
[86] nor final intentions may be used to identify a reliable base-text from which
to construct an edition or an acceptable inventory of variant readings. In
its multiplicity, Leaves of Grass complicates casual or uncritical notions of
textuality as the transmission of recoverable intentions from an author to
an audience. In place of such notions, Whitmans miscellany offers a rich,
if reluctant, question: if we cannot determine what version of a text is de-
finitive in the case of authors who in their own lifetime approve a definitive
version, then what is the task, and the responsibility, of readers and scholars
who interpret literary texts and editors who prepare texts for interpretation?
No work embodies this conflict more successfully than Leaves of
Grass, and no poem in Whitmans collection embraces its textual uncertain-
ty more thoroughly than I Sing the Body Electric, the third lyric of the
section entitled Children of Adam. Ostensibly a celebration of erotic and
spiritual energy, I Sing the Body Electric records in its many revisions and
versions the mind of its author unable to settle either on a singular form of
its argument or on a coherent presentation of its form within the larger proj-
ect of Leaves of Grass. As with each edition of the book, each version of the
poem reflects Whitmans aesthetic ideology and ambition at a given moment
in his career as a poet. And with nearly forty years separating the first and
final printings of the poem during Whitmans lifetime, the book serves as
something of a memoir not only for Whitman but also for America. Through
its several editions, the poem transforms itself, often violently, in an effort
to come to some sort of conclusion, ceaselessly evolving in dynamic creative
activity. The six authentic versions of the poem show spontaneous mutation
of political and spiritually porous ideologiesan apt commentary on, or re-
flection of, both Whitmans own inconstant stance toward liberal optimism
and his countrys fractured attempts at reconstruction. The poem is experi-
mental, risky, mature, and subtle, and yet it is never all of these things at once
and in the same edition. Certainly, its vacillation owes much to its authors
own organic habit of mind and indeterminate philosophy, in which he culti-
vated variously lucid and habitually incongruous definitions of art, identity,
sexuality, and individualitya process of change reflected in the wide textu-
al variations he produced. One may profitably read both Leaves of Grass and
I Sing the Body Electric as the culmination of a lifes work, a spontaneously
changing document of personhood.
That document exists textually in six authentic editions. The first,
published in 1855 and designed by Whitman himself, although well bound
and decorated with embossed lettering, contains only twelve untitled poems
in eighty-five pages and no table of contents. A modest quarto bound in
cloth, the first edition printed 795 copies for sale in New York and Brooklyn.
The ten-page preface that opens the workan aggressive, posturing mani-
festofollows a frontispiece depicting an unnamed Walt Whitman.
The second edition of 1856, also decorated with embossed lettering,
continues the first editions rhetoric of anonymity by producing a title page
with no author but furtively assigning copyright to Walt Whitman on the
following verso. Bound in olive-green cloth, with its front cover blindstamped [87]
with leave and berries and goldstamped with the title, leaf designs, and text
reading I Greet You at the / Beginning of A / Great Career / R.W. Emerson,
the book measures six and two-third inches by three and three-sixteenths;
it is a squat volume resembling a hymnal or other portable text. Published
by Fowler and Wells, the edition did not sell well despite a new table of con-
tents detailing thirty-two poems (twenty of them previously unpublished), a
letter from Emerson, self-advertising reviews, and a frontispiece depicting a
rakish Whitman posing in the carpenter style. Here the poem appears, with
substantial revision, as Poem of the Body.
In 1860, Whitman further retooled his book by printing forty-five
poems with no letter or accompanying reviews or advertisements. Published
by Thayer and Eldridge, the brown-leather third edition printed between
two- and five-thousand copies. Among its 465 pages, the Poem of the Body
appears once again untitled, absorbed into the nebulous section entitled
Enfans dAdam.
The roughly produced fourth edition of 1867, containing 159 po-
ems in four sections, is the first version to title the poem I Sing the Body
Electric and place it as the third lyric in the Children of Adam section of
the book. Circulated as four separately paginated books between two covers
and designated the workshop edition for its raggednessa mirror perhaps
to the social and political upheaval of its time and the reconstruction of the
 postwar Union, the fourth edition contains only six new poems.
Published by J.S. Redfeild of New York and sold in New York, Bos-
ton, Philadelphia, and Washington, the fifth edition of 1871-2 (in two issues)
included 293 poems (twenty-four of them new), with I Sing the Body Elec-
tric remaining the third lyric of Children of Adam, where it would remain
in all subsequent editions.
The sixth edition published in Boston by James Osgood in 1881 gave
Whitman a chance to consolidate and unify the disparate threads that, for
thirty-five years, he had refused to weave into a tangible object. Reordering
the book into five large sections, Whitman cut thirty-nine poems and add-
ed seventeen, modified hundreds of individual lines, and reset much of the
texts punctuation, returning, in many cases, to the accidentals of the earlier
editions of 1856 and 1860.
A so-called deathbed edition copyrighted in 1891 and printed in
1892 reused the plates from the 1881 edition, making it, technically, an im-
pression and not an edition. In fact, the 1881 plates were used for all subse-
quent printings of Leaves of Grass during Whitmans lifetime. The spurious
status of the deathbed edition has been confused all the more by Whitmans
own words on it: As there are now several editions of L. of G., different texts
and dates, I wish to say that I prefer and recommend this present one, com-
plete, for future printings (Textual Variorum of the Printed Poems xxv).
This critical edition of I Sing the Body Electric is based on the text
[88] of the 1867 U.S. edition of Leaves of Grass, with emendations of accidentals
from the texts of the 1856, 1860, 1871 (first issue), and 1881 U.S. editions,
and with emendations of substantives from the texts of the 1871 (first issue)
and 1881 U.S. editions. Selection of the 1867 version as copy-text stems from
two interrelated considerations. First, although textual critics typically use
the first or final authoritative witness as their base-text, in the case of I Sing
the Body Electric, the first witness (1855) is incomplete compared to all oth-
er extant versions, and the final witness (1892) is not authoritative, although
it is authorial. Standard best-text approaches cannot, in this case, arrest the
erratic variant readings that claim equal authority among competing ver-
sions. Instead, a more prudent goal in constructing a critical edition may be
to preserve as much as possible the process of textual instability among the
multiple versions of the poem, refusing it a definitive base-text and drawing
eclectically on all editions, where appropriate. By privileging process over
product, such an approach may undermine the mythic narrative of first or
final intentions and a textually stable object and, instead, promote a porous
and collaborative model of textual reception and production. As Jerome Mc-
Gann observes, The work of art is . . . always tending toward a collaborative
status,1 and one may view the alternative versions of I Sing the Body Elec-
tric as the translation of an actual productive phenomenon (the creative
1 Jerome J. McGann, A Critique of Modern Textual Criticism (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1983), 43.
process) into a social one (the literary work), in which [a]uthority is a so-
cial nexus, not a personal possession.2 Second, the 1867 edition of I Sing
the Body Electric is distinct from other versions of the poem in at least three
ways. First, the 1867 edition is the first to include the title I Sing the Body
Electric, and it is the first version of the poem to balance and oppose two
distinct, major sections of text in its structure, a design that would remain
unaltered in all subsequent editions. Second, where earlier editions of Body
Electric reflect a freeform appreciation for the human body, later editions,
beginning with the 1867 version, take on a more political, or at least human-
itarian, ambition of their own. For instance, in the 1855 edition Whitman
does not reference slavery at all, and allusions made to it in the 1856 and
1860 editions treat slavery merely as a fact of social life. This stance changes
in the 1867 edition with the capitalization of Body and Soul and the use
of parentheses. Whitman appears to use parenthetical discourse to speak to
his audience in his own voice, dismantling the fictional distance between
person and person and harnessing that textual space for open conversation
and reflection on the national and individual guilt of human trafficking. And
third, the 1867 edition seems to present the most aesthetically and intellec-
tual complex text, a fulfillment of both the pantheistic spiritualism on which
Whitmans celebration of the body turns and the political allegory of unifica-
tion in which his democratic faith resides.
These distinctive qualities of the 1867 edition appear primarily in its
use of capitalization in accidentals and its confrontational substantive vari- [89]
ants. Most conspicuously, in the editions of 1856, 1860, and 1881, body
and soul are not capitalized, whereas in the 1867 and 1871 editions they
are. In part, the capitalization suggests an attempt to incorporate spiritual al-
legory into the poems more blatant political commentary on reconstitution
and reconstructionon how individuals participate in, or reflect, a single
shared Spirit. The poem itself, especially with the addition of the final ninth
section in 1856, is a celebration of the human body, and especially of the
bodys participation in what Whitman calls the procession of the universe.
By capitalizing the nouns, Whitman charges them with symbolic potential
and suggests, as when one refers to God, that the body is a manifestation of
the divine. Similarly, the Soul indicates not merely individual divinity but the
universal Spirit in which we participate. These accidentals are not present in
earlier or later versions, a striking absence in a song of praise to the body in
which parts and poems of the Body comprise the Soul. The Soul, as em-
bodied in the body, is less a sacred thing shared by all humankind in these
later editions than a personal inheritance.
Indeed, subsequent versions of I Sing the Body Electric seem di-
minished and slightly hedged in their modest use of accidentals, reflecting,
perhaps, a cooling of the aesthetic, spiritual, and political passion of the poet,
2 Ibid., 63, 48.
 or perhaps, his growing concern for his reputation. In the 1860s, Whitmans
pantheism would have found a hospitable climate in the war and its after-
math, where the rhetoric of spiritual communion could be used to promote
peace and respect for all humankind. Once the war ended, however, and
national attention turned from reconciliation to reconstruction, it is possible
that Whitman realized he would face censure for those beliefs that clashed
with the Christian mainstream.
Contrasts between the 1867 and 1871 versions and earlier versions is
similar, with early versions intimating but not fully disclosing the pantheism
of the 1867 and 1871 presentations. In addition to lowercase references to
body and soul, several lines, including the first line of the standard text and
the entire final ninth section, are not present in the 1855 version. Addition-
ally, in line 126 of the first edition, Whitman wrote, If life and the soul are
sacred; this he revised to read If any thing is sacred in the 1867 edition.
Focusing less on life and soul (which are commonly understood to be
sacred) and instead emphasizing any thing, Whitman here argues that ev-
erything is sacred. In its pointed use of capitalization, the 1867 version of
the text insists on a politicized spiritualism that binds bodies with souls, and
individuals with nations.
Indeed, substantive variants in later and earlier editions confirm
the uniquely particular strategy of the 1867 version. In its 1855 edition, the
poem reads laborer for slave, an indication of the poems later politici-
[90] zation, when the poet sought to modify and expand his earlier erotic and
spiritual reflection into a poem both pantheistic and patriotica spiritual
proclamation of union and regeneration, both national and individual, with
the soul and body intermingled and co-constitutive, like a restored nation.
Moreover, rather than refer to the slave at auction having that head, as he
had done in 1855, Whitman revised the line to read this head, as though
bringing the slaves body closer to the reader. Interestingly, Whitman revers-
es this tendency in the following section, originally referring to the slave as
him in 1855 but, in 1867, referring to the slave in the neuter, impersonal
pronoun it. The shift makes a political and spiritual point: when speaking
from his own authorial perspective, the more respectful terms arise. When
supplying the perspective of those in the slave market, Whitman uses the
pronouns of objectification and commodification even as he argues status
does not diminish the sacredness of a person, as each belongs here or any-
wherejust as much as you. The substantive variants of 1867 sharpen the
irony, whereas the blunter reading of the 1855 and 1881 versions dulls what
should sting.
The seemingly abrupt shift from generally erotic to specifically polit-
ical language attends to the works growing concern for synthesizing spiritual
reflection with social reform. In its first, second, and third editions, Leaves
of Grass sold in an antebellum market. In its fourth edition of 1867, it sold
in a market struggling to recover from the Civil War. Such circumstances
explain the otherwise odd exchange of armies in 1867 for bodies in 1860.
For Whitman, armies had a profoundly personal face. In 1861, following
the release of the books third edition, Whitmans brother George enlisted
in the Union army. In 1863, Whitman himself moved to Washington where
he visited military hospitals and worked as a nurse to wounded soldiers and
gravedigger for both Union and Confederate casualties.
This aspect of the 1867 version lends it an immediacy and energy
that seems subdued in later editions, in which, for instance, Whitman ex-
cised exclamation points, as though he were no longer in awe of the human
body; changed guiding to driving, a word with a more neutral lexical va-
lence; replaced dull-faced with meanest; and euphemized slave with
laborer of the gang. Teeming with such variants, the 1881 sixth edition feels
fatigued, whereas the prewar editions seem nave, broad, or general.
And yet, later and earlier editions have much to contribute to the
task of reconstructing not a definitive but a representative texta version of
the poem that might map its evolution, and the evolution of its author. 1867
and 1871 editions, for instance, see a marked uptick in the use of semico-
lons, replacing commas and em dashes with these stuttering and somewhat
grave delivery cues. However, following the 1871 edition, Whitman returned
to the comma, replacing semicolons with softer and smoother accidentals.
With four of the six authentic editions favoring commas over semicolons, in-
cluding the 1881 edition, it seems that Whitman experimented with a slower,
more deliberate, and more oratorical prosody only to reject it in favor of his [91]
first, more conversational, and more intimate style.
In order to make the text a faithful witness to the forty-year process
in which Whitman matured his aesthetic vision, it has been necessary to
incorporate such variant readings from earlier and later editions in order to
construct a text that most fully represents Whitman than any single edition
published during his lifetime is capable of doing. Whitmans prewar loose-
ness of accidentals and substantives, significantly tightened following the
war only to loosen again in the final, sixth edition of 1881-2, documents pre-
cisely the social and historical, collaborative process that McGann associates
with textual instability and the problem of authorial intent. Revision does
not stop after the authors death. If collaborationthe sociality and collectiv-
ity of any given textis admitted into the textual-critical task, then historical
environment can be viewed as an ever-shaping influence. In fact, in light of
the many editions authorized by Whitman during his lifetime, one may ask
seriously whether first or final intentions have any real bearing on editorial
emendation or choice of copy-text. The abundant and pronounced differenc-
es between initial, untitled editions and later, exquisitely organized editions,
as well as the variants found among the later editions themselves preclude
the identification of a single definitive edition as a copy-text. And conven-
tional recourse to the rationale of copy-text in matters of accidentals also is
complicated by Whitmans varied and yet authorized use of commas, capital-
 izations, semicolons, and other punctuationsaccidentals that do not mere-
ly confirm the stability of a given text but also, for Whitman, house symbolic
or allegorical actions. To reject an exclamation point or admit a lowercase
word in the copy-text merely because the copy-text has authority over the
reading of accidentals strips the poem of its organic, capacious, self-contra-
dicting evolution as well as its insistence that it tolerate collaborative practic-
es from its readership. Where possible, this critical edition has preserved the
accidentals of its copy-text; and yet, because of the unique symbolic weight
of the poems accidentals as well as the aesthetic ideology of collaborative
reconstitution promoted by the poem itself, this edition aims to represent
the accidental as well as substantive evolution of I Sing the Body Electric
through its changes during Whitmans lifetime. His strategic repurposing of
punctuation to serve the synthetic goal of reconciling political and spiritual
programsan ambition that balances precariously but provocatively on the
edge of Whitmans pre- and post-war preoccupationstracks much more
than mere authority. It hints at historical process and artistic vision. And so
although commas from earlier and later editions have been recovered as base
rather than variant readings, thematic and symbolic accidentals preserved
uniquely in the 1867 and 1871 editions, such as exclamation points, capital-
izations, and uses of em dashes, have been retained.
Speaking on Whitmans artistic process, Fredson Bowers remarks,
when one analyses very closely the numerous revisions in the New York
[92] Public Library manuscript, especially in their relation to the successive stages
of growth in the poem marked by the addition of initially independent mate-
rial, one learns a great deal about the way Whitmans artistic mind worked.3
In its irregular revision of lines, enjambments, end-stops, and stanza breaks,
I Sing the Body Electric records a phenomenological performance. As
Bowers notes, textual criticism should be considered an independent act of
critical inquiry into the authors mind and art.4 Each variant is a reflection
of a specific authorial intention. By knowing and understanding the process
through which a work is created, one better grasps the underlying intention
of the work at large. Or, as Philip Gaskell comments, different versions of a
text might have served different purposes.5
This critical edition has adopted variants from nearly all the extent
authentic editions in order to document the transformative national, spiri-
tual, political, and aesthetic processes that this poem privileges. The various
versions of the poem shift from rejoicing in the materiality of the human
form to reflecting on what it means to participate in a spiritual reality one
shares with all life. This edition aims to construct not merely the first or final
intention of the author but the unstable imaginative arc of his ideology. In
3 Fredson Bowers, Textual and Literary Criticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1959), 15.
4 Ibid., 12.
5 Phillip Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography. New York: Oak Knoll Press, 1995. 338.
so doing, it also aims to enact the collaborative and social fact of literature as
a historically conditioned reception and recovery of works that must, in the
end, be provisional hypotheses rather than fixed and certain solutions.

Jason Armijo, Andrew Barnes, Connor Campbell, Meredith Cooke, Emily

Funk, Nicholas Isbell, Jamie Klingensmith, Alicia Meehan, Nicholas Mykle-
bust, Gina Nordini, Agnes Pham, Bruce Ratliff, Laura Spiegle, Dylan Valenti,
and Jacob Wilkerson

[93]
 Bibliography
Bowers, Fredson. Textual and Literary Criticism. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1959.
Gaskell. Philip. A New Introduction to Bibliography. New York: Oak Knoll
Press, 1995.
McGann, Jerome J. A Critique of Modern Textual Criticism. Chicago: Uni
versity of Chicago Press, 1983.
Whitman, Walt. Leaves of Grass, A Textual Variorum of the Printed Poems:
Volume I: Poems 1855-1856. Edited by Scully Bradley, Harold
Blodgett, Arthur Golden, and William White. New York: New York
University Press, 2008.
U.S. Editions of Leaves of Grass. The Walt Whitman Archive. Last modi
fied April 13, 2016. <http://whitmanarchive.org/published/LG/in
dex.html>.

[94]
 I SING THE BODY ELECTRIC

1 I SING the Body electric;

The armies of those I love engirth me, and I engirth them;
They will not let me off till I go with them, respond to them,
And discorrupt them, and charge them full with the charge of the Soul.

5 Was it doubted that those who corrupt their own bodies conceal them
selves?
And if those who defile the living are as bad as they who defile the dead?
And if the body does not do as much as the Soul?
And if the body were not the Soul, what is the Soul?

The love of the Body of man or woman balks accountthe body itself balks
account;
10 That of the male is perfect, and that of the female is perfect.

The expression of the face balks account,

But the expression of a well-made man appears not only in his face, [95]
It is in his limbs and joints also, it is curiously in the joints of his hips and
wrists,
It is in his walk, the carriage of his neck, the flex of his waist and knees
dress does not hide
him,
15 The strong, sweet, supple quality he has, strikes through the cotton and
broadcloth,
To see him pass conveys as much as the best poem, perhaps more,
You linger to see his back, and the back of his neck and shoulder-side.

The sprawl and fulness of babes, the bosoms and heads of women, the folds
of their dress, their
style as we pass in the street, the contour of their shape downwards,
The swimmer naked in the swimming-bath, seen as he swims through the
transparent green-
shine, or lies with his face up, and rolls silently to and fro in the heave of
the water,
20 The bending forward and backward of rowers in rowboatsthe horseman
in his saddle,
Girls, mothers, house-keepers, in all their performances,
The group of laborers seated at noon-time with their open dinner-kettles,
 and their wives waiting,
The female soothing a childthe farmers daughter in the garden or cow-
yard,
The young fellow hoeing cornthe sleigh-driver guiding his six horses
through the crowd,
25 The wrestle of wrestlers, two apprentice-boys, quite grown, lusty, good-na
tured, native-born, out
on the vacant lot at sun-down, after work,
The coats and caps thrown down, the embrace of love and resistance,
The upper-hold and under-hold, the hair rumpled over and blinding the
eyes;
The march of firemen in their own costumes, the play of masculine muscle
through clean-setting
trowsers and waist-straps,
The slow return from the fire, the pause when the bell strikes suddenly
again, and the listening
on the alert,
30 The natural, perfect, varied attitudesthe bent head, the curvd neck, and
the counting;
Such-like I loveI loosen myself, pass freely, am at the mothers breast with
the little child,
Swim with the swimmers, wrestle with wrestlers, march in line with the
[96] firemen, and pause,
listen, and count.

I knew a man, a common farmerthe father of five sons,

And in them were the fathers of sonsand in them were the fathers of
sons.

35 This man was of wonderful vigor, calmness, beauty of person;

The shape of his head, the richness and breadth of his manners, the pale
yellow and white of his
hair and beard, and the immeasurable meaning of his black eyes,
These I used to go and visit him to seehe was wise also;
He was six feet tall, he was over eighty years oldhis sons were massive,
clean, bearded, tan-
faced, handsome;
They and his daughters loved himall who saw him loved him;
40 They did not love him by allowancethey loved him with personal love!
He drank water onlythe blood showd like scarlet through the clear-
brown skin of his face;
He was a frequent gunner and fisherhe saild his boat himselfhe had a
 fine one presented to
him by a ship-joinerhe had fowling-pieces, presented to him by men
that loved him;
When he went with his five sons and many grand-sons to hunt or fish, you
would pick him out as
the most beautiful and vigorous of the gang,
You would wish long and long to be with himyou would wish to sit by
him in the boat, that
you and he might touch each other.

45 I have perceivd that to be with those I like is enough,

To stop in company with the rest at evening is enough,

To be surrounded by beautiful, curious, breathing, laughing flesh is enough,

To pass among them, or touch any one, or rest my arm ever so lightly
round his or her neck for a
momentwhat is this then?
I do not ask any more delightI swim in it, as in a sea.

50 There is something in staying close to men and women, and looking on

them, and in the contact [97]
and odor of them, that pleases the soul well;
All things please the soulbut these please the soul well.

This is the female form;

A divine nimbus exhales from it from head to foot;
It attracts with fierce undeniable attraction!
55 I am drawn by its breath as if I were no more than a helpless vaporall falls
aside but myself
and it;
Books, art, religion, time, the visible and solid earth, the atmosphere and
the clouds, and what
was expected of heaven or feard of hell, are now consumed;
Mad filaments, ungovernable shoots play out of it, the response likewise
ungovernable!
Hair, bosom, hips, bend of legs, negligent falling hands, all diffusedmine
too diffused;
Ebb stung by the flow, and flow stung by the ebblove-flesh swelling and
deliciously aching;
60 Limitless limpid jets of love hot and enormous, quivering jelly of love,
 white-blow and delirious
juice;
Bridegroom night of love, working surely and softly into the prostrate
dawn;
Undulating into the willing and yielding day,
Lost in the cleave of the clasping and sweet-fleshd day.

This is the nucleusafter the child is born of woman, the man is born of
woman;
65 This is the bath of birththis is the merge of small and large, and the outlet
again.

Be not ashamed, womenyour privilege encloses the rest, and is the exit of
the rest,
You are the gates of the body, and you are the gates of the Soul.

The female contains all qualities, and tempers themshe is in her place,
and moves with perfect
balance;
She is all things duly veildshe is both passive and active;
70 She is to conceive daughters as well as sons, and sons as well as daughters.

[98] As I see my Soul reflected in Nature;

As I see through a mist, one with inexpressible completeness and beauty,
See the bent head, and arms folded over the breastthe female I see.

The male is not less the Soul, nor morehe too is in his place,
75 He too is all qualitieshe is action and power,
The flush of the known universe is in him,
Scorn becomes him well, and appetite and defiance become him well,
The wildest largest passions, bliss that is utmost, sorrow that is utmost,
become him wellpride
is for him,
The full-spread pride of man is calming and excellent to the Soul,
80 Knowledge becomes himhe likes it alwayshe brings everything to the
test of himself,
Whatever the survey, whatever the sea and the sail, he strikes soundings at
last only here,
(Where else does he strike soundings, except here?)

The mans body is sacred, and the womans body is sacred,

No matter who it is, it is sacred;
85 Is it a slave? Is it one of the dull-faced immigrants just landed on the wharf?
Each belongs here or anywhere, just as much as the well-offjust as much
as you;
Each has his or her place in the procession.

(All is a procession;
The universe is a procession, with measured and beautiful motion.)

90 Do you know so much yourself, that you call the slave or the dull-face
ignorant?
Do you suppose you have a right to a good sight, and he or she has no right
to a sight?
Do you think matter has cohered together from its diffuse floatand the
soil is on the surface,
and water runs, and vegetation sprouts,
For you only, and not for him and her?

A mans Body at auction;

95 I help the auctioneerthe sloven does not half know his business.

Gentlemen, look on this wonder! [99]

Whatever the bids of the bidders, they cannot be high enough for it,
For it the globe lay preparing quintillions of years, without one animal or
plant,
For it the revolving cycles truly and steadily rolld.

100 In this head the all-baffling brain,

In it and below it, the makings of heroes.

Examine these limbs, red, black, or whitethey are so cunning in tendon

and nerve;
They shall be stript, that you may see them.

Exquisite senses, life-lit eyes, pluck, volition,

105 Flakes of breast-muscle, pliant back-bone and neck, flesh not flabby, good
sized arms and legs,
And wonders within there yet.

Within there runs blood,

The same old blood!
The same red-running blood!
110 There swells and jets a heartthere all passions, desires, reachings, aspira
 tions;
Do you think they are not there because they are not expressd in parlors
and lecture-rooms?

This is not only one manthis is the father of those who shall be fathers in
their turns;
In him the start of populous states and rich republics,
Of him countless immortal lives, with countless embodiments and enjoy
ments.

115 How do you know who shall come from the offspring of his offspring
through the centuries?
Who might you find you have come from yourself, if you could trace back
through the centuries?

A womans Body at auction!

She too is not only herselfshe is the teeming mother of mothers,
She is the bearer of them that shall grow and be mates to the mothers.
120 Have you ever loved the Body of a woman?
Have you ever loved the Body of a man?
[100] Your fatherwhere is your father?
Your motheris she living? have you been much with her? and has she
been much with you?
Do you not see that these are exactly the same to all, in all nations and
times, all over the earth?

125 If any thing is sacred, the human body is sacred,

And the glory and sweet of a man, is the token of manhood untainted;
And in man or woman, a clean, strong, firm-fibred body, is beautiful as the
most beautiful face.

Have you seen the fool that corrupted his own live body? or the fool that
corrupted her own live
body?
For they do not conceal themselves, and cannot conceal themselves.

130 O my Body! I dare not desert the likes of you in other men and women, nor
the likes of the
parts of you;
I believe the likes of you are to stand or fall with the likes of the Soul, (and
 that they are the
Soul;)
I believe the likes of you shall stand or fall with my poemsand that they
are poems,
Mans, womans, childs, youths, wifes, husbands, mothers, fathers, young
mans, young
womans poems;
Head, neck, hair, ears, drop and tympan of the ears,
135 Eyes, eye-fringes, iris of the eye, eye-brows, and the waking or sleeping of
the lids,
Mouth, tongue, lips, teeth, roof of the mouth, jaws, and the jaw-hinges,
Nose, nostrils of the nose, and the partition,
Cheeks, temples, forehead, chin, throat, back of the neck, neck-slue,
Strong shoulders, manly beard, scapula, hind-shoulders, and the ample
side-round of the chest,
140 Upper-arm, arm-pit, elbow-socket, lower-arm, arm-sinews, arm-bones,
Wrist and wrist-joints, hand, palm, knuckles, thumb, fore-finger, fin
ger-balls, finger-joints,
finger-nails,
Broad breast-front, curling hair of the breast, breast-bone, breast-side,
Ribs, belly, backbone, joints of the back-bone,
Hips, hip-sockets, hip-strength, inward and outward round, man-balls,
man-root, [101]
145 Strong set of thighs, well carrying the trunk above,
Leg-fibres, knee, knee-pan, upper-leg, under-leg,
Ankles, instep, foot-ball, toes, toe-joints, the heel;
All attitudes, all the shapeliness, all the belongings of my or your body, or of
any ones body,
male or female,
The lung-sponges, the stomach-sac, the bowels sweet and clean,
150 The brain in its folds inside the skull-frame,
Sympathies, heart-valves, palate-valves, sexuality, maternity,
Womanhood, and all that is a womanand the man that comes from
woman,
The womb, the teats, nipples, breast-milk, tears, laughter, weeping, love-
looks, love-
perturbations and risings,
The voice, articulation, language, whispering, shouting aloud,
155 Food, drink, pulse, digestion, sweat, sleep, walking, swimming,
Poise on the hips, leaping, reclining, embracing, arm-curving and tighten
ing,
The continual changes of the flex of the mouth, and around the eyes,
The skin, the sun-burnt shade, freckles, hair,
The curious sympathy one feels, when feeling with the hand the naked meat
 of the body,
160 The circling rivers, the breath, and breathing it in and out,
The beauty of the waist, and thence of the hips, and thence downward
toward the knees,
The thin red jellies within you, or within methe bones, and the marrow
in the bones,
The exquisite realization of health;
O I say, these are not the parts and poems of the Body only, but of the Soul,
165 O I say now these are the Soul!

[102]
Critical Apparatus

1 O MY children! O mates!] 1860.

2 armies] 1867, 1871, 1881; bodies 1856, 1860.
4 Soul] 1867, 1871; soul 1881; line om. 1860.
5 doubted] 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881; dreamed 1855.
5 that] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; if 1881.
7 Soul] 1860, 1867, 1871; soul 1856, 1881.
8 Soul] 1860, 1867, 1871; soul 1856, 1881.
9 love] 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881; expression 1856.
9 Body] 1867, 1871; body 1856, 1860, 1881.
9 the body itself balks account] om. 1856.
10 That of the male . . . perfect] om. 1856.
12 face,] 1856, 1860, 1881; face; 1867, 1871.
13 wrists,] 1856, 1860, 1881; wrists; 1867, 1871.
14 him,] 1856, 1860, 1881; him; 1867, 1871.
15 broadcloth,] 1881; flannel; 1867, 1871; flannel, 1856, 1860.
16 more,] 1856, 1860, 1881; more; 1867, 1871.
19 silently to and fro in] 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881; silently in 1856.
19 swimming-bath] 1856, 1867 1871, 1881; swimming bath 1860.
20 rowboats] row-boats 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881.
24 guiding] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; driving 1881.
30 curvd] 1867, 1871, 1881; curved 1856, 1860. [103]
32 pause, listen, and count.] 1860, 1867, 1871; pause, listen, count. 1856,
1881.
33 sons,] 1856, 1860, 1881; sons; 1867, 1871.
40 love!] 1871; love; 1860, 1867; love, 1856, 1881.
41 showd] 1867, 1871, 1881; showed 1856, 1860.
42 saild] 1867, 1871, 1881; sailed 1856, 1860.
45 perceivd] 1867, 1871, 1881; perceived 1856, 1860.
50 Soul] 1860; soul 1856, 1867, 1871, 1881.
51 Soul] 1860; soul 1856, 1867, 1871, 1881.
52 form;] 1867, 1871; form! 1856; form, 1860, 1881.
54 attraction!] 1867, 1871; attraction, 1856, 1860, 1881.
56 feard] 1867, 1871, 1881; feared 1856, 1860.
63 fleshd] 1867, 1871, 1881; fleshed 1856, 1860.
66 women] 1860, 1867, 1871; women! 1856; women, 1881.
67 Soul.] 1860; soul! 1856; soul. 1867, 1871, 1881.
70 veild] 1867, 1871, 1881; veiled 1856, 1860.
71 Soul] 1860; soul 1856, 1867, 1871, 1881.
71 Nature,] 1881; nature, 1856, 1860; nature; 1867, 1871.
72 Soul] soul 1855, 1856, 1867-1891
72 one] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; One 1881.
72 completeness and beauty,] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; completeness, sanity,
 beauty, 1881.
73 female] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; Female 1881.
74 Soul,] 1860; soul, 1856, 1867, 1871; soul 1881.
74 more] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; more, 1881.
74 place,] 1856, 1860, 1881; place; 1867, 1871.
75 power,] 1856, 1860, 1881; power; 1867, 1871.
76 him,] 1856, 1860, 1881; him; 1867, 1871.
77 well,] 1856, 1860, 1881; well; 1867, 1871.
78 wildest] 1860,1867, 1871, 1881; fiercest 1856.
78 him,] 1856, 1860, 1881; him; 1867, 1871.
79 Soul,] 1860; soul, 1856, 1881; soul; 1867, 1871.
80 himself,] 1856, 1860, 1881; himself; 1867, 1871.
82 (Where else . . . here?)] 1871, 1881; parentheses om. 1856, 1860, 1867.
83 sacred,] 1856, 1860, 1881; sacred; 1867, 1871.
85 Is it a slave] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; is it the meanest one in the laborers
gang? 1891.
86 well-off] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1881; well off 1871.
87-8 (All . . . motion)] 1871, 1881; parentheses om. 1856, 1860, 1867.
88 procession;] 1867, 1871; procession! 1856; procession, 1860, 1881.
89 beautiful] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; perfect 1881.
89 motion.] 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881; motion! 1856.
90 much yourself] 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881; much 1856.
[104] 90 dull-face] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; meanest 1881.
92 diffuse] 1867, 1871, 1881; diffused 1856, 1860.
93 you only] 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881; you 1856.
94 auction;] 1867, 1871; auction! 1856, 1860; auction, 1881.
94 Body] 1867, 1871; body 1856, 1860, 1881.
96 wonder!] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; wonder, 1881.
97 it,] 1856, 1860, 1881; it; 1867, 1871.
98 plant,] 1856, 1860, 1881; plant; 1867, 1871.
99 rolld] 1867, 1871, 1881; rolled 1856, 1860.
100 brain,] 1856, 1860, 1881; brain; 1867, 1871.
101 makings of heroes.] 1867, 1871, 1881; making of the attributes of he-
roes 1856, 1860.
111 expressd] 1867, 1871, 1881; expressed 1856, 1860.
112 this is the father] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; this the father 1881.
113 republics,] 1856, 1860, 1881; republics; 1867, 1871.
117 A womans Body] 1867, 1871; A womans body 1856, 1860, 1881.
118 mothers,] 1856, 1860, 1881; mothers; 1867, 1871.
120 Body] 1867, 1871; body 1856, 1860, 1881.
121 Body] 1867, 1871; body 1856, 1860, 1881.
122-123 Your mother . . . over the earth] om. 1856, 1881.
127 is beautiful as the most] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; is more beautiful than
the most 1881.
130 Body!] 1867, 1871; body! 1856, 1860, 1881.
141 finger-balls] 1856, 1860, 1867, 1871; om. 1881.
159 meat of the body] 1867, 1871, 1881; meat of his own body, or another
persons body 1856, 1860.
164 Body] 1860, 1867, 1871; body 1856, 1881.
164 Soul,] 1860, 1867, 1871; soul, 1856, 1881.
165 say] 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881; think 1856.
165 Soul!] 1860, 1867, 1871; soul! 1856, 1881.
165 O I say,] 1867, 1871, 1881; O I think 1856; O I say now 1860.
166 If these . . . what is the soul?] om. 1860, 1867, 1871, 1881.

[105]
 STAFF RECOGNITION
_________________________________________________________

Editor-in-Chief Jamie Kligensmith

Assistant Editor Jonathon Weiss

Submissions Alexis Jas

Violet Mitchell

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Laura Spiegle

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