Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
University of Salzburg
13 & 14 July 2017
Keynote Speakers
S. Matthew Liao (New York)
Amy Mullin (Toronto)
Adam Swift (Warwick)
www.philosophy-childhood.org
Philosophy and Childhood 2
Organizing Committee
Monika Betzler is Professor of Practical Philosophy and holds the Chair of Phi-
losophy V, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitt (LMU) Munich.
Mar Cabezas is a Postdoc at the Centre for Ethics and Poverty Research, Uni-
versity of Salzburg, and works in the research project Social Justice and Child
Poverty, funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF): P26480.
Gunter Graf is a Postdoc at the Centre for Ethics and Poverty Research, Uni-
versity of Salzburg, and works in the research project Social Justice and Child
Poverty, funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF): P26480.
Gottfried Schweiger works as a Senior Scientist at the Centre for Ethics and
Poverty Research, University of Salzburg, and is the Principal Investigator of
the research project Social Justice and Child Poverty, funded by the Austrian
Science Fund (FWF): P26480.
on poverty, inequality and social exclusion and to discuss policies and other
measures of poverty alleviation.
The CEPR organizes also an annual Workshop in Philosophy and Poverty.
In 2016 Monique Deveaux (Guelph) was the invited speaker, in 2017 H.P.P.
[Hennie] Ltter (Johannesburg).
Find out more: www.povertyresearch.org
Venue
The conference will take place at the Unipark Nonntal building of the Universi-
ty of Salzburg just next to the city center of Salzburg.
The registration, keynote and panels talks will be in the seminar rooms 4.101
and 4.102, both located on the 4th floor of the Unipark (on the rooftop).
Conference Dinner
Thursday, 13 July 2017, 20.00
Keynote Speakers
S. Matthew Liao
holds the Arthur Zitrin Chair in Bioethics and
is the Director for The Center for Bioethics at
New York University. From 2006 to 2009, he
was the Deputy Director and James Martin
Senior Research Fellow in the Program on the
Ethics of the New Biosciences in the Faculty
of Philosophy at Oxford University.
He is the author of The Right to Be Loved
(Oxford University Press 2015) and edited
Moral Brains. The Neuroscience of Morality
(Oxford University Press 2016). In May 2007,
he founded Ethics Etc, a group blog for dis-
cussing contemporary philosophical issues in
ethics and related areas. He is interested in a
wide range of issues including ethics, episte-
mology, metaphysics, moral psychology, and
bioethics.
Amy Mullin
is professor of philosophy at the University of
Toronto Mississauga. She is the author of Re-
conceiving Pregnancy and Childcare: Ethics,
Experience and Reproductive Labor (Cam-
bridge University Press, 2005) along with nu-
merous articles on children, parenting, and
ethics in books and journals such as Ethical
Th eory and Moral Practice, Journal of Social
Philosophy , and Hypatia. In addition to as-
king about the responsibility individuals and
groups have to meet childrens needs and the
grounds for these moral expectations, she is
interested in questions about childrens res-
ponsibilities and in development of childrens
autonomy.
Philosophy and Childhood 6
Adam Swift
is a political theorist with some training in
sociology. Since January 2013, he has been
Professor of Political Theory in the Depart-
ment of Politics and International Studies at
the University of Warwick. He is a member of
Warwicks Centre for Ethics, Law and Public
Affairs.
His latest book is Family Values: The Ethics
of Parent-Child Relationships (with Harry
Brighouse, Princeton University Press 2014).
You can hear him talking about Family Valu-
es on Philosophy Bites and The Philosophers
Zone. You can see him talking about it here.
Currently his main research project is on Faith
Schools: Principles and Policies (with Matthew
Clayton, Andrew Mason and Ruth Wareham,
funded by the Spencer Foundation).
7 Philosophy and Childhood
Keynote Talks
Chair: Gunter Graf, Room: Room: 4.102, 4th Floor
Program
The program will include 32 talks in two parallel sessions and three keynote
talks over the course of two days. The conference dinner is on Thursday.
Panel Program
Panel 1: The Well-Being and Value of Children
Chair: Daniela Cutas, Room: 4.101, 4th Floor
Examples abound in which people, once adult and able to look back on their
lives, deplore their lost childhood. Further empirical evidence suggests that
a good childhood has particular value for a good life. The aim of this paper is
to explore what precisely makes childhood, as the first stage of life, uniquely
valuable, and how we can understand the connection between a good child-
hood and whole-life well-being.
Philosophical theories on whole-life well-being fail to account for the par-
ticular value of a good childhood for a good life. Instead, so-called temporal
egalitarianists maintain that the good life consists of the sum of its (in principle)
equally valuable parts. Since the phase of childhood is typically a rather small
part of a persons life span, a bad childhood can supposedly be compensated
for. Differently, so-called temporal preferentists maintain that particular stages
in life have more value. It is the prime of life that some take to be especial-
ly important, as this phase of life features the persons most important goals.
However, from the relatively small importance of childhood goals, this view
wrongly infers the minimal importance of a good childhood for a good life.
Given the implausible implications of these theories, my aim is to provide
a better explanation as to how the goods that accrue during childhood have a
particular impact on how well a persons life scores overall. Michael Bishops
causal network theory of well-being helps me substantiate the claim that ear-
ly developed childhood goods are important causal drivers for positive causal
networks. The absence of these causal drivers, instead, makes it easy to eit-
her extinguish a positive causal network or to prevent it from getting off the
ground. The value of childhood is thus best explained by reference to the tem-
poral location in which certain goods accrue. Suitable grounds are thus provi-
ded for a moderate time preferentism with regard to whole-life well-being.
11 Philosophy and Childhood
This paper argues that there are at least two respects in which the inequalities
that affect childhood are worse than the inequalities that affect other stages
of life and that this gives us good reasons to adopt a stages of life egalitarian
perspective (McKerlie, 1989; 2102) as opposed to a whole lives one. Stages
of life egalitarianism would be better suited to evaluate the inequalities that
affect children than whole lives egalitarianism since it would aim at achieving
equality between childhoods, and between childhoods and other stages of life,
rather than equality between whole lives, and so it would reject that the ine-
quality that affects childhood can be compensated by equality at later stages
of ones life.
Firstly, as opposed to adults, children are typically non-responsible for most
of the inequalities they are subject to. Children do not typically make decisions
that will impact how their lives go and whose results can make them worse off
than other children, such as which school to go, their diet, etc. Young children
lack the relevant capacities and the practical knowledge to make such decisi-
ons so these are normally made for them, and they are recipients of their out-
comes. Thus, childrens inequalities will be typically either the result of adults
decisions, or the result of brute luck. This makes their inequalities undeserved
and as such particularly bad according to conceptions of justice sensitive to
choice.
Secondly, the inequalities that affect children can have a strong and long-
term impact on their future life. Childhood is a critical period for the develop-
ment of moral conduct. Studies in cognitive developmental science show that
those children that are subject to hostile moral environments that lack recipro-
city and equality are likely to believe that life does not primarily revolve around
caring or fairness, but around power and domination (Arsenio & Gold, 2006),
so unequal and unfair environments do compromise their concepts of fair and
just behaviours (ODonnell, Schwab-Stone & Ruchkin, 2006). Thus, subjection
to inequalities and unfair treatment will make children develop the wrong set
of emotional and moral expectations.
Theorists have recently begun the important task of accounting for the nature
of well-being in children (Skelton, 2016; Hannan, forthcoming; Tomlin, forthco-
Philosophy and Childhood 12
ming). This work raises concerns about the adequacy of standard philosophical
approaches to well-being. The problem is that children fare rather poorly when
evaluated according to such approaches. Children typically lack many of the
factors that have been identified as positive contributors to well-being, such as
rationality, autonomy, desire-fulfilment, and perhaps even happiness (under-
stood as positive affect minus negative affect).
This realisation leads to an apparent dilemma (Tomlin, forthcoming). On the
one hand, we might continue to use standard accounts of well-being when
evaluating the lives of children. Opting for this approach seems to imply a
so-called predicament view of childhood, on which well-being among child-
ren is typically very low (Hannan, forthcoming). On the other hand, we might
argue that different accounts of well-being apply at different stages of life, such
that across-life comparisons of well-being are not possible. This avoids the pro-
blem of implying a predicament view of childhood, but it has other problematic
implications. For example, it lacks plausibility in accounting for certain end-
of-life situations that we would intuitively view as constituting a reduction in
well-being.
I argue that this dilemma can be avoided by rejecting a commonly-held as-
sumption. Well-being invariabilism is the view that: Any X that non-instrumen-
tally enhances well-being in one context must enhance well-being in any other
(Fletcher, 2009). More specifically, I argue that we ought to reject the assump-
tion that factors which enhance or negate well-being must always do so to the
same extent. Instead, we ought to accept that the positive or negative impact
of a given well-being contributor is subject to discounting or inflation depen-
ding on the role that that factor plays in the agents overall development. Using
examples of commonly-proposed well-being contributors, I explain how the
rejection of well-being invariabilism in favour of an inflation/discounting model
allows us to respond to the dilemma regarding the well-being of children. By
making this move, it becomes possible to use the same account of well-being
across life-stages, without thereby implying a predicament view of childhood.
13 Philosophy and Childhood
to rights that protect his or her *choices*. This type of account has an obvious
attraction insofar as it recognises the childs path toward the status of auto-
nomous adult one whose *choices* should be respected. It also appears to
account for the complex transition of adolescence. We will argue that such
accounts are flawed and that it is more revealing to frame the transition in
terms of the adolescents emerging responsibility for her own life. In part, this
is because of well-known problems in rights talk, concerning the allocation of
correlative duties to uphold rights, as well as well-known problems in choice
theories of rights, especially their difficulties in accounting for all the rights
usually accorded to adults. Here, however, we want to emphasise some dif-
ficulties that are especially important in the context of adolescence. We pay
particular attention to the special position that adolescents are in, both depen-
dent on their parent(s) and learning to act independently. If we think of parents
as having a special duty to negotiate a transition between their childs interest
and choice rights, we see that they will face serious epistemic obstacles, as
their children start to insist on (or indeed: gain a right to) privacy and to naviga-
te a sphere of relatively independent personal relationships. Relational changes
as children mature mean that parents necessarily lack the knowledge to enact a
rights-based gradualism. In order to account for the shifting normative position
of adolescents and parents, we need a more nuanced gradualism that empha-
sises shifts in *responsibilities* as adolescents exercise their emerging right to
relate to peers and elders outside the family.
This symposium will discuss the recent book by Gunter Graf and Gottfried
Schweiger on childrens bodily integrity. Bodily integrity is an important part
of a childs physical and mental well-being, but it can also be violated through
various threats during childhood; not only affecting physical health but also
causing mental damage and leading to distortions in the development of the
self. Gunter Graf and Gottfried Schweiger give an account of three areas, which
present different serious dangers: (1) body and eating, (2) body and sexuality,
and (3) body and violence. Through an in-depth examination of the available
theoretical and empirical knowledge, as well as a thorough ethical analysis, the
Philosophy and Childhood 16
central injustices in the mentioned areas are identified and the agents with
responsibilities towards children displayed. They conclude by providing insight
into the necessity of an ethical basis for policies to safeguard children and their
bodies.
Panel 4: Education
Chair: Minkyung Kim, Room: 4.102, 4th Floor
The aim of this paper would be to trace out the childhood figures in Lyotards
philosophy in order to understand how childhood can become a ground upon
which totalizing thought and practices are problematized. This kind of analy-
sis could be an opportunity for combining the questions of recent childhood
studies with classical concepts of philosophy, and for developing an interdis-
ciplinary research with the aid of philosophical perspectives. Childhood, com-
pared to his most famous concepts of postmodern and diffrend, is a less
explored, yet highly significant notion in Jean-Franois Lyotards philosophy. It
appears in his late writings as infantia, referring to the special status of children
in Roman law, mainly in terms of language ability, but also in terms of the con-
cepts of mancipium or oikos, conveying certain social and political structures in
Antique Roman and Greek cities. Thus infantia, representing something more
than a stage in life, becomes in Lyotardian philosophy a notion for interroga-
ting the role and place of the weak, the inarticulated, the heterogenous or
the altering within the systematical, which can allude to language as well as
to society. Furthermore, looking closer to older texts of Lyotard, one can see
that childhood appears under various figures, connected to psychoanalysis and
aesthetics in 1970s, associated to the overarching justice problem pointed out
by the concept of diffrend in 1980s. Indeed, one can see that through the
figures of infantile, minority, aisthesis and infantia, childhood stresses an inte-
rest for the inarticulated in Lyotards thought. This appears to be the place of
a resistance against totalizing tendencies in society itself or in thinking more
generally. Nevertheless, the relation between childhood and the system as to-
tality is much more complicated than a simple opposition. Childhood happens
to be an element of constitutive alterity within the system itself, making it work
despite and together with its violence, pointing out the risks of injustice and
damage inherent to it. This is why childhood in Lyotardian sense seems to be
deeply philosophical. It is the very foundation of philosophical thought as judg-
ment, appearing to be inseparable from the indeterminate question of justice.
Philosophy and Childhood 18
Many debates in the philosophy of disability center around wellbeing. The stan-
dard argument, for example, against the permissibility of intentionally having
disabled children (through selecting for disability before birth, failing to prevent
disability after birth, or actively causing disability) appeals to the claim that
disabilities are bad for their possessors. The most common response from the
opposing side seeks to justify at least some such choices by arguing that many
disabilities do not in fact reduce wellbeing.
I argue, however, that in a wide range of cases, the permissibility of causing
or failing to prevent disability does not crucially depend on the future wellbeing
of the child. Instead, we should appeal to something like Feinbergs anticipa-
tory autonomy rights of children: parents have an obligation to ensure that,
when their children become adults, they will have a wide range of valuable
opportunities open to them. This shift, from wellbeing to opportunity, is im-
portant. Empirical research suggests that the relationship between disability
and wellbeing is complicated and not well-understood, but it is much clearer
that disability prevents people from pursuing certain valuable options.
Several other philosophers have agreed that we should think about the per-
missibility of causing or failing to prevent disability in terms of Feinbergs an-
ticipatory autonomy rights. Those philosophers unanimously conclude that,
because disabilities like deafness close off many valuable opportunities, it is
typically wrong for parents to select for them. This simple analysis, though,
will not work. Although deafness closes off some options, it opens up others.
There is no clear way to measure the quantity of options open to the deaf
vs. the hearing, and even if there were, any plausible account of the value of
opportunities will need to weigh quality as well as quantity.
Accordingly, in the second half of the paper I look at different ways in which
we might measure the value of a set of options which we could preserve for
a child. The possibilities include valuing option sets via: (1) an objective stan-
dard, (2) their consequences for the wellbeing of the child, (3) the future prefe-
rences of the child, (4) the preferences of the parent(s), or (5) social consensus.
I conclude (contrary to the existing literature) that, on the basis of their chil-
drens anticipatory autonomy rights, parents likely should be given relatively
wide latitude to make choices that cause or fail to prevent certain disabilities.
Philosophy and Childhood 20
Recently, Sarah Hannan has argued that childhood is bad for children, drawing
on and elaborating so-called predicament views of childhood which were long
dominant in the field and defended by many authors but which have become
less influential within the last years. In our paper, we address Hannans claim
and develop three counterarguments to her conclusion that childhood is bad
for children.
First, we will show that Hannans evaluation of the goods and bads of
childhood depends on assumptions of the good human life she does not make
explicit enough. It seems that values such as autonomy, independence, nonin-
terference and self-determination are considered indispensable for a good life
and that every human lacking these qualities is always comparatively bad off.
While we agree in principle with the value of autonomy, we will argue that it
depends on the life phase and capacities of a person how it has to be under-
stood and what it contributes to a good life. Reduced autonomy is not always
bad, but a feature of human life that varies across the life circle, a fact that must
be included in well-being comparisons.
Second, we point to a general weakness of Hannans general argument: Her
account of childrens well-being is underdeveloped, which leads to a distorted
picture what a good childhood looks like. While addressing some dimensions
discussed in the literature as intrinsic goods of childhood, she does not pay
sufficient attention to childrens particularities and especially the fact that chil-
drens well-being is in itself a dynamic concept that undergoes many changes
and developments during the state of childhood. Furthermore, her account
of her identified bads of childhood is not sufficiently attentive to research
showing that children are capable of astounding functioning in areas such as
rationality and practical reasoning, although sometimes in a different way than
adults.
Third, we will address an unclarity in Hannans account that is crucial for
her argument. Many of her assertions show that childhood is potentially very
bad for children in that their specific vulnerabilities might get exploited and
that they suffer extreme levels of ill-being. However, we will argue that this
only shows that childhood is a potentially risky phase that needs to get pro-
tected. But this does not entail that it is in fact bad for children to inhabit it, if
it is framed in a way that is attentive to childrens needs. Furthermore, we will
highlight the importance of social recognition in this regard. If a societies valu-
es center primarily on independence, rationality and autonomy as the highest
goals, this devalues childhood (as other phases of vulnerability) and provides
Philosophy and Childhood 22
reasons to see it as something bad for children. If, however, the value of special
goods of childhood is recognized, it becomes unclear if childhood or adulthood
is better for those who inhabit them.
Many agree that we have some reason to respect the will of an adult, as it
concerns her own life, regardless of any further positive consequences. Con-
sequentialists may think so because it has final value that a person directs her
own life. Deontologists may think so simply because the will of another person,
a creature with dignity or moral standing, calls for respect.
It seems a growing consensus that children have rights and that childrens
voices should influence how they are treated. However, the ultimate justifica-
tion invoked for these positions is typically either benefits to the child in the
present, or promotion of her future autonomy. Even when childrens rights are
understood as choice rights, they are given this indirect, consequentialist justi-
fication.
I propose that there are no good reasons to withhold from children the
intrinsic respect we owe adults. Respect does not require self-legislation, sys-
tematic life-plans, a conception of the good, or awareness of ones ongoing
self-creation. The only prerequisite for respecting a persons will is that there is
one. Infants want only to be feed, to sleep, and to be close to another human
being. As children grow older, they come to want other things.
Respect for persons are not exhausted by respect for their will. We also
have some reason to respect their preferences, and special reason to respect
those preferences that are informed and coherent. In addition to these reasons
of respect, we also have reasons of care, i.e. reasons to protect and promote
well-being.
When we recognize these different sorts of reasons, it is not implausible
to recognize intrinsic respect for the will of children. What we should do, all
things considered, is often to protect children from their own imprudent will.
We should often do so out of respect for their own over all preference set, and
in order to promote their well-being and future autonomy. When we protect
them in this manner, however, we also fail to respect their will, which is a moral
costs.
23 Philosophy and Childhood
Apart from exceptional cases in which e.g. grandparents have been awarded
visitation rights, parents are allowed to exclude any individual from their chil-
drens lives, regardless of the interests of anyone involved. This is the case th-
roughout the Western world. In part, this status quo is meant to allow parents
the space needed to discharge their parental responsibilities. Arguably, inter-
vening to regulate parental behaviour in such matters would be a problematic
interference into the family, with a potential to harm not only parents but also
children themselves.
The entitlement of parents to arbitrarily exclude others from their childrens
lives can lead to the prevention or loss of connections that may be extremely
important for children and others who are not their legal parents. For example,
many children who have been conceived following gamete donation express a
strong desire to know their donors. However, even in legislatures where it is
in principle possible for children to identify and reach out to the donors, they
might not know that they were donor conceived: because whether they come
to know of this is up to their parents. One of the things that makes this possible
is the scarcity of ways to even express connections to children independently
from their parents. This leads to a framing of such situations in terms of compe-
tition to parenthood status: if genetic connections are about parenthood and
family, then they are a threat to the legal parents; if they are not, then children
cannot have an interest in them.
In this talk, I will look at parental exclusivity, its foundation, and the degree
to which it is compatible with current ethical and legal aspirations regarding
the moral status of children and the importance of their interests. I will illustra-
te this with the case of gamete donation. I will highlight the lack of terminology
apt to describe childrens interests and connections outside of the family. I will
show that the conceptualisation of children as holders of moral status, with
interests independent from those of their parents, is still underdeveloped.
Philosophy and Childhood 24
In this paper I ask whether fairness tells in favour of sharing the costs of child-
ren between parents and nonparents. Some authors (Folbre 1994, 2001; Ge-
orge 1987, 1993) claim that children are public goods, and that nonparents
unfairly free ride on parents efforts of having and rearing children who grow up
to be the future productive citizens who enlarge the tax base and maintain pu-
blicly funded welfare schemes. Parents thus have fairness claims to be subsidi-
zed by nonparents who internalise these benefits, according to the principle of
fairness as proposed by H.L.A. Hart and John Rawls (Hart 1955; Rawls 1971).
Critics (Rakowski 1991; Casal & Williams 1995; Casal 1999) have argued
that parents do not meet the conditions that typically give benefits producers
fairness claims over others, but have not provided a detailed defence for their
understanding of the fairness principle, and have been challenged on this score
(Olsaretti 2013; Gheaus 2015).
This debate, then, goes back to the question of what makes free riding un-
fair, and what the proper scope of application of the fairness principle is. I side
with Garett Cullity (1995, 2008) and George Klosko (2004) in thinking that un-
fair free riding is an instance of giving oneself objectionably preferential treat-
ment, and I propose an independent standard for identifying the range of cases
in which internalizing benefits produced by others amounts to giving oneself
such exceptional treatment.
I argue that benefits producers and unfair free riders are relevantly similarly
situated when (a) they are all better off by receiving a good rather than not
receiving it, and (b) each of them would be even better off in prudential self-in-
terested terms by defecting from contributing to this goods production (while
still receiving it). The objectionably preferential treatment that free riders allow
themselves is enjoying the option that best promotes their interests (getting
the public good and defecting) at the expense of producers who forgo doing
precisely that.
I conclude that nonparents are not unfairly free riding on parents efforts
because while nonparents are indeed enjoying the option that best promotes
their interests (receiving public goods secured by others), so are parents who
have an interest in parenting themselves and therefore would not be better off
by defecting.
25 Philosophy and Childhood
What is so peculiar about the life, needs and claims of childhood that compels
us to distinguish children from adults? Most answers to this question in the
philosophical literature take a life-stage approach: they understand the claims
of childhood as being grounded on the needs of a person with regards to a
specific time-frame of their life. There are two strands of the life-stage model:
becoming and being. The becoming approach, grounded on developmental
psychology, considers childhood as the lack of certain adult capacities, and
focuses the claims of childhood in the adult life-stage. The being approach,
on the other hand, has criticised the former due to its focus on the adult-to-
be, and its disregard for the child herself. It proposes distinguishing childhood
from adulthood by giving prominence to the goods of childhood in itself and
to the benefits that this stage of life offers to a person, instead of looking at
its deficiencies. Both of these life-stage approaches offer important insights
for understanding the claims of childhood, but, due to their focus on a specific
stage of life, they miss some elements that should be considered when asses-
sing what a child is. This paper critically assesses life-stage understandings of
childhood, arguing that certain insights of both the becoming and the being
models are fundamental for conceptualising childhood, but that neither is suf-
ficient for a comprehensive understanding of the claims of children. Standing
on John Deweys understanding of child development, and based on the fun-
damental role that malleability plays in framing what I child is, I defend what I
label the to be model. It intends to encompass the claims that the child has,
regardless of the life-stage focus. While the being model focuses its efforts
on the present child, and the becoming model emphasises the future adult;
the to be model (as the infinitive intends to describe) aims at providing an
understanding of childhood that avoids the potential setbacks of focusing on
the goods of a specific life-stage, while expanding its definition to frame child-
hood as an ever-evolving process whose claims should not be reified through
life-stage definitions.
Philosophy and Childhood 28
Suppose we think that equal opportunity is the right ideal to inform our educa-
tional system. What exactly does that require? Some argue that what is re-
quired is a level playing field at the age of majority. Equality of opportunity is
satisfied if we ensure that, at that particular time, we have successfully neut-
ralized or eliminated a class of equality-undermining factors like race, gender,
or social class. This having been done, we neednt (or shouldnt) correct for any
subsequent inequalities that develop. Critics of this one-off view level vari-
ous charges against it, to the effect that it is indefensible to think (assuming
one believes in equality of opportunity in the first place) that ones duties are
exhausted by guaranteeing a single moment of equality of opportunity.
The critics of the one-off view have so far had the better of the argument,
but in this paper I defend a version of that view, based on an appeal to the
value of individual autonomy. Autonomy is an unusual value in that recogni-
sing it commits one to a particular account of distributive justice: roughly, a
modified form of luck-egalitarianism with autonomy as its distribuendum. The
reason for this is that autonomy (which I understand to be an agent deciding
for herself what is valuable and living her life in accordance with that decision)
includes individual responsibility as a central component. That means that the-
re are internal limits to state action which aim at the promotion of autonomy:
there comes a point when ostensibly autonomy-promoting action becomes
self-defeating, by dint of undermining an individuals responsibility for how her
life goes. So, there comes a point in someones life when seeking to correct for
inequalities in autonomy will be interdict, because self-defeating in this way.
This line of thought supports the one-off view, with some important limita-
tions. It also offers an elegant way to solve the problem of delimiting childhood
and adulthood, but suggesting that that distinction is a consequence of (and
not a prior constraint on) the correct theory of educational justice.
29 Philosophy and Childhood
Toddler Duties
Yuval Eylon
Children, let alone toddlers, are often thought of as largely exempt from moral
duties. The idea is that moral duties require full-blown agency and only attach
to subjects who are culpable if they fail to meet them. My aim is to challenge
this line of thought, by presenting a case in which I will argue toddlers have a
moral responsibility, without implying agency or culpability.
Following the perceived eradication of polio the Israeli vaccination program
included only the dead virus vaccine (as in other countries). In 2013 a wild
strain of Polio was discovered in routine sewage monitoring. Consequently, it
was decided to administer the live vaccination as well, in order to prevent pos-
sible infection and spreading of the virus.
The (very low risk) live Polio vaccination was given only to children who have
already been vaccinated with the highly effective dead vaccine. Therefore, the
personal health of these children stood to gain little or nothing from the vacci-
nation. The main projected benefit was to others who would come into contact
with the children - the children were used to help shield vulnerable members
of the community (unvaccinated, elderly, ill, etc.). Nevertheless, it seems that
parents were morally obliged to vaccinate their children.
What, if anything, can justify this perceived obligation? After rejecting se-
veral suggestions based on traditional views of parental rights and duties, I will
sketch my own proposal for justifying the obligation.
First, I introduce an imaginary case of a disease, schmolio, identical to our
polio case except that that both the disease and the vaccination are relevant
only to adults. I claim that in this hypothetical scenario adults are clearly under
a moral obligation to take the live vaccination for the benefit of others, even if
personally they stand to gain nothing.
Is this hypothetical relevant to the issue of parental obligation to vaccinate
their children? I suggest that the best explanation for the parental duty is that
children are under a similar obligation to the one of adults in the hypothetical
case, and that parents are under an obligation to discharge it.
In this paper I shall assume that childrens rights are superior to parental rights.
Such a hierarchy stems from the unique status of parents and children. Parents
are the bearers of an obligation regarding childrens rights, which stems from
Philosophy and Childhood 30
the special relationship in which parent and child stand to one another. But the
extent of this primacy of rights is unclear. One reason for this lack of clarity
is that childrens rights are not derived from the relationship to their parents;
their rights are secured as individuals. But since an asymmetry in the parent
child relationship is thought to contribute to childrens chance of a good life,
most people are willing to accept that children have a right to best care, whate-
ver limitations this might place on parental rights, without further questioning.
But childrens rights are nevertheless limited: the question is not whether
one set of rights overrides the other but merely to what degree. To put it dif-
ferently, I argue here that children do not have a right to best care, which by
definition overrides parental rights entirely. Rather, they have a right to ade-
quate care, which allows parental autonomy to be maintained, with all that this
entails.
I want to establish four interrelated claims in this paper:
A. Children do not have a pro-tanto moral right, either enforceable or
non-enforceable, against their parents or against anyone else, to best care.
B. Children do have a moral right to adequate care. They have this right
against their parents, and the correlative parental duties are enforceable. They
also have such rights against the state, and the states correlative duties may be
numerous; one of them, however, is to enforce the parental duty.
C. As for good care which is better than adequate care, but not necessarily
best care:
i. Children do have such a moral right against their parents.
ii. The correlative parental duty is not enforceable.
iii. Children may have this right against the state to other duties, for instance
supplying free education above adequate level.
This paper aims to defend and develop the transformational view of human
learning and psychological development initially articulated by John McDowell
and given a sustained and detailed treatment by David Bakhurst in his book
31 Philosophy and Childhood
The Formation of Reason (2011). The view maintains that humans undergo
a significant transformation from mere animal to a rational and intentional
agent through enculturation and immersion in shared practices and traditions.
Through this transformation the child acquires what McDowell calls a second
nature which picks out distinctly human modes of thinking, acting, and appro-
aching the world in general. A critic of the transformational view, Sebastian
Rdl, asserts that no such transformation takes place and that rationality alrea-
dy exists in the child as part of her first nature. He uses empirically-grounded
insights on the phenomenon of joint attention to argue that the child already
manifests rational consciousness from the get go.
In this paper I consider phenomenological accounts of joint attention (in-
formed by the work of Shaun Gallagher, Alva No and others) and argue that
Rdls treatment of the phenomenon is implausible and unconvincing. Further,
I advance a play-centered alternative to Rdls intellectualist treatment of joint
attention. Here I appropriate Johan Huizingas notion of play as a characteristic
element of human cultural practice and argue that the said notion is present in
episodes of joint attention. From this perspective of play, I maintain that the
child can gradually be more attuned to and familiar with the normative struc-
ture of a shared practice which allows her to have in view a normatively struc-
tured world as well as grasp the space of reasons that render her moves intelli-
gible in that world. Moreover, I argue that this perspective also allows the child
to obtain what P. F. Strawson calls participant reactive attitudes which attach
to rational and intentional agents insofar as they are considered participants
in a shared cultural practice. Corollary to my argument is that instead of con-
ferring reason a central and necessary role in joint attention as Rdl suggests,
I maintain that the crucial capacity at work in these episodes is the power of
the imagination.
philosophy in general). The bridging link between these two different types of
philosophical approaches of childrens ideals lies in the assumption that the-
se ideals require intersubjective recognition and intersubjective articulation as
necessary conditions for their formation and development. As I will argue in
the last part of this paper, philosophizing with children is best equipped to
make these conditions available. However, philosophizing with children should
not be restricted to the pedagogical task to support the development of the in-
fantile self. In addition, by recognizing childrens ideals as having intrinsic value
and by bringing them into philosophical inter-generational dialogs, this philoso-
phizing could have a significant revitalizing impact on the academic Philosophy
itself. In the first part of the paper, I focus on a psychoanalytical theory of the
genesis and the development of ideals during childhood as fundamental com-
ponents of the structure of the human self. This theory was mainly elaborated
by Heinz Kohut in the second half of the 20th century. As we shall see, ideals
can be stabilized only if they become articulated, and only if they are supported
by the significant others of the child. Axel Honneths theory of intersubjecti-
ve recognition, which will be discussed in the second part of the paper, helps
us describe more precisely which kinds of support are needed and how they
could be given. Finally, in the last two sections, I shall argue that philosophizing
with children is probably the best way to systematically encourage children to
articulate their ideals, and this supports their self-formation. Besides, philo-
sophizing with children should also be seen as a practice that generally keeps
philosophy vital, for only if philosophical concepts are linked to living and dy-
namic ideals, can these concepts be prevented from becoming a kind of dead
heritage.
Children need, and are being owed, parents: that is, people who control child-
rens lives in numerous ways. At the same time, childrens moral status makes
it generally impermissible to sacrifice their interests for the sake of advancing
other individuals interests. Because parenting involves such extensive power
over children, it seems that the moral right to rear a particular child is held by
the individual who would make the best available parent to that child. Yet, this
belief is at odds with universal practices of, and legislations regulating, childre-
aring. Liberal philosophers attempted to explain why mere adequate parents
can hold the right to parent. I analyse, and refute, two such attempts: one that
seeks to ground the right to parent in both the childs and the would-be ade-
33 Philosophy and Childhood
quate parents interest; and a second one explaining why procreators have the
right to parent if they can do it adequately. The thesis that the right to parent is
held by the best available parent is deeply revisionary. However, the reform it
indicates need not be worrying, given two additional qualifications. First, while
parents may exclude others form exercising high level authority over their chil-
dren, they do not have the moral right to exclude others from associating with
the child. Therefore, the most important goods of childrearing can be made
available to a large number of adults. Second, children usually come into the
world as part of an already existing relationship with their gestational parent;
this relationship deserves protection.
Philosophy and Childhood 34
35 Philosophy and Childhood
This book presents new findings that deal with different facets of the well-
being of children and their relevance to the proper treatment of children. The
well-being of children is considered against the background of a wide variety of
legal, political, medical, educational and familial perspectives. It has three ma-
jor sections with the essays in each section loosely organized about a common
general theme. The first section focuses on issues concerning the relation bet-
ween childrens well-being and autonomy or agency. The second section deals
with child well-being insofar as the limits of parental authority are concerned.
The third section has a more applied orientation and addresses a variety of
public policy controversies involving the interpretation of childrens well-being.
The family is hotly contested ideological terrain. Some defend the traditional
two-parent heterosexual family while others welcome its demise. Opinions
vary about how much control parents should have over their childrens upbrin-
ging. Family Values provides a major new theoretical account of the morality
and politics of the family, telling us why the family is valuable, who has the right
37 Philosophy and Childhood
to parent, and what rights parents shouldand should not have over their
children.
The Centre for Ethics and Poverty Research (CEPR) of the Univer-
sity of Salzburg is happy to announce the call for papers for its
2018 Salzburg Workshop in Philosophy and Poverty. In 2018,
the workshop will be held at the University of Salzburg on 17 &
18 May 2018 and focus on the topic of Poverty and the Family.
www.workshop-poverty-philosophy.org
We thank our sponsors!
Kultur