Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Kenneth R. Hall
Abstract
This study is the substantial update to a journal article published in
1981, focal on the first northeast Sumatra fourteenth- and fifteenth-
century Islamic Sultanate Samudra-Pasai port-of-trade. In doing so the
study represents the significant transitions in Indian Ocean history that
were substantially influenced by Michael Pearsons scholarship.
Samudra-Pasai was a notable eastern Indian Ocean fourteenth- and
fifteenth-century Straits of Melaka international maritime stopover that
competed against the west-central Malay Peninsula-based Melaka
emporium for regional commercial prominence prior to Portuguese
seizure of Melaka in 1511. Past histories are based on the several
surviving contemporary maritime sojourner accounts, Chinese dynastic
records, and the local sixteenth-century Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai
dynastic chronicle. Recent anthropological surveys of the Sumatra
upstream pair with new archaeological recoveries, which include dated
Arabic script inscribed dynastic tombstones, to mandate a re-evaluation
of upstream downstream networking that was the basis of Samudra-
Pasais over two-century sovereignty. This study moves beyond initially
innovative 1970s conceptions of early Straits of Melaka upstream-
downstream networking in its incorporation of Michael Pearsons
32 | ASIAN REVIEW OF WORLD HISTORIES 5:1 (JANUARY 2017)
Key words
Aceh, Duarte Barbosa, Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, Ibn Battuta, Java, Ma
Huan, Melaka, Minangkabau, Ming China, Samudra-Pasai, Straits of
Melaka, Odoric (Father), Sumatra, Tome Pires, Zheng He
I. INTRODUCTION
1 See 0. W. Wolters, The Fall of Srivijaya in Malay History, Ithaca, New York, Cornell
University Press: 1970; Billy Kee Long So, Dissolving Hegemony or Changing Trade
Paterns? Images of Srivijaya in the Chinese Sources of he Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 29, 2 (1998), 295-308.
2 Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese (Kuala Lumpur: 1961), 63; O. W. Wolters, Early
Indonesian Commerce (lthaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1967), 251, quoting
Chu'u-fei in his Ling Wai Tai Ta, a work extensively incorporated into Chau Ju-kua's Chu
fan-chih. See F. Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, Chau-Ju-kua (St. Petersburg: 1911).
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 33
Map 1: South China Sea, Java Sea, and Straits of Melaka Extended Eastern Indian
Ocean Maritime Trade Routes Based on Navigability, c. 1200-1500
3 E. Edwards McKibben, Beyond Sarndib: A Note on Lambri at the Northern Tip of Aceh,
Indonesia, 46 (October 1988), 102-21.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 35
4 Hill, 8.
5Polo. Chapters 9-11 of Book III; see Kenneth R. Hall, "The Coming of Islam to the
Archipelago: a Re Assessment" in Hutterer, ed., 213-31.
6 Schrieke, 16, 230-67.
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7 Ma Huan, 115 -18. A.H. Hill sees tension between a pro-Hindu Majapahit element and a
pro-Islam faction in the Hikayat Raja Pasai (Hill, 7-10), but this conflict is more likely than
between internal (upstream) and external (downstream) factions, as developed below.
8 Scholars have argued that the conversion to Islam by Sumudra-Pasai, Melaka, northern
Java, and other early Malay world port-polities was done to encourage Indian Ocean
merchants, themselves in some instances recent converts to Islam, to frequent their port.
However, Melaka became a commercial power in the early fifteenth century despite
Samudra-Pasai's wider recognition as a center of Islamic scholarship at that time. Indeed,
Chinese sources record the shift of Java's spice trade to Melaka before the conversion of
Melakas rulers to Islam (see the Hsing-cha Sheng-lan, 1436, as translated in Groeneveldt,
210). It is apparent in the case of Melaka that the initial expansion of this new port was due to
Chinese patronage; it was after the withdrawal of the Ming from an active presence in
Southeast Asia that Melakas rulers quickly converted to Islam, as if this was necessary for
Melakas survival as a major Southeast Asian port-of-trade [see C. Wake, "Malacca's Early
Kings and the Reception of lslam," Journal of Southeast Asian History, 5, 2 (1964), 104-28];
R. O. Windstedt, "Outline of the Shellabear version of the Sejarah Melayu ," JMBRAS, I6, 3
(1938), 1-225.
9 On the conversion of Sumudra-Pasai, see A. H. Hill, "The Coming of Islam to North
Sumatra," Journal of Southeast Asian History, 4, 1 (1963), 6-21. Anthony Johns' emphasis on
the role of the Sufi movement as an agent of conversion needs to be factored relative to early
north Sumatra Islamic conversions. See A. H. Johns, "Islam in Southeast Asia: Reflections
and New Directions," Indonesia, 19 (April 1975), 33-55.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 37
10 See Hall, "The Coming of Islam," and the Sejarah Melayus telling of this story in Brown,
40-49.
11 Hill,
"Hikayat," 27. Some of the legends contained in the Hikayat can be identified as
based on the retelling of Indian folktales, while some are segments of Malay folk legends.
The use of popularly-known symbols is especially important in the stories' narration.
12 Elizabeth Lambourn, Khutba and Muslim Network Networks in the Indian Ocean (Part
II) Timurid and Ottoman Engagements, in Kenneth R. Hall, ed., The Growth of Non-
Western Cities: Primary and Secondary Urban Networking, c. 9001900, Lanham, MD:
Rowman and Littlefield/Lexington Books, 2011, 131-58; Inscriptions as Artifact: New
Perspectives on Tombstones and Samudras Ruling Elite During the Fourteenth Century,
paper draft incorporated into Tombstones, Texts, and Typologies: Seeing Sources for the
Early History of Islam in Southeast Asia, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the
Orient, 5 (2008), 252-86; Before Batu Aceh: The Formation of the Batu Aceh Tradition in
Fifteenth Century Samudra-Pasai, Indonesia and the Malay World, 31.93 (2004), 211-48;
From Cambay to Pasai and Gresik: The Export of Gujarati Grave Memorials to Sumatra and
Java in the Fifteenth Century, Indonesia and the Malay World, 31.90 (2003), 221-89.
38 | ASIAN REVIEW OF WORLD HISTORIES 5:1 (JANUARY 2017)
17 Hill,
"Hikayat," 9. Note that the three referenced ports form an inclusive region that
connected or served as the borderless passage between the eastern Indian Ocean to the
South China Sea in the minds of the Chinese.
18 Hill,"Hikayat," 27. Hill warns that such legends contained in the Hikayat are
localizations of Indian folktales, and others segments of Malay folk legends rather than
complete reality. The use of such popularly-known symbolic tales are argued to have been
especially symbolically and thematically important in these stories' narration as they
reinforced dynastic legitimacy.
19 Hill, "Hikayat," 13.
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20 D'Albuquerque, The Commentaries of the Great Alfonso D' Albuquerque, Second Viceroy
of India, trans. By Walter de Gray Birch (London: 1875-1884),. 64.
21 The ambiguity of the Chinese information about the fall of Samudra-Pasai is due to the
cessation of official communications between the two polities after 1434 or 1435, as after this
date Ming interest in the commercial affairs in the South substantially subsided. See
Groeneveldt, 211-15. The Ming government also discontinued the export of Chinese ceramics
among other Chinese products, which created opportunities for enterprising Southeast Asian
to fill this Ming Gap. Roxanna M. Brown, The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in
Southeast Asia: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware (Bangkok: River Books, 2008).
22 Heng, Sino-Malay Trade and Diplomacy, passim.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 41
23 Ma Huan, 10-14.
24 Ibid., 120-21.
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25Ma Huan, 122-24; see also Denys Lombard, Le Sultanate d'Atjeh au temps d'Iskandar
Muda, 1607-1636 (Paris: 1967); and Anthony Reid, "Trade and the Problem of royal power in
Aceh: Three Stages: c. 1550-1700" in Anthony Reid and Lance Castles, eds., Pre-Colonial
State Systems in Southeast Asia (Kuala Lumpur: 1975), 45-55. Derek Heng Thiam Soon,
The Trade in Lakawood Products Between South China and the Malay World from the
Twelfth to Fifteenth Centuries AD, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 32, 2 (2001), 133-49.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 43
32 Michael Pearson, Littoral Society: The Concept and the Problems." Journal of World
History, 17, 4 (2006), 353-73.
33 Janet Gaynor, Ages of Sail, Ocean Basins, and Southeast Asia, Journal of World
History, 24, 2, 2013, 309-33; Intertidal History in Island Southeast Asia: Submerged
Genealogy and the Legacy of Coastal Capture, forthcoming, Cornell University Press.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 47
35 Yule, 86.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 49
36 See Derek Heng, Export Commodity and Regional Currency: The Role of Chinese
Copper Coins in the Melaka Straits, Tenth to Fourteenth Centuries, Journal of Southeast
Asian Studies, 37, 2 (2006), 179-203.
37 lbn Battuta, 273.
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commercial centers not only along the Sumatra coast but also,
and especially with Java. Camphor, for instance, is known as
the major export of the western Sumatra coast prior to the
fifteenth century, notably from Barus and its linked productive
upstream plateau Minangkabau region, which was also fruitfully
networked to Sumatras east coast via a series of riverine and
mountain trail passageways.
Saumdra-Pasai from the fifteenth century thus became
the principal northwest coast port-of-call between northern
Sumatra and the Sunda Straits. Cloves, nutmeg, and mace
were all products of the eastern Indonesian archipelago that
would have reached Samudra-Pasai via Javas ports. It would
seem that this marketplace availability of spices was critical to
the initial emergence of Samudra-Pasai as a major maritime
entrept. The marketing of eastern Indonesian archipelago
spices attracted western Indian Ocean merchants to Samudra-
Pasai, eliminating the necessity of their onward travel to Java
coast ports. But what was most unique about Samudra-Pasai
among other Sumatra coast ports that most attracted the
Western, Chinese, and Java traders?
Exploring the second part of this question in turn answers
the first. Java's fourteenth-century commercial networking with
the central Vietnam coastline and China to the north made the
northern Sumatra coast strategically important to South China
Sea and Java Sea commercial interests. In this time northern
Sumatra pepper was much in demand among merchants
servicing the China marketplace.38 Chinese maritime diaspora
desired Sumatra's pepper, which was less expensive than that
of India's Malabar coastline though inferior in quality. The Italian
merchant sojourner Nicolo de Conti's early fifteenth-century
report is the first Western account to stress Samudra-Pasai's
role as that eras critical marketplace for the purchase of
Sumatra pepper.39
The principle chronicler of Zheng Hes early fifteenth-
century voyages, the Muslim translator Ma Huan, also reports
38 Schrieke, 24. At that time Chinese ships carried spices and pepper to China from north
Java coast ports, especially Tuban.
39 As well us gold and camphor, see Conti, 9.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 51
45 The Chinese Xing Cha Sheng Lan (Description of the Starry Raft) account of Zheng Hes
voyages, composed in 1436, also confirms Semudra-Pasais trade with China via Java,
reporting among Samudra-Pasais imports Chinese green and white celadon and silk and
Javanese cloth (Groeneveldt, 210); pepper was said to be its major export. The ethnicity of
the sojourners who transported the trade goods from Samudra-Pasai to Java and other
regional destinations is not clear. Pires cites among Samudra-Pasais fifteenth-century trade
community Turks, Arabs, Persians, Gujaratis, south Indians (Klings), Malays, Javanese, Thai,
Peguans, and Kedahans (Pires, 142, 44). He reports that no ships were built at the Samudra-
Pasai port because of a scarcity of suitable wood (145); however its rulers owned laucharas,
Javanese ships that carried Samudra-Pasais trade commodities to destinations throughout the
Indonesian archipelago.
46 See Wolters, Fall, passim.
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47 Barbosa, 127.
48 Barbosa, 185; Conti, 9; Groeneveldt, p. 210; DAlbquerque, 64.
49 Pires, 144. North Sumatra ports as a whole were exporting between 15,000 and 20,000
bihars of pepper annually, primarily to China, in comparison to the annual export of 20,000
bihars from the pepper fields of the southwest India Malabar coast to the west (Pires, 82, 139,
144). This evidence refutes the view of John Bastin, The Western Element in Modern
Southeast Asian History (Kuala Lumpur: 1960), 13, that the Portuguese were responsible for
shifting pepper cultivation from India to Southeast Asia. See Anthony Reid, Trade and State
Power in the 16th and 17th Century Southeast Asia in Proceedings, 7th IAHA Conference,
(Bangkok: 1979), 391-419.
50Conti, 9; Pires, 144.
51 Which appears to have been a local product, Pires, 144.
52 Pires,. 144.
53 Conti, 9; Pires, 144.
54 Pires, 144.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 55
55 Ibid.
56 Ma Huan, 118.
57 Hall, The Coming of Islam, 223-27.
58 This story is likely symbolic or an agreement between the adventurer and the local
leadership that the hinterland would support the prince's ambitions if he would share future
prosperity with these chiefs and their followers. See Ibid.
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62 Ibid., 274.
63 Pires, 143.
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but also to make contact with Western Indian Ocean and Bay of
Bengal traders, who because of the presence of Java
marketplace specialties, especially eastern Indonesian
archipelago spices, did not have to travel beyond the Melaka
Strait to Java.69
Samudra-Pasai's networked marketing realm must have at
its height included much of the northern and central Sumatra
coastline, including Barus on the west coast as well as
Ramni/La-mu-li (the future Aceh) on the northern tip of the
island.70 Ibn Battuta sailed the Sumatra east coast for twenty-
one days on his mid-fourteenth century journey to China from
Samudra-Pasai, and assumed that all the countries along the
coast were also part of the Sultan of Samudra-Pasai's
domain.71 A Pasai inscription dated 1389 claims Samudra-
Pasai's authority over the ruling family of the Malay Peninsula's
Kedah coastline, although there is no known contemporary
evidence from Malay Peninsula sources to substantiate this
claim;72 Ma Huans account of the expeditions of Zheng He
reports that he chased a Samudra-Pasai usurper to the
northern Sumatra coast La-muli/Ramni realm in 1412, implying
that Samudra-Pasai and La-mu-li were linked in some way, but
also regional opponents.73 Thereafter La-mu-li began to send
tribute missions to China, whereas only Samudra-Pasai had
69 Given the potential volatile nature of maritime trade diasporas in that era, this trading at a
neutral port was likely preferable to the Javanese, eliminating any potential friction between
the indigenous population and foreigners and preventing the visitors from assuming a role in
local politics. As well it eliminated the necessity of providing facilities for a large number of
visiting merchants and the problems in doing so. Resulting frictions between port commercial
interests and indigenous rulers are discussed below.
70 This does not, though, indicate political subjugation; see Wolters, Fall, 46, who regards
none of the northern Sumatra port-polities in that era as being politically dominant until the
rise of Aceh in the early sixteenth century.
71 Yule, 468.
72 Hill, "Hikayat," 21-22. Pasai may be viewed as the successor to Kedah coast ports as the
then dominant intermediary in trade with Western traders. See Hall and Whitmore, 310). In
this light Pires reference to the residents of Pasai, including a maritime/trading community
he regards as being based on the Kedah coast may be significant in sorting out the various
trading interests and participants in this transitional era (see note 78, above).
73 Ma Huan, 120-21.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 61
79 That such cesses were important to Malay rulers is indicated by the common penalty for
evasion of port cesses was the enslavement of the offender. See Windstedt and de Jong, 54.
80 Pires, 145.
81 Against this John Miksic, Singapore and the Silk Road of the Sea, 334, cites Ma Huans
record that tin coins were used in Samudra-Pasai and Aceh north Sumatra coastline
marketplaces c. 1425-1432, though this has not been substantiated in subsequent local
excavations, which have included tin(as there were local tin deposits) but no tin coinage.
HALL: Maritime Trade and Societal Transitions in the Western Indonesian Archipelago | 63
102 See Reid, "Trade and the Problem of Royal Power in Aceh."
103 Lambourn, The Formation of Batu Aceh.