The Jesuit Reading of Confucius:

The First Complete Translation of the Lunyu (1687) Published in the West

Thierry Meynard, S.J.

Brill

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 Table of Contents

Acknowledgments

Foreword

List of Illustrations

Introduction
I. The Genesis of the Sinarum Philosophus and its Prototypes

II. The Interweaving of Different Chinese Sources

III. Editorial Choices in Translating the Lunyu

IV. The Jesuit Reading of the Lunyu and the Image of Confucius

V. The Life of Confucius and his Portrait

VI. The Reception of the Lunyu through Two Derivative Works

Conclusion: Classics in the Global Age

Trilingual Edition of the Lunyu, with Notes

The Life of Confucius, Father of Chinese Philosophy

Index of the Names in the Latin Translation of the Lunyu

Index of Persons

Index of Terms

Bibliography

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 Acknowledgments

From 1999 to 2003, while still a young Jesuit in training, I studied Chinese
philosophy at Peking University. One day, I received an unexpected request from an
academic research center: to translate some Latin texts edited by Leibniz into
Chinese. Later on, I was even more surprised to find out that these texts had been
written in China by the Jesuits more than three hundred years ago. While these kinds
of texts are important for the history of the transmission and influence of Chinese
thought in the West, most of them are only available in Latin. In 2003, I started to
read the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, in particular, the Latin version of the Daxue.
First at Fordham University, New York, and then at Sun Yat-sen University,
Guangzhou, I prepared a trilingual edition of the Daxue and commentaries in Chinese,
Latin, and English. I also translated the preface of Sinarum Philosophus, which
provides the first systematic account for a Western audience of the different schools of
Chinese philosophy. This was published in 2011 as Confucius Sinarum Philosophus
(1687): The First Translation of the Confucian Classics, by the Institutum historicum
Societatis Iesu in Rome.
From 2009, I began to study the Latin version of the Lunyu, a much longer text
than the Daxue. Two students in Latin from Pozna University visited Sun Yat-sen
University and helped me with the translation of some parts of the Latin text: Maria
Karnowska worked on chapters 13 and 14, and Otylia Stefaska on chapters 8, 15,
and 19. For a couple of years, I offered Latin classes for students at Sun Yat-sen
University based on the Latin version of the Lunyu, and I benefited a great deal from
these class discussions. Wang Ge , a doctoral student at Sun Yat-sen University,
read my entire translation and notes, and made very useful comments on how the
Jesuit translation of the Lunyu fitted with the traditional interpretation of the text in
China and also how it brought some new perspectives to the text.
In February 2010, at the invitation of Professor Anne Cheng, I gave a lecture at
College de France, entitled The First Translation of the Lunyu (La premire
traduction des Entretiens). I subsequently published two papers derived from this
lecture, one in 2010 in English and Chinese in Chinese Cross-Currents, Macao, and
another published in 2011 in Etudes Chinoises, Paris. Marye Moran and Alexandra
Hawkins helped in polishing the English text.
I obtained a digital document of an early version of the translation of the Lunyu
from Giuseppe Portogallo, Fondazione Intorcetta, which I was able to compare with
the text of Sinarum Philosophus. On the basis of my English translation of the Life
of Confucius, which has already been published in my previous book, I offer here a
comparison with two other versions, analyzing how the Jesuits made some important
changes as they became more knowledgeable about the texts of ancient China.
I express here my deepest gratitude to colleagues and students who have
supported this endeavor. The Institutum historicum Societatis Iesu has kindly allowed
me to reuse my translation of the Life of Confucius, to which I have made some
minor corrections. Professor Paul Rule very carefully reviewed an earlier draft of the
book and, being very learned in Latin and Chinese, made useful comments. I am also
thankful to Robert Maryks, professor of Boston College and editor of the Jesuit Series
at Brill, for his encouragement and advice.

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 List of Illustrations

Portrait of Zhang Juzheng [Illustration 1]

First Page of the Lunyu in the Commentary of Zhang Juzheng (1672 Edition by Zhu
Fengtai , British Library) [Illustration 2]

Portrait of Prospero Intorcetta [Illustration 3]

First Page of the Lunyu in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei) [Illustration 4]

Portrait of Philippe Couplet [Illustration 5]

First Page of the Lunyu, BNF Manuscript [Illustration 6]

Cover Page of the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus [Illustration 7]

First Page of the Lunyu in the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus [Illustration 8]

Portrait of Confucius, Preface of the Philosophus Sinarum, cxvi [Illustration 9]

First Page of the Biography of Confucius in the Philosophus Sinarum [Illustration 10]

Ming Edition of the Sishu jizhuLunyu 2.68 [Illustration 11]

Lunyu 1.2 with the Commentaries both by Zhu Xi and Zhang Juzheng [Illustration 12]

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5
 Introduction
The very name of Confucius (551479 BC) is a constant reminder that the foremost
sage in China was first known in the West through Latin works. 1 Today, even the
Chinese government has officially adopted the name of Confucius, having established
more than three hundred Confucius Institutes throughout the world to promote
Chinese language and culture.
The single book that contributed the most in spreading the name of Confucius is
the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (Confucius, the Philosopher of China;
abbreviated hereafter as Sinarum Philosophus), published in Paris in 1687. It included
the Latin translation of the Lunyu (or Analects), the most important book for our
knowledge of Confucius, along with the Daxue (or The Great Learning) and the
Zhongyong (or The Doctrine of the Mean). For more than two hundred years, Western
intellectuals like Leibniz (16461716) and Voltaire (16941778) read and meditated
on the words of Confucius from this Latin version, which generated an abundant
production of translations, commentaries, and essays in many Western languages.
In a previous study on the Sinarum Philosophus, I presented the history of its
redaction and its hermeneutic principles, based on Western philosophy and on the
Chinese interpretative tradition. I also offered an annotated translation from Latin into
English of the preface of the work, and a translation from Latin into English of the
Daxue.
The present work deals with the Jesuit translation and commentary of the Lunyu.
This introduction exposes the different stages of the redaction, first focusing on the
role of the Jesuits as translators (part I), before examining the reasons underlying their
choices with regard to the commentaries they adopted in their translation. In part II, I
aim to show how the Jesuits interwove different Chinese interpretations of the same
text. Part III then goes on to discuss the innovative editorial decisions that the Jesuits
had to make in order to arrange the different layers of the text given the formidable
challenge of translating the Confucian classics with their Chinese commentaries for a
Western audience. Although the Jesuit reading of the Lunyu is based on Chinese
sources and interpretations, their translation also contains some distinctive themes,
and these are discussed in part IV: the figure of Confucius as a philosopher and saint;
the understanding of the concept of Ren between Neo-Confucianism and Christianity;
the question of the legitimacy of hatred; and the representation of a hierarchical
political order.
The Jesuits realized very early on that it was not enough to express the teaching
of Confucius; they also needed to provide a biography, documenting the basic facts of
his life, which would also work to dispel any misperception about his thought. Indeed,
while some missionaries saw Confucius as a practitioner of idolatry, or even the
object of idolatrous worship, others considered him an atheist. As the controversy
surrounding Confucius unfolded, the biography, initially inserted in 1662 in the
Sapientia Sinica (Chinese wisdom), was modified twice in order to answer to the
disparagers of Confucius. The Portrait of Confucius inserted in the Sinarum
Philosophus was intended to project an acceptable image of him to the West, as is
discussed in part V.
After its initial publication in 1687, the Sinarum Philosophus achieved immediate
success and was later reviewed, copied, translated, and quoted abundantly. In part VI,
the introduction concludes by examining two books published in 1688, which show

1 Confucius is usually called Kongzi in China.

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how the message of Confucius was received for the first time in the West.

I. The Genesis of the Sinarum Philosophus and its Prototypes

By the end of the seventeenth century, a few missionaries had attempted to publish a
Latin translation of the canonical books of Confucianism, the Four Books (i.e.,
Daxue, Zhongyong, Lunyu, and Mencius), but none succeeded. Between 1660 and
1661, a translation team of four young Jesuit companions was formed, and one of
them, Philippe Couplet (162393), finally succeeded in publishing a Latin translation
and commentary of the Daxue, Zhongyong, and Lunyu in 1687.

Ruggieri and the First Attempt

The Italian Jesuit Michele Ruggieri (15431607) arrived in Macao in July 1579, and
was instructed to study the Chinese language by Alessandro Valignano (15381606),
the Jesuit visitor for all Asia.2 In December 1582, the local Chinese government
authorized Ruggieri to settle in the city of Zhaoqing , in Guangdong province. In
just a few years, the young Jesuits written ability in Chinese made significant
progress, so much so that he could express the basics of the Christian faith in the
Tianzhu shilu (Real exposition on the llord of heaven), published in
November 1584, with the authorization of Valignano.3
The Tianzhu shilu exhibits a strong Buddhist flavor, with Ruggieri presenting
himself as a monk from India an identity both familiar and acceptable to the
Chinese, and using many Buddhist concepts to express the Christian faith. Yet, this
work is very contradictory, as Ruggieri vehemently refutes some fundamental
Buddhist tenets, such as the transmigration and the cycle of incarnations. The degree
of engagement with Confucianism is minimal; while Ruggieri makes one passing
reference to the five moral relationships (wulun ) and to the five Confucian
virtues (wuchang ), he makes no mention of the Four Books. This indicates that,
at the time of the composition of the Tianzhu shilu, Ruggieri had not studied the Four
Books, or at least did not see the Four Books as relevant for his missionary work.
Ruggieris engagement with the Four Books most likely began around 1584 and
continued until 1588, the year he returned to Europe in the hope of organizing a papal
mission. Ruggieri started to translate the Four Books into Latin to improve his
understanding of Chinese language and culture. Interestingly enough, Ruggieri did not
decide to translate the Three Character Classic (Sanzijing ), a text written
during the Song dynasty (9601279) that had become the standard textbook for
teaching young children Chinese characters and grammar, as well as Confucian
morality. For a Renaissance man like Ruggieri, it was probably more appealing to go
directly to the source text, the Four Books.
After his return to Italy in 1590, Ruggieri did not achieve a great deal in terms of

2 See Louis Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jsuites de lancienne mission
de la Chine 15521773 (Chang-hai [Shanghai]: Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, orphelinat
de Tou-S-w, 1932), 1521.
3 The complete title is: Xinbian xizhuguo tianzhu shengjiao shilu [New
version of the real exposition of the holy teaching on the lord of heaven by a monk from India].
For a description of this work, see Albert Chan, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives
in Rome, a Descriptive Catalogue: Japonica-Sinica IIV (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2002), 9096.
For a modern reprint: Chinese Christian Texts from the Roman Archives of the Society of Jesus, vol. I,
ed. Nicolas Standaert and Adrian Dudink (Taipei: Taipei Ricci Institute, 2002), 186.

7
organizing a papal delegation to China because four popes (Sixtus V [152190],
Urban VII [152190], Gregory XIV [153591], and Innocent IX [151991]) died one
after another in the space of two years. The paralysis that ensued in the Vatican gave
Ruggieri some time to work on his translation of the Four Books. In 1593, Antonio
Possevino (c.15331611), another Italian Jesuit, published Ruggieris Latin translation
of the first three quarters of the preface to the Daxue.4 However, Valignano then wrote
to Claudio Acquaviva (15431615), the superior general of the Jesuits in Rome, to
argue that Ruggieri had limited linguistic abilities and should not be allowed to
publish his translations.5
Valignanos claim about RicciRuggieris poor level of Chinese language was
accepted for a long time, but more recently this view has been questioned by
historians. For instance, the Jesuit scholar Albert Chans study of Ruggieris poems
reveals a great degree of writing ability in Chinese. 6 It seems that Valignano did not
trust Ruggieri to lead the China mission, and when Ruggieri advanced the idea of a
papal mission, Valignano may have found it a convenient way to send him away from
China. From Asia, Valignano gave instructions in Rome to prevent Ruggieri from
publishing his translations of the Four Books, and from returning to China. In 1607,
seventeen years after his return to Europe, Ruggieri died in Italy, and most of his
translations were never published.
The translations of Ruggieri are kept today in a manuscript at the Biblioteca
Nazionale V. Emanuele II, Rome (Fondo Gesuitico 1185).7 The manuscript contains
the translations of the Daxue (Tschio, humana institutio), the Zhongyong (Ciumyum,
semper in medio), and the Lunyu (Lunyium, de consideratione), followed by a
compilation of texts from different writers (Diversorum autorum sententiae), and
finally the translation of the first part of the Mencius (Mentius). Experts have
identified the handwriting of Ruggieri on the manuscript, and it is not difficult to
identify the author of the compilation of famous sayings since Ruggieri declares at the
end of this section to be the translator. However, there have been some discussions
about the authorship of the translation of the Four Books. Was Ruggieri the translator?
Or was he copying the translations that Matteo Ricci (15521610), hiRuggieris
successor in the mission, made in China?
In 1935, the Italian Jesuit scholar Pasquale DElia (18901963) put forward the
hypothesis that Ricci was the translator, and that he had sent his translations to
Ruggieri. The hypothesis rests on two grounds. First, a coincidence of dates: Ruggieri
wrote the translations of the Daxue, Zhongyong, and Lunyu between November 1591

4 Michele Ruggieri, Quibus rationibus gentes, et Indi innuari possint, Qqua occasione id
certioris historiae de Rregno Ssinarum innuitur quod hactenus ignoratum est, quodque Aauctor
reliquis suis Ccommentariis in lucem postea edendis copiosus adtexuit: Liber Sinensium, in
Antonio Possevino, Biblioteca selecta qua agitur de ratione studiorum (Rome, 1593), 58186. [AQ:
In the Ruggieri entry, please can you ensure that only words that would have to take capital initials in
English (i.e. proper nouns, names of people, countries etc.) use capital initials in the Latin text?
Kingdom, and other such words, should use lowercase initials here, and if the Liber Sinensium is a
book, please place in italics.]
5 See Knud Lundbaek, The First Translation from a Confucian Classic in Europe, China Mission
Studies Bulletin I (1979): 1011.
6 Albert Chan, Michele Ruggieri, S.J. (15431607) and his Chinese Poems, Monumenta Serica 41
(1993): 13957. [AQ: Why is Ruggieri in italics in this title? Should Chinese also be in italics here?]
7 These translations are kept in Rome: Michele Ruggieri, China, seu humana institutio, Biblioteca
Nazionale V. Emanuele II di Roma, Fondo Gesuitico (FG) 1185 (3314). Most scholars who have
examined the manuscripts have attributed them to Ruggieri: Pfister, Notices biographiques, 21;
Pasquale DElia, Fonti Ricciane, vol. 2 (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 194249), 43; Lundbaek, The
First Translation, 9.

8
and August 1592,8 and this corresponds to the period in which Ricci began working
on those translations in China, and thus he may have sent them to Ruggieri. Second,
DElia claimed that Ruggieris Chinese was not sufficient for carrying out the task. 9
Thus, the translations of the Four Books in the manuscript would have been made by
Ricci in China, and later copied by Ruggieri in Rome.
DElia subsequently changed his opinion and argued that Ruggieri translated the
Four Books in China, before polishing them in Rome in 159192. Ruggieri showed
them to Acquavivathe superior general of the Jesuits with the intention of publishing
them. However, in 1596, Valignano, who was in charge of the missions in the Far East
and did not have faith in Ruggieris knowledge of Chinese, wrote to Acquavivathe
father general, asking him to stop the publication.10
Some fifteen years agoIn 1998, the Italian scholar Francesco DArelli advanced a
number of arguments that sought to question the attribution of the translations to
Ruggieri.11 First, the Catechismus of Ruggieri, published by Possevino in Rome, is
followed by a translation of the beginning of the Daxue, which matches with the
manuscript, but Possevino does not explicitly mention that Ruggieri made the
translation himself, and there are no extant letters written by Ruggieri mentioning that
he was engaged in translating the Four Books. Secondly, in the manuscript Ruggieri
declared that he was the collector of the translations of the Daxue, Zhongyong, and
Lunyu. Furthermore, DArelli attempts to prove that the translations should be
attributed to Ricci. According to DArellis analysis of Riccis letters, Ricci translated
the Four Books from February 1593 to November 1594. However, starting from the
year 1584, Ricci had begun reading the Four Books with a Chinese scholar. As a
result, DArelli puts forward the hypothesis that Ricci had completed an earlier draft
of the translations, which he then sent to Ruggieri, who copied them in 159192.
DArellis arguments are inconclusive. The underlying assumption is that
Ruggieris Chinese language was not good enough, but this was proven wrong with
the publication of his poems by Albert Chan, as was mentioned above. Also, the fact
that there are no extant letters from Ruggieri mentioning the translations does not
prove that he did not make them. If Possevino does not state a clear attribution of the
translation to Ruggieri, it is strongly implied since the translation follows his
Catechismus. Furthermore, DArelli does not provide any proof that Ricci had begun
translating the Four Books before 1593he only shows that Ricci was studying them.
Finally, I would like to show also that, on the crucial point of the guishen, the
translations of the manuscript cannot be attributed to Ricci, but should be attributed to
Ruggieri.
In the section I have examined, the manuscript translates guishen or other
spirits as diabolic (Lunyu 2.24, 3.12, 3.13, 6.20). The guishen are thus identified with
the notion of idols. The Chinese commentaries, in contrast, do not make this kind of

8 On the last page of the translation of the Lunyu, Ruggieri wrote that he finished this part on the day of
Saint Lawrence, most probably Saint Lawrence of Rome, celebrated on August 10: Laus Deo
Virginique Matri Mariae ac Beato Laurentio cuius diei impositus est finis huic opera (125).
9 Manuscript nNote dated January 4, 1935, by Pasquale DElia on the document of the Fondo
Gesuitico (3314) , 1185 at Biblioteca Nazionale V. Emmanuele II di Roma. [AQ: Could you clarify
what these numbers refer to, for clarity?]
10 DElia, Fonti Ricciane, 43n2; 148n2; 250n1.
11 Francesco DArelli, Matteo Ricci S.I. e la traduzione latina dei Quattro libri (Si shu): Ddalla
tradizione storiografica alle nuove ricerche, in Le Mmarche e lOoriente: Uuna tradizione
ininterrotta da Matteo Ricci a Giuseppe Tucci, ed. Francesco DArelli (Rome: Istituto Italiano per
lAfrica e lOriente, 1998), 16375. [AU: See earlier comment re. capitalization of foreign titles, and
please apply here also. Should Quattro Libri be in italics?]

9
negative association: for instance, Zhu Xi (11301200), the great Chinese philosopher
and exegete of the Confucian classicsfor instance, never refers to the guishen as evil
forces. As we shall see below, when Ricci discusses the above passages of the Lunyu,
he describes the guishen as spiritual beings, rather than diabolic forces, whose
principal function is to execute the commands of the lord of heaven. DArellis
suggestion that Ricci is the author of the manuscript cannot hold because of this
discrepancy in understanding the guishen. Ricci translated the Four Books in order to
find a basis for his ConfucianChristian synthesis, adopting from the ancient books of
China the two notions of Shangdi and guishen. The former was an equivalent to the
Christian God, and the latter was an equivalent to the angels. In conclusion, I hold that
the manuscript should be attributed to Ruggieri.

Ricci and his Lost Translations of the Four Books

In 1593, the same year in which Ruggieris partial translation of the Daxue appeared
in the West, Valignano in the Far East instructed Ricci to translate the Confucian
classics into Latin in order to write a new catechism to replace Ruggieris Tianzhu
shilu.12 This is unlikely to be a pure coincidence because Valignano believed that
Ruggieri was unable to translate the Four Books and that this important work should
be entrusted to Ricci, whom he had known in Rome between 1571 and 1573, when
Ricci was trained as a novice, with Valignano as novice-master.
Ruggieri had studied and translated the Four Books mostly for linguistic and
cultural purposes. However, Valignanos instructions to Ricci reveal another rationale
for translating these texts: the Four Books could be legitimate resources to reinforce
the Christian message, but caution was to be used, and it was first necessary to
translate the Four Books into Latin to secure their meaning before they could be used
in the catechism in Chinese in order to prevent any hint of idolatry or superstition
from creeping into the catechism. The Four Books thus took on a completely new role
aside from helping the missionaries to learn the Chinese language and to familiarize
themselves with Chinese culture, the Four Books were used as a tool for converting
the Chinese people to Christianity.
In a letter written in 1594, Ricci mentioned that he had started a new
catechism.13 Almost ten years later, in 1603, Ricci finally published the Tianzhu
shiyi [Real Meaning onf the Llord of Hheaven] in Beijing. The work
includes quotes or references to the Four Books: three to the Daxue, seven to the
Zhongyong, thirteen to the Lunyu, and twenty-three to the Mencius.14
Ricci quoted from Lunyu 6.20 that one should respect the spirits (guishen) and
keep them at distance ().15 Furthermore, in order to show that religious
celibacy is not contrary to Chinese culture, Ricci argued that Confucius had said

12 Letter of Ricci, Al p. to Claudio Acquaviva, S. I., Preposito GeneraleRoma, Shaozhou, December

10 diciembre, 1593; in Lettere, edizione di Piero Corradini (Macerata: Quodlibet, 2001), 184: Questi
anco mi fa il p. visitatore traslatare in latino per agiutarmi di quello in fare un nuovo catechismo, di che
abbiamo molta necessit, in sua lingua. [AQ: It isnt clear to me what the two Ricci citations refer to
here. Could you clarify what is meant by Ricci, A1, and where these sources come from?]
13 Letter of Ricci , Al p.to Girolamo Costa S. I.Siena, Shaozhou, October 12 ottobre, 1594; in
Lettere, 189: E cosi cominciai un libro delle cose della nostre fede, tutto di ragioni naturali, per
distribuirlo per tutta la Cina quando si stampar.
14 See Index of Chinese Classical Texts, in Matteo Ricci, The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven
(Taipei: Ricci Institute, 1985), 48385.
15 Matteo Ricci, Le sens rel de Seigneur du Ciel, ed. Thierry Meynard (Paris: Les Belles Lettres,
2013), 96 (206).

10
nothing against it in the Lunyu. Thus, the later view of Mencius, according to whom
among the three un-filial deeds, the worst is to be without son (,
), does not reflect the opinion of Confucius, who praised three ancient sages, Boyi,
Shuqi, and Bi Gan, even though they were apparently childless. 16 Ricci quotes two
passages from the Lunyu that convey a similar message to the golden rule of Western
ethics (Do to others what you would want them to do to you).17 Ricci sees ethics as
reaching its ultimate end in God, but God should not be considered as an external aim,
just as Confucius did not regard Ren, or love for others, as something external.18
However, in one instance, Ricci expresses his complete opposition to Confuciuss
statement that A father hides the crimes of his son; and the son the ones of his father
(Lunyu 13.18: ). In the Tianzhu shiyi (337), Ricci considers
that both the action and the intention of the father and the son are wrong. In the same
way, Ricci criticizes the interpretation by the School of Mind (xinxue ) of Lunyu
9.4 about not having intention (wuyi ).19 For Ricci, Confucius meant only not
having selfish intention, and not suppressing any intention. 20 Against the moral
intuitionism of the School of Mind, Ricci quotes Confucius with regard to the
importance of a continuous process of study through different stages.21
Ricci argued that many things in the Four Books coincide with natural reason,
and could therefore be used to support Christian doctrine. In particular, Ricci
examined the ancient books which constitute the basis of Confucianism, the Five
Classics (i.e., Shujing, Shijing, Yijing, Liji, and Chunqiu), and he found in them some
eleven passages mentioning Shangdi (the sovereign on high), identified by
Ricci as an equivalent to the Christian God.22 For Ricci, mentions of Shangdi in the
Five Classics and of the spirits in the Lunyu prove that the ancient Chinese had
obtained a true knowledge of God and the immortality of the human soul through
natural reason. Ricci further stated that this ancient knowledge had disappeared in
China as a result of the introduction of Buddhism.
In 1595, Ricci mentioned in another letter that he had sent a copy of his
translation of the Four Books to EuropeAcquaviva. Unfortunately, Riccis translation
has been lost.23 According to the historian David Mungello, it was handed down from
one student generation of the Jesuits to the next, was probably improved, and was

16 Lunyu 7.14 and 18.1, mentioned in Le sens rel de Seigneur du Ciel, 237 (553).
17 In Luke 6.31, the formulation is expressed as a direct form, but the two expressions of the Lunyu are
expressed as a cautionary form. Tianzhu shiyi (245 and 295) has a similar wording and meaning as
Lunyu 12.2 () and Lunyu 5.11 ().
18 Lunyu 12.22: , quoted in Tianzhu shiyi (457).
19 The School of Mind is a branch of Chinese philosophy during the Song and Ming dynasties which opposes the
objectivist tendencies of the School of Principle (lixue ). The main representative of the School of Principle is
Zhu Xi, and of the School of Mind, Wang Yangming (14721529).
20 Tianzhu shiyi (323)
.
21 Lunyu 16.9:
, mentioned in Tianzhu shiyi (434). Lunyu 13.9:
, mentioned in Tianzhu shiyi
(365).
22 Ricci, Le sens rel de Seigneur du Ciel, 4547 (1048).
23 See Nicolas Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China (6351800) (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 863.
Francesco DArelli recently claimed that the translations kept at the Biblioteca nazionale and
previously attributed to Ruggieri were in fact the work of Ricci. See DArelli, Matteo Ricci S.I.,
16375. I do not find DArellis arguments convincing, and I still hold that these translations were
made by Ruggieri.

11
eventually incorporated into the published translations of the Four Books.24 We do
know that Jesuit missionaries were learning the Chinese language by using Riccis
translation of the Four Books, as mentioned by the Jesuit missionary Nicolas Trigault
(15771628).25 In 1624, the Jesuit vice-province of China, under the direction of
Manual Dias the Elder (15591639), the vice-provincial of China, adopted an
ambitious four-year plan of studies (ratio studiorum) for the new missionaries
arriving in China. The missionaries training in Chinese language and culture was
essentially based on the Four Books and the Classic of Documents (Shujing or
Shangshu), one book of the Five Classics, the Classic of Documents (Shujing or
Shangshu).26 The Jesuits learned those books because they believed that they would
be useful for the proclamation of the Christian message in China.

Da Costa, the Constitution of the First Team, and the Sapientia Sinica

After the unpublished translation of Ricci, the Portuguese Incio Da Costa (160366)
was the next Jesuit engaged in translating one of the Four Books. Da Costa arrived in
China around 1632, and was stationed in Fujian (1634), Shanxi (1638), and Shaanxi
(1640). Between 1659 and 1660, Da Costa went back to Fuzhou, in Fujian province,
to teach young Jesuits the Four Books. At that time, Da Costa had been in China for
around thirty years and he had clearly mastered the language, having authored a few
works in Chinese. Among the students in Fuzhou was Andrea Ferro (162561), who
arrived in China in 1659. In 1660, under the guidance of Da Costa, Ferro transcribed
the Latin translation of the first part of the Lunyu next to the Chinese text.27
A few months later, Da Costa moved to Jiangxi province, where he was involved
in training four newly arrived Jesuits: the Italian Prospero Intorcetta (162696), the
Austrian Christian Herdtrich (162484), and two Flemish Jesuits, Franois de
Rougemont (162476) and Philippe Couplet (162393). Intorcetta and Herdtrich
knew each other quite well because they had traveled from Portugal to China on the
same boat. Couplet and de Rougemont had also traveled on a boat together to China. 28
These four Jesuits were all sent to study the Chinese language in different parts south
of the Yangtze River (Jiangnan ). Rougemont was sent to Hangzhou to study
under the Italian Jesuit Martino Martini (161461).29 Couplet was sent to Ganzhou
, Jiangxi province, to study under the Macanese brother Antnio Fernandes (1620
70). Intorcetta was sent close to Jianchang , to study under Da Costa.30
As we learn from Intorcetta in his preface to the Sapientia Sinica, the four Jesuits
participated in the translation of the Daxue and the first half of the Lunyu.31 Due to the
distance that separated these four Jesuits, it is possible that they communicated by

24 David E. Mungello, The Seventeenth-Century Translation Project of the Confucian Four Books, in
East Meets West: The Jesuits in China, 15821773, ed. Charles Ronan and Bonnie Oh (Chicago:
Loyola University Press, 1988), 253.
25 Matthieu Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, Histoire de lexpdition cChrtienne au royaume de Chine
15821610 (Paris: Descle de Brouwer, 1978), 397.
26 For an account of the learning process undertaken by the Jesuits, see Liam Matthew Brockey,
Journey to the East: The Jesuit Mission to China, 15791724 (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of
Harvard University Press, 2007), 24386.
27 The Sapientia Sinica includes a preface written by Ferro in Fuzhou and dated October 25, 1660.
28 The information can be gathered from Joseph Dehergne, Rpertoire des Jsuites de Chine de 1552
1800 (Rome: Institutum historicum Societatis Iesu, 1973).
29 Nol Golvers, Franois de Rougemont, S.J., Missionary in Chang-shu (Chiang-nan): A Study of the
Account Book (16741676) and the Elogium (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1999), 19.
30 Brockey, Journey to the East, 277.
31 Ad lectorem, Sapientia Sinica (Jianchang, 1662).

12
way of letters in order to work together. It is also very probable that Da Costa would
have gathered the four young Jesuits for some kind of a translation seminar. Da Costa
is likely to have read the Four Books with them, before proposing orally his
translation in Latin. Then, his four students would raise some difficulties in
understanding the text, and Da Costa would adjust his translation accordingly.
Intorcetta would keep a clean copy of the translation. Intorcetta finally produced the
final edition, and thus his name is given, next to Da Costa, on the cover of the
Sapientia Sinica in both Latin and Chinese.32 The constitution of this team of four
young Jesuits in 166062 played a decisive role in the translation project, since they
worked again together some ten years later.
The Sapientia Sinica (Chinese wisdom) was finally published on April 13, 1662,
in Jianchang. It was revised by six Jesuits. In addition to the three collaborators,
Couplet, De Rougemont, and Herdtrich, the revisers also included three experienced
missionaries: Pietro Canevari (15961675), Antnio de Gouvea (15921677), and
Francesco Brancati (160771). The work was approved by Vice-Provincial Jacques
Le Faure (161375).
As mentioned above, the names of Da Costa and Intorcetta are written on the
cover of the Sapientia Sinica in both Latin and Chinese. This contributed to the
misperception that the two were co-authors or co-translators. For example, when
discussing the Sapientia Sinica, even a careful scholar like Albert Chan wrote:
Intorcetta was the first European to translate the Lunyu into a European language.33
Chan completely ignores Da Costas contribution. However, it is impossible to
consider Intorcetta, who had only been in China for three years at that time, as the
author or main translator of the Sapientia Sinica. In actuality, Da Costa should be
recognized as the primary author of the Sapientia Sinica, and Intorcetta as the editor
and secondary contributor of the work. Indeed, in his written authorization for
publication, reproduced on the second page of the book, Le Faure mentions Intorcetta
as the editor of the work.34
The Sapientia Sinica includes a biography of Confucius in four pages (2 fols.ii), a
complete translation of the Daxue in fourteen pages (7 fols.ii), and a translation of the
first half of the Lunyu in seventy-six pages (38 fols.ii). The American scholar Lionel
Jensen rightly stresses the importance of the Sapientia Sinica as the first truly
bilingual ChineseLatin translation.35 It is also the first book printed in China using
horizontal script, with Chinese characters being read from right to left. 36 Twenty-five
years after the Sapientia Sinica, the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus was published,
containing a complete translation of the Lunyu. The annotated edition of the Latin
version of the Lunyu used in the present work is based on the Confucius Sinarum

32 They probably used the notes made by Ferro one or two years earlier, because Ferros contribution
is posthumously acknowledged in the Sapientia Sinica. In 1661, Ferro died at an the early age of 36
years old [AQ: How old?], and Da Costa most likely wanted to honor him by inserting his preface after
the Life of Confucius and before the translation of the Daxue.
33 Chan, Chinese Books, 475. For a similar error, see Bernard-Matre, Sagesse Chinoise et philosophie
Chrtienne (Paris and Leiden: Les Belles Lettres and Brill, 1935), 128.
34 Facultas, Sapientia Sinica: Typis excudatur Sapientia Sinica Prospero Intorcetta.
35 Lionel Jensen, Manufacturing Confucianism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997), 114. In
1687, a few months before the publication of the Sinarum Philosophus in Paris, an English translation
of the Daxue was published in London, based on the Sapientia Sinica. See Matt Jenkinson, Nathanael
Vincent and Confuciuss Great Learning in Restoration England, in Notes and Records of the Royal
Society 60/1 (2006): 3547.
36 The Dictionary of Chinese Language (181523) by the British missionary and Sinologist Robert
Morrison (17821834)[AQ: Dates please] is usually thought to be the first case of horizontal Chinese
script from right to left.

13
Philosophus. Some of the differences between the Latin version of the first half of the
Lunyu in the Sapientia Sinica and that contained in the Confucius Sinarum
Philosophus are discussed in the footnotes accompanying the translation.
The two copies of the Sapientia Sinica in the Archives of the Society of Jesus in
Rome are incomplete.37 I obtained a digital copy of the translation of the first five
juan of the Lunyu,38 which is preserved today in the Shanghai Municipal Library
(Bibliotheca major, Zi-ka-wei, M.4200855), from the Fondazione Intorcetta. Another
version of the Sapientia Sinica can be found in the Biblioteca Nazionale di Palermo.39
The original four-year plan for the Jesuits to study Chinese was approved in
1624, but it was not strictly implemented and the newly arrived Jesuits rarely
completed the program. Due to the superior needs of the missionary work, Herdtrich
was sent to Shanxi and Henan; Couplet to Fujian and then Nanjing; Rougemont to
Zhejiang and then Jiangsu. Therefore, the translation team was disbanded, and
Intorcetta, staying in Jiangxi, continued the translation work alone until 1665the team
reconvened almost ten years later in Guangzhou.

Intorcetta and the Politico-moralis

Intorcetta thus continued the work of translation and published the Sinarum scientia
politico-moralis (Politico-moral learning of the Chinese), which presents a literal
translation of the Zhongyong, as well as an expanded Life of Confucius (Vita
Confucii). Some sixteen Jesuits revised it, including some of those from the initial
team of translators: Couplet, Rougemont, and Herdtrich.40 The work received the
imprimatur from Vice-Provincial Feliciano Pacheco (162287), on July 31, 1667, the
feast of Saint Ignatius of Loyola (14911556), the founder of the Jesuits. The book is
unique because the first half was printed in Guangzhou in 1667 and the second part in
Goa, India, in 1669, during Intorcettas return trip to Europe.41

37 In the ARSI (Roman Archives of the Society of Jesus), the document Jap.Sin. III.3a is missing the
translation of the first five juan of the Lunyu. The document Jap.Sin.III. 3 is missing two pages
(corresponding to fol. 2) of the translation of the Lunyu. See Chan, Chinese Books, 47477. See also
Brockey, Journey to the East, 27879.
38 A juan refers to a division of a Chinese book, the equivalent of a fascicle.
39 See Vincenzo di Giovanni, Prospero Intorcetta, il primo traduttore Europeo di Confucio, in
Atti della Accademia di scienze, lettere e arti di Palermo 4 (Palermo: Ufficio tipografico di Michele
Amenta, 1874), 11.
40 The names of the sixteen revisers as they appear from left to right and from top to bottom: Incio da
Costa, Antonio de Gouvea, Humbert Augery (161873), Manuel GeorgiusJorge (162177), Jacques
Le Faure, Pietro Canevari, Alain Greslon (161896), Philippe Couplet, Matthias Maia (161667),
Francesco Brancati, Jacques Motel (161992), Franois de Rougemont, Feliciano Pacheco (162287),
Gianfrancesco Ferrari (160971), Giovanni-Domenico Gabiani (162394), and Christian Herdtrich.
[AQ: Could you insert the dates for any of these not mentioned in the text? Also, please double-check
the spelling, and use of accents (e.g. Antonio)?]
41 Intorcetta had the wood blocks carved in preparation for the paper printing, but he had to leave
Guangzhou in a hurry in order to board a boat in Macao in August 1668. By this stage, he had only had
twenty-six wood blocks, or less than half of the book, carved. He may have had the first twenty-six
pages printed on paper. Half-way to Europe, at Goa, he managed to have the wood blocks for the
second part carved. In 1669, he put together the Goa print with the Guangzhou print, managing to
assemble a few books. Inside the book, the Guangzhou print and the Goa print are easily
distinguishable because of the different positions of the numbers of the Chinese characters. The Goa
print also contains more abbreviations. Intorcetta was not fully satisfied with this printed version and
made some manuscript corrections on it, starting from September 17, 1670. This document is preserved
at the Jesuit Archives in Rome (ARSI, Jap.Sin. III, 3b). See Chan, Chinese Books, 47778.

14
 The Sapientia Sinica and the Politico-moralis share a number of similarities: a
literal translation of the classical text, a juxtaposition of Chinese and Latin texts, a
transliteration of the Chinese characters, and superscript numbers allowing the
identification of a Chinese character with a Latin word. These books were clearly
written with the intention of teaching the new missionaries how to understand, read
aloud, and memorize the Chinese texts.
However, the two works are visually very different. In the Sapientia Sinica, the
Latin and Chinese texts are both written horizontally, from left to right. This is
perhaps the first book in the history of Chinese literature with Chinese characters
written horizontally and from left to right, since the Chinese traditionally write
vertically, from top to bottom, and from right to left. The Jesuits used this innovative
way of writing Chinese characters in order to match them with the Latin script.
However, in the Politico-moralis, Intorcetta reverted to the traditional way of writing
Chinese, but the result is problematic aesthetically, since the left part of the page
contains the Chinese text written vertically, while the corresponding Latin translation
is written horizontally on the right part of the page.
Intorcetta brought copies of the Politico-moralis with him when he went to
Europe in 1671. It is unlikely that Intorcetta planned to publish the work again in
Europe since he was hoping to publish a complete translation of the Four Books.
However, a copy of the Politico-moralis fell into the hands of the Italian philosopher
and diplomat Lorenzo Magalotti (16371712), who then turned it over to the French
scholar Melchisdech Thvenot (162092).42 Thvenot published the Politico-moralis
in 1672, without the Chinese characters, in the fourth volume of Relations de divers
voyages curieux (Account of diverse curious voyages), which includes the Latin
translation of the Zhongyong, the Latin biography of Confucius, and itsa French
translation of the biography of Confucius.43 It would appear that Thvenot took the
initiative in publishing the text by himself without informing Intorcetta. 44 Leaving
aside the few lines of the Daxue translated by Ruggieri and published in 1593, the
publication by Thvenot in 1672 can be considered the first translation of a Confucian
classic to be published in Europe.

The Reconvening of the Translation Team in Guangzhou

Following a setback at the court in Beijing and a nation-wide anti-Christian

persecution, almost all the missionaries were exiled at Guangzhou for four years, from

42 See Nicholas Dew, Orientalism in Louis XIVs France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009),
219.
43 Melchisdech Thvenot, ed., Relations de divers voyages curieux, vol. IV (Paris, 1672),
Confucii vita, 1418; La vie de Confucius, 1923.
44 Prospero Intorcetta, Sinarum scientia politico-moralis, in Thvenot, Relations, vol. IV: page
title, 1; Ad lectorem, 34; Scientiae Sinicae liber inter Confucii libros secundus, 513;
Confucii vita, 1418; Avis, 18; La vie de Confucius, 1923; Version de quelques endroits
du second livre Confucius, 2425.

15
1666 to 1670.45 Da Costa died just after he had arrived in Guangzhou. During this
period of crisis and great uncertainty, the missionaries discussed the fundamental
directions of their apostolate in China, especially the possibility of adapting some
Christian rituals and practices to Chinese culture. The exile forced the missionaries to
reevaluate eighty years of missionary work in China. Most of the Jesuits supported the
continuation of Riccis method of adapting the presentation of Catholic teaching to
Chinese culture, a method often referred to as inculturation. Divergences appeared
among the Jesuits, especially when a report by the Jesuit Niccol Longobardi (1565
1654), written some forty years before in opposition to the policy established by
Ricci, and censured at that time, mysteriously reappeared in Guangzhou. Dominican
and Franciscan friars also opposed Riccis method and held that Chinese Catholics
should no longer be allowed to perform Chinese rites to their ancestors, to Confucius,
and to the emperor. In order to evaluate the legitimacy of the Chinese rites,
missionaries often called upon the Chinese classics. Thus, the controversy among
missionaries about the correct interpretation of the Chinese rites (considered either
civil or religious) became a controversy about the correct interpretation of the Chinese
classics. Were the ancient classics totally devoid of any superstition, presenting a
purely rational philosophy? The Dominican Jesuit, Domingo Navarrete (161886),
had read the Jesuit translations of the Daxue and the Lunyu in the Sapientia Sinica,
but Intorcetta refused to show him his translation of the Zhongyong. Navarrete was
not satisfied with the translations he had already read, and started to investigate the
classics by himself.46
Facing such a challenge, Intorcetta opted for a new translation. The team of four
Jesuits who had originally worked on the Sapientia Sinica, including Couplet,
Rougemont, and Herdtrich, was reassembled. In order to make the Jesuit translations
more authoritative, it was decided to add more translations from the Chinese

45 The missionaries arrived at Guangzhou on March 25, 1666. Two Jesuits died shortly afterwards:
Incio da Costa died on May 1666,and Michel Trigault the next year on September. [AQ: In the same
year? Please clarify.] A total of twenty-three missionaries were kept under house arrest at the Jesuit
residence in Guangzhou. The Jesuit historian Josef Metzler [AQ: Who is he?] gives a list of sixteen
Jesuits who formally attended the Guangzhou Conference: Feliciano Pacheco, Pietro Canevari,
Francesco Brancati, Jacques Le Faure, Andrea-Giovanni Lubelli (161185), Jean Valat (c.161496),
Stanislao Torrente (161680), Manuel Jorge, Humbert Augery, Claude Motel (161871), Jacques
Motel, Franois de Rougemont, Adrien Greslon, Giovanni-Domenico Gabiani, Christian Herdtrich, and
Prospero Intorcetta [AU: Please give dates for any of the missionaries whose dates have yet to be
listed]. See Josef Metzler, Die Synoden in China, Japan und Korea, 15701931 (Paderborn: Ferdinand
Schningh, 1980), 23. The other three Jesuits present in Guangzhou were: Antonio de Gouvea [AU:
Accents?], Gianfrancesco Ferrari, and Philippe Couplet [AU: Please provide dates for any missionaries
whose dates have not been provided]. See Henri Bosmans, Lettres indites de Franois de
Rougemont: Missionnaire Belge de la Compagnie de Jsus en Chine, au XVIIe sicle, Analectes
pour servir l'histoire ecclsiastique de la Belgique 3s. 9 (1913): 18. Besides the Jesuits, there was
also the Franciscan Antonio de Santa Mara (16021669) and three Dominicans: Domingo Navarrete
(161886), Domenico Sarpetri (162383), and Filippo Leonardi (dates unknown)[AU: Dates please].
About the daily life of the missionaries in Guangzhou, see an account by Navarrete, translated into
English in: James Sylvester Cummins, The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete
(Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1962), 22945. The historian John E. Wills [AQ: Jr.?] draws from Dutch
sources to describe the life of the missionaries at that time and their good relationship with the
governor Shang Kexi (160476) and his son Shang Zhixin (1680), who would engage
in a revolt against the Qing in 1674. See John E. Wills, Jr., Some Dutch Sources on the Jesuit China
Mission, Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 54 (1985): 271.
46 See Domingo Navarrette, Tratados historicos, politicos, ethicos y religiosos de la monarchia de
China (Madrid, 1676), 133. For a brief introduction to this work, see Robert Richmond Ellis, The
Middle Kingdom through Spanish Eyes: Depictions of China in the Writings of Juan Gonzlez de
Mendoza and Domingo Fernndez Navarrete, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 83 (2006): 46983.

16
commentaries themselves. This way, it could be proven that their translation was not
their own invention, but was supported by Chinese interpreters.
Intorcetta was chosen as the delegate of the China Jesuits to report on the
situation to the superior general in Rome. When he left for Europe in 1668, the three
other Jesuits continued their work in Guangzhou for two more years, sending their
completed manuscripts to Europe in different batches. Despite the efforts of Intorcetta
in Europe, the publication project did not materialize at that time.

Couplet and the Final Editing of the Sinarum Philosophus in Europe

In 1680, almost ten years after Intorcettas failed attempt to publish the Confucian
texts in Europe, Couplet was chosen to go to Europe as delegate for the China
mission. On September 25, 1684, thanks to Franois de la Chaise (16241709),
confessor of Louis XIV (16381715), Couplet met the Sun King, who agreed and
soon after it was decided to send a Jesuit mission to China.47 The Jesuit translations
themselves attracted the interest of Thvenot, who was appointed librarian of the
Bibliothque royale in December 1684. Thvenot, having published Intorcettas
translation of the Zhongyong a few years earlier, now wanted to publish the remaining
translations. He talked to Louis XIV about publishing the Confucian texts in Paris,
rather than the Vatican Library in Rome, as planned by Couplet. Louis XIVs request
for the texts to the published in Paris was sent to the pope through the ambassador to
the Holy See, Csar Cardinal dEstres (16281714).48 At that time, Louis XIV was
preparing to proclaim the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1598), which would end
the policy of toleration towards Protestantism that his grandfather, Henry IV (1553
1610), had granted. The Sun King was asserting his role of promoter and defender of
Catholicism in Europeafter the official revocation was promulgated on October 1,
1685, it became difficult for Rome to resist an official request from the French court.
In August 1685, Couplet started transferring the manuscripts from Rome, and
arrived in Paris himself in March 1686.49 From then and until May 1687, he worked at
the Bibliothque, receiving five thousand livres in gratifications for his work.50
During the editorial work, many lengthy digressions inside the translation-
commentary were deleted, especially in the part corresponding to the Zhongyong
about the religion of the ancient Chinese (worship to Shangdi and adoration of the
guishen), with some parts being integrated inside the preface.51

47 Louis XIV could not send missionaries as such, since Rome would have considered this as
trespassing on its prerogatives. Therefore, the six French Jesuits were sent as members of a scientific
mission and became known as mathematicians of the king.
48 See Letter of Emanuel Schelstrate to Christian Mentzel, dated October 20, 1685, [AU: Note
insertion of quotation marks: if this is not the proper title, as listed in the book, please remove these] in
Lucien Ceijssens, La correspondence dEmanuel Schelstrate, prfet de la Bibliothque Vaticane
(16831692) (Brussels and Rome: Institut historique Belge de Rome, 1949), 18283.
49 See Albert Chan, Toward a Chinese Church: The Contribution of Philippe Couplet S.J. (1622
1693), in Philippe Couplet, S.J. (16231693): The Man who Brought China to Europe, ed. Jerome
Heyndrickx (Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1990), 83.
50 Nicholas Dew, associate professor of modern history at McGill University, Canada, devotes one
chapter of his work to the final edition and printing of the Sinarum Philosophus in Paris. See Dew,
Orientalism.
51 There has been some controversy about who made the deletions and for what reason. See Virgile
Pinot, La Chine et la formation de lesprit philosophique en France (16401740) (Paris, 1932;
Geneva: Slaktine Reprints, 1971), 15155. The consensus today is that Couplet made the final edition
and did not substantially change the translations.

17
 On April 29, 1687, Couplet obtained permission to publish the text from the royal
censor Louis Cousin (16271707).52 Couplet prefaced the book to Louis XIV as an
expression of gratitude for the royal support toward the Jesuit mission in China.
Indeed, in his letter addressed to the most-Christian king, Couplet lavishly
complimented him for his victory of true faith over heresya reference to the
revocationand expressed the hope that he could help in the conversion of China.
Moreover, Couplet also states that the Confucian ideal of a good ruler had now been
fully realized in Louis XIV:

O Great King, this Confucius now places himself here before you, as if
transported to France through your care and Royal generosity. Prostrated, he
approaches your Majestys feet. He wonders openly at your wisdom and
recognizes that his own, though enjoying such an incredible reputation and
esteem among his people, yet yields to yours, like Stars to the Sun.53

Todays readers may very well feel that Couplets flattery is somewhat excessive, as
Louis XIVs support for the Sinarum Philosophus clearly arose from political
considerations. From his point of view, it was not the Confucian classics that made his
reign more glorious. On the contrary, through the edition of the classics of the Far
East in Paris, Louis XIV primarily wanted to demonstrate his own wisdom. As was
also the case in China, it was difficult for the Four Books in Europe to avoid being
used for political purposes. The Chinese classics gave a sense of legitimacy to the
regime of the Chinese emperor, and to the missionary endeavors of the Jesuits, and
also brought glory to the king of France.
The fact that the text was published with royal support is conspicuously displayed
in the Sinarum Philosophus. On the title page, the book is said to belong to the Royal
Library (Bibliotheca regia) and that it was printed under the auspices of Louis the
Great (jussu Ludovici Magni), with the privilege of the king (cum privilegio regis).
The insignia of the monarch, on the front page and other parts of the book, give the
Sinarum Philosophus a significant degree of political authority.
The manuscript on which Couplet worked in Paris is still preserved by the
Bibliothque nationale de France (BNF), which succeeded the Royal Library. The
work is entitled: Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, sive scientia Sinensis (Confucius,
the Philosopher of China, or the Chinese learning). Couplet was very much aware of
the collaborative nature of the work, and the four names of those who had started the
project some twenty-five years earlier are listed on the cover: Prospero Intorcetta,
Christian Herdtrich, Franois de Rougemont, and Philippe Couplet. For reasons which
are unclear, Da Costa is not mentioned on the cover, or in the preface of the Sinarum
Philosophus. The table below shows the different publications with their main
content:

Year of Main author Title of the work Content of the work

edition or editor
1593 Ruggieri Liber Sinensium Daxue
1662 Da Costa Sapientia Sinica Daxue Lunyu Life of
Confucius

52 The last page of the first volume of the manuscript in the BNF makes mention of this, with the
approval of Cousin and with the date.
53 Thierry Meynard, ed., The Confucius Sinarum Philosophus: The First Translation of the Confucian
Classics (Rome: Institutum historicum Societatis Iesu, 2011), 8384.

18
1667 Intorcetta Politico-moralis Zhongyong Life of
Confucius
1687 Couplet Sinarum Daxue Zhongyong Lunyu Life of
Philosophus Confucius

Throughout this process, the Four Books came to play different roles. They were first
used as a language primer for newly arrived missionaries, as in the case of Ruggieris
translations. With Ricci and Valignano, the Four Books supported the propagation of
Christianity. During the Rites Controversy (16451705), when Valignano and Riccis
approach to the mission was questioned, Intorcetta and Couplet used the Four Books
as a defense of their missionary approach.
The Sinarum Philosophus represents the peak of Jesuit Sinology in the
seventeenth century. It was founded on a close reading of the Four Books and of their
commentaries. All of the Jesuits in China had to learn the Four Books, and on no other
Chinese books did they dedicate so much energy over such a long period of time.
Starting with Ruggieri, the Jesuits accumulated one hundred years of expertise in
reading the Four Books and their commentaries. As we shall see, they started to read
the Four Books with the commentary by Zhu Xi, but very soon they adopted another
Chinese commentary as reference, and they also developed their own specific
interpretation of the texts. In other words, they were producing their own unique
interpretation of the Four Books on the basis of existing interpretations. The
Sinological expertise of the Jesuits is apparent not only in their broad knowledge of
the Chinese hermeneutical traditions but also in their ability to create a completely
new interpretation of the Four Books in a Western language. Even scholars who have
pointed out defects in the Sinarum Philosophus (usually because they did not research
the Chinese sources used by the Jesuits) had to admit the value of the work. The
Australian scholar Paul Rule, for example, claims that it is a cornerstone of the
edifice of sinology.54 David Mungello is more circumspect in classifying the works
of the Jesuits in China as proto-Sinology, yet he still recognizes that given the times
and the pioneering nature of the effort, the translations were surprisingly accurate, in
spite of the pronounced tendency to interpret Confucian concepts in terms of natural
religion and the monotheistic God of the Judeo-Christian tradition. 55 Even though
Lionel Jensen argues that the Jesuits were reading these texts for evidence of visible
manifestation of God and that they manufactured Confucianism, he also
recognizes it as a product of the best Jesuit scholarly endeavor.56

II. The Interweaving of Different Chinese Sources

As I have shown in my study of the Jesuit translation of the Daxue, the Jesuit
translations are not only rooted in Western philosophy but also in ancient Chinese
tradition. The most apparent feature of this is the Jesuits adoption of the
philosophical approach of the Song dynasty, based on Zhu Xis commentary. This
philosophical reading of the Daxue was also combined with a more historical and
political approach, inherited from the interpreters of the Ming dynasty (13681644).

54 Paul Rule, Kung-tzu or Confucius? (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1986), 123.
55 David Mungello, Jesuit Accommodation and the Origins of Sinology (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag
Wiesbaden GmbH, 1985), 249.
56 Jensen, Manufacturing Confucianism, 62, 121.

19
The Jesuits used the same commentaries for their translation of the Lunyu, yet the
construction of the Lunyu is very different from the Daxue. The Daxue can easily be
read as a philosophical essay, but the Lunyu, being a record of conversations between
the Master and his disciples, stays closer to concrete situations, and therefore the
Chinese text and the Jesuit commentaries mostly attempt to clarify the meaning of
Confuciuss words in a particular context. In what follows, I reconstruct the Jesuit
reasoning behind choosing Zhus edition of the Four Books.

The Zhu Xi Edition of the Four Books Adopted by the Jesuits

Many of the early Jesuits studied the Four Books by reading Zhu Xis Sishu jizhu
(Collected commentaries on the Four Books). Albert Chan found a copy of
the Sishu jizhu in the Jesuit Archives with the manuscript annotations of Francesco
Brancati, which were probably written in Hangzhou in 1637 and 1638, when he
studied the Chinese language. Brancati indicated the dates marking the progress in his
studies, including the five months he spent reading the Lunyu.57 More than thirty years
later, Brancati would become one of the six revisers of the Sapientia Sinica.
The Jesuits became familiar with the Sishu jizhu during their Chinese-language
studies. Hence, when Da Costa worked with his Jesuit students in translating the Four
Books, he naturally chose the Zhu edition as the basis for the classical text of the Four
Books, as is clearly mentioned in the preface (Ad lectorem) of the Sapientia Sinica:

There are the signs f, p, put in the margins. The first one indicates the leaf of the
text according to the order of a Nanjing edition by Zhu Xi, usually called Sishui
jizhu. The second sign indicates the page. The third sign designates a sentence,
standing apart from another sentence by some space within the Chinese text
itself.58

From 1662 to 1687, the manuscript and the printed Jesuit translations of the Four
Books contain the same symbols (fol., p., ), which refer to the Zhu edition. Those
references can be matched to a Ming edition of the Sishu jizhu preserved today in the
Yenching Library at Harvard University. For example, the verso of folio 10 of this
Ming edition contains the classical text: , which
corresponds to Lunyu 2.6. In their translations, the Jesuit indicate exactly the same
reference: folio 10, page 2 (verso of the folio), paragraph 1. After the commentary of
Lunyu 2.6 by Zhu, the next passage of the classical text is found on the same folio 10
in the Ming edition, and this matches again with the Jesuit indication as: folio 10,
page 2, paragraph 2. Then we come to Lunyu 2.7, found in the Ming edition on the
recto of folio 11, and thus referenced by the Jesuits as: folio 11, page 1, paragraph 1. 59

57 See Chan, Chinese Books, 911.

58 Ad lectorem, Sapientia Sinica: Notae appositae in margine sunt: f, p, . Prima denotat folium
textus iuxta ordinem impressionis nn kim editae Authore ch h, qui liber vulg dictur
s x si ch. Secunda indicat paginam. Tertia signat periodum illam, quae aliquali spatio
distat ab alia periodo in ipsomet textu sinico.
59 Sishu jizhu , twenty-one juan in five volumes, by Zhu Xi, published under Emperor
Jiajing (r.152167) by Caishifengtang , in Harvard College Library Harvard-Yenching
Library,
http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:FHCL:3775634?n=76, accessed February 3, 2014.
Sishu jizhu , twenty-one juan in five volumes, by Zhu Xi, published in 1538 by Chenshi
jishan shutang , in Harvard College Library Harvard-Yenching Library:
http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:FHCL:3775625?n=73, accessed February 3, 2014.

20
Another Ming edition of the Sishu jizhu follows exactly the same pagination. It seems
that the Ming editions of the Sishu jizhu adopt the same pagination, with the same
book size and the same arrangement in nine columns for each half folio and in
seventeen characters for each column. The classical text is given in single columns,
while the commentary is given in double columns. The copy of the Sishu jizhu used
by Brancati follows exactly the same arrangement.60 These references in the Sinarum
Philosophus are indicated in a table at the end of the current workin the appendix.
There is an obvious reason why the Jesuits used the Zhu edition for the classical
text: it was the standard version of the Four Books during the Ming and Qing (1644
1911) dynasties. The Jesuits were often moving residences and sometimes worked
separately, so they had to use a standard edition, easily available in different parts of
the country.
The use of the Zhu edition has important consequences. The Jesuits followed Zhu
in adopting the standard division of the Lunyu into ten juan,61 and their translation-
commentary also follows exactly the same segmentation of a given passage of the
Lunyu. Zhu tends to fragment the text of the Lunyu into small units or segments, and
the Jesuits systematically follow Zhus edition in presenting the text in this way.62
Moreover, Zhu did not delete the repetitions found in the Lunyu, but maintained
them. In order to produce an authoritative translation, the Jesuits could not use an
incomplete edition of the Four Books, and thus they had to maintain the repetitions of
the text, just as Zhu did.63 As we can see, the Jesuits made a very conscious choice to
use Zhus edition of the Lunyu concerning the classical text.
With regard to the comments themselves, the Chinese commentarial tradition
accumulates many interpretations on the Lunyu, and each interpreter draws from
previous commentaries to compose his own commentary, resulting in a text comprised
of many different, interwoven threads, much like a piece of fabric.64 In fact, the
Chinese character for classic jing is used also to design the warap of a textile.
When seen in this way, the classical text of the Lunyu provides the basic matrix of the
fabric. On the basis of this same matrix, different interpreters add new patterns on the
fabric. Because the interpreters found inspiration from each other, they interwove
different interpretations together, while adding something of their own specific
interpretations. The Jesuits proceeded in the same way: they worked on the classical
text of the Lunyu as the basic matrix, which became interwoven with additional
threadsthe two main threads of the Sishu zhijzie by Zhang Juzheng and of the Sishu
jizhu by Zhu Xi, and other secondary threads. Let us first follow the thread of Zhang.

Zhang Juzheng as Imperial Tutor

The political ascension of Zhang Juzheng (152582) owes much to him

60 See Chan, Chinese Books, 9.

61 Some editions of the Sishu zhijie divide the Lunyu and its commentary into nine juan. In this present
edition, I have adopted the division into twenty chapters, which is standard today. I have also added
numbers for each verse of the Lunyu, according to Anne Chengs edition, Entretiens de Confucius
(Paris: Seuil, 1981).
62 Examples can be found in the comments on Lunyu 1.8, 2.4, 2.10, 7.6, 10.6, 10.8, 12.5, 12.8, and
12.22.
63 However, Lunyu 12.15, which is a repetition of Lunyu 6.25, was deleted by Zhang, and it is also
absent from the Jesuit text. It seems to be the only discrepancy with Zhus edition.
64 For a development on the metaphor of interweaving, see Nicolas Standaert, The Interweaving of
Rituals: Funerals in the Cultural Exchange between China and Europe (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 2008), 21922.

21
being the teacher of two crown princes. In 1563, Emperor Jiajing (r.152167)
made him one of the five tutors of Zhu Zaihou (153772), known at the time
as the prince of Yu . As Prince Yu was already twenty-six years old, Zhang could
only have had a minimal influence on him as he had finished his formal education
long ago. However, Zhang succeeded in establishing a good relationship with the
prince of Yu, and, after the death of Emperor Jiajing in 1567, the prince of Yu became
Emperor Longqing (r.156772). Zhang, as well as the other four teachers of the
former prince, was made grand secretary (neige daxueshi ).65 The Jesuits
often refer to Zhang as being a Colaus, or Gelao, an abbreviation for neige dalao
, designating one of the six grand persons of the Grand Secretariaty.
In 1568, Zhu Yijun (15631620) was chosen to be the crown prince,
after the death of two elder brothers born from Emperor Longqing, when he was five
years old. In 1570, Zhang wrote a memorial to the emperor Longqing, advocating that
the young prince Zhu should start his formal training at the age of eight years old, two
years earlier than usual, arguing: One day earlier represents the advantage of one day
of instruction; one year of delay represents the loss of one year in the merit of moral
progress. His Majesty should deeply reflect on this.66 In order to justify this, Zhang
made reference to the training of the young Cheng Wang, king Cheng of Zhou,
(reign circa 10421021 BC) under the duke of Zhou, or Zhougong (dates
unknown), who was considered as the model for educating a prince.67
In February 1572, Zhang was appointed as the tutor of a crown prince for the
second time. His former student, Emperor Longqing, entrusted the chief grand
secretary Gao Gong (151378) and Zhang with the role of instructing Zhu
Yijun, who was nine years old at that time. However, after only a few months of
formal training, on June of the same year, Emperor Longqing died, and Zhu ascended
to the throne as Emperor Wanli (r.15731620). Zhang was raised to the highest
rank of chief grand secretary (shoufu ) and took charge of supervising alone the
instruction of the young emperor.
Zhang practically ruled the empire by himself for ten years until his sudden death
in 1582.68 He is credited with being the last statesman of the Ming dynasty, before its

65 See Xiong Zhaozheng , The Imperial Tutor Zhang Juzheng , in Zhang

Juzheng jiangping luinyu [Zhang Juzheng comments on the Lunyu] (Shanghai cishu
chubanshe , 2007), 1.
66 See Zheng Yourong , Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu <
> [Research on the Lunyu zhijie, edited by Zhang Juzheng et al.], Masters Thesis Presented
to the Chinese Literature Department of the National Normal School of Gaoxiong
, 2007, 29. According to the Han dynasty Records of Ritual Matters by Dai Senior [Da Dai
Liji ], the education of Cheng Wang was entrusted to three people and their assistants: the
duke of Zhou as great preceptor (taifu ) in charge of the moral education; Zhao Gong as great
guardian (taibao ) in charge of health; Taigong as great mentor ( taishi) in charge of formal
instruction.
67 For example, during the Song dynasty, Cheng Yi wrote in similar circumstances about the
need for an imperial teacher like Zhou Gong: Looking at antiquity, no one was better able to teach and
nourish a young ruler than the Duke of Zhou. What the Duke of Zhou did became the model for ten
thousand generations. Cheng Yi, Letter to the Empress Dowager Concerning the Classics Mat, in
Sources of Chinese Tradition, vol. 1, ed. Theodore De Bary and Irene Bloom (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1999), 635.
68 See Carrington Goodrich, ed., Dictionary of Ming Biography 13681644, vol. 1 (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1976), 5361.

22
final collapse in 1644.69 Zhangs role as tutor of two crown princes helped him to
climb to the summit of Chinese politics, and he was also able to use his position to
control the young emperor Wanli from the age of ten to twenty.70
After three months of mourning for Emperor Longqing, instruction resumed in
September 1572. Zhang limited imperial audiences by Wanli to only three days a
month. The method of instruction basically followed the ritual set in 1458 by Emperor
Yingzong (r.145764), and included Daily Lectures (rijiang ) and
Classics Mat (jingyan ), called so because the emperor seated on a bamboo
mat.71 The instruction consisted almost entirely of reading the classics, since, as
Zhang wrote: The ways to rule the universe depends on the Classics (
).72 During the Daily Lectures, the emperor would read one passage of
the classics ten times in the morning so he could memorize it. The lecturers would
explain the basic meaning of the text and teach him how to pronounce difficult words.
After a briefing on state affairs, he would learn how to write one hundred Chinese
characters a day, except in winter when he was taught only fifty. At eleven, the
emperor read the Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government (Zizhi tongjian
) and was lectured on the rise and fall of politics. In the evening, the emperor would
repeat the passage of the classics he had learned in the morning, until the text was
fully memorized.73 Following this method of lecturing, they covered the Daxue and
the Zhongyong from 1572 to 1575. It took six more years, from 1575 to 1581, to
cover the Lunyu.74 From 1581, instructions were given on the Mencius.75 The emperor
had six lecturers who took turns to give these daily lectures, and two officers in
charge of teaching the emperor how to write. The lecturers prepared commentaries of
the passage of the classics to be studied, but first submitted them to the office of the
Grand Secretariat. It is likely that Zhang would take a close look and make
corrections. During the instructions given to Wanli, one grand secretary was always
present, often Zhang himself. Because only a few people were present, the emperor
and the teachers could interact relatively freely.
The second method of teaching is referred to as Classics Mat, designating the
place where the instructions were given.76 During the Ming dynasty, the place was the
Literary Splendor Palace (Wenhuadian ), in the southeast quarter of the
Forbidden City. Unlike the Daily Lectures, the Classics Mat Lectures were major
gatherings, attended by senior officials. They took as a model the instruction the duke

69 Zhang is often compared to Wang Anshi (102186), because both implemented important
economic and social reforms and fought against nepotism. Wang held the title of prime minister or
zaixiang . Later, too much power was concentrated in the hands of the prime minister, and
Emperor Hongwu (r.136898) abolished the function in 1380, and replaced it with a cabinet of
six ministers called the Grand Secretariaty or neige . [AU: In other places, grand secretary is used
as a title, but here it is an institution: was it used in both senses (i.e., not Grand Secretariat)?]
70 Zhangs life was recently made into a television series: Wanlis Chief Grand Secretary Zhang
Juzheng . Filming began in 2006, with the program being broadcast for the first time
on Chinese television in 2010 in forty-three episodes of forty-five minutes each.
71 See Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu, 32.
72 Zhang Juzheng, Dijian tushuo (Beijing: Zhonggong zhongyang dangxiao chubanshe
, 2008), 116.
73 See Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu, 3435.
74 Ibid., 5356.
75 Instructions on the Mencius continued until the early 1590s. Meanwhile, in 1582, Zhang had died,
and Wanli, who was then twenty years old, found another imperial tutor.
76 See Theodore de Bary, ed., Sources of East Asian Tradition, vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University
Press), 326.

23
of Zhou gave to the young Cheng Wang,77 according to which the ruler should educate
himself continuously in order to become a teacher for all, and thus assume fully his
function of ruler. The Classics Mat consisted of lectures based on the examples of the
past kings. Through those examples, the morality of the young prince could be
shaped. In the Song dynasty, the intellectual Cheng Yi (1033107) described the
Classics Mat conducted in his time as too formalistic and ritualistic:

Since your subject [i.e., Cheng] has taken office, six officials-in-waiting have
lectured from the Classics Mat, but it was observed that the gathered ministers all
sat quietly with folded hands, and the lecturers standing next to the imperial
bench explained a few lines and then withdrew. If things are conducted in such a
fashion, even if the emperor were of mature age and accumulated experience,
what benefit could he derive from such a lecture?78

Cheng instead argued that the importance of the Classics Mat Lectures resided in
them being delivered in a place where questions can be raised and so it should be [a]
place where people are at ease.79 Because Cheng wanted to foster a true discussion
between himself and Emperor Zhezong (r.1086100), he asked to be seated
while giving the lecture to the emperor. However, during the Ming dynasty, the
Classics Mat Lectures again became more ritualistic, and most of the time, the
emperor listened from his seat, while the lecturer stood before him and delivered a
monologue.80 Zhang himself gave the Classics Mat Lectures.81
It was long recognized that the aim and method of instructing a prince differed
from the usual instruction. For everyone with the exception of the imperial family,
training in the classics was a necessary step in preparing for the imperial examination,
with success or failure in the examination determining the fate of an entire family or
clan. For the prince or young emperor, it was not necessary to learn the classical texts
and their commentaries by heart. It was enough to understand their general meaning.
In 1574, Zhang decided that Wanli would only read the text aloud five times, instead
of ten times, because this would be enough to understand the meaning of the text and
to integrate it in mind and body.82 The candidates to the imperial administration were
required to acquire a great deal of knowledge about the classics and also to embody
the teaching in their own life, but the motivation of making a career also played a
great role. For the emperor, his motivation in learning the classics was not about
acquiring prestige or reputation, but in making shine virtue, cherishing the people,
rectifying the mind, cultivating the self and ruling men, as Zhang expressed it.83

Zhang Juzhengs Thought and the Importance of the Classics

Many scholarly works discuss Zhangs political career,84 but only a few studies

77 About the instruction given by the duke of Zhou to Cheng Wang, see the chapters Lizheng
in the Shangshu, Wenwang shizi in the Liji, and Ruxiao in the Xunzi.
78 Cheng, Letter to the Empress Dowager, 635.
79 Ibid., 636.
80 See Hung-lam Chu, The Jiajing Emperors Interaction with his Lecturers, in Culture, Courtiers
and Competition: The Ming Court (13681644), ed. David M. Robinson (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 2008), 188.
81 See Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu, 3739.
82 Ibid., 8283.
83 Ibid., 83.
84 In English, see Ray Huang, 1587: A Year of No Significance (New Haven: Yale University Press,

24
attempt to connect his politics to his thought. Zhang primarily based his political
action on Confucian thought. He believed that the political and social problems under
the reigns of Zhengde (r.150521) and Jiajing were caused by the moral decay
of the imperial administration, which resulted in the proliferation of new ideas and in
the loss of orthodoxy. Zhang criticized the literati of his time on the grounds that they
stick to their personal ideas, rejecting everything else as trash, pursue their
unorthodox views, and spread their theories in all the kingdom (
).85 By the end of the Ming dynasty, private
academies were places of academic freedom where lively debates blending Confucian
thought with Daoism and Buddhism would take place, and Zhang saw in these private
academies a place of political contestation. In 1579, three years before his death, he
launched a campaign to close all the private academies and to reinstate the public
academies as guardians of Confucian orthodoxy. Zhang was at war with the
intellectuals who dared to contest his authority. For example, He Xinyin
(151779), a famous scholar of the Taizhou School who criticized Zhang for being
autocratic, was arrested and eventually perished while serving time in jail.86
In 1950, in a lengthy study of Zhang entitled Discussing about Zhang Juzheng
with a Friend, the famous twentieth-century Confucian scholar Xiong Shili
(18851968) described Zhang as someone who was naturally talented in
philosophy.87 He argues that Zhangs advocacy for thought orthodoxy is not based on
the thought of Legalism (fajia ), as is widely believed, but on Confucian
thought.88 Xiong probably felt a natural sympathy for Zhang because both of them
were born in Hubei province. In his study, Xiong expressed his disagreement with the
Chinese historians who considered Zhangs thought to be Legalist, and his politics to
be stern and severe in prohibiting the School of the Principle (lixue ) and in
destroying the academies.89 Xiong admits that Zhang emphasized the rule by law, yet
for Zhang, rule was not to be based on force, but on the cultivation of the mind, and
according to Xiong, this makes Zhang a true Confucian. In other words, even if we
acknowledge Zhangs practice of power as Legalist (fajia), he is not a syncretistic
because he would not consider the different teachings on the same footing, but would
aim at a Confucian synthesis.
The contemporary scholar Zhang Xuezhi shows that Zhang was
influenced by the School of the Mind (xinxue ). Zhangs letters indicate that he
had personal contacts with leading figures from the School of Mind, like Luo Jinxi
(151588) and Nie Shuangjiang (c.14871563), and he adopted some

1981); Willard Peterson, The Ming Dynasty, in The Cambridge History of China, vol. 8, ed. Denis
Twichett and Frederick W. Mote (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), part 2, 73842.
85 Zhang Xuezhi , The Philosophy of Administration of Zhang Juzheng, Zhang Juzheng
lizhi zhong de zhexue [The Philosophy of Administration of Zhang Juzheng],
in Guoji ruxue yanjiu , vol. 15 (2007): 298.
86 The Taizhou School is a branch of the School of Mind which flourished during the Ming dynasty.
87 Xiong Shili, Yu youren lun Zhang Jiangling [Discussing with a friend about
Zhang Juzheng], in Xiong Shili quanji [Complete works of Xiong Shili], vol. 15, 570. [AQ:
Please can you provide a translation of the title in quotes?]
88 Chinese Legalism took roots in the Qin dynasty (221206 BC) and developed under the Chinese
imperial dynasties as an authoritarian political idelology. Others, like Professor Mungello, qualify
Zhangs thinking as syncretistic. See David Mungello, The Jesuits Use of Chang Ch-Chengs
Commentary in their Translation of the Confucian Four Books (1687), China Mission Studies Bulletin
(1981): 15.
89 Xiong Shili, Yu youren lun Zhang Jiangling, 551. [AQ: Here, are you referring to the
chapter/essay cited in n. 83, or are you referring to the collected works as a whole?]

25
of their ideas. For example, Zhang argued that the culture of debates in the Ming
dynasty was detrimental to personal cultivation, and he instead advocated a method
based on silent reflection and pondering, by which one would pay attention to his
inner mind, not unlike the method of the School of Mind.90 He shared the pragmatism
of the School of Mind, with its double focus on personal cultivation and on state
affairs. This led him to support a method of a progressive and gradual practice of self-
cultivation.
Zhang Xuezhis study helps us to understand how Zhang could articulate personal
cultivation and political orthodoxy. For Zhang Juzheng, the Confucian classics played
a decisive role, because only the personal cultivation of the emperor through the
Confucian classics could reinstate morality at the court and in the whole empire. As
imperial teacher, Zhang taught the young emperor Wanli the Four Books, and while
the emperor was engaging in his own personal cultivation, all the ministers and people
of the empire should devoutly follow the example the emperor. The Four Books
provided a mirror inviting everyone to a deep individual reflection, to familiarize
oneself with his own inner mind in a state of tranquility, devoid of all selfish personal
attachments. By way of looking inward, one would know how to behave according to
the situation at hand.
Zhangs commentaries on the Four Books reflect his stress on practice. While he
generally follows the standard interpretation of Zhu, he leaves aside the theoretical
elements and does not engage in metaphysical discussions. On the contrary, he
stresses the practical application of the Four Books for his personal life and for his
public life, like the appointment of ministers.
Zhu provides his own interpretation of the text, generally accompanied by a few
interpretations of his predecessors. He usually selects interpretations from the Song
interpreters, supporting his own interpretations. Zhu inserts himself in an orthodox
line of interpretation which unfolds over time. However, Zhangs commentaries tend
to enforce a greater orthodoxy as they provide only one meaning of the text, without
any reference to different interpreters, imposing the idea that there is only one
possible reading of the text.

The distinctive features of the Sishu zhijie

The Sishu zhijie (Colloquial commentary on the Four Books) correspond

to the Daily Lectures on the Four Books that were given orally to Wanli for a period
of more than twenty years, from 1572 to the 1590s. Shortly after beginning this
instruction, Zhang began preparing partial editions of the commentaries. In 1573, he
already had the commentaries on the Daxue being revised and published. During the
editing process of edition, Zhang explained that he and his collaborators made
corrections and additions.91 Library catalogues often state that the Sishu zhijie was
published in 1573. However, this date simply corresponds to the preface written by
Zhang and to the publication of the commentary of the Daxue,92 with the first edition
of a complete Sishu zhijie only appearing in the 1590s, after Zhangs death.
Though the Sishu zhijie is often attributed to Zhang alone, he cannot be the sole
author since he died at the beginning of the instructions on the Mencius. As Zheng

90 See Zhang Xuezhi, The Philosophy, 305.

91 See Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu, 64.
92 Interestingly, this first edition was not produced by the Grand Secretariat [AU: See above], led by
Zhang, but by the Directorate of Ceremonials [AU: Not Ceremonials?] of the Inner Court (
), led by the eunuch Feng Bao (?1583).

26
Yourong recently remarked, the first complete edition of Sishu zhijie was
published under the name of Zhang alone in the 1590s, but another Ming edition,
produced later by the printing shop Jigutang , correctly attributed the
authorship of the Sishu zhijie to Zhang Juzheng and others ( ).93 Indeed,
the Sishu zhijie should be seen as a collective work, involving the initial work of six
lecturers, the input of Zhang (for the Daxue, the Zhongyong, the Lunyu, and the
beginning of the Mencius), and the final work of the revisers. The commentaries
necessarily reflected the official reading and could not deviate too much from the
standard interpretations. When the Jesuits read the Sishu zhijie, they seem to have
been unaware of the collective dimension of the commentaries, and they have read
them as reflecting the thought of Zhang alone. However, while the commentaries
should be attributed to Zhang since he was ultimately responsible for their content, he
also collaborated with other literati in composing them.
The Sishu zhijie follows a well-established pattern. It first explains the meaning
of individual Chinese characters or words. In most cases, this initial step has
disappeared from the Jesuit text since their translation of the Chinese characters or
words are found within their Latin translations of the text. Second, there is a
translation in vernacular Chinese of the classical text, and the Jesuits usually
translated from the vernacular rather than the classical text. Third, there is a final
comment giving the moral lesson of the passage, which the Jesuits sometimes
translated.
Zhang deleted many of the repetitions in the Lunyu which he probably considered
useless for his imperial student.94 Many of the final comments by Zhang deal with
how the young emperor Wanli should apply the Lunyu to his own personal cultivation,
especially his dealing with the ministers. Only a few of those comments were
translated in the Sinarum Philosophus. For example, in Lunyu 12.6, Confucius warns
his disciple Zizhang against believing too quickly in insinuations. In his
comment, Zhang applies this lesson to the ruler, as an invitation for Emperor Wanli
not to believe the false accusations against his most trustworthy minister, Zhang
himself.

The Edition of the Sishu zhijie used by the Jesuits

Zhang was accused of treason after his death. As the de facto ruler of China for ten
years, Zhangs bold politics attracted a great deal of opposition. When Zhang lost his
father in 1577, he had decided to remain at the court against the customs. In a letter,
he mentioned that he did not take his salary, but was as naked, only with a pure heart
and mind, managing only the affairs of the country, saying: Regardless where I am,
whether I leave [to my fathers place] or I stay [in the capital], I return to myself and
purify myself.95 After Zhangs own death in 1582, opponents came to Emperor Wanli
and openly expressed to him feelings they had hidden for years. They claimed that
Zhang considered himself the true ruler and that he had embezzled public wealth.
Wanli, perhaps trying to overcome the psychological influence of his deceased tutor,
removed all of Zhangs titles and confiscated his familys estate. Although modern

93 See Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu, 41.
94 The passages deleted in the Sishu zhijie are Lunyu 4.20 (repetition of Lunyu 1.11); Lunyu 9.24
(repetition of Lunyu 1.8); Lunyu 10.14 (repetition of part of Lunyu 3.15); Lunyu 11.6 (repetition of
Lunyu 6.2); Lunyu 14.27 (repetition of Lunyu 8.14); Lunyu 17.17 (repetition of Lunyu 1.3).
95 See Xiong Shili, Yu youren lun Zhang Jiangling, 651. [AU: See earlier comment re. this title]

27
scholars are divided with regard to Zhangs personal integrity, Xiong argues,
persuasively, that he in fact spent his life devoting himself to the service of his
country and rejected monetary rewards.96
Zhangs commentaries continued to be published despite his posthumous
disgrace. In 1611, almost thirty years after Zhangs death and still during the reign of
Wanli, an edition by Zhang Liang (dates unknown), with additional comments
by the famous Ming scholar Jiao Hong (15401620), was printed in Fujian
province.97 In 1622, two years after the death of Emperor Wanli, Zhangs titles were
restored. Under the Qing dynasty, in 1651, Wu Weiye (pseudonym: Wu
Meicun , 160972) published a new edition of the Sishu zhijie under the title
of Sishu Zhang Gelao zhijie (Colloquial commentary by the grand
secretary Zhang on the Four Books). Emperor Kangxi (r.16621722) read Zhangs
commentaries on the Shujing and on the Four Books, praising them in an edict of
1684, saying that the text expounded the truth, and that its conclusions contained no
exaggeration ().98
In a previous study, I suggested that the Jesuits decided to use Zhangs
commentaries as the main source when they worked on the translation work in
Guangzhou in 166670.99 In fact, the Jesuits used Zhang as the main reference much
earlier. According to the preface of the Sapientia Sinica of 1662, the Jesuit
translations of the Lunyu and the Daxue are based on twenty different commentaries,
but mostly (praecipue) on the commentary by Grand Secretary Zhang (Colao
Cham),100 and the translation of the Sapientia Sinica also contains a few references to
the Chinese commentator and Grand Secretary Zhang (Commentator sinensis
Cham Colao). An exemplar of the Sapientia Sinica preserved in the Jesuit Archives in
Rome has on the cover the inscription: Xiwen sishu zhijie (Colloquial commentary of
the Four Books in Western language), which is a clear reference to Zhangs
commentary.101 Later, when the Jesuits were preparing what would become the
Sinarum Philosophus in Guangzhou, they naturally continued to use Zhangs
commentaries as their primary point of reference. In the 1610s, the Jesuits already had
a copy of Zhangs commentaries in their library in Nanjing,102 and the plan of studies
of 1624 explicitly mentions using Zhangs commentaries for the training of the Jesuit

96 See Xiong Shili, Yu youren lun Zhang Jiangling, 584. Also, according to Xiong, Zhang strived to
reinforce the power of the emperor and diminish the power of the local officials. His real intention was
not so much to make the emperor absolute but in fact to better protect the people against the exactions
of corrupt officials. See Xiong Shili, Yu youren lun Zhang Jiangling, 648.
97 Chongke neifu yuanban Zhang Gelao jingyan sishu zhijie
[Reprint of the Classic Mat (Lectures) and colloquial commentary of Zhang Juzheng on the Four
Books, originally printed by inner court]. See Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu,
5556. This title suggests that the commentaries were given during the Classic Mat Lectures. However,
as explained above, the commentaries were mostly given during the daily lectures (rijiang).
98 See Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu, 4.
99 See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 34.
100 Ad lectorem, Sapientia Sinica.
101 Jap.Sin. III/3a.
102 See Ad Dudink, The Inventories of the Jesuit House at Nanking, Made Up during the Persecution
of 16161617 (Shen Que, Nan gong shu du, 1620), in Western Humanistic Culture Presented to
China by Jesuit Missionaries (XVIIXVIII Centuries), ed. Federico Massini (Rome: Institutum
historicum Societatis Iesu, 1996), 147. Jensen mentions that Ricci used the Sishu zhijie in translating
the Four Books into Chinese; however, he provides no evidence in support of this. See Jensen,
Manufacturing Confucianism, 85.

28
missionaries coming to China.103 Therefore, we can verify the Jesuits consistency in
choosing Zhangs commentaries in their reading of the Four Books from the 1610s,
and in their translations dating back at least to 1662.
The Sinarum Philosophus mentions the name of Grand Secretary Zhang on many
occasions, including three explicit acknowledgements of the Jesuit debt towards his
commentaries. First, at the end of the preface of the Sinarum Philosophus, the Jesuits
gave his complete name as Cham Kiuchim and some important pieces of biographical
information, and then mention the reason for their choice:

Why was it fitting for us to select this interpreter at all instead of the others? It is
because his commentaries have been rubbed by all hands and are highly regarded
by the missionaries. Even though he is one among the more recent, and in fact the
most recent, it seems that he was more worthy, paying less heed to the riddles and
novelties of the others. For this reason, we follow mostly him.104

Second, in the beginning of the translation of the Daxue, it is stated that their
translation follows the explanations of the Chinese interpreters, and mostly
(praecipue) of the grand secretary and imperial instructor Zhang. 105 The Jesuit
translation of the Lunyu ends also with this acknowledgment:

Even though the explanations seem quite prolific, the reader should know that it
cannot be compared, in abundance and volume, to that of the interpreter and
grand secretary Zhang whom we mostly follow. As said elsewhere, we constantly
follow in his footsteps. With the exception of what we have inserted from other
Chinese writers for the sake of erudition and clarity, everything comes from our
interpreter. I can say that the whole commentary belongs to the grand secretary
alone.106

The choice of Zhang as main interpreter was dictated by questions of orthodoxy.

Since the Jesuits feared the contamination of Zhus materialistic and atheistic
philosophy in his interpretation of the Four Books, they chose an interpreter like
Zhang who stayed at a distance from the metaphysics of the Song philosophers, and

103 See Brockey, Journey to the East, 266. According to Mungello, the Western translation of the first
sentence of the Daxue by the Portuguese Jesuit missionary Gabriel de Magalhes (161077), in his
Nouvelle relation de la Chine (1668), appears to be a very-loose translation-paraphrase of Zhangs
commentary. See David Mungello, Curious Land: Jesuit Accommodation and the Origins of Sinology
(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985), 102.
104 Conclusio, Proemialis dDeclaratio, Sinarum PPhilosophus, cxiv [AU: Please review and revise
capitalization as indicated earlier]; Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 234. In 1935, the Jesuit missionary
and historian of Jesuit missions in China, Henri Bernard-Matre (1889-1975), was the first to identify
Cham Colao or Cham Colaus with Grand Secretary Zhang. [AU: Note insertion of details here: are
these correct? Please also provide dates (18891975?).] See Bernard-Matre, Sagesse Chinoise. In his
doctoral thesis (Kung-tzu and Confucius: the Jesuit Confucianism; Australian National University,
Canberra, 1972), Paul Rule wrongly identified Cham as Cheng Yi (Rule, 325) [AU: Please insert title
of thesis, university, year defended etc.]. Rule later corrected this, acknowledging the research done by
Lundbaek: see Rule, Kung Tzu or Confucius, 272. However, Lundbaek and Rule seemed to be
unaware at that time that the correct identification had been made by Bernard-Matre in 1935.
105 Liber primus, Sinarum Philosophus, 1; Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 331. As stated above,
Intorcetta declares in the preface (Ad lectorem) of the Sapientia Sinica also indicate theirthe reliance
mostly on Zhang Juzheng. [AQ: Who: the authors/editors? Please clarify.]
106 Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, liber tertius, 159. Unless otherwise mentioned, I have done all the
translations. [AQ: Your translation/edited version, or that of someone else?]

29
even affirmed some religious convictions, as we shall see below.
There are two Qing editions of the Sishu zhijie at the Bibliothque nationale de
France, perhaps brought by Couplet when he was working there for the publication of
the Sinarum Philosophus: the Sishu Zhang Juzheng zhijie by Wu Weiye, mentioned
above, and the Jingyan jinjiang yuanben sishu (Classic Mat
Lectures on the original Four Books), published in 1672 by Zhu Fengtai
(dates unknown).107
This study uses one of the few available modern editions, entitled Zhang Juzheng
jiangping Lunyu (Zhang Juzheng comments on the Lunyu).108 The
cover bears the mention of it being an imperial edition: as with the editions which
appeared in the Ming dynasty, this edition lures readers interested in a book for an
emperor, somehow giving them the feeling of being introduced inside the Forbidden
City. This edition presents the text of the Lunyu with its modern translation in
vernacular Chinese (baihuawen ), followed by Zhangs comments in classical
Chinese. The editor occasionally added some marginal notes explaining the meaning
of some of the Chinese characters.109

The Dijian tushuo

The Dijian tushuo (Illustrated mirror for the emperor), originally written
for the young emperor Wanli, was published in 1573 by Zhang. The book was
intended to help Wanli understand the principles of order and chaos, flourishing and
destruction (zhiluan xingwang ). Accordingly, the prince should pursue
the rule of the two emperors [Yao and Shun] and the three kings [Yu, Tang, Wen]
().110 The book, which is divided into two juan, contains a total of 117

107 Wu Weiyes edition is referenced in the Fonds Chinois of the BNF as MS 284446; Zhu Fengtais
edition as MS 284748. See Maurice Courant, Catalogue des livres Chinois, Corens, Japonais, etc.
(Paris: Leroux, 1902), 190. Thanks to Professor Bernard Fuehrer, I obtained digital copies of Zhu
Fengtais edition preserved at the British Library. Zhu has segmented the text of the Lunyu in a
different way, often combining segments which are distinct in the Ming edition. Also, Zhu has deleted
some comments from Zhang, present in the Sinarum Philosophus. For a presentation of those editions,
cf. Knud Lundbaek, Chief Grand Secretary Chang Ch-cheng and the Early China Jesuits, China
Mission Studies Bulletin III (1981): 211. For a more recent list of the editions of the Sishu zhijie, see
Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu, 12738.
108 Zhang Juzheng jiangping Lunyu [Zhang Juzheng comments on the Lunyu], ed.
Chen Shengxi , with a preface by Xiong Zhaozheng , and published in 2007 by
Shanghai cishu chubanshe . All the references to the commentary of the Lunyu by
Zhang Juzheng are taken from this edition.
109 As explained in the preface by Xiong Zhaozheng, this edition is based on a copy preserved in the
Library of Nankai University in Tianjin. My ownA research in the catalogue of this
university informs usindicates that this corresponds to an early edition of the Sishu zhijie, [AQ: Sorry,
but I dont understand what you mean here: does this refer to your research into the university of
catalogue?] in twenty-six juan, authored by Zhang Juzheng et al. ( ), published in the first
year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1573) by the Directorate of Ceremonial of the Inner Court. The
reference in the catalogue of Nankai Universitys Library is 097.02/308. In fact, as mentioned above,
1573 corresponds to the printing of the lectures on the Daxue because the lectures on the Lunyu were
only finished after 1581. There are two other modern editions of the commentary of the Lunyu by
Zhang: Zhang Juzheng jieshi lunyu [Zhang Juzheng explains the Lunyu], ed. Deng
Tong (Beijing: Zhongguo huaqiao chubanshe , 2009), based on an edition of the
first year of the reign of the emperor Tianqi (1621); Lunyu biezai (Xian:
Shifandaxue chubanshe , 2007), ed. Zhou Hong (with no clear indication
of the original edition being used).
110 See Zheng, Zhang Juzheng deng jizhu Lunyu zhijie yanjiu, 12.

30
colorfully illustrated stories, and each story ends with a moral lesson composed by
Zhang.111 The first juan, entitled Shengzhe fanggui (Honorable patterns
of the sagely and wise), presents eighty-one positive examples. The second juan,
Kuangyu fuche (Destructive tracks of the uninhibited and stupid),
presents thirty-six bad examples.
In the 1570s, the Dijian tushuo was published several times by commercial
publishers and individual officers, responding to a strong interest outside the court for
this kind of illustrated book. As the art historian Julia Murray argues, the general
public was interested in looking at illustrations that offered a rare glimpse into the life
of the imperial court. In 1622, when Emperor Tianqi (r.162127) officially
rehabilitated the memory of Zhang, the Dijian tushuo was reprinted for the use of the
emperor, and several editions spread the influence of the work among the general
public. During the Qing dynasty, several editions appeared, including versions in the
Manchu language.112
Some stories in the Dijian tushuo are mentioned by the Jesuits in their translation-
commentary of the Lunyu. For example, in Lunyu 8.21, Confucius praises the Great
Yu for his virtue. In a copious note in italics, the Jesuits mention a few stories
about Great Yu. Two of them can be found in the Dijian tushuo: the Great Yu
prohibiting wine, and the Great Yu feeling pity for a criminal about to be executed. 113
Also, since Lunyu 20.1 refers to Emperor Chengtang (c.16751646 BC), the
founder of the Shang dynasty (c.16001046 BC), the Jesuits did not miss the
opportunity to mention an illustrated story in the Dijian tushuo which made a strong
impression on them: Emperor Chengtang praying for rain and asking heaven to punish
him alone and to save the people from the drought.114 These stories of heaven
rewarding the good and punishing evil are likely to have been seen by many Chinese,
including Zhang, as a way to persuade rulers like Wanli to behave with restraint, yet
the possibility cannot be excluded that the ancient Chinese, and even many Chinese
literati at the time of the Jesuits, really believed in the power of heaven.
Besides the religious piety of the ancient rulers, another lesson in the Dijian
tushuo also made a strong impression on the Jesuits. Zhang praises the rulers who
follow the Confucian tradition, but he blames the emperors who deviated from the
standard teaching of Confucianism and instead patronized Buddhism or Daoism,
because this brought them personal misery, and more importantly, led to moral and
political chaos, and even the collapse of dynasties. Zhang wanted to teach Wanli the
importance of following Confucianism for the sake of a prosperous reign. In the
preface of the Sinarum Philosophus, Intorcetta and Couplet follow exactly the same
argumentation, showing how the negative influence of Buddhism and Daoism on the
rulers resulted in the decline of the dynasties and of the nation.115
It is highly likely that the Jesuits had read the Dijian tushuo, and they decided to

111 See Julia K. Murray, Didactic Picturebooks for Late Ming Emperors and Princes, in Robinson,
Culture, Courtiers, 24348.
112 See Julia K. Murray, From Textbook to Testimonial: The Dijian tushuo/Teikan zusetsu in China
and Japan, Ars Orientalis 31 (2001): 65101. [AU: Please review use of italicization in this title (i.e.,
use italics for the titles referred to in the article).]
113 Zhang, Dijian tushuo, 1823.
114 Their translation of the Daxue also contains stories mentioned in the Dijian tushuo. For example,
commenting about Daxue 3.3, the Jesuits mention how King Wen felt pity for the bones of a dead man.
See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 354. Also, in their comment on Daxue 9.4, they mention the
debauchery of the tyrant Jie and his concubine Moxi , and of the tyrant Zhou and his
concubine Daji . See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 38586.
115 See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 11127.

31
have the ancient stories inserted into their commentaries on the Four Books. However,
as a manual for a child, the Dijian tushuo presents the stories in a very simplified
manner, and hence the Jesuits went back to the historical sources, providing in their
commentary many details not found in the Dijian tushuo.

Zhang Juzhengs Understanding of Heaven and the Spirits

Why did the Jesuits choose to use Zhangs commentaries? In a previous work, I
offered some explanations, such as his political authority and the simplicity of the
language. Even though many of Zhangs explanations of the Four Books originate
from the standard explanations of Zhu, the Jesuits were reluctant to use the
commentaries of Zhu directly because they believed him to be an atheist or pantheist.
As a result, the Jesuits concealed the importance of Zhu in their own readings. For
instance, in the whole translation-commentary of the Lunyu in the Sinarum
Philosophus, the Jesuits mention Zhus name in only three passages of the Lunyu
(10.10, 14.43, and 20.1), while Zhang is mentioned more than thirty times. Yet, the
influence of Zhu permeates everywhere in Zhangs commentary, and therefore the
whole translation and commentary by the Jesuits. An initial comparison between Zhu
and Zhangs commentaries led me to the conclusion that there was no major
difference, and that Zhang had merely paraphrased Zhus commentaries. Because of
the reluctance of the Jesuits to mention their reliance on Zhus interpretations, I have
previously talked about a disguised choice for Zhu Xi as commentator.116
However, despite their resemblance in almost every other respect, Zhu and
Zhangs commentaries clearly depart from each other on two important points which
were very relevant to the Jesuits: the reverence to tian (heaven) and the worship of the
guishen. Concerning the first point, Confucius is recorded in Lunyu 3.13 as having
said: Who sins against heaven does not have any higher spirit to pray (huo zui yu
tian, wu suo dao ye ). In a note, the Jesuits allude to the
conflicting interpretations of tian (heaven) by Zhu and Zhang. For Zhu, Heaven
means principle (tian ji li ).117 The Jesuits were not satisfied with the mere
identification of heaven with a kind of anonymous principle (li ), considering this
interpretation to be twisted. In relation to this passage of the Lunyu, Zhang still uses
the Neo-Confucian concept of principle (li) or heavenly principle (tianli), with its
automatic and anonymous moral law of retribution, but he also states that there is
only one heaven which should be honored to the highest degree and that nothing else
is equal to it.118 The Jesuits read this to mean that heaven (tian) is above the
heavenly principle (tianli), and used this as definitive proof that the ancient Chinese
were not deist, but believed in a personal God.119
The respect to heaven is clearly displayed in Zhangs comment on Lunyu 12.4,
where it is stated that a superior person, a junzi , has nothing that he does not

116 Ibid., 32.

117 Pars octava, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 119. [AQ: Is this your translation/edition?] For Zhu
Xis quote, see Zhu Xi, Sishu zhangju jizhu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 65. For a discussion of
the concepts of tian and tianli in Zhus thought, see Julia Ching, The Religious Thought of Chu Hsi
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 5460.
118 Pars secunda, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 7. Zhang, Zhang Juzheng jiangping Lunyu
huangjia duben, 34: .
119 Concerning the meaning of tian for Zhang, see: Igawa Yoshitsugu , Zhang Juzheng no
ten [The heaven of Zhang Juzheng], [Tsukuba Philosophy] vol. 6 (1995):
2336.

32
want heaven to know. The Jesuits inserted Zhangs exact words in their phonetic
transliteration. Also, Lunyu 16.8 mentions that the junzi fears the mandate of heaven,
the great men, and the words of Shengren. Zhang comments that all amounts to the
respect toward heaven alone (jingtian eryi ). The expression jingtian is not
found in the Lunyu, but in the Shijing and the Xunzi. Zhang uses the expression a few
times, and the Jesuits inserted his exact words with their transliteration, and they
themselves commented that his opinion is very Christian.120 In 1675, Emperor Kangxi
offered to the Jesuits an inscription with the two characters jingtian, an event which
took place after the translation was finished in Guangzhou. During the final stage of
the edition of the Sinarum Philosophus in Paris, Couplet added this event, which
precisely shows a correspondence between Christianity and the ancient religious of
China.121
In Lunyu 3.13, Zhang expresses further the meaning of heaven (tian) as a judge
who rewards the good and punishes evil. In a note in italics, the Jesuits praise Zhangs
understanding of this key passage of the Lunyu:

Favorable things come along with honest people, and adverse things come along
with dishonest people. This is so sure and accurate that there is no room for the
smallest error. Whoever acts this way and obeys reason continues to be
prosperous. Whoever opposes reason sins against heaven. Could this one escape
from the disasters sent by a vengeful heaven? How can he divert it by imploring
the power of the spirits Ao and Zao? From this, it should be clear that human
beings need to obey reason and to serve heaven, but he should flatter neither the
spirits, nor human beings.122

Unlike Zhu, Zhang affirms here the existence of a purposeful heaven; nobody can
escape punishments from heaven. In his commentary, Zhang uses the expression of
the law of mutual interaction between heaven and human beings ( ).
During the Han dynasty (206 BC220 AD), the scholar Dong Zhongshu
(179104 BC) expressed this as the mutual interaction between heaven and men
(tianren ganying ), where heaven is endowed with personality and will,
acting mostly as a judge.123 This theological view became popular again in the late
Ming dynasty, and deeply influenced Zhangs interpretation of the classics.
Zhangs notion of a purposeful heaven agrees with the Jesuit understanding of
God. For them, not only was Confucius able to recognize a moral law (the equivalent
of tianli) but more importantly he was able to admit the existence of an author and
judge of the moral law (the equivalent of tian). Punishments do not fall on the people,
as proceeding from an anonymous moral law, but result from the purposeful decisions
of heaven, or God.
In their commentary on Lunyu 14.43, the Jesuits called Zhu an atheo-politician
(atheo-politicus), and they described li as a fiction of the atheo-politicians,

120 Pars octava, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 119.

121 See Brockey, Journey to the East, 117. The preface of the Sinarum Philosophus mentions the
jingtian inscription by Kangxi. See Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, cxii; Meynard, Sinarum
Philosophus, 231. With the papal bull Ex illa die (1715), the inscription jingtian was forbidden in all
the churches of China.
122 Pars secunda, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 7. All of this passage is indeed an accurate
translation of Zhangs comment (34).
123 Concerning Dong Zhongshu, see Fung Yu-lan [Feng Youlan], A History of Chinese Philosophy,
vol. 2, trans. Derk Bodde (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983), 787.

33
invented by the new interpreters some four thousand years later, a kind of power or
natural influence, devoid of mind and will. 124 In contrast, the missionaries adopted
Zhangs commentary because it does not refrain from using the word tian or
heaven. As such, they believed that Zhang had preserved the ancient belief in a
personal God.
The Jesuits found additional proof of the ancient belief in the description of the
traditional worship to the spirit of Taishan (Mount Tai) in Lunyu 3.6. For Zhang, this
spirit is clever, knows how to accept the worships addressed with a rightful intention
and to reject worships with a wrong intention. In their own note, the Jesuits use
Zhangs testimony to make the point that the ancient Chinese considered the spirits
presiding over material things as being clearly endowed with intelligence and mind,
and seeking fairness and justice.125
Lunyu 7.34 mentions that the disciples offered to pray to the spirits on behalf of
Confucius for his recovery from illness, but Confucius declined. For Zhu, the prayer
of Confucius consisted in confirming all his actions to the principle li . In this
interpretation, the personal connection between human beings and the guishen is
greatly downgraded. In contrast, Zhang emphasized the respect towards the guishen,
with the fear of offending them. According to Zhang, the prayer of Confucius
consisted not only in a life in conformity to the li, but also in a deep respect towards
the guishen.
Unlike Zhu and other Song interpreters, Zhang stressed the importance of the
worship to the spirits of the ancestors and to the spirits of the mountains and rivers.
For the Jesuits, mentions of the worship of the spirits in the Four Books were
important to prove that the ancient Chinese believed in the immortality of the soul in
the afterlife, and about the efficiency of worship and prayer, like in Christianity. The
Jesuits wanted to reinforce the idea that, when the ancient Chinese prayed to heaven
or to the guishen, they believed that heaven or the guishen could understand and
answer their prayers. Unlike most Song and Ming interpreters, Zhang alludes to a
personal relationship with heaven and spiritual beings, and this is why the Jesuits
chose him as the main interpreter. Clearly, Zhangs understanding of a purposeful
heaven and of clever spirits is quite different from the Western conceptions of God
and angels. However, the missionaries approved of Zhang for having retrieved from
the ancient texts the original faith in God and angels.

The Jesuit Use of the Commentaries of Zhu and Others

In terms of content, Zhus Sishu jizhu and Zhangs Sishu zhijie have many similar

124 Pars septima, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 10910. The Spanish Jesuit Juan Eusebio
Nieremberg y Otin (15951658), used the word atheo-politicus in his Theopoliticus sive brevis
illucidatio et rationale divinorum operum atque providentia humanorum (Amberes, 1641), applying it
to Machiavelli. In his own Tractatus theologico-politicus (1670), Spinoza denied the charge of atheism
given to philosophers in general. In China, the Jesuits gave the name of atheo-politicus to the
Confucian literati who opposed Christianity. In the preface to the Sinarum Philosophus, the term
appears only in its second part. See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 167, 200, 209, 212, 229, 230, 242.
This clearly suggests that the term was not used by Intorcetta, but was most probably introduced by
Couplet.
125 Pars secunda, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 4; Zhang, Zhang Juzheng jiangping Lunyu , 29.
[AU: Could you clarify precisely what is being referred to here? I think the system youve adopted
subsequently, in the translation itself, where you give just a surname to refer to the commentaries
and/or translations, is a logical one to follow as it will save space. However, it would be helpful for the
reader, and me, if there was some kind of clarification in the notes (e.g. the edition of Zhang cited
hereinafter is referred to solely with Zhang and that of ]

34
explanations, yet they are not completely redundant. Zhu puts the emphasis on the
classics being addressed to all as the basis of their own personal cultivation, and he
provides some elaborations based on his own philosophical system. On the contrary,
Zhangs emphasis is on the classics as being first addressed to the emperor, with the
personal cultivation of the emperor as the basis for ruling over the world. In the Qing
dynasty, some editions appeared juxtaposing the Sishu jizhu and the Sishu zhijie. In
1677, Xu Qianxue (163194) published such an edition, entitled Sishu jizhu
chanwei zhijie (Collected commentaries and enlightening
colloquial commentary on the Four Books).126 In those editions, there is a clear
distinction between the classical text, the commentary by Zhu, the commentary by
Zhang, and eventually other comments in the head margin.
When the Jesuits translated the Four Books, it is very likely that they used an
edition comprising both the Sishu jizhu and the Sishu zhijie. Having the two
commentaries in front of them, they could mainly follow the Sishu jizhu and also
complete from the Sishu zhijie, interweaving the different layers further in a new
composition.
For example, in many instances, the Jesuits felt the need to introduce some
information present in the Sishu jizhu, but which had been left out in the Sishu zhijie.
Concerning Lunyu 5.14, Zhu tells a story about the wife of the officer Taishuji that
was omitted by Zhang. It is highly likely that the Jesuits read the story in the Sishu
jizhu and decided to include it in their translation-commentary. Similarly, in Lunyu
6.2, the Jesuits found the age of the death of Confucius disciple Yan Hui in the Sishu
jizhu, since it is not mentioned in the Sishu zhijie, while in Lunyu 12.4, the Jesuits
explain that Huan Tui, the brother of Sima Niu, was plotting at a rebellion, and Sima
Niu grew worried about this: Zhang does not give this information, which can instead
be found in the Sishu jizhu. The elements specifically drawn from the Sishu jizhu in
the English translation of the Jesuit Lunyu that follows are indicated in my
footnotes.
Despite the omnipresence of the comments by Zhu, the Jesuits only mention his
name three times in their translation-commentary of the Lunyu. For example, Lunyu
14.43 describes the filial piety of Emperor Gaozong (reign c.12501192 BC) of
the Shang dynasty. The Jesuits take this opportunity to mention a completely
unrelated story found in the Shujing, according to which God sent a dream to
Gaozong about his future minister Fu Yue. The Jesuits did believed in the historicity
of the story, and thus they rebuked the interpretation of the atheo-politician Zhu, as
noted above. The Jesuits also mention the name of Zhu in two other passages, but this
time in a positive manner, for his recognition of the antiquity of a religious ritual
(Lunyu 10.10) and of the power of the divinity Di in giving orders (Lunyu 20.1).
Besides these three explicit references to Zhu, there are others which are implicit.
For example, the Jesuit commentary-translation of Lunyu 13.18 and 16.14 contains
the family names of the interpreters Xie and Wu respectively. In fact, Zhu
quoted the two interpreters while commenting on the corresponding passages.
Therefore, it is very likely that the Jesuits found the references to the interpreters Xie
and Wu in the Sishu jizhu.
The comment-translation of Lunyu 11.25 presents an interesting case of how the
Jesuits combined the Sishu jizhu and the Sishu zhijie. In the classical text, Confucius
is said to have approved of Zeng Xi among four disciples, but no reason is given. In a
126 Sishu jizhu chanwei zhijie , 27 vols., by Zhang Juzheng , in Harvard
College Library Harvard-Yenching Library;
http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:FHCL:4596709, accessed February 3, 2014.

35
note in italics, the Jesuits mention that Zhang and the other Chinese interpreters give
four reasons for Confucius approving of Zeng. The first two reasons can be found in
the Sishu jizhu and the two others in the Sishu zhijie. The Jesuit use of the Sishu jizhu
does not seem to obey any specific rule. When they found a piece of information
important or relevant, or something which appears to confirm the so-called
monotheism of the ancient Chinese, they drew from the Sishu jizhu, but almost never
mention the name of Zhu.
In addition to the Sishu zhijie and the Sishu jizhu, the Jesuits also used other
commentaries. For example, with regard to Lunyu 3.13, they use a quote from the
Lunyu zhushu (Notes and commentaries on the Lunyu), an edition of the
Lunyu with commentaries by He Yan (c.195249) of the Wei dynastyduring the
period of the Three Kingdoms (220280), and annotations by Xing Bing (932
1010) of the Northern Song dynasty (9591126). The Jesuits probably had a copy of
this book in their hands while working on the translation-commentary. When
commenting on Lunyu 10.10, the Jesuits also make an explicit reference to a comment
from Zhang Dongchu. Indeed, in the Sapientia Sinica, Intorcetta mentioned that they
used twenty commentaries in order to translate the Daxue and the Lunyu. Also, in
chapter 11 of the second part of the preface of the Sinarum Philosophus, the Jesuits
mention the name of Zhang Dongchu (Cham Tumo).127 Zhang Nai (pseudonym
Zhang Dongchu ) was a contemporary of the Jesuits, and also a relatively
obscure author. Born in Yunjian , Jiangsu province, he attained a jinshi the
degree of advanced scholar, or jinshi , in 1604 and became vice president of the
Board of Personnel (libu shilang ) in Nanjing. He was close to the Jesuits
because he was among the nine scholars who revised Western Hydraulic (Taixishuifa,
1612) by the Jesuit Sabatino de Ursis (15751620) and Xu Guangqi (15621633), a
high officer and close collaborator of the Jesuits.128 He Zhang Nai also published a
commentary on the Four Books, found today in the Jesuit Archives in Rome. 129
However, its impact seems to have been quite limited, as there is only one mention of
him in the Jesuit translation of the Lunyu.

The Anti-Buddhism of Cheng Yi and Qiu Jun

As previously stated, the Jesuits stressed the importance of a literal understanding of

the Confucian classics. They opposed Zhus metaphysical explanations, which they
considered to be twisted, and instead favored Zhangs affirmations of a purposeful
heaven and clever spirits. However, the Jesuits were also concerned with how the
Chinese interpreters would position themselves in relation to Buddhism, and it would
appear that they were not fully satisfied with Zhangs stance on this issue.
Zhang had an ambivalent attitude towards Buddhism. At a personal level, he was
greatly influenced by many insights drawn from Buddhism. For example, in a letter to
a friend, he mentioned that he was regularly reading Buddhist literature. 130 He also
wrote words for stone inscriptions on two Buddhist temples, the Precious Pagoda at
Wutai Mountain and the Cishou Temple of the Benevolent Longevity

127 On the manuscript of the BNF, the name of Cham Tumo in Chinese characters can be found (MS
178), as well as the mention that he is a doctissimus interpres (MS 224).
128 See Chan, Chinese Books, 367.
129 Zhang Dongchu, Xinke Zhang Dongchu xiansheng yongsi zhai shishu yan
; see Chan, Chinese Books, 4.
130 Zhang Xuezhi, The Philosophy, 307.

36
 near Beijing.131
Xiong recognized Buddhism as a major intellectual influence in Zhangs thought,
next only to Confucianism. Zhang shared the Buddhist analysis of people as entangled
in a multitude of cravings. However, this did not lead him to advocate renouncing the
world, as a Buddhist would normally do, and he instead invited people to suppress
selfish desires and to manage the world, as a Confucian does.132 As a political leader,
Zhang continually needed to emphasize the truth and importance of Confucianism
above all the other teachings. In response to Confuciuss warning about the danger of
heterodox teachings (yiduan ) in Lunyu 2.16, Zhang defines a heterodox teaching
as the law and discipline which divert us from what the saints have taught.133 At this
level, the heterodox teachings are rejected not because of their content but because
they create a diversion from the cultural and political norm represented by
Confucianism. In his comment on this passage of the Lunyu, Zhang listed four
heterodox teachings in China: the teaching of Yang, Mozi, Daoism, and Buddhism.
Zhang does not elaborate further on the errors of these four sects, including
Buddhism. Similarly, the first Jesuit translation of the Lunyu in the Sapientia Sinica
contains only the names of the four sects, but no effort is made to spell out their
errors.
However, for the Jesuits, Buddhism was not merely a diversion from the standard
teachingit was conceptually and morally wrong. Therefore, when the Jesuits
prepared the Sinarum Philosophus, they searched further among other commentators
for an explicit rejection of Buddhism. They found in Zhus commentary about this
passage of Lunyu 2.16 a quote from Cheng Yi against the pernicious danger of
Buddhism, which was translated in the Sinarum Philosophus:

More than the three prior sects [of Yang, Mo, Laozi], it [Buddhism] teaches many
things which agree with truth and reason. But because of this, it is even more
harmful, since its virus skillfully hides itself under the appearance of truth and
thus spreads widely. If one pursues virtue and wisdom, he should reject and avoid
these corrupt dogmas and speeches, these seductive and shameful appearances.
Otherwise, this pestilence may quickly instill itself into the hearts of people who
are not on their guard.134

The Jesuits found in Cheng an ally who rejected the Buddhist teaching more strongly
than Zhang; Cheng did not view Buddhism as a mere diversion from the Confucian
standard but considered it to be intellectually and morally wrong.
In the Ming historian Qiu Jun , or Qiu Qiongshan (141895), the
Jesuits found an even more radical opponent of Buddhism than Cheng. The name of
Qiu Qiongshan (Kieu Kiumxan) is first encountered in the section on Daoism in the
preface of the Sinarum Philosophus (xxvii). Qiu is called upon to reject the worship
of Daoism that Emperor Huizong (10821135) of the Song dynasty

131 In those inscriptions, Zhang mentions Buddhist terms such as Nirvana or Tathgatagarbha. Xiong
Shili, Yu youren lun Zhang Jiangling, 55659. [AU: See earlier comment re. this citation.]
132 Xiong was sympathetic to the Buddhist dimension of Zhangs thought since Xiong himself had
studied and taught Buddhism for many years, before turning his attention to Confucianism. For a
presentation of Xiong, see the relevant chapter in Umberto Bresciani, Chapter Five: Xiong Shili the
metaphysician, Reinventing Confucianism (Taipei: Ricci Institute, 2001), 115142 [AQ: What chapter
exactly? Please give the title].
133 Pars secunda, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 16.
134 Pars secunda, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 16.

37
promoted. According to Qiu, this led to the defeat of Huizong in 1127 against the
Jurchens of Manchuria who had founded the Jin dynasty, putting an end to the
Northern Song dynasty. This defeat resulted in all of China falling under the foreign
occupation of the Mongols for eighty-nine years, from 1277 to 1367. The name of Qiu
Jun also appears in the Jesuit translation of Lunyu 2.16, where he is presented as a
guardian of the Confucian orthodoxy. This culturally conservative scholar did not
reject Buddhism solely on an intellectual basis like Cheng, but also because of
cultural nationalism. The Jesuits quoted a passage from Qius Shishi zhenggang
(Correct compendium of the history of the dynasties) in which he blamed
Emperor Mingdi (2875), emperor of the Han dynasty, for introducing
Buddhism to China, because these teachings were completely foreign to the Chinese
tradition. For Qiu, Buddhism destroyed the moral order of Chinese society, especially
the five relationships, and therefore the judgment of Mingdis crime against the
ancestors reached heaven. The story of the introduction of Buddhism into China by
Emperor Mingdi can be found in the Houhanshu (Book of the latter Han), a
book recording the history of Eastern Han (25220) but written only in the fifth
century. In truth, the dream of Emperor Mingdi, the embassy he sent to India, and his
recognition of Buddhism have little historical basis.135 The importance of this story for
the Jesuits is shown by the fact that they refer to it three times in the Sinarum
Philosophus.136 Like the Jesuits, Qiu did not question the historicity of the story, and
they all saw it as a fateful event.
As we can see, the Jesuits mostly followed the interpretations of Zhang and Zhu,
but they also imported comments and opinions from other commentators like Qiu and
Cheng, because both men staunchly opposed Buddhism. Like Zhang, the Jesuits
wanted to emphasize that there was only one orthodox line of interpretation. But
unlike Zhang and other syncretistic thinkers of the late Ming dynasty, the Jesuits also
wanted to make the point that Buddhism is intrinsically wrong and cannot be
reconciled with a correct reading of the Four Books. To prove the point, the Jesuits
needed the support of anti-Buddhist thinkers of the Song dynasty, like Cheng, or of
the early Ming dynasty, like Qiu.137

Use of Cross-Textual References

The Chinese commentaries on the Four Books are written for a Chinese audience,
knowledgeable about Chinese history and culture. While preparing the Sinarum
Philosophus, the Jesuits felt the need to add many notes explaining historical events
and figures, taken from sources outside of the Four Books. These notes, written in
separate paragraphs and printed in italics, clearly stand apart from the main text.
Many notes are drawn from the most ancient of the classics, the Shujing, which the

135 Buddhism was introduced into China at an earlier date [AQ Circa?]during the first century AD, not
through a diplomatic mission but through caravan routes. The apocryphal story of Mingdi introducing
Buddhism was a clever invention by Chinese Buddhists and was very influential, since even an anti-
Buddhist scholar like Qiu Jun believed the story to be historically true and condemned Mingdi for all
posterity as a traitor to the ancestral way. Matteo Ricci and the other Jesuits also accepted the story
uncritically, but in The Real Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (452), Ricci changed the meaning of the
story, holding that Mingdi had a divine revelation about Christ, but the embassy took a wrong route and
brought Buddhism back to China instead of Christianity.
136 Aside from the Jesuits comment on this passage of the Lunyu, there are also more details given in
chapter 4 of the preface, and also in the biography of Confucius.
137 I have also shown that the Jesuits may have been attracted by the historical hermeneutics of Qiu
Jun. See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 7072.

38
Jesuits also called the Book of Kings in reference to the historical annals of the
kings of Israel in the Bible. As was mentioned above, the Jesuits were trained in
reading the Four Books and the Shujing. In their commentary-translation of the Lunyu
12.22, 14.43, 19.11, 19.19, 20.1, not only are there quotes from the Shujing but there
are also references to its commentary by Zhang, the Shujing zhijie
(Colloquial commentary on the Shujing). The Jesuits found in the Shujing and in its
interpretation by Zhang some evidence about the ancient belief in Shangdi, the
equivalent for the Jesuits of the Christian God, rewarding good and punishing evil.
The Jesuits also drew from works of the Han dynasty (206 BCAD 220). For
example, with regard to Lunyu 2.12 and 11.14, there are comments not mentioned by
Zhu or Zhang, but which originate from the Kongzi jiayu (The school
sayings of Confucius), edited by Wang Su (AD 195256). Also, the
commentary-translation of Lunyu 8.21 is followed by a note in italics taking its source
from the Diwang shiji (Genealogical annals of the emperors and kings) by
Huang Fumi (AD 21582). There are also numerous pieces of information
which have their source in the Shiji (Records of the great historian) by Sima
Qian (c.14086 BC).
The Jesuits sometimes ventured outside of the Confucian tradition. About In their
translation-commentary of Lunyu 8.19, they make reference to a story found in the
Zhuangzi, a foundational text of Daoism, and according to which. By telling this
story, the Jesuits wanted to stress that Yao did not share the usual wishes of the people
for wealth, children, and a long life. Also, in their biography of Confucius, the Jesuits
mention another story from a Daoist text, the Liezi. Hence it would appear that the
Jesuits did not feel themselves to be completely bound by the Confucian tradition, and
sometimes used non-Confucian texts to interpret the Lunyu.
At the beginning of this section, I introduced the metaphor of the interweaving of
commentaries. One main thread consists in a rational reading of the Lunyu,
established by Zhu and largely shared by Zhang. Another main thread is the religious
and theological interpretation, originating with the Han interpreters, which was
rejected by Zhu but adopted by Zhang. Thus, Zhangs commentaries had the strongest
appeal to the Jesuits because of his literal interpretations of the ancient texts
concerning the ancient worship of heaven and the spirits. The Jesuits were suspicious
of Zhus commentaries because he interpreted the archaic religion in a philosophical
way, which greatly diminished the personal dimension of the divinity. They also
adopted some ideas from Cheng and Qiu to support their opposition to Buddhism.
During the late Ming dynasty, Chinese intellectuals were open to different
traditions, adopting a synthesis of the three teachings (of Confucianism, Buddhism,
and Daoism) in one (sanjiao heyi ). Even though the Jesuits opposed this
syncretism, trying to oppose Confucianism against Buddhism and Daoism, the
openness of Chinese thought at that time clearly worked to their advantage since they
could propose their own interpretation of the Four Books by interweaving the
philosophical interpretation of the Song with the theological interpretation of the Han.
They advocated a return to what they construed as a pure Confucianism of antiquity,
one fully compatible with Christianity, and they believed that this pure Confucianism
was expressed best in Zhangs commentary. By rearranging different Chinese
commentaries, the Jesuits were in fact composing a completely new commentary,
creating a unique perspective on the Lunyu. But their work did not stop at rearranging
Chinese commentaries. As we shall see in the following two parts of this introduction,
their own editorial choices and their own understanding of the Lunyu also shaped their

39
translation.

III. Editorial Choices in Translating the Lunyu

The Jesuits needed to make a few basic choices in presenting the text. Given the huge
volume of commentaries, the Jesuits needed to answer some basic questions: how did
the Chinese interpreters understand the title of the work, Lunyu? How did they
articulate their own commentary with the classical text? The classical text and the
commentaries have to be presented together, and this led to a specific choice of
typesetting. Though the Jesuits claimed to be returning to the original text of the
Lunyu, and to the historical figure of Confucius, this claim needs to be investigated. In
what follows, I argue that the different layers which have been added to the original
during the course of Chinese history, with the last layer added by the Jesuits, should
not be understood as a deformation of the original, but as a creative process of
interpretation.

The Title of the Lunyu

Before discussing the Latin title of the Lunyu, it is important to explain the title the
Jesuits gave to their entire work. The missionaries gradually realized that Chinese
thought constituted a kind of system, as expressed in the shift from Chinese Wisdom
(Sapientia Sinica, 1662) to Chinese Learning (Scientia Sinica, 1669). Intorcetta hinted
here that they were facing a system of thought akin to the European lLearning
(Europea Scientia), thus establishing a bridge between the two systems. Moreover, the
Jesuits believed that Chinese Learning had its own system of classics, the Four Books.
Among them, the Lunyu is called the third book of the Chinese Learning (scientiae
Sinicae liber tertius).
When publishing the Sinarum Philosophus, Couplet used the words Chinese
Learning on the front cover, but only as a subtitle. Couplet decided to focus the
attention on Confucius, the man himself, and chose as the title: Confucius, the
Philosopher of the Chinese People. Therefore, Couplet placed the whole work under
the name of Confucius, as though he alone represented the Ru Sschool of literati, or
Ru and Chinese thought, in their respective entireties.
The title of the Lunyu is translated as Discussions between people who are
reasoning (Ratiocinantium sermones), and in the short preface to the Lunyu, the
Jesuits explain that reasoning means philosophizing. From the very beginning, the
philosophical content of the Lunyu is underlined. Similar to the Socratic dialogues, the
Lunyu does not refer to an established theory but more to a work in progress, a
philosophical exercise. The Jesuit understanding of the title of the Lunyu relies on the
comment of Zhang, who explains that lun means debates and discussions (yilun
), and that yu means questions and answers (dashu ).138 There is a

138 The Chinese character lun is usually pronounced with the fourth tone, but lun in the word
Lunyu is pronounced with the second tone. Yet, the Sapientia Sinica has it wrongly with the
fourth tone. The early explanation of the Lunyu in the Sapientia Sinica completely misses the dialogical
nature of the work, stating only that it contains the words and apophthegmata [AQ: Not
apophthegmata?] of moral virtues, spoken by Confucius or his disciples (continet sententias et velut
apophtegmata moralium virtutum, tum ab Confucio tum ab eius discipulis prolata; Zi-ka-wei, 1).
However, the dialogical nature of the Lunyu is expressed in the translation of the title in the manuscript
of the BNF as: Questions and Answers of People Reasoning (Ratiocinantium quaesita et responsa,

40
hermeneutical circle here in the Jesuit reading of the Lunyu; on the one hand, they
perceived the dialogical nature of the Lunyu, which they considered akin to a
philosophical dialogue; and in the other direction, their understanding of the Lunyu as
a philosophical dialogue led them to find many philosophical insights inside the text.
Because the Lunyu is a record of short discussions, its Neo-Confucian interpretation
and its Jesuit translation stay quite close to the original style of dialogues and refrain
from too many conceptual elaborations, unlike more discursive texts like the Daxue
and the Zhongyong.

The Typesetting of the Latin Edition of the Lunyu

As previously stated, the Sapientia Sinica and the Politico-moralis mostly contain the
translation of the classical text, without many comments. Because of its concise
nature, this kind of translation is difficult for most Western readers to understand.
Later, the Jesuits decided to translate the classical text into Latin systematically, with
some authoritative Chinese commentaries. The problem, however, was how to arrange
the original text and the commentaries. In the Chinese tradition, the classical text is
rarely read alone, and is often accompanied by a commentary. The classical text and
the commentary complement each other, with a clear continuity between the two, and
only the size in which the characters are written set the two apart. Thus readers
naturally read from the original text to the commentary, and from the commentary
back to the original text. The commentary provides an explanation of the classical
text, and conversely, the classical text gives authority to the commentary. Thus the
original text and the commentaries become an integrated whole. 139 On the contrary,
there is a long tradition in the West of clearly separating the text from the commentary
by using marginal notes, footnotes, or endnotes.
When the Jesuits edited their translation of the Four Books, they did not follow
the traditional system of Western typesetting, with marginal notes, but largely
followed the Chinese tradition. This can be seen very clearly when looking at the
manuscript on which Couplet worked during the final stage of the editing process in
Paris, in which the words corresponding to the classical text are written in big text on
the same line, while the words corresponding to the commentaries are written smaller.
However, this kind of typesetting was impossible to realize in print at that time in
Europe. Therefore, the printed edition adopted the same size of font for the words of
the classical text and its commentary. It would seem that any distinction between the
two had disappeared. In fact, the words of the classical text are affixed with
superscript numbers corresponding to the original Chinese characters. For example,
the beginning of the Lunyu reads as:

Confucius1 ait2: Operam dare imitationi3 sapientum, &4 assidu exercitare sese in
hujusmodi studio imitandi, 7nonne8 olim delectabile9 erit? Quasi dicat: suae
principiis fer omnibus difficultates insunt ac spinae; verumtamen si devoraveris
istas magno animo vicerisque, tu quisquis sectator es virtutis ac sapientiae, si
exemplis simul ac documentis virorum sapientium ob oculos tibi positis
constantiam junxeris cum labore, plan fiet ut recuperat paulatim claritate &
integritate primaev naturae nostrae, insignis etiam facilitas atque peritia sequatur
tuam exercitationem, delectatio ver peritiam & facilitatem.

B.N. Latin 6277, vol. 1, 335).

139 See Daniel Gardner, Zhu Xis Reading of the Analects (New York: Columbia University Press,
2003), 7.

41
It is immediately apparent that the first two lines of the Latin text correspond to the
classical text of the Lunyu, because almost every Latin word has a superscript number
that corresponds to the original (Xue er xi shi xi zhi, by yi yue hu
). The words that follow do not have any number, because they correspond to the
Chinese commentary. Originally, the numbers were used for studying Chinese, as in
the Sapientia Sinica and the Politico-moralis, which include the Chinese characters.
However, printing houses in Europe were unable to print Chinese characters, so
Couplet had to leave them out during the editing process. In short, the Jesuit method
for editing their translation of the Four Books basically followed the Chinese
tradition, harmoniously combining the words of the classic with the commentaries.
On the contrary, the modern editions of the Lunyu, both in China and in the West, tend
to break the unity between the classical text and the commentaries by creating a
physical distance between the two, thereby giving the impression of a classical text
being independent of its interpretative tradition. This method could induce a kind of
navet in the modern reader, thinking he or she has direct access to the classical text
independently from its interpretative tradition.140
In the translation of the Daxue and the first two chapters of the Lunyu, Couplet
maintained the superscript numbers, which allow a clear distinction between the
original text and the Chinese commentaries. However, this method was not applied all
the way through. While the original intent of Couplet was to provide superscripts for
the whole book, when he realized that Chinese characters could not be printed, he
probably decided not to continue with the superscripts.141

Whose Lunyu? The Lunyu of Confucius, of the Neo-Confucians, or of the

Jesuits?

The original words spoken by Confucius have been lost forever, yet we have the
records of his disciples in the Lunyu, which were compiled much later, during the Han
dynasty. As a result, the Latin edition reflects the Lunyu of the Han dynasty, as well as
the Neo-Confucian reading of the Song and Ming dynasties. Although the
missionaries had some reservations about Neo-Confucianism and advocated returning
to the original Confucianism, they still read the same commentaries as their
contemporaries.142 Interestingly enough, the Sinarum Philosophus mentions in a note
within their translation-commentary of the Daxue (39) that even the classical texts are
interpretations, and that Confucius was not an author but an interpreter of a more
ancient tradition. In a way, there is no original text, no ground text, not even an
original author; the origins of the texts are lost in a remote past impossible to reach.
Let us now return to the beginning of the Lunyu to see how the text comes to us
through a complex line of interpretations. The Sinarum Philosophus translates the

140 Modern editions in China usually have four levels: the original text; the meaning of difficult
characters or words, with their pronunciation; the translation in vernacular Chinese, or baihuawen; and
finally the meaning of the texts, often a concatenation of interpretations at different times. See for
example the collection Zhonghua guji yizhu congshu , by Shanghai guji chubanshe
, which edits the classics according to this method.
141 SNot all subsequent translations, like in French by Pluquet (1784), did not keep kept the
distinction, like in the French translation by Pluquet (1784). [AQ: Does this mean that this latter
translation kept the distinction, or that it did not?]
142 Most Jesuit missionaries in China favored original Confucianism because they understood it as
closer to monotheism, and they rejected Neo-Confucianism for not stressing enough the idea of
transcendence or God.

42
words of the classical text and commentary as follows:

Confucius says: Is it not indeed a pleasure to strive to imitate the wise and to
train constantly oneself in this effort of imitation. It is as to say that almost every
beginning has its difficulties and obstacles, but, if you endure them with courage
and determination, you are indeed a follower of virtue and wisdom. With the
examples and instructions of the wise people in front of you, if you join
constancy to effort, then you will recover little by little the original clarity and
completeness of our human nature. Your practice should yield a remarkable
easiness and skill, which will bring pleasure.

At first glance, both the classical text (the first sentence of which contains quotation
marks in order to delimitate the classical text) and the commentary (the remaining
text) display a Neo-Confucian reading. Concerning the text of the classical part, Zhu
understood xue to mean not only learning but also the imitation of the wise. From
the first line of the Lunyu, the reader is invited not to a disembodied learning but to a
concrete practice of imitating the wise people of the past. Zhang followed the same
meaning, which was also adopted by the Jesuits.
At this level of understanding, the European reader may think that the message of
the Lunyu is circumscribed to the Chinese people, and that they have to imitate in
practice the moral values of the wise people of ancient China. Here, the classical text
is followed by a comment from Zhang, which follows the interpretation of Zhu. The
teaching here is no longer bound to Chinese culture but rises to the universalistic level
of human nature, through the Neo-Confucian ideas of the recovery of the original
clarity and of the completeness of human nature. This Neo-Confucian interpretation
of the Lunyu was very significant for Westerners. Because Zhu brought out the
philosophical significance of the Lunyu, the Jesuits were thus able to read the text as
dealing with fundamental questions about human nature.
Rather than distorting the original meaning of the classical text, the Neo-
Confucian interpretation of the Lunyu adds a new depth to it. In Lunyu 6.15,
Confucius asks two questions: Does not someone leaving his house exit by the
doorposts? Therefore, why do we not progress on the road? The classical text stops
it, without givingdoes not provide an answer to the question explicit answers.
However, Zhu read here an allusion to the quest for the Dao, and he explained the
meaning of Confucius: It is not that the Dao is far away from human beings, but that
human beings are departing from the Dao only (). Zhang also
emphasizes the inner dimension of the Dao: For each one, the Dao is inside the
person (). In other words, for a Neo-Confucian, both
the goal and the path are within us. In contrast, the Sinarum Philosophus understands
the Dao as an external goal to reach towards, probably because of the influence of the
religious and metaphysical tradition of the West.
Lunyu 7.11 presents another case of an enigmatic statement by Confucius. Confucius
is said to have recognized that human efforts are unable to secure wealth for oneself,
and therefore he decided to follow what I love. The classical text is not explicit
about what this means. Zhu and Zhang explain this with the concept of yili , and
thus the Jesuits translate this as the light and lead of reason endowed by heaven. In
their translation of yi , the Jesuits miss here the notion of moral duties, but they
have fully grasped the Neo-Confucian insistence on the principle of reason.

43
IV. The Jesuit Reading of the Lunyu and the Image of
Confucius
When reading the Jesuit translation of the Lunyu, a few specific themes can be
identified about the message of Confucius and the man himself. What follows seeks to
explain how the Jesuits read and understood the Lunyu: the figure of Confucius as a
philosopher, as well as a saint, the Ren between Neo-Confucianism and Christianity,
the question of the legitimacy of hatred, and the representation of a hierarchical
political order. These themes will be critically analyzed so as to uncover any
unwritten assumptions.

Confucius as a Philosopher

As the title of the Sinarum Philosophus suggests, the most pregnant image of
Confucius is as a philosopher. As previously mentioned, the Lunyu is said to be
comprised of discussions between people reasoning or philosophizing, and the
beginning of the famous verse 2.4 is translated as: When I was fifteen, I immediately
devoted myself to study philosophy, that is, to learn the principles of the elders. 143 In
the translation of the Lunyu, the word philosopher appears over fifty times,
sometimes translating the word junzi, but in many instances there is no corresponding
Chinese word in the classical text. Thus, the word philosopher in the Jesuit
translation is mostly rhetorical, using repetitions to influence the understanding of the
reader. However, apart from its rhetorical use, it was also used in ways that are closely
related to the original text. For example, let us turn again to the first chapter of the
Lunyu, verse 1.14:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17
18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28
Confucius said: When a virtuous man restores himself with food and drink, he is
not doing it in order to be full, replete, and sated, but in order to live and renew
forces. In the house that he inhabits, he does not foolishly pursue comfort and
pleasures. Moreover, he is careful and considerate in business, cautious and
prudent in speech. Being like this does not make him pleased with or trusting of
himself. On the contrary, he gets close towith and pursues wise and virtuous men,
being guided by their advice and examples, like by a rule. Indeed, anyone like
this can be said to be a Philosopher. Those qualities are enough to hold that
title.144

The term philosopher may seem quite strange here, but in fact the etymology of the
Greek word (the love for wisdom) is quite close to the original Chinese as lover for
learning (haoxue ).145 As can be gathered from Confuciuss depiction of a junzi
in the passage above, the love for learning should be understood in a broad manner,
not restricted to a theoretical activity, but as a way of life based on reason. This is
precisely what the term philosophy meant in ancient Greece.

143 Liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 10: Cm mihi3 decem4 essent5 & quinque6 aetatis anni,
protinus7 applicui8 animum ad9 perdiscenda10 majorum virorum instituta sive philosophiam.
144 Liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 8.
145 The words haoxue are also translated with the idea of philosopher in 8.13 (Sinarum Philosophus,
48) and 19.5 (Sinarum Philosophus, 140).

44
 For the Jesuits, Confucius was not only a philosopher, like Plato or Aristotle, but
he also founded a school (gymnasium), and therefore his students are also
considered to be philosophers, as mentioned in the translation of Lunyu 11.2.146 He
taught the Six Arts (liuyi ), translated by the Jesuits as liberal arts (liberales
artes). This kind of translation suggests that Chinas Six Arts and the liberal arts of
the West are similar in that they not only train professionals, but more importantly,
they educate freemen. Because of this, Confucius is a great philosopher and a great
educator, having also established an educational system of his own.
This image of Confucius as a philosopher is supported by the Neo-Confucian
concept of the principle (li ) that Zhu and Zhang apply to many passages of the
Lunyu. The Neo-Confucian affirmation of a rational nature endowed by heaven to all
human beings was indeed consistent with the AristotelianThomistic philosophy of
the Jesuits. In their translation of the Daxue and the Zhongyong, the Jesuits greatly
exploited the possibilities of expressing the Neo-Confucian reading of these two
books with Scholastic categories as a way to show that Chinese thought could match
the West in terms of philosophical reason.

Confucius as a Saint

Aside from his role as a philosopher, Confucius was recognized by the disciple
Zigong as sheng, as recorded in Lunyu 9.6. The term sheng was translated in
Latin as holy or saint (sanctus):

With a lavish generosity, heaven has made our Teacher to become a saint. On top
of that, he is very good in many disciplines.147

Zigong considered Confucius to be a sheng, but the Jesuits stressed that Confucius
himself never claimed to be so because he was very humble. As expressed in Lunyu
9.7, Confucius said he was without knowledge (wuzhi ). However, despite
Confuciuss Socratic claim of ignorance, Zhu considered him to be all-knowing, but
in order to encourage his students to improve themselves gradually, Confucius
intentionally denied that he was omniscient, and described himself as having gone
through a process of diligent effort. Like Zhu, Zhang stated that Confucius, being
sheng, knew it all (wusuobuzhi ). The Sinarum Philosophus did not
mention the formulations of Zhu and Zhang with regard to Confuciuss omniscience,
since this would appear to make him a god. For example, the mention by the
Sapientia Sinica that all the Chinese called Confucius saint and omniscient
disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus.148
Lunyu 7.19 expresses a similar self-acknowledgement from Confucius: I was not
born with wisdom. However, since my young age, I have always loved and
appreciated antiquity, and I have always put effort and diligence in it. This way I
indeed acquired a wisdom which can only be attributed to me. The last sentence is in
fact a translation of Zhangs comment, stating that the acquired wisdom of Confucius

146 Pars sexta, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 69. It should be noted that other people mentioned in
the Lunyu are also called philosophers, though they were not disciples of Confucius, such as Jie Yu
(Lunyu 18.5), Changju, and Jieni (Lunyu 18.6).
147 Pars quinta, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 54.
148 Lunyu 1:9; Sapientia Sinica, Zi-ka-wei, 21 verso.

45
depended on his commitment to moral cultivation. However, Zhang commented
further that Confucius was mostly expressing his modesty with these words. For
Zhang, as for Zhu, Confucius had a kind of innate knowledge about human nature and
morality, but he still needed to study the words of the ancient rulers and to verify their
truth for himself.149 For Zhu and Zhang, the humility of Confucius is mostly
pedagogical, like for example in the story of Confucius asking about rituals in the
ancestor hall of Zhou Gong (Lunyu 3.15). He knows a lot, and yet he appears as
though he is always learning in order to stimulate his disciples in learning. On the
contrary, the Jesuits are careful to avoid the impression of Confucius as omniscient,
instead insisting on his religious humility in front of heaven, or God.
The high morality practiced by Confucius in his personal life and public career
was based on his knowledge of the heavenly principle, as Zhu and Neo-Confucian
thinkers contend. In the Jesuit translation of the Lunyu (2.16, 5.12, 12.22, 13.3, 20.1),
this heavenly principle is expressed not as a revealed law, but in the Western
vocabulary of a universal and natural law.
Yet, in the mind of the Jesuits, morality could not be completely disconnected
from religion; to be moral is not only to recognize the superiority of a moral law over
human action but also to acknowledge God as the source of moral law. The Jesuits
pinpointed in the Lunyu the mentions of heaven (tian), mandate of heaven (tianming
), and the way of heaven (tiandao ), which all expressed a personal
relationship between Confucius and the divine. As has been shown above, Zhang
stressed particularly the role of heaven and of the spirits. When commenting on
Lunyu 19.12, he talks about shengren as being intelligent, wise, far-sighted, and
heavenly inspired ( ).150 Zhang affirmed more strongly than other
commentators the influence of heaven and the spirits, and so the Jesuits read in
Zhangs gloss an affirmation of a divine influence. The Jesuits enhanced this divine
influence further by mentioning the notion of a living spirit (vitalis spiritus), almost
akin to the Holy Spirit.
In the Lunyu, there are around twenty references to tian, but no reference to
Shangdi. Yet, the mentions of ancient rulers like Yao, Shun, and Chengtang in the
Lunyu, as in verses 12.22 and 20.1, provided an occasion for the Jesuits to refer to
passages of the Shujing where the word Shangdi appears, rendered as the supreme
emperor of heaven (supremus caeli Imperator).151 Also, the mention of Emperor
Gaozong in verse 14.43 is another instance in which the Jesuits report one of this
emperors divinely inspired dreams, as stated in the Shujing. Here, they explicitly
blame Zhu for refusing to acknowledge the intervention of Divine Providence.152
Attestations of a belief in Shangdi in the Five Classics led the Jesuits to hold that
Confucius also believed in him. Confucius was considered as sanctus because he had
recognized the law of heaven and its author, and because he was able to live in fear of
heaven. At no point in the Lunyu does the text state that the Chinese people had
received a positive revelation, with words spoken by God. As Lunyu 17.19 suggests,
Confucius did not see the need for heaven to speak since humanity could read its
works inside the cosmos. The Jesuits did not argue against this. Although they
believed that God talked by words to humanity, it was important for them to restrict
this positive Revelation to the Bible, and not to admit a positive Revelation in China.

149 See for example Lunyu 19.22.

150 Zhang Juzheng, Zhang Juzheng jiangping Lunyu, 303. [AU: See earlier comment re.
commentary/translation. If this is clarified, then I will be able to follow the system adopted]
151 Pars sexta, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 88.
152 Pars septima, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 10910.

46
 The claim that Confucius was a saint was problematic in seventeenth-century
Europe. First, it suggested that Jesuit missionaries had, on their own initiative and
without the approval of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, canonized Confucius. Secondly, it
suggested that someone outside of biblical history and the Church, like Confucius,
had knowledge of God. The Jesuits held that Confucius knew God only through logic
and reason, and thus Confucius reached the philosophical idea of God only by his
own personal intelligence and by his inner virtues, in particular that of humility.
Never did the Jesuits suggest that Confucius received any kind of special revelation
from God.
However, all of the biographies of Confucius in the Sapientia Sinica (1662), in
the Politico-moralis (166769), and in the Sinarum Philosophus (1687) quote the
Liezi, which attributes a prophecy to Confucius: There is a saint in the West (
).153 For Da Costa, Intorcetta, and Couplet, there was no doubt that Confucius
was waiting for the coming of Jesus. The text does not mention any special revelation,
and so it seems that Confucius came to this conclusion only through natural reason,
though one may ask how natural reason could indicate that the saint should come
from the West, and not from any other direction.
Jesus Christ did not come at the time of Confucius, but some five hundred years
after, during the Han dynasty. For the Jesuits, the incarnation of Jesus Christ coincided
with the dream of Emperor Mingdi, who knew about the prophecy of Confucius and
envisioned a saint coming from the West. The emperor sent a delegation to find him,
but it lost its way and, instead of the religion of Jesus, they brought back Buddhism,
considered a disaster by the Jesuits and by Chinese intellectuals like Qiu, as we saw
above.
Clearly, the prophecy of Confucius and the dream of Emperor Mingdi seem to go
beyond natural reason. But it is consistent with their view that the revelation of God
was transmitted to ancient China. The Jesuits believed that, in its infancy, and long
before the coming of Christ, humanity had preserved some revealed truths. Hermes
Trismegistus in Egypt, Plato, and the Sybils in Greece were considered by Lactantius
(c.250c.325) and Augustine (354430) as having inherited a primordial knowledge
about God and having pronounced prophecies about the coming of Christ. 154 During
the Renaissance, this belief in a prisca theologica (ancient theology) became very
popular.155 In the second part of the preface of the Sinarum Philosophus, Couplet
states that the historical annals of China indicate that the ancient Chinese originated
from Mesopotamia, where they had received the historical revelation of God, just
after the Deluge. Because they migrated to an isolated place like China, they could
keep the original faith for two hundred years, devoid of any superstition, until the
introduction of Buddhism.156
Therefore, for the Jesuits, Confucius knew about the coming of the Messiah, not
because of a private revelation addressed directly to him but because he had inherited
the primitive revelation coming from Noah and transmitted to the ancient Chinese.
Confucius could therefore be called a saint in the sense that he preserved the authentic

153 For the Sinarum Philosophus, see Philosophorum Sinensium principis Confucii vita, cxx.
154 Lactance, Divine Institutions, IV, 7; Augustine, City of God, VIII, 2326. [AQ: If citing specific
editions, please give more details (dates, publisher etc.)]
155 At the time of the Renaissance, Hermetic texts spread widely thanks especially to their translation
from Greek to Latin by the Florentine scholar Marsilio Ficino (143399) in his De potestate et
sapientia Dei (1471).
156 Sinarum Philosophus, Proemialis dDeclaratio, Sinarum Philosophus, lxxivlxxxii. [AU: Please
review and revise capitalization as indicated earlier.]

47
faith and expounded it through natural reason.
As mentioned above, the Fathers of the Church recognized among pagans like
Trismegistus, Plato, and the Sybils some mystical truths which went beyond the
power of natural reason, and were transmitted historically to them. The idea was
revived during the Renaissance, and the Jesuits applied it for the first time to a
Chinese, Confucius. In Lunyu 20.1, Confucius makes a reference to the twice august
sovereign (Huanghuang houdi) to whom Chengtang prayed, and the Jesuits render, in
a significative way, the name of the divinity as the thrice great and most august king
and emperor of heavens, a clear allusion to Trismegistus. This suggests that ancient
Egyptians and Chinese were praying to the true God.
Thus the prophecy in the Liezi about the coming of a saint from the West was not
given to Confucius by way of a special revelation, but through a historical
transmission finding its origin in the Bible and in God. The Jesuits concluded that the
reason exhibited by Confucius ultimately finds its origin in God. It was not enough
for them to affirm the power of human reason in virtue of the creation of humanity by
God; they also felt the need to connect the Confucian reason to its divine source in
God and to its divine achievement in Christ.
The Jesuit proposition of connecting Confucianism to Gods plan had far-
reaching implications. The ideas of Trismegistus, Plato, and the Sybils could certainly
be intellectually revived in the Renaissance, but on a more practical level, the
philosophical religions of Greece and Egypt had completely disappearedcould not be
revived. On the contrary, Confucian ideas were very much alive in China, and indeed
the basis for the Chinese way of life. By setting up a historical continuity between the
biblical story and Confucian China, the Jesuits raised Confucianism to the level of a
holy and sacred teaching. The figure of Confucius was similarly raised to holiness. By
making Confucius a saint, the Jesuits not only suggested that Chinese Christians could
pay respect to Confucius but that they could also even pray to him as an intercessor to
God, just as Europeans prayed to their own saints. In the theological context of the
time, this claim was highly controversial. The Jesuits were very much aware of the
theological difficulties in making Confucius a saint, and so they emphasized that he
was a philosopher and also a very religious man, who humbly recognized the power
of heaven. Despite the precautions taken by the Jesuits, the affirmation that Confucius
was a saint was condemned by the Sorbonne in 1700.

The Ren between Neo-Confucianism and Christianity

Ren, the most important concept in the Lunyu, is interpreted with the general term of
the true virtue of the heart (vera cordis virtus), the inner, real, and perfect virtue
(interior, solida et consummata virtus), or the charity and piety (charitas et
pietas).157 Ren is also explained as being based on the heavenly principle (tianli
) of Neo-Confucianism, giving Ren a metaphysical grounding. This principle is an
objective reference that gives a universal foundation to the moral life. Therefore,
morality is not solely reserved to the sages of the antiquity.
In Neo-Confucianism, Ren is also expressed in terms of benxin , or original
heart-mind, and this is reflected in the translation-commentary of verse 6.5. In the
classical text itself, the Jesuits kept Ren untranslated, but just after, they proposed a
definition in a note:

157 In the first part of the Lunyu, Ren is translated as pietas, as is also the case in the Sapientia Sinica
and the Sinarum Philosophus. From chapter 9 on, there are six occurrences of Ren translated as
innocentia, used concomitantly with pietas.

48
 The virtue Ren is the inner and firm perfection of the mind, by which we
constantly follow the natural light endowed by heaven, and which does not leave
its course, even for a short amount of time.158

This definition of Ren is purely Neo-Confucian and ultimately derived from the
Mencius. It in fact translates a comment by Zhang, who himself follows Zhu, for
whom Ren is identical to the inner mind. 159 At times, it is possible to recognize the
influence of Christianity behind the interpretation of Ren. For example, Lunyu 11.25
records a conversation between the Master and four of his disciples. Confucius asks
each of them to express their deepest desire. Zeng Xi speaks last:

Here and now I desire especially being in harmony with my age and nature, free
from any kind of desire and ambition. I want nothing else but, at the end of
spring, to be clothed with a spring garment, something simple, light, and adapted
to an old body, to be together with five or six companions who have passed
adolescence, who are wearing hats, and have the same interests as me, to walk
with six or seven adolescents in the southern suburbs and there to wash my body
in the water of the Yi river, and finally to take the air in the shady forest of Wuyu
(people used to go there to sacrifice to heaven and often to pray in case of a
barren harvest due to a drought), singing by turns and returning joyful and
cheerful.160

The Jesuits gave four reasons for Confucius approving of Zeng, and the fourth is the
most important:

Ultimately Confucius approved of Zeng Xis opinion because, though it looks

something funny, yet clearly shows the principal goal of his philosophy, that is,
the universal charity or love toward everyone of any age. By this, he wished
peace and tranquility for the old folk, trust and harmony among equals and
friends, and care and sympathy toward the adolescents of a tender age.161

This explanation seems distant from the text of the Lunyu. Is it a complete fabrication
by the missionaries themselves? This is not the case, because Zhang gives a similar
explanation. For Zhang, Confucius rejoiced in the attitude of Zeng because the
happiness he attained in a life of leisure was completely unselfish; he could find the
same joy in eating, drinking, and living poorly as in bringing prosperity to a country
and caring for all under tianxia.162 In other words, for Zhang, the attitude of Zeng
enables him to be a caring leader to all. Though Zhang mentions all under heaven,
tianxia, there is no explicit notion of universal love (communis caritas), which is a
Christian import. The Sinarum Philosophus regards universal charity and love as
158 Pars tertia, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 29.
159 Zhang Juzheng, Zhang Juzheng jiangping Lunyu, 78:
. Zhu Xi, 86: . There is a similar definition of Ren in
Lunyu 4.15. [AU: See earlier comment re. citing these editions]
160 Pars sexta, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 76.
161 Pars sexta, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 77.
162 Zhang Juzheng, Zhang Juzheng jiangping Lunyu, 178:
.

49
the principal goal of Confuciuss philosophy. As such, Confuciuss idea is
understood as a kind of ethical philosophy. At this level, the universal love of
Christianity is consistent with the Ren of Confucianism. For the missionaries, in the
realm of practical ethics, with regard to the notions of Ren developed in the Lunyu and
universal love developed in the Gospel, Christianity and Confucianism were similar
with minor differences.
To make Ren, or universal love, the principal goal of Confuciuss philosophy
was something which could not have been accepted by Zhu. As such, the principal
goal should not be Ren, but its ontological root in the human mind. Zhu does not
directly affirm the universality of Ren, but the universality of the principle. This point
of divergence signals the difficulty the Jesuits faced in adhering to the Neo-Confucian
metaphysics, and their readiness to accept the similarities in the realm of concrete
ethics.
The Jesuit translation-commentary of Lunyu 6.28 presents another case of
rewriting the Neo-Confucian interpretation. The Jesuit translation of the classical text
itself is quite accurate: Same as a pious person wishes himself to succeed and to
flourish, similarly he devotes his action, influence and strength to lift all those who
have been stricken by an innate poverty or infirmity, or crushed and destroyed by
some more serious accident of fortune. Based on their metaphysics, the Neo-
Confucians read here the affirmation of the moral unity of the world. Zhu talks about
heaven, earth, and the myriad things as forming one entity (). Zhang
commented: All under heaven form one family; the myriad things form the
disposition of one entity ( ). The moral virtue Ren
realizes the moral unity and disposition of the whole cosmos. While Zhu and Zhang
talk about one single entity or one single body (yiti ), the Jesuits interpret the one
body as meaning one single person, one single man. Such a reading may be
compatible with Neo-Confucian philosophy, because all humanity would be united to
the same ontological principle, forming one heart-mind. By affirming the unity of all
humanity in one person, the Jesuits wanted to hint at a Christian dogma: all humanity
recapitulates itself in one man, Jesus Christ.

The Question of the Legitimacy of Hatred

The Jesuit translations tend to transform Confucianism into a universalist ethics. For
example, Lunyu 19.3 talks about receiving or accepting the multitude (zhong ), but
the Jesuits changed the multitude into all (omnes). With this stress on the
universality of love, the Jesuits give to the text a Christian meaning. However, by
presenting Ren as the Christian equivalent of charity, the Jesuits felt that they were
walking on very thin ice, because some passages of the Lunyu seem to indicate that
Confucius supported the legitimacy of hatred. For example, in verse 4.3, Confucius
says: Only someone honest can safely love people and safely hate people. 163 In
verse 14.36, the question of hatred returns and Confucius states that he does not
respond to harm with hate but with righteousness and justice.164 Even the Confucian
literati needed to explain the words of Confucius, and the Jesuits inserted the
explanation by Zhang:

163 Chinese text of Lunyu 4.3: . Latin translation: Pars secunda, tertius liber,
Sinarum Philosophus, 14.
164 Chinese text of Lunyu 14.36: . Latin translation: Pars septima, tertius liber,
Sinarum Philosophus, 106.

50
 When it seems that someone has harmed me, I will not remember or think about
the harm inflicted upon me. But through the right balance of reason, I shall judge
his true character so that I can decide whether he deserves hate, love, avoidance,
and pursuit under these circumstances. If I discover that the one who has harmed
me is worthy of respect on some other accounts, I myself, though being ill-
disposed toward him, will surely not darken his reputation and virtue because of a
personal offense. But, if there are many things that make him odious, then this
situation should end. I shall comply with the principle that teaches us to chase and
destroy dishonesty and vice everywhere. This is to return hate with righteousness
and justice.165

Zhang interprets Confuciuss call to hate as meaning that one should not be carried by
personal feelings, but if a person is found to be morally unworthy through rational
examination, then it is right and just to hate him. This call to hatred goes directly
against the injunctions of Jesus, and so the Jesuits felt the need to address the question
in a note in italics:

Christian reader, you have here an opinion of a pagan Philosopher on a very

difficult matter. However, this comment by a pagan interpreter [i.e., Zhang] is
also worthy of a philosopher. Though it does not match with the holiness of the
Gospel, how much milder, how much more humane is this speech compared to
the cruel principle of the Pharisees according to which You will hate your
enemy. In fact, it seems that Confucius was not far away from the truth of the
Gospel, if it is proper to talk this way, since it is said in the Book of Ceremonies
[Liji], book 9, folio 38: yidebaoyuan, ze kuanshen zhi ren ye [
], that is, To return hate with kindness, this indeed is the virtue and
piety of a very generous heart.166

The Jesuits recognized the difference between Christian and Confucian morality, but
they attempted to narrow the gap. With the help of a quote from the Liji, attributed to
Confucius, the Jesuits were able to overturn what Confucius had expressed in this
verse of the Lunyu. This excerpt allowed them to consider Confucianism as not being
opposed to the evangelical call for the love for enemies.

A Hierarchical Political Order

The last theme of the Jesuit Lunyu that needs to be addressed is politics. In Lunyu
2.24, Confucius warns people not to make offerings inadequate to their rank. The
Sinarum Philosophus adds a note to the translation:

Until today, the Chinese monarchy has been very zealous for the due order by
which it rules and controls all things, from the smallest to the largest. The ancient
kings and philosophers appear to have found this example from the association
between the heavenly bodies, tied in fixed locations, and all the other moving
objects. They observed that their revolution and motions came from one supreme
Mover, and were communicated by degrees and order to all, up to the smallest

165 Pars septima, tertius liber, Sinarum Philosophus, 106.

166 Ibid. The quote is from Matthew, Vulgate, 5:43. The Chinese text of the quote is from the chapter
Biaoji of the Liji .

51
 objects.167

In fact, this passage does not come from the Lunyu or any of its Chinese
commentaries, but verbatim from Ignatius of Loyolas Letter on the Virtue of
Obedience. In the letter, Ignatius describes the communication of movement from
the one supreme Mover (the general superior of the Jesuits) to the smallest bodies (the
individual Jesuits).168 The Jesuits recognized in the Chinese polity a reflection of the
constitution of their own organization. The note continues:

Thus, in the worship of the spirits, they understood that some spirits were
superior to others, and it was believed that the ancients accurately followed the
order of rituals and the rule of sacrifices. The emperor alone could sacrifice
through a solemn rite to the spirit and master of heaven and earth; the smaller
kingprinces and nobility could sacrifice to the spirits presiding over forests and
rivers. In turn, the prefects could sacrifice to lower spirits. Thus, here the
Philosopher condemned the temerity of those who, out of ambition and
selfishness, serve more than the proper spirits, ignoring the order and ritual
mentioned earliera forehand.169

Confucius had mentioned that one should worship the shen of ones family and not
worship the shen of powerful families in order to gain advantages. The comment
above comes from Zhang, assigning to each social class one specialized ritual
according to its respective status. The Jesuits found their own conception of politics in
the Chinese imperial system. Their monarchical vision was inspired by a concern for
efficiency and rationality. As we can see, the interest of the Jesuits in Confucianism
was not limited to the cultivation of the self but also embraced politics. We can only
reproach the Jesuits for not having realized that the personal freedom of Confucius
cannot be easily accommodated to this model of absolute monarchy. However, the
teaching of Confucius was subsequently interpreted as providing the ideological
foundation for the imperial regime. Zhang proposed a reading of the texts at the
service of the imperial system, and the Jesuits were quite sensitive to this reading
which accentuated the role of the providence of heaven in supporting the dynasty. For
example, based on the comment of Zhang on Lunyu 18.11, the Jesuits wrote: Heaven
at all times entrusts rulers and kings with the affairs of pacifying and renewing the
empire. Also, heaven kindly gives some assistants to the rulers who support their
efforts with diligence, virtue, and wisdom. This kind of providence of heaven in
sustaining the Chinese dynasties was quite close to the model of Gods providence in
supporting the monarchies in Europe.
While the Jesuits were working on their translations in China, they were quite far
away from the political centers of Europe. So, upon returning to Europe, they were

167 Pars prima, tertius liber, Sinarum Philosophus, 21.

168 Epistola B.P. Nostri Ignatii de Virtute Obedientiae. For a French translation, see Les
Constitutions des Jsuites avec les dclarations: Texte Latin d'aprs l'dition de Prague (Paris:
Paulin, 1843), 42425: De l, sans doute, dans les Anges cette hirarchie, cette srie dordres
subordonns les uns aux autres; de l dans les corps clestes et dans tous ceux qui se meuvent ces
places fixes, ces postes qui les lient si troitement lun lautre, en sorte que la rvolution et le
mouvement engendrs par un moteur suprme et unique parvient par degrs et par ordre
jusquaux derniers. The same metaphor and expressions are found also in the Jesuit translation-
commentary of the Daxue. See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 39192.
169 Liber tertius, pars prima, Sinarum Philosophus, 21. Text of Lunyu 2.24: .

52
interconnected with the Vatican and royal courts, and the translation itself became an
important token in the game of political and cultural influence that the Jesuits
attempted to gain for themselves.
Clearly, the Jesuits were ready to embrace the Chinese imperial model of absolute
monarchy, and to exalt it as a model for all of Europe. However, they did not have the
intellectual tools and the historical knowledge that would have enabled them to
question the imperial version of Confucianism. In a seventeenth-century war-torn
Europe, Confucius offered the vision of a political order unified by reason. However,
this political order could displace the old prerogatives of God and religion. As Lionel
Jensen says:

Remarkably, the Jesuits assembled this heterogeneous cultural mass of plural

contemporary schools, practices, texts, and interpretations into a system identified
as the legacy of the mythic philosopher-hero. It was just this metonymic
reduction of the many to the one that was responsible for the political significance
of the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus for new states seeking to articulate, justify
and enforce absolute claims to nationhood. Confucius was, in effect, China, and
so too was Louis XIV, France or William III (r.16891702), England.170

Indeed, the Jesuits indirectly helped the constitution of the independent states in
Europe. However, their help was not unconditional. They were ready to give absolute
powers to the ruler as long as the authority of the Church over religion and morality
was recognized. The Jesuits were probably not as nave as Jensen suggests. They
recognized the rise of modern states, increasingly oriented towards their own
preservation, and becoming disconnected from religious values and institutions.
Therefore, they strongly opposed attempts by the absolute state to place the raison
dtat above moral and religious laws.
As seen in this section, Confucius is first and foremost a philosopher, relying
essentially on human reason to lead a moral life. The Sinarum Philosophus does not
hesitate to proclaim Confucius as a saint. He inherited the belief in God from the
founders of the Chinese people. Though the Chinese consider him as the foremost
teacher, he was a religious man, with a deep respect for heaven, and, like John the
Baptist, he was waiting for the coming of the true master, Jesus Christ. His teaching
revolved around the notion of Ren, which is comparable to the Christian concept of
charity. Though Confucius seemed to legitimize hatred for evil people, his moral
teaching attempted to be truly universalist, embracing all humanity. His teaching
favored a monarchical principle of government and thus provided a sound political
foundation. As we can see, these features of Confucius have some basis in the
classical text of the Lunyu and its Chinese commentaries, but they were also heavily
developed by the Jesuits themselves.

V. The Life of Confucius and his Portrait

The Jesuits realized very early on that it was not enough to understand and spread the
teachings of Confucius and that they also needed to provide a biography documenting
some basic facts about his life. There are three versions of the Life of Confucius,
one in the Sapientia Sinica (1662), one in the Politico-moralis (166769), and one in

170 Jensen, Manufacturing Confucianism, 123.

53
the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687). The following analyzes the three
versions, comparing them to the Chinese sources, and shows how the Jesuits made
changes not only to provide more accurate information but also to address issues
linked to the Rites Controversy. The Portrait of Confucius that Couplet inserted in the
Sinarum Philosophus will also be discussed.

In the Sapientia Sinica: Confucius Not being Idolatrous

The first version is entitled Life of Confucius, Prince of the Chinese Wisdom (Vita
Confucii, principis sapientiae Sinicae). There is no known author, but we can assume
that it was written by Da Costa and edited by Intorcetta, like the rest of the Sapientia
Sinica. In this biography, Confucius is called a philosopher. Since the translation of
the Lunyu in the Sapientia Sinica makes no mention of this term, we may suppose that
the Lunyu was translated first, without the mention of the term philosopher. Only
later, when the biography was written, was Confucius called a philosopher. The use of
the term philosopher was systematically used in the Sinarum Philosophus, as
previously explained.
It is unclear which primary source the missionaries used in writing the biography,
but it was probably a popular version in use during the late Ming dynasty. However,
most of the information can be traced to the Lunyu, to The School Sayings of
Confucius (Kongzi jiayu), and to the Biography of Confucius (Kongzi shijia
), written by Sima Qian (c.140c.86 BC). In the four-page biography, we
are told about the family background of Confucius and his birth, and then five stories
are narrated. The first story is about the eighty beauties sent by the king of Qi to
seduce the court of Lu. This story was most likely selected because it displays
Confuciuss mastery over desires. The second story tells the plot of Heng Tui to
kill Confucius. However, Confucius escaped thanks to some power bestowed upon
him by heaven. These first two stories are found in Simas Biography of Confucius.
The third story comes directly from Lunyu 6.26, and tells of his encounter with Queen
Nanzi . This story conveys Confuciuss trust in his own conscience. The fourth
story concerns the inquiry of Wang Sunjia about the spirit Ao , but
Confucius rebukes him (Lunyu 3.13). The missionaries approve this as a sign that
Confucius rejected idolatry. The last story is about the disciples proposing to
Confucius that they would pray to the superior and inferior spirits for him during his
illness, an offer which Confucius rejects (Lunyu 7.34). Here, the Jesuits refer to the
explanation of Grand Secretary Zhang, drawn from his commentary on the Lunyu:
throughout his life, Confucius believed there was a supreme master (zhuzai )
ruling over all spirits and human beings. It is worth noting that the last three stories,
all drawn from the Lunyu, disappeared from the 166769 and 1687 versions of the
Life of Confucius.
The biography also lists the name of Confuciuss ten main disciples. His teaching
is described in Neo-Confucian terms, but also in Christian terms, as obeying heaven,
loving others, and mastering oneself. Next, the missionaries mention two elements
which are not traditionally found in the biographies of Confucius: his prophecy of a
saint coming from the West, and the dream of Emperor Mingdi, as discussed above.
The Jesuits believed that Confucius had inherited a historical revelation and made a
prophecy about the coming of Christ. After Confucius, the rulers of China had waited
for the prophecy to come true, but when Jesus Christ came, there was a clear
misidentification.

54
 The text returns to Confucius and tells of his death and subsequent burial. This
information comes from Sima. There is also a physical description of Confucius, still
according to Sima. Finally, the text explains the influence of Confucius on the system
of education. Despite the destruction of the Confucian books by the First Emperor,
Qin Sshi Huangdi (260210), all the dynasties until the Qing dynasty have
honored Confucius.
This brief biography provides important information on Confucius, and upholds
him to be a philosopher opposed to idolatry, who believes in the supreme power of
heaven, and expects someone greater than himself.

In the Politico-moralis: Confucius Not being Atheist

On the basis of the previous biography, Intorcetta inserted in the Politico-moralis a

revised version of the Life of Confucius. This biography has three characteristics
and made two complements. The first characteristic is its improved precision. For
example, it gives the name of the village where Confucius was born (Zouyi ), the
family name of his mother (Zheng ), and the old age of his father at the time of
Confuciuss birth (seventy years old). It also mentions that Confucius was born in 551
BC, a date still commonly used today. There are also important details about his death
that cannot be found in the Sapientia Sinica.
The second characteristic concerns the social status of Confucius. First,
Confucius is believed to have come from an aristocratic lineage, which traces back to
Diyi , a king of the Shang dynasty. This comes in direct opposition to Simas
view, according to which Confucius had humble origins. Intorcetta probably found
this in the School Sayings of Confucius (Kongzi jiayu).171 Later on, in his letter to
Louis XIV, Couplet stressed the nobility of Confucius. Intorcetta emphasizes the
respect the Chinese pay to the descendants of Confucius. With the background of the
controversy in Guangzhou among the missionaries, Intorcetta wanted to emphasize
the importance of Confucius and of the rituals paid to him and his descendants. He
recalls that the German Jesuit, Adam Schall von Bell (15921666), saw a descendant
of Confucius during his visit to Beijing. Von Bell even believed that Confucius was
descended from Chengtang , Yu , and Huangdi . Later, Couplet probably
saw this lineage as not historically founded, and so he did not mention it in the
Sinarum Philosophus. The third characteristic is the association of the School of Ru
with the name of Confucius, that is, schola confuciana, which later became
Confucianism in the West.
In Guangzhou, the missionaries discussed whether or not Confucianism is
atheistic, and whether the rituals paid to him were idolatrous. This caused Intorcetta to
complement the original biography in two different ways. First, he mentions the
double teaching of the Buddhists, who publicly held theism, but in reality were hidden
atheists.172 On the contrary, there is no such contradiction in Confucius who believed
in the existence of heaven.
The second complement deals with the rituals paid to Confucius, which Intorcetta
did not consider to be idolatrous, because there is no image (imago) of Confucius
present on any tablet of Confucius. Thus, Intorcetta views paying respect to the tablet
of Confucius as similar to paying respect to the living descendants of Confucius, and

171 Chapter 39 of the Kongzi jiayu . Some consider the text as apocryphal, but other scholars,
like Li Xueqin maintain it is genuine [AQ: Who?].
172 See Thierry Meynard, Chinese Buddhism and the Threat of Atheism in Seventeenth-Century
Europe, BuddhistChristian Studies 31 (2011): 323.

55
none of this entails any superstition. Finally, Intorcetta warns that Christianity could
be established in China only by supporting Confucianism, never by opposing it.
Compared to the first version of the Life of Confucius, which emphasized that
Confucius was not in fact the founder of idolatry, Intorcetta had to prove in this
second version that Confucius was not an atheist. Intorcetta did not see any
contradiction between Christianity and the teaching of Confucius, and he gives two
supporting arguments. First, a few literati have already embraced the Christian faith.
Second, if Confucius came back today, he would certainly embrace Christianity
himself.

In the Sinarum Philosophus: Confucius as a Political Model

Just after the preface of the Sinarum Philosophus, Couplet inserted The Life of
Confucius, Prince of the Chinese Philosophers (Philosophorum Sinensium principis
Confucii vita). Couplet also made a few important additions. For example, he
calculated that from the time of Confucius up to 1687, there existed approximately
sixty-eight generations of his descendants.
Concerning the controversy surrounding the rituals paid in respect to Confucius,
Couplet stated that Zhu Yuanzhang (132898, r.136898), the founder of the
Ming dynasty, prohibited the images and statues of Confucius from entering any
Confucian temples, thereby only allowing spirit tablets. According to Couplet, Zhu
did not want people to idolize Confucius. More importantly, this prohibition was
aimed at consolidating the political control of the new dynasty. Nevertheless, Couplet
shows here that the Ming court did not encourage the superstitious worship of
Confucius.
In the 166769 version of the biography of Confucius, Intorcetta had already
mentioned that paying tribute in front of the spirit tablet of Confucius is similar to
showing respect to the living descendants of Confucius. Couplet compares this to
Europeans who bow in front of the painting of an eminent person, and gives an
example he witnessed at the court of Versailles, when the ambassadors of Siam
naturally bowed their heads when passing in front of a portrait of Louis XIV. The two
versions of 166769 and 1687 strive to show that rituals paid to Confucius are not
religious but civic (civilis). In the 1687 version, Couplet goes further and mentions
that the rituals are political (politicus). He quotes the edict of Emperor Yongle
(13601424, r.140324) of the Ming dynasty, which states that the rituals paid to
Confucius aimed to regulate society through the Confucian virtues. As shown above,
the Jesuit Lunyu stresses political hierarchy and a monarchic principle of government,
like in the nations of the West and in the Society of Jesus. In fact, the political
discourse of Confucius promoting the moral values of Ren and Yi and the political
discourse of Emperor Yongle promoting the same values play radically different roles.
In the first discourse, Confucius acts as a political counselor or advisor; the model
Confucius sets in front of the ruler serves to stimulate and criticize the practices that
fell short of the ideal. In the latter discourse, the emperor monopolizes the Confucian
discourse and forces it to lose all of its capacity to critique.

The Portrait of Confucius in the Sinarum Philosophus

Couplet introduced only minor additions to Intorcettas Life of Confucius, with his
greatest contribution being his Portrait of Confucius, placed at the beginning of the

56
Life of Confucius. This was the first time Westerners had ever seen an image of
him. The Portrait of Confucius has many traditional elements. Confucius is standing,
he has a beard, and he wears the hat and the dress of the literati. Yet, some elements
are comparatively uncommon. For example, Confucius is usually presented with his
left hand over the right hand, a sign of politeness, like in the famous painting Portrait
of the Foremost Teacher Confucius Giving a Lecture (Xianshi kongzi xingjiaoxiang
) by the Tang dynasty (618907) artist Wu Daozi (c.680
759).173
However, in Couplets portrait, Confucius is holding something in his hands.
Mungello states that he holds a tablet of his spirit. 174 Yet it would be unusual to
carry ones own spirit tablet. In fact, Confucius holds the hu , the symbol of office
in the administration. This statue of Confucius was perhaps found in the Imperial
Academy (Guozijian ) in Beijing, where candidates would gather every three
years to pass the highest degree of the imperial exam, since their aim was to receive
the hu, as if they were receiving it from the hands of Confucius. However, I have not
been able to find any representation of Confucius holding the hu.
The two Chinese characters at the top, Studies of the Nation (Guoxue), and the
Latin words Gymnasium Imperii distinctly refer to the Imperial Academy in
Beijing. The two Chinese words on the right and the two on the left mean The
Foremost Teacher of China (Tianxia xianshi ). This appellation is quite odd
because the Chinese tradition expresses the preeminence of Confucius not in
geographical terms but in historical terms, calling him the Model teacher for all
generations (Wanshi shibiao ). There is a parallel in Europe. During the
Middle Ages and Renaissance, the Philosopher almost always designates Aristotle,
and there was no need to call him the Philosopher of the West, since philosophy was
mostly conscribed within the Western world. Similarly in China, the Foremost
Teacher always designates Confucius, and the Chinese did not feel any need to call
him the Philosopher of China. Only when Westerners meet China, they recognized
Confucius as a Philosopher, and therefore, in front of the European audience, they
needed to call him the Philosopher of China (Sinarum Philosophus). Interestingly,
they reverted this understanding of Confucius in the Chinese language, with this odd
expression of the Foremost Teacher of China, as it is engraved in the portrait.
Chinese today may understand the expression, but the Chinese in the Ming and Qing
dynasties would probably have been puzzled by it.
In the background are the tablets of the eighteen disciples of Confucius. In
Beijing, those tablets would not be held in the Imperial Academy, but in the adjacent
complex, the Confucius Temple (Kongzimiao ). During the Ming dynasty, there
was no statue or painting of Confucius inside the Confucius Temple, since Zhu
Yuanzhang forbade this practice at the beginning of the Ming dynasty.175 The statues
of Confucius were not likely to have been reintroduced in the early period of the Qing
dynasty.

173 During the Han dynasty, the artists merely represented events in the life of Confucius and his
disciples. Only with the influence of Buddhist art did Tang artists begin to represent Confucius alone.
The actual painting of Wu Daozi has disappeared but a reproduction of it is preserved on a stone tablet
at Qufu. See Berthold Laufer, Confucius and his Portraits, The Open Court XXVI/670 (March 1912):
14768, and XXVI/671 (April 1912): 20218.
174 Mungello, Curious Land, 271.
175 It is possible that the Qing dynasty had reestablished the statues of Confucius inside the Temples,
but it remains to be explained why Confucius holds here a hu. Therefore, it seems more logical to
suppose that the statue was inside the Imperial Academy.

57
 So far we have identified the Chinese topology in this portrait as combining the
Confucius Temple and the Imperial Academy in Beijing. However, the background of
the library is not fully Chinese, because the statue of Confucius should be placed
outside, in front of a hall. Couplet clearly chose to avoid an iconography that was too
religious. While translating the words miao , zongmiao , or ting , the
Sapientia Sinica used the religious word of temple (templum), but in the context of the
Rites Controversy, the Sinarum Philosophus systematically changed for the more
neutral word of hall (aula).176 For the portrait, Couplet intentionally chose the
relatively secular location of a library. The Chinese titles of the Four Books and the
Five Classics are visible on the shelves. Presumably, for reasons of symmetry, a tenth
title is added: the Xici (The Great Appendix to the Yijing). Traditionally, those
ten books, except the Mencius, are attributed to Confucius. However, despite the
Chinese names, the library looks more Western than Chinese, which is probably due
to the prevailing fashion in Europe of drawing portraits with a library as background.
Mungello has proposed a comparison with a portrait of the eighteenth nineteenth
century, Artist in his museum (1822).177 In fact, it is possible to identify a historical
antecedent to the Portrait of Confucius: the sixteenth-century Dream of Saint
Augustine by Vittore Carpaccio (14601525/6).178 Just like Confucius, Saint
Augustine is inside his library, with his works arranged on the bookshelves. The
building in the background of the portrait of Confucius looks very much the same.
These two portraits both use a non-Chinese technique of drawing and perspective, and
the ceilings are also similar.179 In the Portrait of Confucius, there is a perfect
symmetry, conveying the idea of a rational order. Clearly, the Confucius shown in the
Sinarum Philosophus is not the founder of a mystical religion, but a philosopher and
scholar.
This first portrait of Confucius in the West was used in a few subsequent
publications, but underwent important modifications. In 1691, excerpts of the
Sinarum Philosophus were published in English translation under the title: The
Morals of Confucius (London: Randal Taylor). The portrait of Confucius was
reproduced from the Sinarum Philosophus, with a major change, the hu in the hands
of Confucius has disappeared, being replaced by a book with Chinese characters.
Similarly, in Nouveaux mmoires sur la Chine (1696), the French Jesuit Louis le
Comte (16551728) reproduced the portrait of Confucius alone, without the
background. Here again, the hu in the hands of Confucius has disappeared. As we can
see, the hu may have been perceived in Europe as a religious object (as Mungello
mistakenly assumed), and therefore it was eliminated from those two editions in order
to avoid any ambiguity. In the case of Louis le Comte, his caution did not prevent his
book from being condemned by the Sorbonne in 1700. In 1735, in his encyclopedia
about China, the French Jesuit Jean-Baptiste Du Halde (16741743) published a
French translation of the Life of Confucius, and he reproduced the same portrait as

176 See the classical text and commentaries of Lunyu 3.1, 3.15, 5.3, 10.1, 10.14, 11.25, 14.20, 19.23.
177 See Mungello, Curious Land, 27276.
178 Carpaccio Vittore, Vision de St Augustin, 15024, Painting of 141 x 211 cm, Scuola di San Giorgio
degli Schiavoni, Venice.
179 Instead of the statue of Jesus in the Dream of Saint Augustine, the Portrait of Confucius has an
empty space.

58
found in the Morals of Confucius.180
As seen in the title of the Sinarum Philosophus and in the portrait of Confucius,
Couplet played an important role in emphasizing the importance of Confucius. We
can ask ourselves whether this focus on his person is faithful to the Chinese tradition.
Indeed, in the Chinese language, we speak of the School of Laozi and Zhuangzi
(laohuang ), and the School of Buddha (fojia ), but there is no School of
Confucius, only a School of Rru, or Rrujia . Is this focus on Confucius a
Jesuit invention? Lionel Jensen advanced such a thesis in his Manufacturing
Confucianism (1997).181 Jensen attempts to prove that the name Kongfuzi ,
translated by the Jesuits as Confucius, was their own invention since the Chinese
usually refer to him as Kongzi , not Kongfuzi. He contends that the term
Confucianism was also a Jesuit invention. 182 Reviewing Jensens work, the Jesuit
historian Nicolas Standaert has made the point that the Jesuits never used the term
Confucianism, but instead the Law of the Literati (Litteratorum lex), or the
Confucian School (Confuciana schola).183 Recently, Professor Wang Qingjie from
Hong Kong Chinese University shows that the term Kongfuzi was not created by the
Jesuits, as claimed by Jensen, but existed in popular literature as a sign of respect of
the uneducated people toward the Foremost Teacher.184 Despite some flaws in Jensens
arguments, he rightly points out that, through the Jesuits, the School of Ru was
narrowly identified in the West to Confucius. Also, even if the Sinarum Philosophus
devoted in its preface a few pages to Buddhism and Daoism (with a judgment overall
negative on them), it contributed to the fact that the figure of Confucius has
monopolized all Chinese thought in the West for a long time.185

VI. The Reception of the Lunyu through Two Derivative

Works
The translations of the Chinese classics were partly sustained by the Jesuit interest in
promoting their own view of Confucius and Confucianism. After the publication of
the Lunyu, the teaching of Confucius assumed a new role. Even though the Jesuit
discovery of Confucianism made Europe doubt its own intellectual and moral
supremacy, Confucianism promoted the idea of the possibility of morality during a
period of crisis of the European conscience. 186 Two works, derived from the
Sinarum Philosophus, engaged in this fight against the moral pessimism dominating
the intellectual scene at that time.

180 Description gographique, historique, chronologique et physique de lempire de la Chine et de

la Tartarie Chinoise, 4 vols.; Vie de Cong fou tse ou Confucius, vol. 2, 3129-324. [AU: Please check
and revise this range.] See Isabelle Landry, La preuve par la Chine: La description de J.-B. Du
Halde, Jsuite, 1735 (Paris ditions de l'cole des hautes tudes en sciences sociales, 2002).
181 Jensen, Manufacturing Confucianism.
182 Ibid., 8486.
183 Nicolas Standaert, The Jesuits Did Not Manufacture Confucianism, East Asian Science
Technology and Medecine [AU: Please spell out these abbreviated title] 16 (1999): 11617.
184 Wang Qingjie , Kong Fuzi, bolaipin haishi bentuhuo [Is
Kongfuzi a product of importation or local product?], in Shenzhen daxue xuebao
[Journal of Shenzhen University] 30.4 (July 2013): 3842.
185 The preface of the Sinarum Philosophus also presented other systems of thought like Daoism and
Buddhism, but as corrupted systems, leaning towards materialism, atheism, or pantheism.
186 Cf. Paul Hazard, La crise de la conscience Europenne (Paris: Boivin, 1935).

59
Lettre sur la Morale de Confucius, Philosophe de la Chine (1688)

Following the success of the Sinarum Philosophus in 1687, the same publisher,
Horthemels, published an abridged version in French, at a cheaper price and for a
wider audience: Lettre sur la Morale de Confucius, Philosophe de la Chine (1688).
There is no mention of the editor and translator, but only the initials S.F. at the end of
the book. The person who wrote the epilogue makes a reference to another book of
his, the Apologie des Acadmiciens (26). This allows for a certain identification of the
editor and translator of the work as the Catholic priest and intellectual Simon Foucher
(164496). This small book of twenty-nine pages consists of a preface (14), excerpts
of the Daxue translated into French (47), of the Zhongyong (711), of the Lunyu (11
24), and the epilogue mentioned above (2429). Concerning the Lunyu itself, there are
seventy short verses representing the twenty chapters of the Lunyu, except chapters 6,
10, 13, 18, and 20. The numbered verses follow the order of the Lunyu. There is a first
set of twenty-nine verses from chapter 1 to 4. I have identified the translated text with
the corresponding passages of the Lunyu.187 The second set of thirteen verses includes
verses taken from chapters 5, 7, and 8.188 It is followed by a shorter set of four verses,
all from chapter 9,189 then by a set of six verses, all from chapter 12. 190 A set of seven
verses includes verses from chapters 14 to 16.191 There is a set of only two verses from
chapter 17,192 and finally a set of five verses, all from chapter 19. 193 The excerpts
given in that booklet aimed to portray the wisdom of Confucius. The quotes are very
concise, and the historical context given by the Sinarum Philosophus was deleted. Let
us first look at the Jesuit rendition of verse 3.3:

Confucius said: What is the use of rites, ceremonies, and external duties for
someone who is dishonest, untaught in true and firm virtue? Or again, what is the
use of musical harmony and tune for a dishonest man? Indeed, since all the duties
and rites should flow from a virtuous soul, as from their root, if there is not such a
soul, then all the rituals and duties will only be a vain pretense and fraud of
humaneness. Again, a soul lacking virtues is necessarily harassed and constantly
perturbed by diverse motions, and because of the disorder of the inner motions,
the harmony of the musical instruments and voices will be useless. Here again,
this paragraph blames and condemns the families usurping the imperial rites.194

This elaborated translation and its commentary, based on the Cheng brothers (Cheng
Hao , 10321085; Cheng Yi , 10331107), Zhu, and Zhang, was
significantly resumed by Foucher in one sentence: For malicious or ignorant people,

187 1=1.3; 2=1.4; 3=1.8; 4=1.8; 5=1.14; 6=1.15; 7=1.16; 813=2.4; 14=2.11; 15=2.12; 16=2.14;
17=2.15; 18=2.18; 1920=2.18; 21=3.3; 22=3.7; 23=3.23; 24=4.2; 25=4.6; 26=4.10; 28=4.13;
29=4.24.
188 1=5.4; 2=5.17; 3=7.11; 4=7.15; 5=7.16; 6=7.20; 7=7.22; 8=7.25; 9=7.30; 1011=8.4; 12=8.17;
13=8.18.
189 1=9.2; 2=9.3; 3=9.5; 4=9.7.
190 1=12.4; 2=12.10; 3=12.13; 4=12.19; 5=12.20; 6=12.22.
191 1=14.36; 2=15.3; 3=15.16; 4=15.31; 5=15.40; 6=16.7; 7=16.11.
192 1=17.8; 2=17.12.
193 1=19.1; 2=19.5; 3=19.13; 4=19.19; 5=19.20.
194 Secunda pars, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 2.

60
all ceremonies are useless.195 The Western reader does not read anything specifically
Chinese here, but reads the utterance of an eternal and universal wisdom. In terms of
the hermeneutics of the Lunyu, the process is quite paradoxical. The disciples of
Confucius have recorded very short and often enigmatic statements from their Master.
These statements were subsequently collected, interpreted, and contextualized by the
Chinese scholars. The Sinarum Philosophus presented this historically contextualized
version of the Lunyu. Foucher completely reversed this process and de-historicized
the text, removing the original form of dialogues, and extracting what he believed to
be the core truth. Clearly, Foucher was not so much interested in learning something
new about China, but instead in using Chinese culture to prove the universality of
moral laws. For example, concerning verse 2.18, the Sinarum Philosophus has:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31
32
33 34
Confucius said: Out of the many speeches that you happen to hear, distinguish
carefully, eliminate and pursue in silence whatever is doubtful or uncertain. Speak
cautiously about the other things, even though they seem certain to you, and then
it can be said that you are safe. This way you will commit very few mistakes in
words. Again, out of the many things and affairs that you generally see
undertaken and dealt with, you should wisely refrain from those which are
dangerous or may cause offense. You should behave yourself with prudence and
caution even in these things. This way you will rarely regret a thing harshly
undertaken or badly managed. Further on, when such a noble way of life and
customs is followed, so that one makes offense with words only very
exceptionally and regrets his deed exceptionally, then believe me, very large
wages will accompany this art of a prudent and wise life. For sure,The public
functions and wages associated with them will certainly follow such prudence
and virtue.196

Foucher summarized this into one sentence: Reject everything uncertain and dubious
when it is about science.197 The text is accompanied by a note printed in the margin:
the first law of the Academicians (la premire loy des Acadmiciens). This indeed
gives some clues about Fouchers reading. The Academicians here refer to the
members of the school of Socrates and Plato. Foucher himself supported their view
and wrote the unpublisheda Dissertation on the Research of Truth, or on the
Philosophy of the Academicians (Dissertation sur la recherche de la vrit ou sur la
philosophie acadmique, 1673). Foucher was especially opposed to Descartes due to
his belief that the disconnect between mind and body in Cartesian philosophy leads to
a deep intellectual crisis about what the truth is and about what the good is. To remedy
the predicaments of radical pessimism, which lead to moral despair and paralysis,
Foucher proposed returning to the mild skepticism of the Academy. Morality should
start by questioning any knowledge and then, through reason, move to affirm some
moral laws which are certain. For this reason, Foucher stresses in the preface the
practical nature of Chinese wisdom and sees it as completely compatible with

195 Lettre sur la Morale de Confucius, Philosophe de la Chine (1688), 15: Toutes les crmonies
sont inutiles des gens malicieux ou ignorants.
196 Pars prima, liber tertius, Sinarum Philosophus, 1718.
197 Lettre sur la Morale de Confucius, 15 : Rejetez tout ce qui est incertain & douteux quand il
sagit de la science.

61
Christianity: We can see in Confucius like a sketch or touch of Christianity, and also
an abridgment of all what the philosophers recognized as the most firm in matter of
morality.198 In the epilogue, Foucher goes even further to say, We could perhaps see
Confucius as a kind of prophet who predicted the coming of Christ.199
Fouchers treatment of the Lunyu is puzzling; he is interested in the text because
he reads a focus on practical philosophy, yet he has reduced the text itself to very dry
and theoretical statements, quite remote from the concrete practice of Confucius. His
real focus was on showing that moral laws have an objective reality, based on their
universality.

La Morale de Confucius, Philosophe de la Chine (1688)

In 1688, another abridged French version of the Sinarum Philosophus was published
in Amsterdam, with Pierre Savouret as publisher. This book, entitled La Morale de
Confucius, is a much larger work, comprising a total of 130 pages, including the
preface. As with La lettre, this book is also written by an anonymous author, but has
been commonly attributed to Foucher, as is the case in the catalogue of the
Bibliothque nationale de France. The confusion was largely unavoidable because
bookstores often bound the two works together and sold them as one volume. In fact,
a close comparison of the text shows that the two translations are from two different
hands. The French theologian and publicist Jacques Bernard (16581718) suggested
that the Protestant minister Jean de la Brune (first half of seventeenth century) was the
author.200 However, the bibliographer Antoine Alexandre Barbier (17651825) pointed
out that the preface of La Morale de Confucius is written according to the principles
of Catholicism, and not Protestantism. Barbier instead proposed Louis Cousin as the
author, because this royal censor had approved the publication of La lettre. Indeed it is
mentioned in the last page of that book (19) that Cousin approved it on May 8,
1688.201 We could add that Cousin had also approved the Sinarum Philosophus, since
the manuscript still preserved at the BNF bears his signature with the date of April 29,
1687. Reading both the Sinarum Philosophus and La lettre, Cousin may have found
interest in Confucius and decided to write a longer abridgement in French. Barbiers
hypothesis is therefore interesting but not definitive, and hence the author should still
be considered as anonymous. La Morale de Confucius was edited several times in
Paris, by Valade in 1783, by Caille and Ravier in 1818, and by Legrand in 1844.
In the Avertissement, this anonymous author praises the morality of the
philosopher Confucius which is infinitely sublime and at the same time, simple,
commonsense, and drawn from the purest sources of natural reason. 202 He contrasts
the soundness of the moral philosophy of Confucius with two works of morality at

198 Ibid., 2: On voit chez Confucius comme un crayon ou un ombr du Christianisme, et aussi
un abrg de tout ce que les philosophes avaient reconnu de plus solide en matire de morale.
199 Lettre sur la Morale de Confucius, 28: On pourrait peut-tre regarder Confucius comme une
espce de prophte qui a prdit la venue du Christ. This idea comes directly from the Sinarum
Philosophus, as explained above.
200 See Nouvelles de la rpublique des lettres, september 1710.
201 See Examen critique et complment des dictionnaires historiques les plus rpandus, vol. 1
(Paris: Rey et Gravier, 1820), 228.
202 La Morale de Confucius, [AQ: Is this the same title as that cited earlier (i.e. the lettre sur )?
please clarify] 2: On peut dire que la Morale de ce Philosophe est infiniment sublime, mais
quelle est en mme temps, simple, sensible, & puise dans les plus pures sources de la raison
naturelle. Assurment, jamais la raison destitue des lumires de la rvlation divine, na paru si
dveloppe, ni avec tant de force.

62
that time: Essais de morale (1671) of the Jansenist Pierre Nicole (162595) and De la
recherche de la vrit (1674) of the metaphysician Nicolas Malebranche (1638
1715).203
Yet, the author points out a difficult point in the moral thought of Confucius, that
is, the possibility to hate certain persons, a reference to verses 4.3 and 14.36 of the
Lunyu.204 The author spends some time dealing with this question. His main argument
is that Jesus Christ does not require from us impossible things, which would lead to
despair (a clear reference to the radical morality of the Jansenists). The author agrees
with Confucius in that we should only love the good and not love an evil man. He
interprets the message of Christ to love his enemies, not as really loving them, but as
having a genuine concern for them. This is an interesting case of re-interpreting the
words of Confucius and their interpretation by Zhang in the light of an Evangelical
precept.205
The book itself consists of two parts. In the first part, The Antiquity of Chinese
Philosophy (De lantiquit de la philosophie des Chinois, 121), the author
summarizes the origin of the Chinese people with the famous hypothesis that Fuxi
descended from Noah, mentions the Five Classics and the Four Books, and narrates
the life of Confucius. All this is drawn from the preface and the chronological tables
of the Sinarum Philosophus.
The second part contains Excerpts of the Works of Confucius (Recueil des
ouvrages de Confucius). In La lettre, Foucher had provided only short excerpts, each
limited to one or two sentences, but the author here gives an almost complete
translation of the Latin text of many passages of the Daxue and of the Zhongyong,
including the classical text and its Chinese commentaries and even many notes of the
Jesuits (Livre premier, 2246; Deuxime livre, 4764). Similarly for the Lunyu,
the French translation follows the Latin text closely, including the context of the
sayings of Confucius (Troisime livre, 65100).206 Since the French translation
follows the Latin text, the reader is able to grasp the story, its context, and meaning.
Sometimes, even the Jesuit notes are translated, like for 2.14 (67).
The final section is composed of eighty maxims, in which the author provides a
selection of short statements attributed to Confucius. This method is very similar to
the one used by Foucher in La lettre, but the translation is not as condensed. All the
maxims are drawn from the Lunyu. I have identified the translated sayings, numbered

203 Ibid., 9: Il ny a rien de faux dans ses raisonnements, rien dextrme, nulle de ces subtilits
pouvantables quon voit dans les traits de la morale de la plupart des mtaphysiciens
daujourdhui. There is reference in the footnote to De la recherche de la vrit, but without naming
its author, Malebranche.
204 La Morale de Confucius, 9: On trouvera peut-tre un peu relche cette maxime o
Confucius dit quil y a certaines personnes quil est permis de har.
205 See above, the section: The Question of the Legitimacy of Hatred.
206 I have identified the translated text with sixteen corresponding passages of the Lunyu, but, unlike
La lettre, there is no numbering system, so I give here the page number of the book and the
corresponding passages in the Lunyu: 65=1.4, 1.6; 66=1.15, 2.14; 67=3.13; 69=5.22; 70=3.19, 8.18;
71=8.19; 72=8.20; 73=8.21; 75=7.14; 78=11.8, 11.9, 11.10; 80=18.1.

63
with roman numerals in the book, with the corresponding passages from the Lunyu.207
The twentieth-century French scholar Virgile Pinot had already pointed out that
the author of La Morale de Confucius shared a common stance with Simon Foucher,
the author of La lettre, as they both rejected abstract principles of morality and
advocated for practical philosophy.208 Facing a deep moral crisis brought about by the
systematic doubt of Cartesianism and Jansenism, the idealized presentation of China
by the Jesuits served as empirical proof of the possibility of morality.
In terms of the quality of the translation, La Morale de Confucius is much
superior to La lettre. Even though both are selections and can be questioned about
their criteria of choice, La Morale de Confucius is much more faithful to the Latin
text, offering a linear translation of selected passages. A couple of years after the
publication of La Morale de Confucius, an English version based on it appeared: The
Morals of Confucius, a Chinese Philosopher (London: Randal Taylor, 1691).
It is also important to mention the unpublished manuscript of Franois Bernier
(162988), who translated most of the Daxue and Zhongyong, and the equivalent of a
fifth of the Lunyu, into French. His sudden death in 1688 did not allow him to publish
this work.209
The Latin translation of the Lunyu and of the Confucian classics in the Sinarum
Philosophus remained the main point of reference in the West for nearly two hundred
years. The French Jesuit Franois Nol published his own translation of the entire
Four Books, as well as the Classic of Filial Piety and the Elementary Learning, under
the title The Six Books of the Chinese Empire (Sinensis imperii libri classici sex,
1711). Yet, the distribution of this book printed in Prague, remained very
confidentiallimited. Also, Nols translation deals mostly with the classical text and,
unlike the Sinarum Philosophus, it does not integrate much of the Chinese
commentaries.210
Therefore, it was in the Sinarum Philosophus that pre-Enlightenment and
Enlightenment figures like Gottfried Leibniz (16461716), Pierre Bayle (16471706),
and Voltaire (16941778), and Leibniz found some of their ideas. The German
philosopher Georg Bernhard Bilfinger (16931750) wrote an important treaty on
morality and politics in Latin based mostly on the Lunyu.211 Bilfinger recomposed the

207 I=1.1; II=1.4; III=1.8; IV=1.8; V=1.13; VI=1.13; VII=1.14; VIII=1.15; IX=2.14; X=2.15; XI=2.19;
XII=2.22; XIII=2.18; XIV=4.2; XV=4.3; XVI=4.4; XVII=4.5; XVIII=4.6; XIX=4.6; XX=4.8;
XXI=4.9; XXII=4.14; XXIII=4.16; XXIV=6.28; XXV=4.17; XXVI=4.18; XXVII=4.23; XXVIII=4.23;
XXIX=5.9; XXX=5.18; XXXI=5.23; XXXII=6.3; XXXIII=6.4; XXXIV=6.7; XXXV=6.10;
XXXVI=6.18; XXXVII=7.22; XXXVIII=8.2; XXXIX=8.3;XL=8.7; XLI=5.14; XLIV=12.22;
XLV=9.24; XLVI=9.24; XLVI=9.24; XLVII=9.26; XLVIII=11.11; XLIX=11.23; L=12.1; LI=20.3;
LII=13.25; LIII=14.36; LIV=15.5; LV=15.29; LVI=15.30; LVII=15.33; LVIII=15.37; LIX=16.1;
LX=16.4; LXI=16.7; LXII=16.8; LXIII=17.24; LXIV=14.5; LXV=17.19; LXVI=17.24; LXVII=17.25;
LXVIII=17.26; LXIX=19.14; LXX=14.7; LXXI=14.11; LXXII=14.25; LXIII=15.20; LXXIV=15.21;
LXXVI=19.3; LXXVII=19.21; LXXVIII=20.1; LXXIX=20.1; LXXX=20.2.
208 Pinot, La Chine, 375.
209 On this manuscript, see Pinot, La Chine, 37690; Jos Frches, Franois Bernier,
philosophe de Confucius au XVIIe sicle, Bulletin de lEcole Franaise d'Extrme-Orient 60
(1973): 385400.
210 In 1784, the Reverend Franois-Andr-Adrien Abb Pluquet (c.17161790) [AQ: Could you
clarify what this is (Im not familiar with the term)?] published a French translation with the title: Abb
Pluquet, Les livres classiques de lempire de la Chine (Paris: De Bure, 1784), but without preface and
notes.
211 Georg Bernhard Bilfinger, Specimen dDoctrinae vVeterum Sinarum mMoralis et pPoliticae:
tTamquam eExemplum pPhilosophiae gGentium aAd Rempublicam aApplicatae: eExcerptum lLibellis
Sinicae gGenti cClassicis, Confucii sive dDicta sive fFacta cComplexis (Frankfurt: Andreae & Hort,
1724), 326pp. [AU: Please review and revise capitalization here as indicated earlier]

64
Lunyu of the Sinarum Philosophus according to seven themes: the intellectual
knowledge of good and evil, the correction of the will, the moderation of the feelings,
the behavior, the duties within family, public career, and government. For example,
the first chapter on the intellectual knowledge of good and evil (3765) presents an
argument based on related passages of the Lunyu that are commented on and quoted
in full. For this first chapter, I was able to identify eleven corresponding passages of
the Lunyu drawn from the Sinarum Philosophus.212 This is probably the first work in
the West proposing a thematic analysis of the Lunyu.
During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the West, Latin translations were
replaced by translations in modern European languages, such as the English
translation of the Four Books by the British missionary James Legge (181597) in
1893 and the French translation by the Jesuit Sraphin Couvreur (18351919) in
1895. This may explain why the translations contained in the Sinarum Philosophus
have not previously been subjected to a thorough analysis.

Conclusion: Classics in the Global Age

At the end of this lengthy presentation and analysis, one may ask: is the Jesuit
translation faithful to the original message of Confucius? Here, I would like to invite
the reader to reflect on the possibility of recovering the original meaning of the
Lunyu. In fact, we should go beyond the question of the authenticity of the original
text. As John Makeham, an Australian Sinologist, says, even if we could recover the
historical meaning of the Lunyu, there would not be any Archimedean point, no
independent criteria from which we could distinguish the historical meaning from the
scriptural meaning. First, this is because the text of the Lunyu would become
independent from Confuciuss intention. Second, because our reception of the Lunyu
is mediated by tradition, and third, because our capacity to reconstruct the historical
context of the Lunyu is very limited.213
The Jesuits came to be interested in the Lunyu and the Confucian classics because
they saw a useful convergence with Christianity. They proposed a philosophical
reading of the texts because they believed that it was precisely at this level of reason
that cultures can communicate and exchange. The dialogue was made possible by
identifying the Neo-Confucian li with the Western ratio. In fact, it is precisely the fact
that the Jesuits accepted many notions from the Neo-Confucians that caused them to
continue to develop a philosophical reading of the Lunyu based on the interpretations
of the Neo-Confucians. One could say that the first Western edition of the Lunyu
particularly stresses the philosophical flavor of this classic. Afterwards, many people
continued to develop this way of reading. For example, Legges translation consulted
the Sinarum Philosophus and he himself mentions several times that Confucius and
his disciples were philosophers. Recently, American Sinologists Roger T. Ames and
Henry Rosemont have also offered a philosophical translation of the Lunyu, just as
Andrew Plaks offered a philosophical translation of the Daxue and the Zhongyong.214
Of course, for the Jesuits and for Legge, emphasizing the philosophical character

212 Those passages correspond to the following chapters of the Lunyu: 7.25, 14.13, 14.37, 20.1, 9.2,
13.4, 4.15, 15.23, 2.10, 17.14, 7.8.
213 John Makeham, Transmitters and Creators: Chinese Commentators and Commentaries on the
Analects (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 917.
214 Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont Jr., The Analects of Confucius, A Philosophical Translation
(New York: Ballantine, 1998); Andrew Plaks, Ta Hseh and Chung Yung (London: Penguin Classics,
2003).

65
of the Lunyu serves the purpose of conveying the idea that there is no conflict
between Confucianism and Christianity. They consider the Lunyu as a kind of
preparation for Christian faith, on the basis of reason. They portrayed Confucius not
as an atheist philosopher, but as a philosopher with a deep religious respect for heaven
(jingtian). However, the Jesuit reading presents an inconsistency: they considered the
ancient worship to heaven (tian) and to the spirits (gui) as a religious worship which
was legitimate, but they interpreted the worship to the ancestors and to Confucius
himself as a purely civic ritual. Modern historians of ancient China would surely have
difficulties in separating the worship to heaven and to the spirits from the worship to
the ancestors, but the Jesuits were progressively led to take this position in the context
of the Rites Controversy.
The Jesuits overlooked the historical distance between themselves and Confucius,
asserting that the Confucius they presented was the most true to the original.
However, the value of the Sinarum Philosophus lies in its role in establishing a bridge
that allowed two different cultures to communicate with each other on the basis of
reason. Even though their version of the Lunyu sometimes deviated from traditional
Chinese interpretations, they provided a rational reading of the text, and this somehow
new interpretation of the Lunyu enriches the body of interpretations, allowing the
texts to take on a new life by passing to another culture. This has allowed the
Confucian texts to become meaningful to a Western audience because they were
talking about the human condition and raising a number of philosophical questions on
life. We could very well say that todays study of the Chinese classics should also
include their Western interpretations, especially because these interpretations have
influenced in a certain degree the modern studies of the Chinese classics both in the
West and in the East.
Drawing upon the intercultural exchanges between China and the West, which
started five hundred years ago, we are now compelled to think about the creation of a
corpus of classics, drawn from the major traditions of the world, constituting a global
literacy for any cultivated man and woman. Under what conditions can such global
classics emerge and be relevant for future generations? What does this imply for the
education system?
We should first resist the temptation to consider the classics as eternal. In the case
of Confucianism, different canons existed at different periods of time. We should not
ignore the cumulative interpretation that has shaped the current understanding of the
text. This way, we may avoid any rigid fixation on one interpretation alone but open
the dialogue into the rich field of different hermeneutic traditions. Yet, in order for the
classics to be relevant for the present age, we must go beyond the historical
accumulation and juxtaposition of different readings of the past, and, on the basis of
the tradition and of our present situation and concerns, we should also foster our own
personal and collective readings.
As modern-day thinkers, we may be overly suspicious of classics being used as
political instruments to control and standardize a way of thinking. Indeed, like the
Bible, the Four Books were often used in political ideologies and construed as
national symbols. In the age of globalization, this kind of nationalistic relationship to
the classics should not go unchallenged. On the contrary, each particular nation should
recognize that its own versions of the classics do not entirely belong to them, but to
the entire human race. This way, the classics may open a door to a rational public
discourse. This democratic use of the classics should be strongly contrasted with a
current trend insisting on an esoteric meaning reserved to the elite.

66
 In addition, we should recognize that modern methods of literary criticism, so
heavily influenced by human sciences (anthropology, sociology, economy, political
science, etc.), have largely contributed to de-sacralize the classics, making them the
products of objective structures in society or language. Such readings appear to some
particular traditions as a caricature of what they view to be the sacred meaning of the
text. Therefore, critical analysis, when made exclusive of any other reading, may not
be the most conducive to dialogue. The concrete encounter through classical texts, as
briefly mentioned above, may invite us to engage into two levels of reason and
symbol. This way, one may recognize the rich symbolic dimensions of the classics for
an individual and for a concrete nation, and at the same time open the text to a critical
analysis.

67
Concerning this Edition

After publishing the trilingual edition of the Daxue, I became interested in doing the
same for the Lunyu. For each verse of the Lunyu, the reader will find first the Chinese
text placed within brackets []. Couplet initially intended to print the Chinese
characters, but this was not carried out since Chinese fonts were not available at that
time in Europe. Also, because the first two chapters include superscript numbers
associated with Latin words, I have inserted the corresponding numbers that would
have been next to the Chinese characters. This allows for the exact correspondence
between Chinese characters and Latin words. When Couplet realized that the Chinese
text could not be printed, he completely eliminated the superscript numbers in the
Latin text for the other eighteen chapters. Therefore, I have left the Chinese and Latin
texts as they are in those parts, without superscript numbers.
Following the Chinese text, the Latin text of the Sinarum Philosophus has been
inserted, comprising the translations of the Lunyu and of its commentaries, plus the
additional notes in italics written by the Jesuits. Some minor typing mistakes here and
there in the 1687 edition have been corrected. The Latin translation of the verses of
the Lunyu is preceded by the reference to the folio (fol.), pagina (p.), and
paragraphus (), corresponding to the late Ming edition of Zhus Sishu jizhu, as
mentioned above. For example, the first part of the Lunyu, that is, the first two
chapters, corresponds to the thirteen fols.ia, each of them divided into two pages (p. 1.
and p. 2). Each page is itself divided into two to five paragraphs. Moreover, I have
inserted in the Latin text the shift to a new page in the Confucius Sinarum
Philosophus, placing the page number in brackets [].
The English translation is from the Latin. Because Latin is a highly inflected
language, allowing for great freedom in positioning words in a sentence, the Latin text
neatly follows the order of the Chinese words. However, it was impossible to keep the
same order in the English language. I have changed many passive forms into active
ones, since this is more colloquial in English. Also, there are many useless repetitions
in the Latin text that I have eliminated for sake of fluidity. I did not use the Jesuit
transliteration of Chinese names, but changed them into modern pinyin since it is the
most recognized form. The commentary is interwoven with the classical text, and I
have therefore added in the English translation some quotation marks for passages
directly related to the classical text, and I have left the main commentary outside of
the quotation marks. The reader should be aware about the difference in nature of the
three languages involved. Any translation in Western language fixes the original
Chinese by restricting its open nature. In the Chinese language, many words can
function either as verb, noun, or adjective, but the Latin and English read specifically
a Chinese character as a noun, a verb, or an adjective. Furthermore, Western
languages impose tense to verbs and number to nouns, with the Latin imposing also
gender to nouns. In translating from Latin into English, I have also kept in mind the
original Chinese, so I could choose from a range of possibilities the most appropriate.
My notes provide an analysis of the Latin translation. They often indicate the
source of the comment, mostly from Zhang and Zhus commentaries, or from other
historical sources. These notes also make some comparisons, suggesting in what way
the Latin translation bends the Chinese text toward new meanings. I was able to
consult the manuscript on which Couplet worked in 1686, which is still preserved in
the Section of Latin Manuscripts at the BNF.215 The manuscript often provides

215 BNF Latin 6277, vo1. 1 in 369 fols., and vol. 2 in 281 fols.

68
transliterations of a quote, sometimes with Chinese characters. This was quite useful
in identifying the origins of the quotes, and I make mention of this in the notes.
The evolution of the translation work is also very revealing. I have looked at the
initial translation of the Lunyu in Sapientia Sinica (identified in my notes as Zi-ka-
wei), which deals only with the first half of the Lunyu, as mentioned above. This
literal translation is very concise and usually does not incorporate the translation of
the Chinese commentaries. Yet, they allow us to see the initial choices made by the
Jesuits, and how the Sinarum Philosophus made changes, in order to get a better
accuracy with the original text, or to make a point in the context of the growing
controversy among missionaries. My notes mention some differences between the two
versions, but I want to mention two of them here. First, the term philosophus does not
appear in the 1662 version, and the term junzi is usually translated as vir perfectus.
However, in the 1687 version, junzi is often translated as philosophus when referring
to Confucius. Second, the expression to make sacrificial rituals to deceased parents
(sacrificare parentes), found a few times in the 1662 version, was replaced in the
1687 version with the expression to pay respect to deceased parents. This evolution
between the two versions reflects the wish of the Jesuits to accentuate the
philosophical nature of Confucianism, and to interpret some Confucian rituals not in
religious terms, but in civil terms.
Finally, I have added the Latin biography of Confucius, mostly inspired by Sima
Qians, at the end of this volume, and provided an English translation of it. As
previously stated, this Latin biography was written by Da Costa and first published in
the Sapientia Sinica in 1662. Later, Intorcetta made some corrections and additions,
and published the revised version in 166769 as an appendix to the bilingual edition
(ChineseLatin) of the Zhongyong.216 Couplet slightly revised this biography for the
publication of the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus in 1687. The English translation of
the biography was already published in my previous study (23545).

216 Prospero Intorcetta, Scientia politico-moralis [Political-moral learning], Guangzhou and Goa,
166769. Lorenzo Magalotti (16371712) inserted the Latin biography of Confucius into his edition of
Voyage la Chine des PP. I. Grueber et d'Orville (Paris: Cramoisy, 1673), 1418, followed by a French
translation at 1923.

69
 The Third Book of the Chinese Learning

Part 1 Chapter 1 [page number]

Chapter 2
Part 2 Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Part 3 Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Part 4 Chapter 7
Chapter 8
Part 5 Chapter 9
Chapter 10
Part 6 Chapter 11
Chapter 12
Part 7 Chapter 13
Chapter 14
Part 8 Chapter 15
Chapter 16
Part 9 Chapter 17
Chapter 18
Part 10 Chapter 19
Chapter 20

70
 Scientiae Sinicae liber tertius
The Third Book of the Chinese Learning
Lun YuRatiocinantium sermones
The Lunyu, or Discussions between People who are Reasoning217

Versio litteralis un cum explanatione

Literal translation with commentary

Liber hic numero tertius est, inter suxu, sive quatuor libros primae apud Sinas auctoritatis,
& qui maxim teruntur manibus omnium. Distinguitur in decem kiuen, id est, partes, seu
capita; continetque sententias atque apophtegmata moralia tum Confucio, tum ab hujus
discipulis non uno tempore vel loco prolata: quod ipsum libri quoque titulus Lun yu, quasi
dicant, Ratiocinantium seu philosophantium inter se sermones, non obscur declarat.

This is the third book of the Four Books, or Sishu, which stand as books of the highest
authority among the Chinese and have been rubbed byve been in the hands of
everyone. It is divided into ten juan, or ten parts or chapters.218 It contains the moral
sayings and apothegms of Confucius, or on a few occasions, those of his disciples.
Therefore, it is entitled Lunyu, because, as they say, it records in a simple way the
discussions between people who are reasoning and philosophizing.219

217 The manuscript of the BNF has a slightly different title: Questions and Answers of People
Reasoning (Ratiocinantium quaesita et responsa, vol. 1, 335).
218 Both in the the Sapientia Sinica and in the Sinarum Philosophus, the Jesuits have followed Zhus
division of the Lunyu into ten juan, and significantly they did not adopt Zhangs division into nine juan.
In fact, the Chinese method of binding books determined their division in juan; printing techniques in
Europe at that time dictated different rules.
219 The Jesuit explanation of the term yu follows Zhangs gloss. Zhang explains it as meaning
questions and answers (dashu ). Concerning the term lun , he explains it as debates and
discussions (yilun ). See Zhang Juzheng , Zhang Juzheng jiangping Lunyu
[Zhang Juzheng comments on the Lunyu] (Shanghai: Cishuchubanshe, 2007), 1. In their
translation, the Jesuits insert here the notions of reasoning and philosophizing in order to stress the
rational nature of the debates between Confucius and his disciples. This is an important key of
interpretation: Confucius and his disciples engage in a philosophical activity and they are therefore
philosophers, as it is frequently stated in the Jesuit translation. This interpretation of Confucius as a
philosopher became prominent in the West. The nineteenth-century British Sinologist James Legge
refers frequently to Confucius and his disciples as philosophers. See, for example, James Legge,
Confucius: Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean (New York: Dover
Publications, 1971), 138, 141, 143, etc.

71
 [2] Pars prima
First Part

[Chapter 1]

[1.1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ]

Fol. 1, p. 1, 1. Confucius1 ait2: Operam dare imitationi3 sapientum, &4 assidu5 exercitare6
sese in hujusmodi studio imitandi, 7nonne8 olim delectabile9 erit? Quasi dicat: suae principiis fer
omnibus difficultates insunt ac spinae; verumtamen si devoraveris istas magno animo vicerisque,
tu quisquis sectator es virtutis ac sapientiae, si exemplis simul ac documentis virorum sapientium
ob oculos tibi positis constantiam junxeris cum labore, plan fiet ut recuperat paulatim claritate &
integritate primaev naturae nostrae, insignis etiam facilitas atque peritia sequatur tuam
exercitationem, delectatio ver peritiam & facilitatem.

Confucius asked: Will it not be indeed a pleasure to strive to imitate the wise and to
train constantly oneself in this effort of imitation? 220 As if to say, almost every
beginning has its difficulties and obstacles, but if you endure them with courage and
determination, you are indeed a follower of virtue and wisdom. 221 With the examples
and instructions of the wise in front of you, 222 if you join perseverance to effort, then
you will recover little by little the original clarity and completeness of our human
nature.223 Your practice should yield a remarkable easiness and skill, which will bring
pleasure.224

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ]

2. Postquam autem te excolueris tam feliciter hujusmodi cum labore et constanti, si

dentur1 tunc sectatores et amici2 3 longinqua4 regione5 advenantes6, consulturi te, atque in
disciplinam tuam tradituri sese, fam scilicet virtutis ac sapientiae tuae excitati, 7nonne 8tum
mult etiam vehementis laetaberis9, et prodes omnino sensum hunc exultantis animi tui?

220 The Song philosopher Zhu Xi [AU: Dates please] understood xue as meaning to imitate (xiao
). See Zhu Xi , Sishu zhangju jizhu [Collected commentaries on the Four Books
by chapter and verse] (Taibei: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 47. The Ming philosopher Wang
Yangming [AU: Dates please] proposed a concurrent and very influential explanation of xue as to
become aware (juewu ). Zhang follows Zhus explanation. See Zhang, 1. While the Sinarum
Philosophus talks here about the imitation of the wise, the Sapientia Sinica had the imitation of the
holy people and the wise (sancti et sapientes; Lunyu, Zi-ka-wei, 1 recto). Yet, as we shall see below,
the authors of the Sinarum Philosophus will also mention the saints in China.
221 The idea of obstacles (nan ) is not mentioned by Zhu, but by Zhang (1).
222 The Latin word documenta can refer both to instructions and to written documents. Though Zhang
paid a great deal of attention to the classics, he distanced himself from bookish learning and
emphasized instead personal practice, and thus documenta is translated here as instructions.
223 Zhu distinguished between people who realize early on the goodness of human nature (renxing
) and people who come late to this realization. The latter have to imitate the former, that is, the
ancient sages. This process of imitation allows one to return to his original nature. Zhang follows
closely Zhus metaphysical comment about the goodness of the original nature (xingshan , 1).
By adopting the Neo-Confucian reading, the Sinarum Philosophus allows the Lunyu to be read in a
philosophical way, relevant for all humanity, including Westerners. The notion of original state (chu
) introduced by Zhu and mentioned by Zhang evokes, in the Christian discourse, the state of nature
before the Fall.
224 For stylistic reasons, Couplet rewrote the entire paragraph. See the manuscript in the BNF (337
38).

72
After you have successfully cultivated yourself with this kind of effort and
perseverance, then followers and friends will come from afar in order to consult you
and to transmit your teaching,225 because they will have heard of your virtue and
wisdom, will you not indeed rejoice even more, and will you not altogether show a
feeling of exultation?

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ]

p. 2, 1. Verm si plan contrarium acciderit, et cm talis tantus sis, ab hominibus 1 tamen si

2
ignoreris3, nemo te consulat, suspiciat nemo; tu interim 4 hanc ob causam non5 affligaris nec
indigneris6; quippe contentus iis quae tibi ipse peperisti, et possides securus; nihil autem de
his quae extra te, alienique sunt arbitrii, laborans; 7nonne8 perfecti9 viri10 consummataeque
virtutis hoc erit?

But, if an adversity occurs, and if you are ignored by men, even though you may be
someone exceptional,226 if nobody consults you and admires you, and yet, if at the
same time you are neither afflicted because of this, nor feel indignant, but feel
satisfied with the things that you have acquired and are now securely possessing, not
taking pains in matters which are external to you and belonging to the will of
another,227 will this not belong to a perfect man and to a complete virtue?228

[1.2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 ]

2. Dispulus Ye1 2 ait3: Quempiam4 esse5, sive dari hominem6, qui domi quidem
obtemperet7 parentibus, & debitis obsequiis officiisque prosequatur 8 majores natu, & tamen9
foris gaudeat10 adversari11 legitimis Magistratibus12, profect rarum13 hoc est atque
inusitatum. Rursum non14 gaudere15 quempiam adversari16 Magistratibus17, &18 eundem
tamen gaudere19 seditiones21 ac turbas excitare20, & perturbare Rempublicam adhuc quidem
non22 accidit23 [3] seu visum est & auditum quidpiam hujusmodi.

The disciple Youzi says: It is indeed very rare and unusual for someone, who at
home obeys his parents and fulfills his duties toward elder brothers, to rejoice at going
against legitimate officers outside. Likewise, it has never been seen or heard that one
who does not rejoice at opposing officers would yet rejoice at stirring up seditions and
disturbing the state.229

225 Zhang (1) understands that the increase in joy is caused by the fact of having disciples and of
transmitting the teaching. While the Sinarum Philosophus has followers and friends, the Sapientia
Sinica used friends and companions (amici et socii, Zi-ka-wei, 1 recto). The Jesuits refer to
themselves as being companions.
226 The direct meaning of the classical text is that people ignore the true learning. Like Zhu (2),
Zhang reads it as meaning that a junzi may be ignored by men.
227 Both Zhu and Zhang explain that the true learning rests in oneself and not outside. The Sinarum
Philosophus adds here the Stoic idea of ones will (arbitrium) as being independent from others.
228 Here junzi is translated as perfect man (perfectus vir) since he has a complete virtue
(consummata virtus). Zhang mentions that the junzi has a pure and complete virtue (cuiran quande
, 2).
229 The Lunyu mentions people above (shang ), and Zhang has: people which are above (
, 2). The Sinarum Philosophus transposes this into the political realm: legitimate officers
(legitimi magistratus). The mention of the state (Respublica) strengthens this political interpretation.

73
[ 2 1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
]

3. Superiorem doctrinam confirmaturus idem Ye , Vir1 perfectus2, inquit, impensiori

quodam studio3 vacat principali4, sive ei quod quavis in re praecipuum est, & radicis ac
fundamenti instar; etenim principali5 bene6 constituto ac confirmato, mox7 inde virtutis
officiique8 lex ceu ex radice firma vividaque prognascitur 9 & succrescit feliciter atque
efflorescit: sic privata singulorum, quam dixi, erga parentes suos pietas 10 & obedientia,
amorque & observantia erga fratres11 majores natu, haec12 (inquam) duo sunt13 operum14
pietatis erga communem quoque patriam, atque observantiae erga legitimos Magistratus,
adeoque publicae pacis & tranquillitatis radix & fundamentum.15

To confirm this teaching, Youzi adds: The perfect man spends enormous efforts on
the principle, or what is most important in anything, like its root or foundation.
Indeed, once the principle is well established, then, from this stable and strong
grounding, the law of virtue and duty can spring, grow smoothly, and flourish. 230 So,
the personal duty and obedience of everyone toward parents and the love and respect
toward elder brothers are the root and foundation for the works of duty toward the
common land and for the works of deference toward legitimate officers, and even for
public peace.231

[1.3 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8]

Fol. 2, p. 1. Confucius1 ait2: ubi compta3 est oratio4, & blanda5 oris6 species, ibi parum7 est
probitatis8. Id est, qui affectat quapiam affabilitate, seu blanditiis nescio quibus,
lenociniisque verborum, ad haec, specioso totius oris habitu ad humanitatem scilicet
benevolentiamque mir composito conciliare sibi student hominum voluntates, necnon
famam virtutis ac sapientiae; parm interim soliciti ut suae fronti, oculisque & sermonibus
cor ipsum respondeat; hominum hujuscemodi rarus est vel nemo potis qui veram cordis
virtutem obtineat.

Confucius said: When the speech is elegant and the mouth charming, there is little
honesty. This is to say, through affected friendliness, flatteries, enticingements of
words, and fake facial expressions of kindness and benevolence, these people make
efforts in winning the wills of people for themselves, as well as the reputation of
virtue and wisdom. Nevertheless, the heart doesnt match the face, the eyes, and the
words. Very rarely, in fact never, does this kind of person have true virtue of the
heart.232

[1.4 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

230 Here, principle translates root (ben ) and law translates Dao . The metaphor of the vegetation
comes from Zhu (48). Similarly, Zhang has: When the root is established, then all affairs are correct.
The Dao, like the trees, comes naturally (2).
231 In its first occurrence, the central Confucian virtue Ren is translated as works of duty, or piety
(opera pietatis). In fact, the original text read as: Xiao and Di are the roots of Ren. For Zhu, Ren
should be the ultimate foundation of human nature, with xiao and di only the functions of Ren.
Therefore, Zhu (48) interpreted the word wei as meaning to practice (xing ), meaning that
Xiao and di are the roots for practicing Ren. Therefore, the Jesuits translate practicing Ren (weiren
) with the expression works of duty (opera pietatis). The application of Ren to politics, with the
mentions of the common land, legitimate officers, and public peace, comes from Zhang (3).
232 Ren is explained here as true virtue of the heart (vera cordis virtus). Both Zhu (48) and Zhang (3)
explained Ren as the virtue of the heart-mind xin (). Following a different line of thought, Wang
Yangming purely identified Ren with the heart-mind. But here again the Jesuits follow the line of Zhu.

74
16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 ]

p. 2. Discipulus em1 2 ait3: Ego4 quotidie5 de tribus6 maxim rebus examino7 me8 ipsum9 &
rationem exigo; an scilicet pro 10 homine11 quopiam negotium tractandum12 susceperim, &13 non14
tractaverim illud ac conatus sim conficere e qu par erat cum fide & contentione 15 animi, nec ita
prorsus ac si mea res ageretur & non aliena: an cum 16 sodalibus17 & amicis18 meis familiariter &
amicorum more agens19, tamen20 haud21 egerim eo candore eque fide 22 qu oportebat agi,
contentus inani qudam specie benevolentiae observantiaeque, & mendacio veris amicitiae qum
amiciti. Denique an doctrinam mihi23 traditam Magistro meo non24 recoluerim25, eamque
exercitaverim25 impigr & constanter.

The disciple, Zengzi, says: Each day, I examine myself, considering three things: 233
whether, in undertaking an affair for someone, I did not execute and accomplish it
with a faithful and diligent heart, but only took care of it as the affair of someone else
and not my own; whether, in undertaking an affair dealing forwith my associates and
friends in a friendly and familiar way, I executed itdidnt act with the proper kindness
and trusta faithful and diligent heart, or only took care of itbut was more satisfied with
an empty benevolence, deference, and pretense of friendship than true friendship; 234
finally, whether or not I have actively practiced and constantly exercised the teaching
I received from my Teacher.235

[1.5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16
17 18 19]

Fol. 3, p. 1. Confucius1 ait2: Ut quispiam feliciter administret 3 mille4 quadrigarum5 regnum6,

(quod utique difficile est tranquill ac feliciter administrare) quinque sunt inprimis
necessaria. [4] (De Regulis hc agit Confucius, quorum singuli quadrigas omnino mille
tenebantur habere in promptu, & quotiescumque jussisset Imperator in aciem producere.)
Primm solicit7 consideratque tractet res8 omnes ditionis suae: nihil, quamvis parvi
momenti videatur esse, putet ab se posse negligi; memor ex una Principis inconsideratione
provenire non rar calamitates, quae & amplissimam ditionem & multis quidem saeculis
affligant. Deinde9 colat10 fidem ac veritatem, sibique persuadeat hanc esse pretiosiorem
gemmam coronae suae. Veri sint igitur & sine ambiguitate sermones ejus, adeoque latentis in
animo sententiae non dubii semper indices: maxim ver in decernendis vel praemiis vel
suppliciis sectetur id quod aequum est justumque: sic fiet ut subditi vicissim quaevis
imperata faciant, & quidem alacriter & cum fide faciant. Terti largitiones moderetur11 ac
sumptus12, inutiles superfluosque tollens: sic namque in aerario regio totoque regno opum semper
affatim erit. Item13 amet14 homines15 sibi subditos paterno prorsus affectu, opitulando omnibus,
quos vel orbitas ac solitudo, vel inopia & fames, aliique casus aut aerumnae affligunt: sic enim
subditi vicissim filiorum instar Principi suo morem gerent, eumque sic verebuntur ut etiam
diligant. Denique si quando subditorum manus atque opera poscatur ad extruenda vel restauranda
opera publica, imperet16 haec subditis17 opportuno18 tempore19; quo scilicet ruri passim vacatur,
non eo quo sementis illos, vel agricultura, vel messis occupat: hoc pacto frugum atque
alimentorum copia plerumque suppetet; operaque publica sine publico detrimento alacriter
perficientur.

233 Another reading of the Chinese text is: Every day I examine myself three times (that is, many
times).
234 Zhong is translated as faithful and diligent heart (fides et contentio animi) and xin as
kindness and trust (candor et fides). Initially, Sapientia Sinica had diligence and sincere heart
(diligentia et sincero corde) for zhong, and to behave plainly and faithfully (solid ac fideliter se
gerere, Zi-ka-wei, 1 verso) for xin.
235 The classical text reads as: whether I am practicing the teaching I am transmitting. However, Zhu
(48) read chuan (to transmit) as meaning what was transmitted to me by the Teacher. Zhang (3)
and the Jesuits have the same interpretation as Zhus.

75
Confucius said: In order for someone to rule a country of one thousand quadriga
[chariot drawn by four horses], which is indeed a difficult task to manage, there are
five things which are absolutely necessary.236 Here, Confucius is talking about the
minor princes, since each of them commonly held one thousand chariots and, as
commander-in-chief, they could order them to war at any time. First, he should
carefully manage everything under his control. He should think that he cannot neglect
anything, even minor affairs. He should be mindful that calamities frequently come
from one mistake of the ruler and that these calamities can affect even the strongest
political power for centuries.237 Second, he should cherish trust and truth,
convincingpersuading himself that this is a very worthy jewel on his crown. 238 His
speech should be true, without any ambiguity, and there should not be any sign of
doubt as to the meaning of his words. Very importantly, he should pursue fairness and
justice in distributing rewards and punishments. This way, the subjects in their turn
obey any order and execute it swiftly and trustfully. Third, he should limit gifts, in
particular the ones which are useless and unnecessary. This way, there will always be
enough resources in the national treasury and in the whole country. Fourth, he should
love his subjects with a paternal affection. He should bring relief to the orphans and
all those who are isolated, without resources, hungry, and the others who are struck by
calamities. In turn, the subjects, like children, will do the same for their prince. They
will respect him and even love him.239 Fifth, whenever he asks for the hands and
service of the subjects in order to build or repair public works, he should command
these things to his subjects at an appropriate time, when people are idle in the field,
and not when people are busy with planting, cultivating, or reaping. An abundance of
crops and food will frequently come through such an arrangement. The public works
will be accomplished swiftly, without any public damage.240

[1.6 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27]
16

p. 2, 1. Confucius1 ait2: Fratres3 natu-minores4 ac filii-familias5 si intr seu domi suae

degunt, tum quidem6 obediant7 serviantque parentibus quant possunt contentione tam
animi qum corporis: si autem versantur foris 8, tum9 observent majores-natu10 propinquos
suos & consanguineos, cives item ac populares, iisque sua praestent obsequia: si quid operis
negotiique suscipiant, constantiam afferant 11, coeptaque perficiant, proinde maxim semper
attendant principio & fini cujusque operis; atque adeo 12 veraces13 ac sinceri13 quoque sint,
sibique constent in operibus suis: amplo quodam & universali 14 amore15 diligant omnes16,
cum omnibus pacem colant; sic tamen 17 ut arctiori quodam vinculo benevolentiae 18 &
familiaritatis18 jungantur optimis19 quibusque viris & probatissimis: & haec quidem sunt
adolescentum officia, maxim necessaria; quibus exact praestitis 20 si21 suppetat22 eis
pauxillum otii ac virium23, tum laudabiliter24 adhibebunt illas25 in addiscendis26 litteris27, &
mandandis memoriae priscorum Sapientum Majorum nostrorum odis, quibus egregia [5]
plan documenta cujusvis aetatis institutioni, sed inprimis adolescentiae, perapposita
continentur.

236 Both Zhu and Zhang read in the words of Confucius a program in five points.
237 This sentence and the previous sentence are translated from Zhangs commentary (4).
238 The metaphor of the jewel comes from Zhangs commentary (4).
239 The idea of the people reciprocating the love of the ruler comes from Zhangs commentary (4).
240 This detailed description of a good ruler by Zhang could indeed fulfill many requirements for a
Christian prince.

76
Confucius said: When the younger brothers and sons of the family stay in their
home, they should obey and serve their parents with the best efforts of their hearts and
bodies, and when they go outside, they should respect the elder brothers who are the
closest and other blood relatives, as well as fellow countrymen, offering to them their
services. If they accept some work or business, they should undertake it diligently and
accomplish what they have begun. This way, they shall attend to the beginning and
the end of their work. Also, they should be truthful and sincere, being perseverant in
their works. By a broad and universal love, they should love all and cultivate peace
with all,241 and yet they shall be connected to the best and most honest men by a
greater bond of benevolence and familiarity. All these things are the duties of the
youth, and are greatly necessary. After all this has been done, if a little leisure and
energy still remain, they will use it in learning literature and in memorizing the Odes
[Shijing] of our wise ancestors, since the Odes contain some remarkable lessons
which are suitable for the instruction of those of any age, but especially for the
instruction of the youth.242

[1.7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32
33 34 35 36 ]

2. Discipulus 1 hia2 ait3: Si delectetur4 quis viris probis ac sapientibus5 sic ut commutet6 &
quasi transferat in hos amorem quo ferri solet in res visu 7 pulchras7 ac delectabiles7: id est, si
cum eo impetu atque ardore amoris appetat adolescens virtutem ac sapientiam, quo aetas
ista plerumque rapi solet ad oblectamenta sensuum. Item in praestando8 probi filii officio8
tam erga patrem9 qum matrem10, si valeat11, seu velit & conetur exhaurire12 suas13 vires14: ad
haec, si debita subditi officia 15 sic praestet adversus suum Regem 16 aut Principem, ut valeat17,
sive non dubitet exponere18 propriam19 quoque personam20 ac vitam quotiescunque res ita
postulaverit. Denique cum21 sodalibus22 & amicis23 suis vivens familiariter24 si tales instituat
sermones25, ut26 ubique locum habeat27, seu eluceat fides28 ipsius ac veracitas; quisquis
hujusmodi fuerit, tametsi29 fort sint qui dicant 30 eum necdum31 studuisse32, ego33 cert
semper34 & sentiam & dicam35 studuisse36, & praeclar quidem esse doctum. (Non vult hia
angi animo vel affligi adolescentes illos, quibus domesticis officiis & curis tuendae vitae,
quod apud homines tenuioris fortunae non rar usuvenit, nihil est vacui temporis quo litteris
dent operam: obtineant mod ipsi sedulque exerceant virtutes illas, quarum grati
potissimm litterae discuntur, disci cert quidem par est; censebuntur enim, quamvis rudes
litterarum fuerint, non ipsis tantm litteris, sed etiam sapienti, quae perpetua virtutis
comes est, feliciter instructi.)

The disciple, Zixia, says: If someone is delighted by honest and wise people,
changing and transferring into them his love for things which are beautiful and
agreeable to seethis means that a youth should desire virtue and wisdom with the
same ardor and intensity of sensual love, since this period of life is usually controlled

241 As Like Zhu, [AU: Like Zhu, Zhang?] Zhang understood fanai as broad love, for
the people in general (5). The Jesuits interpreted this with the Christian notion of universal
love (universalis amor), a love for all (omnes).
242 Following Zhu, Zhang read xuewen as referring to the Shijing and the Shanshu (shishu
, 5). The Sinarum Philosophus has retained here only the Shijing, providing an explanation
which is probably theirs. For xue, Sapientia Sinica has only the vague expression literature and
arts (litterae et artes; Zi-ka-wei, 1 verso)

77
by the pleasure of the senses;243 similarly, if he is resolute in fulfilling his duty as an
honest son toward his father and mother, exhausting all his energy; moreover, if he is
resolute in fulfilling his duties as a subject toward his ruler or prince, not hesitating to
risk his own person and life whenever needed;244 finally, if he makes promises to
comrades and friends with whom he has good relationships, always keeping his
promises with a shining trust and truthfulness; whoever is like this, even though some
may say that he has not yet studied, I myself shall always say that he had studied and
that he is a remarkably learned man. Zixia did not want these young people to be
distressed and in despaired because, amid their familial obligations and difficulties in
making their living, they do not have any free time to study, as is frequently the case
with less fortunate people. They can only hold and carefully train the virtues by which
books are studied. Even though they do not know how to read and write, they will be
considered successfully trained, not so much in books but in wisdom, which is a
perpetual associate of virtue.245

[1.8 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. Confucius1 ait2: Probus3 vir4 si idem non5 sit vir admodm serius, habeat quoque
cordi exteriorem gestuum motuumque omnium moderationem & gravitatem 6, quae auctoritatis ac
reverentiae conciliatrix est; sed contrario gaudeat incomposit vagari, & jocis nugisque
indulgere; profect7 non8 habebit inter suos auctoritatem9, quin im despicabilis iisdem reddetur,
& scientias10 ac disciplinas, quas tanto studio & labore acquisivit, san11 non12 diu conservabit13.

Confucius said: If an honest man is not absolutely serious, 246 not having the external
control and gravity of all his gestures and movements which go along with authority
and reverence, but enjoys wandering improperly, making jokes and trifles, surely he
will not gain authority among his friends, but rather he will make himself despicable
and will not keep for long the knowledge and methods acquired with such great effort
and pain.

[ 1 2 3]

2. Absit tamen ut sol contentus exteriori compositione, de interiori, quae long praecipua est,
mins laboret: quin im primum 1 praecipuumque ipsius studium poni debet in cultu &
compositione ipsius animi, tametsi non cadat sub oculos aspectumque hominum: nihil igitur aequ
sit cordi, ut cordis2 sinceritas ac fides3.

It should not happen that, being satisfied only with the external attitude, he works
less on the internal attitude, since this is by far the most important. Indeed, the first
and more important effort should be put into the training and attitude of the soul, even
though this does not fall under the watch of men. There should be nothing in his heart

243 Neither Zhu nor Zhang made the parallel with the youth and its passions. This is probably a
reminiscence ofreference to Western moral literature, like in Plutarch. [AQ: I dont understand what
you mean by a reminiscence of Western moral literatureplease clarify.]
244 Zhang (6) has something even more extreme: sacrificing ones life without any word of
complaint.
245 This last comment, not found in the commentaries by Zhu or Zhang, may be an addition by the
Jesuits.
246 Junzi is translated here as honest man (probus vir).

78
but sincerity and trust.247

[ 1 2 3 4 5 ]

[6] p. 2, 1. Ne1 contrahas2 amicitiam ac familiaritatem cum quopiam qui sit3 deterior4 qum sis tu5
ipse; quippe damno tibi futuram, non usui: im quos te meliores esse viros cognoveris, hos
sectare, his jungere.

Do not enter into friendship and familiarity with anyone who is not as good as you
are,248 because this would bring you harm and no advantage. On the contrary, you
should follow and associate with people you recognize as better than you.

[ 1 2 3 4 5]

2. Memor interim conditionis humane, quae imbecillis est pronaque in lapsum, & peccare
facilis; si te peccare1 contigerit, tum2 quidem ne3 timeas4 dubitesve corrigere5 quod peccatum
est, & cum nisu quoque ac labore surgere, perruptis generos vinculis ac difficultatibus,
quibus impediri te sentis ac deprimi.

At the same time, you should keep in mind that the human condition is weak, prone
to fail, and can make mistakes very easily. 249 If it happens that you commit a mistake,
then do not be afraid or hesitate in correcting your mistake and rising up through
effort and hard work, so that you can decisively break through the chains and
difficulties by which you feel yourself being hindered and repressed.250

[1.9 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ]

3. Cem1 2 ait3: Qui Rempublicam gubernant, ac caeteris exemplo suo praelucere debent,
siquidem exacti4 sedulique fuerint in observatione rituum funebrium, quando contigerit parentes
eorum vit5 fungi; tum ver lugentis animi sensu, necnon splendore quodam & apparatu justa illis
persolvendo, renovent item piam illorum memoriam6, & annuos ritus atque parentalia, quamvis
multo tempore7 jam diem7 obierint, fiet san ut extenuata jam lapsu vitioque temporum populi 8
virtus9 (quod ad pietatem observantiamque filialem spectat) restituatur 10 pristino suo vigori atque
amplitudini11; & subditi omnes ad exemplum eorum qui magistratum gerunt, se componant. Tacit
nonnullos hc arguit, qui in parentum suorum funere parcebant sumptibus, tametsi lamentis
lacrymisque non parcerent.

Zengzi says: Those who govern the country and have a duty to enlighten others

247 The Neo-Confucian commentaries make reference to xin , the mind-heart, translated here both as
soul (animus) and heart (cor), which accompanies the virtues of zhong and xin . The Neo-
Confucians therefore interpret zhong (faithfulness to someone) as the inner quality of sincerity toward
oneself, translated by the Jesuits as sinceritas. The Sapientia Sinica had also sincerity for zhong, but
xin was translated as truthful (veracitas; Zi-ka-wei, 1 verso).
248 Another reading of the Chinese text: who is not like you.
249 Zhang stated in his commentary: It is impossible not to make mistakes, but what really matters is
the possibility to change. If you are afraid to correct your mistakes, they will multiply day after day
(, , 6). In order to translate the Chinese word
guo (to make mistakes), the Jesuits use the word peccare which often has the religious connotation
of to sin for a Western reader. Also, the Jesuit translation makes a general statement about the human
condition as being weak and prone to fail, something which was not explicitly stated by Zhu or Zhang,
but reflects Christian anthropology.
250 Zhang gave the classical text of this entire passage followed by his commentary. However, Zhu
divided the passage into four segments followed by his comments. As usual, the Jesuits followed the
text as edited by Zhu.

79
through their example should be very precise and accurate in practicing the funeral
rites when their own parents die. At that time, they should renew the pious memory of
them with mourning and the solemn pomp which is owed to them. Also, they should
attend the annual rituals and festivals for dead parents, even though they died long
ago.251 This way, the virtue of the people (regarding filial piety and respect),
weakened by the passing and corruption of times, will be restored to its original vigor
and scopebreadth. All the subjects will conform themselves to the example of the
officers in power. This passage silently blames those who spendwere sparing money
sparingly onat the burial of their parents, even though they doid not spare
lamentations and tears.252

[1.10 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16 17 18 19 20 ]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. Discipulus 1 kin2 quaerit3 ex4 condiscipulo 5 cum6, dicens7: Magister noster8
Confucius9 accedens10 ad11 aliquod12 regnum13, haud14 dubi mox cognoscit15 quaenam sit illius16
regni administrandi ratio17: quaero nunc abs te, num eam ipse ab Rege vel ab alio quopiam
exquirit18 curiosus? an19 fort Rex eam ultr20 communicat cum ipso?

Ziqin asked his fellow disciple, Zigong: When our Master Confucius arrives in a
country, he can find out very soon and without any doubt the method being used in
governing that country. Now, I ask you, is it that Confucius is inquisitive, asking the
ruler or someone else about it, or rather that the ruler voluntarily communicates it to
him?

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 15
16 17 18 19 20 ]

2. u1 cum2 respondet3: Magister noster4 Confucius5 su ill facilitate6 morum ac suavitate6, ad

haec mansuetudine7, necnon observanti8 reverentique eorum quibuscum agit, prudenti item
moderatione9, modesti10 submissioneque animi, his11 inquam pulcherrimis artibus, cm
Optimatum Regumque sibi gratiam & benevolentiam [7] pariat, ac penitus irrepat in eorum sensus
ac voluntates, hoc assequitur12, ut ab eis non ultr tantm de administratione Reipublicae
edoceatur, sed studios etiam consulatur. Quaero nunc igitur vicissim abs te, haec ars
industriaque13 Magistri14 nostri, & indagandarum15 rerum15 modus, hic16 nonne diversus17 est
ab18 eo quo homines19 vulg quae secreta sunt indagant20 & exquirunt?

Zigong answered: Our Master Confucius shows all people equal courteousness,

251 While the Jesuits mention here the general term of practicing funeral rites, the Sapientia Sinica
had initially used a more religiously loaded word: to make sacrificial rituals and to practice works of
piety (sacrificare caeteraque pietatis opera exercere; Zi-ka-wei, 2 recto). While my translation
mentions the sacrifices made to the spirits, the Sinarum Philosophus decided to use here a more general
term in the context of controversy about the rituals to the ancestors.
252 This last sentence comes from Zhu (50) and Zhang (6). The Sapientia Sinica had something
slightly different: Zengzi complains about those who practice very lightly the funerals and the rituals
of piety towards their deceased parents: they should externally keep an expression of pain and sadness
(arguit eos qui vald tenue se[r]vant in apparatu funerali et ritibus pietatis erga parentes defunctos,
licet exteris praeseferrent dolentem vultum ac moestum; Zi-ka-wei, 2 recto).

80
kindness, gentleness, respect, and reverence.253 Also, through his prudent self-
control,254 modesty, and humility, and I should say, through the most beautiful
excellent skills, he can obtain the favor and protection of important people and rulers,
as if he was inserting himself into their thoughts and wills. 255 It follows that not only
is Confucius thoroughly informed by them about the administration of their country
but he is also assiduously consulted. Indeed, I asktell you, this skill and technique of
our Master, this way to inquire about things, is it very different from the manner
people generally search and seek secrets?

[1.11 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16
17 18 19 20 21 ]

p. 2. Confucius1 ait2: Ut certi quidpiam cognoscas, ac tecum ipse statuas de obedientia filii-
familias, primm quidem dum pater3 superstes4 est, observa5 qu maxim propendeat ipsius 6
pueri animus, qu studia7 ferantur: quid agat autem, non est qud curiosius observes;
quippe cum tunc non sit juris sui atque arbitrii, aget utique quod jusserit pater quamvis
invitus ac nolens: verumtamen ubi jam pater 8 e vivis9 excesserit, tum scilicet observa 10 quid
ipse11 filius agat12, quam suscipiat vivendi rationem. Cert per tres13 annos14 si is non15
immutaverit16 17 paternum18 rect vivendi19 institutum, (nam si pater ab eo quod rectum &
honestum est aberravit, haudquaquam putet filius paternis se vestigiis insistere oportere,
inquit Colaus) tunc san poterit20 nuncupari21 obediens.

Confucius said: In order for you to gain some certainty in knowing the filial piety of
one whose father is still alive, you should first and foremost observe where the soul of
the child is mostly leaning, and what is driving his efforts. 256 You should not pay too
much attention to his deeds when his father is alive, because he is not acting out of his
own judgment and choice, but is doing whatever his father has commanded, willingly
or not. However, when his father dies, you should observe his acts and what the path
of life he is taking. Certainly, if after three years the son has not strayed from the
paternal education of a correct life, only then can he truly be said to be obedient. On
the other hand, as the grand secretary says, if the father had strayed away from what is
right and honest, the son should not think that it is appropriate to follow in the steps of
his father.257

[1.12 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 ]

Fol. 6, p. 1, 1. Discipulus yeu1 u2 ait3: Sicut toleranda non est juris4 officiique violatio, sic in
officiorum usu5, & dum jus aliquod exigitur, placabilitas, moderatio & longanimitas 6

253 While the Sinarum Philosophus translates wen with courteousness and gentleness (facilitas et
suavitas), it was originally translated only with gentleness (suavitas) in the Sapientia Sinica. While the
Sinarum Philosophus translates gong with respect and reverence (observantia et reverentia), it was
originally translated with seriousness and reverence (gravitas et reverentia) in the Sapientia Sinica.
254 Jian , rendered here with prudent self-control (prudens moderatio), was originally rendered as
self-control and frugality (moderatio ac parcitas).
255 Zhang (8) mentions that people were moved by the virtues of Confucius and spontaneously told
him about the affairs of the country. It seems that the Jesuits added here the mention of Confucius
being able to read peoples minds.
256 Sapientia Sinica initially stated that one should observe the sons earnest and natural inclination
(intentus et naturalis inclination; Zi-ka-wei, 2 recto).
257 This is an approximate translation of Zhangs comment:
, 8. Zhu had a similar comment.

81
obtinent7 primum8 locum. Ex priscorum9 quidem Regum10 sententia11 atque institutio in
hujusmodi12 moderatione atque humanitate constituebatur13 omnis decor14 atque venustas
officiorum, & quascunque tractabant illi res minores 15 majoresve16, omnes inde17
procedebant: omnia omnino tam prudenti atque amabili suavitate condiebant ac
temperabant, adeoque ad optatum quoque finem feliciter perducebant.

The disciple, Youzi, said: Just as the violation of rules and duties should not be
tolerated,258 whenever a rule in practicing duties is searched for, a conciliatory
disposition, moderation, and forbearance should come first.259 The whole charm and
grace of the duties is founded on the opinion and teaching of the ancient kings about
moderation and humaneness. How serious or unimportant was the matter at stake,
everyone proceeded from there. They were seasoning and blending everything
together with a prudent and amiable kindness, so that the affairs successfully reached
the intended end.260

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
]

2. Est1 hc tamen quod2 prudenter non3 facias4, sive quod vitare te oporteat, velut extremum
quoddam ab aure mediocritatis regul aberrans: si videlicet perspectam 5 habes regiam illam
plenamque humanitatis & clementiae facilitatem 6, quot item quantasque utilitates afferre soleat,
jamque ade exarseris illius exercendae desiderio; verumtamen 7 illam facilitatem8 non9
secundm10 regulas11 officiorum12 quae uniuscujusque sunt propria, moderaris, peccabis identidem;
adeoque est hc quod utique 13 non14 conveniat15 facere16. Vult nos, dum comitatem
beneficentiamque exercemus, cum judicio, considerat constanterque exercere; non autem
temeritate quadam [8], sine judicio vel modo erga omnes, vel repentino quodam quasi vento,
impetu animi concitatos.

There is still one thing that you should sensibly avoid, like something extreme
deviating from the golden mean. You may clearly see at the court this harmony filled
with humaneness and clemency, bringing so many benefits that you are kindled with
the desire for practicing such harmony.261 But if you do not regulate this harmony
according to the rule specific to each ritual, then you shall make mistakes again and
again. This indeed is not appropriate at all. This is to say, while exercising generosity
and kindness, we should exercise them with judgment, carefully and consistently, and
we should not be derailed by any rashness, by a judgment opposite to all, or by a
hasty fury, like a gust of wind.262

[1.13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 ]

p. 2, 1. Idem ye1 2 ait3: Promissum4 pactumve quo te alteri obstrinxisti, si accedit 5 ad6

258 The Chinese word for rites (li) is translated as rule (jus) and duty (officium). This opening
statement is taken from Zhangs commentary (9).
259 The expression a conciliatory disposition, moderation, and forbearance translates the Chinese
word he .
260 The notion of li is translated today as rituals, but this should not be understood in a very narrow
sense, as meaning only formal rituals. Interestingly, the Sinarum Philosophus renders this important
Confucian notion with the broader Ciceronian notion of duty (officium).
261 Here he is translated with harmony (facilititas). In the Sapientia Sinica, he was translated with
affability (affabilitas; Zi-ka-wei, 2 verso). The manuscript of the BNF (vol. 1, 347) has: benignitas.
262 In this last sentence, Zhang (9) applies the lesson of the passage to the way the emperor Wanli
should manage the court. However, the image of the wind seems to be a Jesuit addition.

82
justitiam7, sive non alienum sit ab aequitate & honestate; verbo 8 tuo9 par erit te10 stare &
praestare datam fidem. Verum ne cogaris aliquando vel fidem fallere, vel cert violare
justitiam, ante omne pactum omnemque sponsionem diligenter examina, justitiae-ne
consentanea sint. Rursus comitas atque observantia 11, quibus alios ipse prosequeris, si
appropinquent12 13 officiis14, id est, si conjungantur cum ea moderatione ac prudenti quam
ratio officiorum cuique debitorum flagitarit, procul 15 amovebis abs te ruborem16 &
probrum17; nec erit periculum, ne vel importunus atque ineptus esse videaris dum excessu
peccas, vel agrestis aut stolid superbus dum peccas defectu. Denique ad amicitias quod
attinet ac patrocinia18, quibus nitare, eos viros haudquaquam19 neglige20, quos sua21 spectata
fides ac probitas amore22 dignos reddit, quibus ade23 possis24 uti25 patronis ac defensoribus
in omni casu ac fortuna.

Youzi continued in by saying: If a promise or a pact by which you oblige yourself

toward someone else is close to justice, that is to say, not foreign to fairness and
honesty, then it is expected that you will stand by your word and keep the promise
that you have made. Therefore, before making any pact or solemn promise, carefully
examine if it agrees with justice, so that you are not forced to deceive trust or violate
justice.263 Also, if the courtesy and respect with which you deal with others are close
to duties, that is, if they are accompanied by the restraint and prudence that the
principle of duties requires from anyone, then you shall not experience any shame or
disgrace. There will be no danger that of you appearing being importune and
impolite when you make a mistake by doing too much, or that you appearing arrogant
to the uneducated when you make a mistake by doing too little.264 Finally, concerning
the friendship and patronage on which you depend, do not neglect the men whose
proven trust and honesty make them worthy of love; you can use them as patrons and
defenders in any good or bad circumstances.

[1.14 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 ]

2. Confucius1 ait2: Quisquis est virtute3 praeditus4, dum potu5 ciboque5 reficitur, non6 hoc7
agit ut saturetur8 oppleatque se & ingurgitet8, sed ut vivat viresque reficiat: in aedibus 9
etiam quas habitat9, non10 sectatur11 impensis vel commoda12 sua vel delicias. Ad haec
impiger13 ac sedulus est in14 obeundis15 negotiis, &16 cautus ac prudens17 in18 verbis19: & talis
cum sit, haudquaquam tamen sibi vel placet ipse vel fidit, sed ultr 20 adit & studios sectatur
viros sapienti21 praeditos ac virtute22, &23 horum consiliis & exemplis ceu regul qupiam
dirigitur24. Revera quisquis est hujusmodi, potest 25 dici26 27 Philosophus28; & hoc sufficit ut
talis dicatur.

Confucius said: When a virtuous man restores himself with food and drink, he is not
doing it in order to be full, replete, and sated, but in order to live and renew forces. 265
In the house that he inhabits, he does not foolishly pursue comfort and pleasures.
Moreover, he is careful and considerate in business, cautious and prudent in speech.
However, this does not make him pleased or trusting of himself, 266 but he gets close to
with and pursues wise and virtuous men, being guided by their advice and examples,
like by a rule. Indeed, anyone like this can be said to be a philosopher. Yet, those

263 This comment comes from Zhu (52) and Zhang (9).
264 This comment comes from Zhang (10).
265 Junzi is translated here with the expression someone endowed with virtue.
266 This mention of self-trust was added by Zhang (10).

83
qualities are enough to hold that title.267

[1.15 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 ]

Fol. 7, p. 1, 1. Discipulus u1 cum2 percunctans3 Confucio, ait: Si quispiam sit pauper4, &5
tamen sublevandae paupertatis grati haud6 aduletur7 cuipiam; divitiis8 affluat, nec10 tamen9
extollatur11 superbi, de hujusmodi12 quid censendum13, Magister. Confucius14 respondet15:
Su dignus laude16 est is quidem, non is tamen qui impleverit numeros omnes verae laudis
veraeque virtutis; adeoque necdum17 comparandum18 cum eo qui pauper19 sit, &20 su ill
paupertate contentus gaudeat 21; dives22 sit, &23 tamen gaudeat24 officiis25; mansuet scilicet
moderatque se gerens, sine fastidio vel arroganti, & in omnibus obtemperans rationi.

The disciple, Zigong, was asking Confucius: Master, what am I to think about
someone who, despite being poor, does not flatter anyone in order to leave poverty,
and someone who, though abounding in wealth, is not extolled byfilled with
arrogance? Confucius answered: This person is indeed worthy of praise, but has not
yet exhausted all the aspects of true praise and true virtue. Indeed, he cannot be
compared to a poor man who rejoices in and is satisfied with his poverty, 268 or a rich
man who rejoices in his duties, managing himself gently and soberly, without
contempt and arrogance, and always complies with reason in everything.269

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15
16 ]

[9] 2. Discipulus u1 cum2 accepto hoc responso mox ait3: Antiquo poemate4 dicitur5: Ceu6
caedens7, ceu8 limans9 ossa; ceu10 scalpens11, ceu12 poliens13 lapillos: quod igitur mod factum est
abs te, Magister, dum propositas me virtutes ceu lapides pretiosos, sed etiamnum rudes
quodammodo expolivisti; nonne est14 hoc ipsum15 quod isto carmine significatur16?

The disciple, Zigong, heard the answer and said: An ancient poem says: It is like
cutting and filing bones, like carving and polishing small stones. This is exactly what
you have been doing, Master. When I mentioned these virtues, like precious stones,
you had already polished even the rough ones. Is this not what the poem means?

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius1 hc collaudans suum discipulum ait2: O mi Su3 (vulgare nomen est ipsius u
cum) nunc4 primum potero5, sive audebo tecum6 agens, citare7 Priscorum carmina8 atque

267 The term philosopher may seem quite strange here, but in fact, the etymology of the Greek word
(the lover of wisdom) is quite close to the Chinese lover of learning (haoxue ). The Sapientia
Sinica had: lover of virtue and study (amator virtutis ac studii; Zi-ka-wei, 2 verso). The Sinarum
Philosophus often translates junzi with philosopher, but it should be noted that Confucius specifically
attributes haoxue to Yan Hui (Lunyu 6.2) and Kong Wenzi (Lunyu 5.14) only.
268 The idea of satisfaction (contentus) translates the expression of happiness and ease (xinguang
tipang ) used by Zhang (11). Zhang mentions also the idea of being glad and forgetting
poverty (xinranziwangqipin ). Zhu understands rejoicing in following the principle
(lexunli , 52). Sima Qian has rejoicing in the Dao (ledao ).
269 In Neo-Confucianism, ritual (li ) is the expression of principle (li ). Thus, Zhang comments
that everything should follow li (xunli , 11).

84
auctoritates quamvis explicatu difficiles: video namque te valere ingenio, qui simul atque ego
proposui9 hanc10 mod memoratam11 sententiam meam, Priscorum auctoritate san proposit
significasti id quod feceram, & simul12 assecutus13 es quae ipse nondum14 profatus eram.

Confucius then praised his disciple, saying: Oh, my Ci (the common name of
Zigong), from now on I can quote, and I shall venture to do it for you, the Odes of the
aAncients [i.e., the Shijing] and authoritative passages, even though they are difficult
to understand. As I see, you have a strong character. As soon as I proposed my
opinion, you immediately expressed what I did by a well-chosen passage of the
ancients, and at the same time, you have understood what I have not yet said.

[1.16 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 ]

2. Confucius1 ait2: Non3 angatur4 quis instructus ver virtute, verque philosophi, nec cruciet
sese qud homines5 haud6 eum7 norint8; adeoque nec oper ipsius & eximiis talentis utantur,
maxim cum hoc sit libertatis arbitriique alieni: sed angatur 9 potis & affligatur quod ipsemet
non10 perspectos11 habeat homines12, uti par erat habere; adeoque facil possit in eorum delectu ad
amicitiam aliaque officia errare; nec sciat quos fugere, quos sectari conveniat.

Confucius said: Whoever has true virtue and true philosophy should not be distressed
and tormented because people have not yet recognized him.270 Indeed, if he does not
use his potential and remarkable talents, this depends on the will and choice of
someone else. Rather, he should be distressed and afflicted because he himself did not
notice other people as he should have. Truly, it is easy to err in selecting friends and
officials, since one does not know from whom he should flee and who he should
follow.271

270 This mention of true philosophy is a free translation of Zhangs (12) the learning of the junzi.
271 This last comment is an addition by Zhang (12), clearly written from the perspective of the emperor
managing people.

85
 [Chapter 2]

[2.1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17 ]

Fol. 8, p. 1, 1. Confucius1 ait2: Quisquis3 regit4 cum5 virtute6, praeclaro subditis suis exemplo
constanter praelucens, plan est7 instar8 septemtrionalis9, id est polaris stellae 10: ipsa
persistit11 suo12 prop immota loco13, cm14 interim reliqua15 omnia quae perenni motu
circumaguntur sidera16 illam respiciant17.

Confucius said: The one who rules by virtue is constantly a bright example for his
subjects. He is like the North or Pole Star, which remains immovable at her place,
while all the other stars, in perpetual motion, revolve around and look at her.272

[2.2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12]

[10] 2. Confucius1 ait2: Odae3 4 trecentae5, sive doctrina quae trecentis priscorum Sapientum
odis continetur, unico6 verbo7 totae comprehenduntur8, dum dicitur9: Nostra mens omnis &
cogitatio10 sit absque11 ulla pravitate12; quippe si id quod turpe vel iniquum est, ne prim
quidem cogitatione delibamus, mult mins illud reipsa factove aliquando suscipiemus.

Confucius said: Three hundred Odes, or the teaching which is contained in the three
hundred Odes of the ancient sages, could be expressed in totality with one phrase:
Our entire mind and thought should be far away from any viciousness.273 Indeed, if
there is something shameful and unjust, we should not think about it at all, let alone
accept it in practice.274

[2.3 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13]

p. 2, 1. Confucius1 ait2: A Rege aut Gubernatore si dirigantur 3 subditi, atque in officio

contineantur per4 solas leges5; qui has tamen non observarint, nihilominus in officio 6
contineantur per7 terrores atque supplicia8: populus9 tunc quidem servili metu compulsus
abstinebit10 sese delictis gravioribus; sed11 profect more improbi cujusdam servi, sine 12
pudore13 scilicet ac vero criminum odio; atque ade non diu in officio persistet: persistet
enim violenter & timore magistro, qui utique malus officii magister est.

Confucius said: If subjects are controlled by a king or governor, and execute their
office according to laws alone, then they will not really respect the laws and will have
to be maintained in their duties through terror and punishments. 275 Being driven by a
servile fear, the people may abstain from serious crimes, but surely with the dishonest

272 This idea of perpetual motion is probably a Jesuit addition since neither Zhu nor Zhang made
mention of it.
273 In the Sapientia Sinica, si was translated as our thought and intention (cogitatio et intentio
noster; Zi-ka-wei, 3 recto). This insistence on intention is characteristic of Western moral thought in
general and Jesuit thought in particular. On the contrary, Neo-Confucian philosophy, especially the
School of Mind, attempted to go beyond the idea of intention (wuyi ). Compared to the Sapientia
Sinica, the Sinarum Philosophus eliminated this reference to intention, perhaps realizing how foreign
this notion was to the Chinese intellectuals. Today, some interpreters consider that si is an empty
word, without meaning.
274 The mention of practice (gong ) comes from Zhang (13).
275 Following Zhu (54) and Zhang (13), the character dao is read here as the equivalent of the verb
dao with the meaning to lead (dirigere).

86
attitude of a slave, without any shame or hate for the crimes themselves. 276 This way,
the people cannot persist very long in their duty, or they persist by force and with fear
as their teacher, which is certainly a bad teacher of duty.

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10]

2. Contra ver si regas1 ac dirigas illos per2 unam fer virtutem3, virtutis ipsemet omnibus
exemplum, ad hoc proculdubio se component omnes: & quoniam non est eadem conditio
omnium, neque esse par virtus potest; tu siquidem prudenti atque humanitate tuos
contineas4 si modereris5 subditos per sua quemque officia 6, atque ita socies7 omnes
vinciasque, plan fiet ut teneantur ipsi non mod ingenuo quodam pudore 8 metuque filiali ne
peccent; sed9 ultr quoque & alacriter ad omnem virtutis laudem contendent 10 atque
pervenient.

On the contrary, if you rule and lead them through virtue alone, your own virtue
being an example for all, certainly they shall behave themselves. Since there is not the
same condition for all, virtue cannot be the same. If you keep your people through
prudence and humanity, if you guide each one according to his office, and if you
govern the subjects through mutual bonds,277 then not only will they be prevented
from committing mistakes by natural shame278 and filial fear279 but they will zealously
compete for and reach any praise for virtue.280

[2.4 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. Confucius1 ingenu suis exponens quos in philosophiae studio progressus aetate
procedente fecerit, ait2: Cm mihi3 decem4 essent5 & quinque6 aetatis anni, protinus7 applicui8
animum ad9 perdiscenda10 majorum virorum instituta sive philosophiam.

Confucius frankly explained to his students the progress he had made in the pursuit of
philosophy in the course of his life:281 When I was fifteen, I immediately devoted
myself to the study of philosophy, that is, to learn the principles of the elders.282

276 Zhu and Zhang do not mention servile fear or slaves. This is probably a Jesuit addition.
277 The character li is translated here as office (officium).
278 The expression of natural shame (ingenuus pudor) translates the Chinese concept of conscience
(liangxin ), mentioned by Zhang (14). The notion of conscience is a key notion in the philosophy
of Wang Yangming, and this shows that Zhang and the Jesuits were influenced by his thought.
279 Filial piety (xiao) is mentioned by Zhang (14).
280 Zhu (54) and Zhang (14) mention the idea of uniting people of different degrees of virtue into one
body through the moral persuasion of rituals. Also, Zhu (54) mentions that the government by rituals
does not make the government by punishments completely obsolete. The character ge is read by
Zhu and Zhang as an equivalent of zhi (to reach).
281 Zhang mentions the notion of progression in learning (jinxue de cidi , 14). However,
this progression is mostly pedagogical, for people to understand. Confucius did not accumulate
experience or knowledge, but he had an innate knowledge of virtues, and he learned how to practice
them during his life.
282 Philosophy is described here as the activity of learning the principles of the elders. Zhu commented
that it was the the way of the great learning (daxue ), a reference to the overall program
contained in the Daxue and open to all adults. On the contrary, Zhang understood the Daxue as the
great learning of the holy and wise people (shengxian daxue , 14), meant to teach princes
and rulers. The Sinarum Philosophus followed here Zhangs interpretation. Sapientia Sinica initially
had for xue : education of the adult men or nobility (magnorum virorum institutum; Zi-ka-wei, 3
recto).

87
[ 1 2 3 4]

2. Annos1 triginta2 natus jam3 constiti: eas inquam radices egeram ut consisterem 4 firmus in
suscepto virtutum sapientiaeque studio, neque res ulla extra me posita avocare animum meum ab
illo posset.

When I reached thirty, I planted the roots and could stand firm in the undertaken
study of virtues and wisdom. There was nothing on the outside that could distract me
from this.283

[ 1 2 3 4 5]

3. Q1uadragenarius2 jam3 non4 haesitabam5 amplis: evanuerant dubiorum nubila:

connaturales enim rerum convenientias habebam perspectas, & quid singulis inesset
perfectionis vel imperfectionis, intelligebam.

At forty, I did not have much hesitation and the cloud of doubts vanished. I was
contemplating the natural arrangement of things and could understand what kind of
perfection or imperfection lay in each of them.284

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6]

4. Q1uinquagenarius2 protinus3 cognovi4 coeli5 providentiam6 atque mandatum6, & suam rerum
singulis coelo inditam esse naturam, vim, rationem; cujus ade naturae perscrutabar ipse
perfectionem ac subtilitatem; indagabam quoque originem, & quae tandem illius esset causa,
intelligebam.

At fifty, I immediately knew the providence of heaven and its decree, that there was
a nature, a force, and a reason imparted by heaven for each thing.285 I myself
investigated the perfection and fineness of its nature. I also investigated its origin to
understand its cause.286

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6]

5. S1exagenario2 mihi jam3 aures4 erant faciles5 & secundae6, expedita scilicet ac peracuta
vis intelligendi, & assiduis tot annorum studiis & exercitationibus excultus animus,
optimisque praeceptis & disciplinis imbutus, sic ut facil clarque perciperem quidquid alii
vel disputarent, vel ipse legerem.

At sixty, my ears were quick and well-tuned. My force of understanding was

unencumbered and sharp.287 After so many years of continuous studyies and

283 This final gloss comes from Zhang (14).

284 The last sentence translates Zhangs comment that Confucius could understand the normative
principles underneath the things, either refined or coarse ( , 14). This
expression originates from a comment of Zhu on the Daxue. The ideas of refined and coarse are
translated here with the Western concepts of perfection and imperfection.
285 The term providence of heaven was absent from the Sapientia Sinica, which used mandate
(mandatum, Zi-ka-wei, 3 recto). The notion of providence is more theological and strongly suggests the
notion of a personal God. Zhang describes tianming as the principle of nature decreed by heaven
(xingmingzhili, ). It seems that it is declined here in three elements (nature, force, and
reason).
286 Zhang (14) mentions the subtleness, origin, and cause of tianming.
287 This notion of force of understanding (vis intellegendi) is synonymous with the Scholastic concept

88
practices, my mind was well developed and I had absorbed the best lessons and
methods, so much so that I could easily and clearly grasp what others were discussing
or what I was reading.288

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10]

6. Ad extremum1 septuagenarius2 longae meditationis3 victoriaeque mei ipsius beneficio

sequebar4 quod6 cor5 meum appetebat7; nec8 tamen excedebam9 regulam10, seu terminos
transiliebam honestatis rectaeque rationis, cui jam sine luct molestive appetitus meus
obtemperabat.

Finally, at seventy, with the benefit of long meditation and self-mastery, I could
follow the desire of my heart.289 I did not exceed go beyond measure or jump across
the limits of an honest and correct rule to which my desire submitted itself, without
lament or trouble.

[2.5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9]

Fol. 10, p. 1, 1. Mem1 y2 u3, unus Praefectorum regni lu, consulit4 Confucium de obedientia5
quam filii parentibus suis debent, in quo scilicet ea consistat? Confucius6 respondet7: In hoc
consistit ut quis non8 repugnet9. Hoc audito Praefectus abiit, existimans fortasse dixisse
Philosophum quidquid dicendum haberet.

Meng Yizi, a prefect of Lu, consulted Confucius about the obedience that the sons
owe to their parents and what it consists of. Confucius answered: It requires that
someone not disobey. Having heard this and considering believing that the
Philosopher [Confucius] had already said all twhat he had to say, the prefect left.

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17]

2. Igitur fan1 chi2 discipulo eidemque aurigae3 suo Confucius4 rem significat5 dicens6: mem7
sum8 (idem est qui mem y u) quaesivit9 de obedienti10 ex11 me12, in quo illa consisteret? Ego13
ver14 respondi15, Ut quis non16 repugnet17. Quo audito, confestim abiit.

Then, Confucius mentioned it totold Fan Chi, his disciple and driver, what had
happened: Meng Sun asked me what obedience consists of. I answered that it
consists of not disobeying. After hearing this, he immediately left.

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
14
15 16 17 18]

of vis intellectiva. For Aquinas, a human being has the capacity to know, called intellectual power or
intellective force. This concept was introduced in the translation of the Daxue. See Meynard, Sinarum
Philosophus, 33638.
288 Zhang stresses that the insight gained by Confucius at this stage extended to understanding others
(15).
289 Zhang states that people usually gain these abilities as a result of practice (gongfu ). However,
both for Zhu and Zhang, these abilities in Confucius come almost naturally, effortlessly. As Zhu (55)
says, practice is certainly not a matter of gradual accumulation. The mentions of meditation and self-
mastery here seem to be a Jesuit addition, explicating their own understanding of the Christian practice
as being made of meditation (prayer) and ascetism.

89
3. Fan1 chi2 ait3: Quis4 obsecro sensus5 est tui istius responsi, Magister? Confucius6
declarans illud sic ait7: Vivis8 parentibus morem gerat ac serviat9 filius debitis cum10
officiis11: mortuis12 similiter justa persolvat, eosque funeret13 debito cum14 ritu15 atque
apparatu: quotannis denique oblationes faciat sive parentet 16 secundm17 rationem rituum18
& officiorum funebrium. Haec inquam faciat, & implevisse numeros omnes filialis
obedientiae censendus erit. Non igitur in hoc eam constituo, ut nunquam mandatis parentum
suorum repugnent filii; (cm evenire possit, ut haec cum aequitate ac ratione pugnent,
quibus ade nequaquam sit parendum; cmque functis vit parentibus suus tamen adhuc
obedientiae & pietatis locus sit) [12] sed ut nunquam pugnent peccentve contra officium
quod probo filio tam leges & instituta, qum ratio ac natura ipsa pro conditione cujusque
postulat. In regno l tres Optimatum familiae mm sun, xo sun, & ki sun tempestate ill
funebres Regulorum ritus usurpabant, quorum arrogantiam insolentiamque Philosophus hc
damnat.

Fan Chi said: Master, I beg you, what is the meaning of your answer? Confucius
responded by saying: While parents are alive, their son should obey and serve them
with due respect. When his parents are dead, he should organize appropriate funerals,
burying them with the proper ritual and pomp. Finally, he should make offerings
every year, honoring his parents according to funeral rites and ceremonies.290 As I
have said, he should do all this and then he can be considered as having fulfilled all
the items of filial obedience. Yet, I do not establish filial obedience in does not mean
that sons should always never disobey the orders of their parents (they may disobey,
in justice and reason, what should never be obeyed; in that case, obedience and piety
should be rightly placed in honoring the parents when they have left this life).291 But
they should never disobey or commit a mistake against the duty that laws, customs,
reason, and his own identity require from an honest son. In the kingdom of Lu, the
three noble families, Meng Sun, Shu Sun, and Ji Sun, usurped the funeral rites of the
princes and so the Philosopher condemned here their arrogance and insolence.292

[2.6 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12]

p. 2, 1. Mm1 u2 pe3, filius dicti mm sun, quaerit4 ex Confucio, in quo consistat obedientia 5?
Confucius6, qui non rar dare consueverat apposita percunctantium moribus vitiisque
responsa, ceu morbis sua pharmaca, respondet 7 in hunc modum: Pater8 & mater9 dumtaxat
suorum10 liberorum aegritudine11 affliguntur.12 Quisquis ergo laudem expetit filialis
obedientiae, caveat in primis ne libidine, vel intemperanti, similibusque vitiis vires ac
valetudinem pessumdet, ac bonis parentibus si non acerbos luctus, graves cert curas
afferat. Adolescens iste natus in copios lautque domo, cm intempestivis epulis aliisque
vitiis esset deditus, valetudinem ac vitam in discrimen adducebat.

Meng Wubo, a son of Meng Sun [Meng Yizi], asked Confucius what obedience
consists of. Confucius frequently used to give answers adapted to the morals and
defects of the inquirer, like pharmacies to illnesses, and he answered as follows: 293 It

290 Similarly to Lunyu 1.9, the Sapientia Sinica has to execute sacrifices (persolvare sacrificia; Zi-
ka-wei, 3 verso). On the manuscript of the BNF, it is written that the son should sacrifice
(sacrificare). Couplet replaced this with a more neutral expression: make offerings (facere
oblationes).
291 Zhu (55) and Zhang (16) mention that it is not an absolute obedience, but an obedience in principle.
292 The historical background of the story is given by Zhang (16).
293 The general comment on the method of Confucius of adapting his answers according to the inquirer
was inserted here by the Jesuits themselves. A common expression for this in Chinese is: to teach
according to the talents of the students (yincai shijiao ).

90
consists of the father and mother only being worried about the health of their
children. Whoever aspires to the praise of filial obedience should be especially
careful not to destroy his forces and health through passion, intemperance, and other
vices, and not to cause serious concerns and bitter sorrows to good parents. Indeed,
this adolescent [Meng Wubo,] was born in a rich and renowned family, and because
he was fond of immoderate feasts and other vices, his health and life were in ruins.294

[2.7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 ]
15 16

2. Discipulus c1 yeu2 quaerit3 item ex Confucio, in quo posita sit verae obedientiae4 ratio?
Confucius5 respondet6: Hac7 aetate nostr obedientes8 vulgo hi9 dicuntur10, qui possunt11
alere12 parentes suos; sed profect si nihil praeterea requiritur, brutis quoque animantibus
obedientis nomen ac laudem petere quis poterit: quippe si agamus 13 de14 canibus15 & equis16,
hi quoque omnes17 possunt18 habere19 qui eos alant20: atque ade si21 desit reverentia22; si
inquam cura ista sustentandorum parentum non ab amore proficiscatur & honore filiali,
ecquid23 erit unde24 petatur discrimen25 inter sustentationem patris, & domestici canis vel
equi?

The disciple, Ziyou, asked Confucius where the principle of true obedience resides.
Confucius answered: In our era, obedient people are usually said to be the ones who
feed their parents. However, if nothing more is required, one could as well give this
name and praise to animals. In regard to dDogs and horses, all of them can also also
have those who feed them. If there is no respect, if the care in supporting parents does
not proceed from love and filial respect, where does the difference lie between
feeding parents and feeding domestic dogs and horses?

[2.8 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 ]

Fol. 11, p. 1, 1. Discipulus c1 hia2 similiter quaestionem3 instituit de obedientia4 filiali.

Confucius5 respondet6: Oris7 alacritas, sive constans alacritas illa filialis obedientiae quae
ade in ipsa fronte totoque ore amantis ac reverentis filii reluceat, difficilis 8 est illa quidem,
sed profect nota prop certa verae germanaeque virtutis. Obsequia quippe domestica
praestare filii vel inviti atque inobedientes possunt: uti cm domi quidpiam est 9 faciendum10,
fratres natu11 minores ac filiifamilias12 utique subeunt13 majorum loco id quod laboriosius 15
est: rursus cm suppetunt16 vina17 & dapes18, tunc19 proculdubio tam parentibus qum
fratribus natu20 majoribus natu minores officios ministrant 21 [13] epulas; sed22 hi an23
idcirco24 statim censeantur25 obedientes26 esse? Enimver si non haec prompt, constanter, &
cum alacritate qudam animi corporisque praestiterint, obedientiae verae nomen ac
numeros haudquaquam impleverint.

The disciple, Zixia, raised the same question about filial obedience. Confucius
answered: The cheerfulness of the face, or this constant cheerfulness of filial
obedience which shines in the whole face of a loving and respectful son, this indeed is
difficult.295 It is indeed the reliable sign of true and authentic virtue. In fact, reluctant
294 This last sentence is the translation of a comment by Zhang (16). Zhang continued admonishing
Wanli to take good care of his health, but this was not inserted by the Jesuits.
295 Most interpreters during the Han period understood se as meaning the expressions of
satisfaction or dissatisfaction of the parents towards their children. Zhu read it as meaning the
expressions of the children corresponding to their inner feelings, expressions which cannot be
simulated (56). Similarly, Zhang has: The expression comes from the heart (,
17). The Sapientia Sinica had hilaritas (Zi-ka-wei, 3 verso) and not alacritas like here, both having the

91
and disobedient sons can also provide domestic services. Whenever something has to
be done at home, the younger brothers and sons, instead of the elder brothers, help
with what is more difficult; again, when they provide wine and food, the younger
brothers surely serve the dishes to their parents and to their elder brothers. But, on
what account are they immediately considered obedient? Indeed, if they do not serve
with diligence, constancy, and cheerfulness of soul and body, they do not reach the
true name of obedience and cannot be counted as obedient sons.

[2.9 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24]

2. Confucius1 ait2: Ego3 cum4 discipulo meo hoei5 dissero6 quandoque per totum7 diem8; ille ver
sic me audit ut nihil9 objiciat10 unquam vel dissentientis instar vel dubitantis, prorsus 11 ut stolidus12
esse videatur, & qui nihil eorum quae dicuntur capiat: verumtamen ubi me recessit 13, tunc14 ego
studiosis hominem observans15 examino quid is agat privatim, & ipsum16 primm quidem
silentio17 & per otium meditari quae me sunt disputata; deinde 18 ver sic agere, sic loqui, plan ut
intelligam e facultate19 instructum esse, ut20 non mod perquam feliciter percipiat ac penetret
omnia quae doceo, sed eadem rebus ipsis factisque palm exerceat ac manifestet21. Enimver
discipulus meus hoei22 haudquaquam23 stolidus24 aut rudis est.

Confucius said: I myself can discuss with my disciple Hui [Yan Hui] for a full day.
He listens to me so much and never presents any disagreement or doubt. Not seizing
any of what is being said, he seems stupid. However, when he leaves me, then I
observe attentively the man and what he is doing in private; he first meditates in
silence and absorbs the points which were discussed by me, and then he acts and talks
accordingly.296 So, I came to understand that he was endowed with this ability of not
only understanding extremely well and penetrating all the things that I teach but also
of practicing and expressing them publicly by his own deeds and acts. Indeed, my
disciple Hui is not at all stupid or simple-minded.

[2.10 1 2 3 4 5 6]

p. 2, 1. Confucius1 ait2: Probos ab improbis discernere saepe est difficillimum. Ut tamen

discernas, primm quidem obderva 3 is4, quem perspectum vis habere, quid 5 agat6 rerum ac
moliatur: improbi namque fer committunt quae iniqua sunt ac turpia; probi ver quae cum
honestate justitiaque sunt conjuncta: sed quoniam haec non sunt omnino certum probitatis
argumentum.

Confucius said: The most difficult thing is to distinguish honest people from the
dishonest.297 In order to distinguish, you should first observe the one you wish to
examine, what he is doing and undertaking. Dishonest people commit iniquities and
debauch, but honest people do things in which honesty and justice come together.
However, all these observations are not an altogether a reliable proof of honesty.

smilar meaning of cheerfulness.

296 The Sinarum Philosophus suggests here two stages in the learning process of Yan Hui, first, silent
meditation, and second, practice, something similar to the Western scheme of contemplation and action.
Neither Zhu nor Zhang established such a progression. For example, Zhang has: I observed each
movement and repose, each word and silence; all corresponded to the truth that I taught him (
, 18).
297 In the classical text, there is no mention of junzi, but mention was made by Zhu (56) and by Zhang
(18). Junzi is translated here as honest man (probus), in opposition to the dishonest man (improbus).

92
[ 1 2 3 4]

2. Penitis inspice1 & considera attentis operis cujusque finem, ipsi 2 quo3 animo4 scilicet quove
consilio quae honesta justaque sunt faciant; quippe si fict simulatque, si pravo perversoque
consilio, quamvis optima sint quae agunt, probi tamen censeri, quando sic agunt, haudquaquam
poterunt.

You should inspect more inwardly and consider more attentively the finality of the
action, the kind of spirit and intent behind honest and just things. 298 Surely, if they do
these things in a fake or simulated manner, if it is with an evil or perverse intent, even
though they do the best things, they could not be considered honest people when they
act this way.

[ 1 2 3 4]

3. Sed neque hc consistere poterit quisquis errare non volet: erit illi procedendum ulteris &
exquirendum1, is2, qui probus esse videatur, in3 quo, sive quibus in rebus studiisve conquiescat4: si
enim quae facit, cum fide justitiaque, quae item bono fine atque consilio, parm tamen volens &
quasi per vim coactusque faciat, sic ut animus ipsius non ex ipsa virtute vel honestate operis, sed
aliunde quietem suam & oblectamentum petat; cert nec consummata dici poterit probitas illa, nec
esse, qualiscunque tandem fuerit, diuturna.

Anyone who wishes not to err should not rely on this, but he should proceed and
inquire further into the what things and what pursuits of someone the one who looks
honest finds peace. Even though he is acting with good faith and justice, and also
with a just finality and intent, he may not be entirely willing and be almost moved by
force. This way, he searches for peace and delight, not in the virtue and honesty of the
action but somewhere else. Surely, his honesty, whatsoever it is, could not be called
complete or lasting.

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 ]

[14] 4. Porr si quis usus fuerit hujusmodi animadversione atque examine, eum homines 1 quo2
pacto lateant3? eum homines4 quo5 pacta lateant6? quomodo non perspectos habeat? facil
profect, ac citra periculum erroris, probos ab improbis, vitio virtutem discernet.

Surely, iIf one uses this kind of observation and examination, how could people hide
from him? How could they not be discovered by him?299 Surely and without any risk
of error, such a man could distinguish honest people from dishonest, virtue from

298 The concept of suoyou could be translated as the reason or cause for an action, referring to the
psychological motivation linked to an action. Instead, the Jesuits used the Aristotelian category of
finality (finis), with the idea of the result of an action. Neo-Confucianism, especially the School of
Mind, does not judge an action according to its finality but according to the inner mind. In the Tianzhu
shiyi, Ricci introduced Western teleology into China. The mention here of finality shows how the
Jesuits were sometimes reading Chinese thought according to Western categories.
299 The classical text repeats exactly the same question twice.

93
vice.300

[2.11 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ]

Fol. 12, p. 1, 1. Confucius1 ait2: Si quis assidu recolat3 exercitetque vetera4, sive ea quae
memoriae quondam mandavit ac didicit, atque 5 hoc modo per se assequatur identidem, sive
deducat6 nova7 (uberes quippe sunt atque inexhausti fontes Veritatis atque Philosophiae) 8 poterit9 is
ad insignem quondam doctrinam pervenire & evadere10 magister11 aliorum.

Confucius said: If one refreshes and practices the old, or what he has learned and
entrusted to memory, and if he understands by himself and deducts new things (indeed
the sources of truth and philosophy are abundant and inexhaustible),301 he can then
reach a remarkable level of learning and become a teacher for others.

[2.12 1 2 3 4 5 6]

2. Confucius1 ait2: Perfectus3 vir4 non5 est vas6, sive non est vasis atque instrumenti instar,
ad unum alterumve dumtaxat usum accommodatus; sed cum sit instructus copi qudam
atque amplitudine variarum dotum, idoneus est ad res quamvis magnas multasque
perficiendas.

Confucius said: The perfect man is not a vase, that is, he is not like a vase or an
instrument, being used only for one particular function. Being equipped with an
abundance and wealth of talents, he is qualified to accomplish many great things.302

Diverso quondam sensu Confucius, cm in avitam Regum aulam esset ingressus, ac vas
quoddam videret jam inclinatum pronumque in casum, suspirans, Vas (inquit) vacuum, vas item
redundans liquore inverti facile est; vas semiplenum tut rectque consistit. Aderat haec dicenti
u lu discipulus; explanari sibi petit sententiam. Tum Confucius: Si Rex (inquit) vel virtute sit
vacuus, vel praefidenti qudam superbiaque plenus et quasi redundans, erit is in quaevis mala
prolabi facilis, regnumque un cum suo Principe proclive in ruinam. Contr ver si Rex
egregias naturae suae dotes optimis quoque disciplinis ac scientiis exornarit, nec tamen
usquequaque placeat sibi, memor, multa cm sciat, plura tamen ab se ignorari; quamvis item
multa existant merita sua, virtutes multae, semper tamen laudes alienas posthabeat propriis;
opibus denique et potenti quantumvis valeat, sic tamen se gerat, quasi mediocria sint omnia:
cum hac prudentia et moderatione magnitudineque animi quisquis regnabit, regnabit securus,
ibitque medio tutissimus, et eximia naturae fortunaeque dona, quae multis solent esse fraudi,
ipsi gloriae atque emolumento erunt.

As another expression of this, Confucius entered the ancestral hall of the kings
and looked at a vase that was bending and leaning by accident, and he sighed and
said: Both an empty vase and a vase overflowing with liquid are easily turned
upside down, but a half-filled vase remains stable and right. The disciple Zilu asked

300 In the Jesuit translation, the ability to examine others potentially belongs to all. This follows the
reading of Zhu (57). However, in his commentary, Zhang applies this ability only to the ruler, who
examines the actions and mind of his ministers (chenxia zhi xingshi xinshu , 18).
Zhang gives the classical text of Lunyu 2.10 at once, [AU: Not sure what you mean by once here:
please clarify.] followed by his comments. Zhu instead divided the passage into four segments, each of
them followed by his comments. As usual, the Jesuits adopt the text edited by Zhu.
301 This comment is inspired indirectly by Zhu and directly by Zhang. Zhu (57) had: What is learned
resides in the self and therefore cannot be exhausted. Zhang (19) had: Being asked, one is able to
answer questions without limit.
302 This translates a comment by Zhu (57) and Zhang (19). Zhang also admonishes Wanli in the choice
of ministers, but this was not inserted here.

94
Confucius to explain this, who then said: If the king lacks virtue or is filled with
superiority and pride, like an overflowing vase, he will easily fall into some evil, and
the kingdom will fall into ruin with him. On the contrary, even if the ruler adorns the
exceptional talents of his character with the best disciplines and sciences, he should
not be satisfied with himself but remember that, though he knows a lot, there are still
things of which he is ignorant. Even though he has many merits and virtues, he
always enjoys listening to the praises of others more than to his own praises; and
finally, even though he is powerful and wealthy, he considers all of this to be of little
importance. Everyone who rules with this prudence, control, and greatness of the soul
shall rule securely and walk very safely in the middle. These outstanding gifts of
nature and fortune, which are considered by others as harmful, will be his glory and
reward.303

[2.13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
]

3. Discipulus u1 cum2 quaerit3 ex Confucio de viro4 perfecto5 cujusmodi nimirm sit.

Confucius6 respondet7: Talis est ut pris8 re9 ipsa factisque9 compleat suos10 sermones11
quibus instituere desiderat [15] alios, ac 12 deinde13 sua ipsius facta & exempla prosequatur 14
alios instituendo. Verbo, primm agit, tum docet. Facundum natur studioque discipulum,
atque ade copiosiori sermocinatione quandoque peccantem tacit reprehendit Philosophus.

Zigong asked Confucius what about thea perfect man should be. Confucius answered:
He first executes by acts and deeds the words by which he wants to educate others.
Afterwards, he follows his deeds and examples in teaching others. In one phrase, he
first acts and then teaches. The Philosopher indirectly blamed this disciple, eloquent
by nature and training, who often made the mistake of giving verbosespeaking
sermons too verbose.304

[2.14 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14]

4. Confucius1 ait2: Probus atque perfectus3 vir4 amplitudine qudam charitatis ac

beneficentiae, qu de omnibus bene mereri desiderat, & communem generis hominum
conciliationem & consociationem colere ac tueri, universalis 5 est &6 non7 particularis8.
Contr ver improbus9 ac vilis9 abjectique9 animi homo10 particularis11 est, privatis
affectibus ducitur, amicitiam faeneratur, & beneficia sua meritaque privatis emolumentis &
commodis seu pretio quodam sordid divendit; adeoque12 non13 est universalis14.

Confucius said: An honest and perfect man is not partial but universal. He wishes to

303 This story was already mentioned in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 4 recto). In order to correct
the impression of prowess in a junzi, the Sapientia Sinica felt the need to add a note to this story of
Confucius and the qiqi (literally leaning or inclining vessel), a lopsided vessel designed to
overturn when full of water. Confucius expresses through this metaphor the importance of zhong, or
centrality. However, for the Sapientia Sinica, the lesson of the story expresses the importance of
humility (submissio animi), with an implicit religious meaning: one is humble not only because of the
awareness of his own limits, but more importantly, because he is aware of God. The Sinarum
Philosophus keeps closer to the original meaning with the three moral virtues: prudence, control, and
greatness of the soul (prudentia, moderatio, magnitudo animi). The story is found in the Xunzi , in
the chapter The Warning Vessel on the Right (Youzuo ), as well as in the The School Sayings of
Confucius (Kongzi jiayu, ), in the chapter Three Ways of Reciprocity (Sanshu ), which
is most probably the source used by the Jesuits.
304 Following Zhu, Zhang mentions that Confucius was addressing the loquacity of Zigong.

95
serve everyone well, with a broad charity and kindness, and he cultivates and protects
the general harmony and union among people. 305 Contrary to this, a dishonest man
with a vile and abject soul is partial since he is led by private affections. He takes
advantage of friends and he sordidly sells his services and help for private rewards
and advantages, as a payment.306 Such a man is not universal.

Doctrinam hanc et simul amplitudinem charitatis suae memorabili quadam sententi

declaravit aliquando Confucius: audito namque fuisse militem regno ci, qui amissum fort
scutum cm diu frustra quaesivisset, tandem solaturus se de jactura sua his verbis usus fuerat :
Regni i homo, sive subditus, scutum quidem perdidi, sed proculdubio ejusdem regni i homo,
sive commilitonum meorum aliquis, perditum obtinuerit. Confucius ad haec inquit: Dixisset mult
melis ac laudabilius siquidem dixisset, Homo scutum quidem perdidi, sed & homo perditum
obtinuerit: hoc pacto charitatem militis ab angustiis vel castrorum vel patriae ad amplitudinem
generis humani traducens.

Confucius once demonstrated this lesson and the breadth of his charity with some
famous words. He heard that a soldier from the kingdom of Qi had searched in vain
for a long time for a shield he had lost. The soldier was consoling himself about his
loss by saying: I myself, a subject of Qi, lost my shield, but without any doubt,
another man of Qi, a fellow soldier, has gained what I have lost. Confucius said:
He could have said something much better and more praiseworthy, such as: Being
a man, I have lost the shield and another man has gained the lost shield. This way,
Confucius could bring the charity of this soldier from the narrowness of his garrisons
and country, to the whole of humanity.307

[2.15 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14]

p. 2, 1. Confucius1 ait2: Exercitationi3 totum se dedens, &4 non5 meditationi6, utique7 ludet8
operam: meditationi9 totum se dedens, &10 non11 exercitationi12, utique13 errori & confusioni14
obnoxius erit. Quisquis enim studet ac discit quidem exercitatque sese, sed non assidu
meditatur ac recolit & quasi ruminat ea quae didicit, nihil exact solidque perdiscet, sed
cum perpetua quadam ruditate & quasi caligine luctabitur. Rursum quisquis vel desidi vel
praefidenti quadam sui occupatus, & nec libros consulens nec Magistros, sterili otiosaeque
tantm contemplationi rerum, & non exercitationi, dat operam, is nihil san assequetur
praeter umbras rerum & inanes ac saepe falsas imagines, nec in solida quapiam tutaque
doctrina conquiescet, sed periculum erit ne in errores alios atque alios identidem prolabatur.

Confucius said: To One who devotes himoneself completely to practicing,308 but

305 Zhang used here some traditional metaphors: all the universe like one family (tianxia you yijia
) and the many people like one person (zhongren you yishen , 20).
306 Zhang does not mention this gloss, which is probably a Jesuit addition.
307 On the manuscript of the BNF (358), there is the transliteration of the words of the soldier: ci gin
xe chi, ci gin te che, pu ju, gin xe chi, gin te chi. The corresponding Chinese characters are:
. This story is told in The School Sayings of Confucius, in
the chapter Loving Life (Haosheng ):

. While the soldier reasons within the narrow terms of the national state of Qi, Confucius raises
the vision to the level of humanity itself. The Jesuits want to stress here that Confucian morality goes
beyond the five relationships and extends to all humanity, like in Christianity.
308 In his commentary on the Analects, Zhu (57) understood xue as meaning practice xi . This is
the element which is developed by Zhang (20), talking specifically about the question of gongfu ,
which was indeed a central question in the late Ming and early Qing dynasty. This also echoes the
Jesuit focus on spiritual exercises.

96
without meditating, absolutely tricks the whole worklabors absolutely in vain. To One
who devotes himoneself completely to meditation, but without practicing, is guilty of
illusion and confusion. Whoever studies and learns should obviously train oneself,
but if he does not constantly meditate and think over what he has learned, like
chewing it over in his mind, he shall not learn anything accurate and enduring, and he
shall wrestle with some lasting roughness, like some dizziness. On the other hand,
someone imbued with superiority and overconfidence, who does not consult books or
teachers, and exerts himself in a sterile leisure and contemplation of things, without
practicing, truly obtains nothing else but the shades of things, some void and often
fake images.309 He will not settle in a solid and secure teaching, but he will be in
danger of falling inmaking more and more errorsmistakes.310

[2.16 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ]

2. Confucius1 item ait2: Quisquis operam3 dat peregrinis4 ac diversis doctrina Sanctorum
dogmatibus5, eisque temer instituit [16] alios ; hujusmodi6 novator cit perniciosus7 erit tam sibi
qum Reipublicae.

Confucius similarly says: Everyone who pays attention to dogmas foreign and
contrary to the teaching of the saints, and who blindly teaches them to others, this
kind of innovator will easily harm himself and harm the country.311

Colaus hoc loco quatuor sectas enumerat, et Sinicas (ut ita loquar) haereses; quas quoniam
tam ipse qum alii Interpretum verbis san gravibus condemnant, operaepretium fuerit de
censuris eorumdem pauxillum hc delibare. Sic igitur ait: Lex & disciplina, quae diversa est ab ea
quam Sancti nobis tradiderunt, haeresis vocatur, cujusmodi sunt eae quarum principes extiterunt
yam & me, & quae aetate nostra vulg tao kia, & fe nuncupantur. (fe idoli nomen est ex India in
Chinam importati; quod et Japones, sed alio nomine, xaca scilicet, venerantur. Haeresiarchae
yam et me vixerunt annis circiter sexcentis ante Christum, imperante famili cheu, atque in
occasum jam declinante. Prioris error hic erat: Satis superque esse sibi suarum cuique rerum
curam, alienis haudquaquam implicari oportere; adeoque nec in Rempublicam, nec in
Principem et Magistratus, nec in parentes ipsos quidquam vel studii, vel operae, vel facultatum
conferri. Dissociabat itaque genus humanum improbus, atque orbem terrae in solitudinem
redigens, pulcherrima civitatum et regnorum corpora, dum singula membrorum (civium
inquam) sibi unis vacare jubet et consulere, plan destruebat. Huic diametro erat opposita
posterioris, qui me dicebatur, doctrina: unicuique scilicet se neglecto de aliis dumtaxat esse
laborandum; sic autem ut aequalis cura benevolentiaque impenderetur omnibus, nullo ne
amicorum quidem vel parentum discrimine. Sic ambo stulti dum vitabant vitia, alter se amantis
immodic, se negligentis alter, in contraria, uti fit, currebant. Tertiae sectae, quae tao kia
nominatur, auctor fuit li lao kiun, Confucii cotaneus. Docebat is, opes, honores, et ea quae
eximia plerisque et praeclara videntur, parva ducere, eaque ratione stabili firmaque
contemnere; vacare sibi rerumque contemplationi. Porr sectam hanc principi fortassis
integram, nec long aberrantem vero, sectatores deinde tot superstitionibus praestigiisque
magicis vitiaverunt, tam foed turpium voluptatum labe contaminarunt, ut haeresis et quidem
pestilens ac perniciosa vocari jam possit.

309 Zhang warns against the empty opinions of illusions (xiangxiang zhi xuguan , 20).
310 Zhang mentions the dangers in general terms. The mention of errors seems to be a Jesuit addition,
probably referring to what the Jesuits consider as heresies, like in Buddhism.
311 The translation of gong as to pay attention (operam dare) is correct. However, in his Epistle
to Louis XIV, inserted in the Sinarum Philosophus, Couplet had a very different interpretation: Even
today, his words are very famous among the Chinese: Cum hu y tuon [gong hu yiduan] which mean:
Attack heresies. See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 85. This very short saying of Confucius is
followed by a very long note since it touches on a matter of importance for the Jesuits, i.e., the
distinction of orthodoxy from heterodoxy.

97
 The grand secretary lists here four sects in China, or more exactly, heresies, since
he himself and the other interpreters rightly condemn these sects with serious
wordingsin severe terms. It will be useful to explain here some of the reasons for their
condemnations. Thus, he says: The law and discipline which divert us from what the
saints have taught is called heresy. The main heresies are Yang, Mo, and common
today, Daojia and Fo.312 The name of the idol Fo was imported from India into
China, but the Japanese worshipped it under a different name, Xaca [Shaka]. The
heresies Yang and Mo occurred six hundred years before Christ, under the Zhou
dynasty, and were already declining at the end of this dynasty. 313 The error of the first
heresy, Yang, was like this: the care of ones affairs is enough and one should not get
involved with others. He should not direct any effort, work, or skill toward the
commonwealth, the ruler and magistrates, or the family. Thus, this wicked man is
splitting apart all of humanity and bringing the whole world back to the wilderness.
When he asks individual members, or citizens so to speak, to be free from each other
and to look for oneself, he is clearly demolishing the most beautiful constructions of
cities and kingdoms. At the opposite of this heresy, there is the teaching of Mo:
everyone should neglect themselves and work for others; the same care and
benevolence should be applied to all, without any distinction between friends or
relatives. Each of these two stupid people [Yang and Mo] avoided one vice; one [Mo]
avoided the vice of loving oneself immoderately, and the other [Yang], avoided the
vice of neglecting oneself, yet they were both rushing to the opposite vice. The
founder of the third sect, called Daojia, was Li Laojun, a contemporary of Confucius.
He taught that one should find wealth, honors, and all that appears valuable for most
people to be insignificant; one should despise all this with a constant and firm mind,
spending time for oneself and for the contemplation of things. It may be that the
whole sect was not too far from the truth to begin with. However, later on, the
followers corrupted it with so many superstitions and magical tricks, contaminated it
with such a repugnant stain of shameful pleasures, that it can truly be called a
pestilent and pernicious heresy.314

Chim u interpres in hunc locum scribens ait: Quatuor sectarum ea quae postrema est, atque
idolum fe colit, affert quidem plura, qum afferant tres priores, veritati rationique consentanea; sed
vel ob hoc ipsum magis est perniciosa, ut quae virus suum specie illa veritatis occultet felicis,
latisque diffundat: quocirca quisquis virtutis ac sapientiae studiosus sit, illius dogmata non secus
ac sermones obscoenos, & illecebrosas ac turpes rerum species aversari ac fugere oportet; fore
alioquin ut pestis illa raptim sese in viscera incautorum insinuet. Haec ille.

Here, the interpreter, Chengzi, writes: The fourth and most recent sect worships

312 The transliteration on the manuscript of the BNF (359) is as follows: fi xim gin chi tao, wu pie
guei ye tuon che, kiao o y tuon: ju yam xi, me xi, kie kin tao kia, fe kia chi lui, kia xi. The Sapientia
Sinica also had the corresponding Chinese characters:
(Zi-ka-wei, 4 verso). For the modern edition, see Zhang,
21. To this comment of Zhang, already present in the Sapientia Sinica, the Sinarum Philosophus added
the quotes of Chengzi and Qiu Jun. It seems that the Jesuits started to read the texts of Qiu Jun and to
adopt his interpretations only during their stay in Guangzhou. The Jesuits were probably attracted to the
ideas of Qiu because he was a fierce opponent of Buddhism and he advocated a return to the classics.
The Jesuits may have construed this as meaning that Qius thought purposely departed from the
mainline of Neo-Confucianism, which they consider as leaning toward atheism and materialism.
313 Today, scholars generally situate Yang and Mozi earlier, between 350 and 450 BC.
314 The manuscript has a lengthy explanation about Buddhism that Couplet moved to the preface of the
work.

98
the idol Fo. More than the three prior sects, it teaches many things which agree with
truth and reason. But, because of this, it is even more harmful, since its virus skillfully
hides itself under the appearance of truth and thus spreads widely. If one pursues
virtue and wisdom, he should reject and avoid these corrupt dogmas and speeches,
these seductive and shameful appearances. Otherwise, this pestilence may quickly
instill itself into the hearts of people who are not on their guard.315 This is what he
[Chengzi] said.

Annalium ver Interpres Kieu Kium Xan gravioribus quoque verbis atque sententiis, nec
sine quadam acerbitate, non mod sectam ipsam condemnat, sed imprimis stultitiam ac
temeritatem Imperatoris mm ti, qui eam cum monstro seu ilolo Fe in Sinarum Imperium invehi sit
passus. Eum quippe hoc facto infortuniis et calamitatibus omnibus aditum praebuisse, sic ut ab
ipso Mundi exordio ad praesentem usque diem nihil infortunatius tristiusve Sinis acciderit:
itaque pessim de majoribus suis posterisque fuisse promeritum, nec esse de Tyrannis
quemquam, quamvis perniciosi ac detestabiles extiterint, qui non ex hoc saltem capite
innocentior meliorque ipso Imperatore Mim ti censeri queat. Ecquid tandem magis alienum
est (inquit) pietate reverentique Majoribus debit, qum ex barbarorum terris legem
petere, quam nec Majores nostri secuti sint, nec ver sequi voluerint; quae inimica pacis &
societatis humanae perturbat ac tollit ordinem omnem, quem parentes inter & filios, Reges
ac subditos, maritos & conjuges, & c. natura constituit, ac mutuis officiis foveri voluit &
conservari: enimver crimen hujusmodi in coelum pervadit. Hactenus Interpres Annalium.

Qiu Qiongshan [Qiu Jun], interpreter of the Annals,316 condemned this sect
harshly, with grave words and judgments. He especially condemned the stupidity and
temerity of Emperor Mingdi for having allowed the sect and its monster, the idol Fo,
to be introduced into China. Through this, Mingdi opened the door to all misfortunes
and disasters, so much so that, from the beginning of the world until the present day,
nothing more unfortunate and sad has ever happened to the Chinese. This was a very
bad service to posterity. Even though there were very pernicious and abominable
tyrants, they can be considered more innocent and better than Emperor Mingdi
because of this crime alone. He [Qiu Jun] said: Is there anything more remote from
the piety and reverence due to the ancestors than inviting a teaching from the lands of
the barbarians, a teaching that our ancestors did not follow or did not want to
follow? This teaching is hostile to peace and to human society, disturbs and destroys
every order that nature has established between parents and sons, rulers and subjects,
husbands and wives, an order that nature wants to be cherished and protected

315 Transliterations on the manuscript of the BNF, 360: fe xi chi yen pi chi yam me yeu guei kin li so
y ki hai guei yeu xin hio che tam ju yn kim mui se y yuen chi pu ulh e in in gen ge yu ki chum y.
This corresponds to a text of Cheng Yi , quoted by Zhu in his commentary:
, 57.
316 The Chinese characters for Qiu Qiongshan ( ) can be found on the manuscript of the BNF
(360). This strict guardian of Confucian orthodoxy was already quoted in the preface of the Sinarum
Philosophus for his rejection of Daoism (see Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 115). Qiu Qiongshan is
here called upon for his harsh judgment on Buddhism. Many intellectuals during the Ming dynasty
considered the judgment of Qiu Qiongshan towards Buddhism too harsh, but the Jesuits saw it as
completely justified. With the term Annals, the Jesuits refer to historical documents in general.

99
through mutual duties. Indeed, this crime reaches heaven.317 These are the words of
the interpreter of the Annals.

Has igitur sectas et novitates uti vehementer damnat Colaus cum caeteris Interpretum, ita
viam unam, unamque legem quam Sancti constanter tenuerint, et quae terris omnibus
gentibusque maxim sit communis, tenendam esse docet. Haec nimirum ea est, quae Ju Kiao,
id est, Litteratorum lex et doctrina dicitur, quam Confucius priscis Regibus ac Philosophis
acceptam et ipse perqum sever coluit, et excoluit atque illustravit tot documentis ac
praeceptis: quam legem si uti profitentur aetatis nostrae litterati, ita et servarent, non ade
difficilis, uti nunc est, eis aditus foret ad salutarem, et qu un lex ill naturae perfici debet,
Christianae veritatis gratiaeque legem.)

Therefore, the grand secretary and the other interpreters condemn these sects
and novelties very strongly, teaching to hold the unique way and law, constantly held
by the saints and common to all lands and nations. Evidently, this is the law and
teaching of the literati, called Rujiao, which Confucius had received from the ancient
kings and philosophers and which he himself cultivated very earnestly, developing
and illustrating with so many words and precepts. If todays literati professed and
served this law, then it would not be difficult for the law of nature to be perfected by
another law, and there is a door for the Chinese toward the salvific law of the
Christian truth and grace.318

[2.17 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
13
14 15 16 ]

3. Confucius1 ait2: Sciens rerum & esse & haberi desideras, mi discipule Yeu3, age nunc
ergo, docebo4 te5 scire6, sive docebo te quis ver sciens rerum dici queat. Scis 7 quidpiam?
Profitere8 qud id scias9. Non10 scis11? ingenu fatere te nescire; seu sic te gere 12, ut qui id13
nescias14: hoc15 enimver scire16 est, & rerum scientem esse. Neque enim hoc exigitur, ut
causas omnes ac naturas rerum perspectas quis habeat, cm eas nec Sancti quidem
exhaurire cognoscendo queant; sed ut ex ea quae officii sui sunt intelligat ac perdiscat,
incognita pro cognitis non habeat, hisque temer assentiatur, &, quod deterius est, aliis
errores suos venditet, tam sibi qum aliis imponens: sed adhibeat item ad considerandas res
& tempus & diligentiam; peritiores se identidem consulat, & in hoc priscorum Regum Yao &
Xun prudentiam modestiamque imitetur. Ducebatur sciolus ille discipulus immodico laudis
ac praecellentiae studio, adeoque non rar hc peccabat; quapropter eum Confucius hisce
verbis ceu brachio molliori castigat.

Confucius said: My dear disciple You [Zilu], since you want to have the knowledge

317 Transliterations on the manuscript of the BNF, 361: u fe kiao ge chum que chi xi u tien ti
cai pie y lai y tie chi ho ui yeu xin yu u che ye etc. Mim ti guei gin chi u nai um uu fu chi kiao
guei chum que chi chu nai tam uai y chi gin cai u ta hin y guei ien uan nien uu kium chi ho mim
ti chi ui xam tum hu tien y. The Chinese text can be reconstituted as: [
][][]
[][].
The quote comes from Qiu Qiongshans work: Correct Compendium of the History of the Dynasties
[Shishi zhenggang ], in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu , vol. 7 (Jinan:
Qilushushe , 1996), 24344.
318 Two laws are articulated here: the natural law given at the Creation and the Evangelical law
brought by Jesus Christ. The unsolved problem is the relevance and position of the law of Moses in this
scheme, because the historical scheme of Christianity includes these three laws. The Sapientia Sinica
had initially incorporated in the note some short explanations of the five relationships, of the six
Confucian virtues, of the four professional activities (Zi-ka-wei, 4 verso and 5 recto). Those
explanations have disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus.

100
of things, I am now going to teach you how to know, that is, I am going to teach you
who can be said to have the knowledge of things. Is there anything you know? You
have to say that you know it. Is there anything you dont know? Admit frankly that
you do not know and conduct yourself as not knowing it. This indeed is to know, to
have the knowledge of things. It is not required that one understands all the causes
and natures of things, when the saints themselves cannot exhaust them by knowledge,
but it is required that one understands and learns from the things which belong to his
duty, that he does not take unknown things for already known, that he does not
harshly approve of them, and that he does not sell what is wicked and his own errors
to others, imposing them on himself and on others. He should consider the affair, the
time, and the urgency, continually consult those who are more expert than himself,
and imitate the prudence and diligence of the ancient kings Yao and Shun.319 This
disciple [Zilu] had little knowledge and was driven by an excessive zeal for praise and
preeminence, and so he was often mistaken.320 Confucius corrected him with these
words, like with a gentle hand.321

[2.18 1 2 3 4 5]

Fol. 13, p. 1, 1. Discipulus cu1 cham2 in disciplinam Confucii tradiderat sese, & operam dabat3
philosophiae, ut obtineret4 litterarum doctrinaeque praesidio [18] dignitates in Republica, & qui
illas consequuntur amplos census5. Ut ergo discipulum instituat,

The disciple, Zizhang, entrusted himself to the schooling of Confucius. He was

making an effort in philosophy so that, through studies and learning, he could obtain
governmental positions, which come with high wages. And so, in order to instruct the
disciple,

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17
18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32
33
34 ]

2. Confucius1 sic ait2: Ex multis3 hominum sermonibus, quos audire4 te contigerit,

prudenter secerne, ac relinque 5, silentioque fac premas quaecumque dubia 6 fuerint vel
incerta: considerat ver fac proloquaris 8 9 caetera10, quamvis tibi certa videantur esse,
tutque dici posse: sic11 enim fiet, ut verbis quidem perrar 12 pecces13. Rursus ex multis14
rebus atque negotiis quae vulg videbis 15 suscipi ac tractari, iis prudenter abstineto 16
prudens quae sunt cum periculo 17 vel offensione conjuncta; caut 18 ver te geras19 &
considerat20 reliquis21 etiam in rebus: sic22 enim fiet ut rar23 te rei vel temer susceptae vel
mal gestae poenitudo24 subeat. Porr ubi tam praeclara vitae morumque ratio servabitur, ut quis
nec verbo25 nisi fort rarissim26 offendat27, nec facti28 nisi rarissim29 poeniteat30, mihi crede,
perampli census31 his33 tam caut consideratque vivendi artibus32 continentur34: tantam quippe
prudentiam & virtutem publicae dignitates, & qui cum his conjuncti sunt census, ultr
consequentur.

Confucius said: Out of the many speeches that you happen to hear, distinguish
carefully. Whatever is doubtful or uncertain, leave it and keep silent about it. Speak
cautiously about the other things, even though they seem certain to you, in order to be
safe. This way you will commit very few mistakes in words. Again, out of the many

319 This commentary follows closely the text of Zhang (21). The term shengren , mentioned by
Zhang, is translated here as Sancti.
320 Zhang had this comment placed at the beginning, but the Jesuits have it here at the end.
321 This seems to be a Jesuit addition.

101
things and affairs that you generally see undertaken and dealt with, you should wisely
refrain from those which are dangerous or may cause offense. You should behave with
prudence and caution, even in these things. This way you will rarely regret a thing
harshly undertaken or badly managed. Further, when such a noble way of life and
customs is followed, so that one makes offense with words only very exceptionally
and regrets his deed exceptionally, then believe me, very large wages will accompany
this art of a prudent and wise life. For sure,The public functions and wages
associated with them will certainly follow such prudence and virtue.322

[2.19 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29
30
]

p. 2, 1. Ngai1 cum2, Regulus regni lu postremus, consulens3 Confucium ait4: Quomodo5

perficiam6, ut7 populus8 aequo animo se mihi subdat9 atque imperata faciat10? Confucius11 12
respondet13: Admove Reipublicae atque evehe14 ad munera publica viros integros15 ac rectos;
exclude16 ver ab administratione Reipublicae omnes 17 eos quos cognoveris esse homines
cupidos, & vilis, pravi tortuosique 18 ingenii: sic19 fiet ut subditi20 tui omnes aequissimo animo
& illis & tibi pareant21: qud si contrarium feceris, & evexeris 22 improbos23 quos dixi,
excluseris24 autem ac neglexeris omnes25 probos26 ac rectos, utique27 populus28 tibi haud29
aequo animo subdetur30. Nimirum sic est natur comparatum, ut subditos inter ii quoque
qui fidem, continentiam & aequitatem ipsi negligunt, virtutes has tamen in suis
Magistratibus magnopere diligant atque suspiciant; contraria ver oderint, nec ullo modo
ferant: quocirca tam justis tuorum studiis obsecundare te necesse erit, siquidem eos cum
fide, constantia & alacritate parere tibi volueris.

Ai Gong, the last prince of Lu, was consulting Confucius and said: How can I ensure
thatam I to have people submitting to me willingly and executeing my decrees?
Confucius answered: You should rise to power and promote honest and just men to
public office; you should exclude from the administration all those who you know as
being greedy and the people of vile, evil, and twisted character. This way all your
subjects will very willingly obey you and them. If you do the contrary, raising the
dishonest people I have just mentioned, ignoring and neglecting all the other honest
and just persons, the people will certainly not submit to you willingly. It is indeed
established by nature that those among the subjects who neglect trust, restraint, and
fairness, yet appreciate and admire greatly these virtues in their magistrates, and they
hate and cannot stand the opposite. Therefore, it will be necessary for you to pursue
your just efforts since you want them to obey you with trust, perseverance, and joy.323

[2.20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30 31]

322 Simon Foucher condensed this paragraph in one sentence: Reject anything which is
uncertain and dubious when it is about science (Rejetez tout ce qui est incertain et douteux
quand il sagit de la science, Lettre sur la Morale de Confucius, philosophe de la Chine, 1688, 15).
His annotation can be found in the margin: the first law of the Academicians (la premire loy des
Acadmiciens). Foucher read here an affirmation of the mild skepticism of the Academy of Athens,
which he contrasted to the radical skepticism of Descartes, which Foucher believed to lead to a radical
pessimism in morality. See my introduction, part V, on the reception of the Lunyu.
323 The comment is not found in Zhu or Zhang, and the Jesuits may have used here another
commentary.

102
2. Ki1 cam2 cu3, unus Optimatum regni Lu, sciscitatur4 Confucio in hunc modum: Is qui
magistratum gerit, volens perficere5 ut populus6 adversm se reverentiam7 fidemque servet8, 9utque
ad virtutis item studium excitetur 10, quo11 pacto12 id perficiet? Confucius13 respondet14: Quoties se
dat in conspectum15 suorum, si cum16 decoro17 & gravitate17 se gerat, nihil appareat in eo leve vel
incompositum, nihil agreste vel inhumanum; tum 18 subditi eum suspicient19 ac verebuntur. [19]
Rursus si fungatur ipsemet officio pii atque obedientis 20 filii erga parentes ac majores suos,
subditos item clementer ac benign 21 tractet, illi tam apposito virtutis exemplo permoti, devincti
etiam clementiae beneficentiaeque vinculo, plan22 tum respondebunt insigni cum fide 23 Principi
suo & Magistratibus. Denique si evexerit 24 admoveritque gubernandae secum Reipublicae viros
spectatae25 probitatis, &26 humaniter ac benign instituerit27 etiam imbecilles, quibus non 28 est
tantum virtutis ac facultatis29, sic ut eos haudquaquam despiciat negligatque; tum 30 quoque fiet ut
excitentur31 animi omnium, & in summis infimisque virtutis ac laudis studium mirabiliter
exardescat.

Ji Kangzi, an aristocrat inof Lu, asked Confucius: The one holding office and
wishing for people to show him respect and trust so they can be aroused again to the
zeal for virtue, how will he realize this? Confucius answered: He often presents
himself to be seen by his people. He conducts himself with decorum and gravity, and
nothing trivial or misplaced, rustic or rude appears in him. Then, the subjects admire
and respect him. Again, if he fulfills his duty as a pious and obedient son toward his
parents and elders, and if he attends kindly and benevolently to the subjects, then the
people will be moved by this example of virtue in front of them and they will even be
tied by a bond of clemency and benevolence; they will surely answer to the ruler and
magistrates with a remarkable trust. Finally, if he raises and promotes men with the
honesty which is expected in governing a country, and if he educates with
humaneness and benevolence those weak in strength and talent, not despising and
ignoring them at all, then everyone will be awakened, and the zeal for virtue and
praise will glow marvelously among the highest and the lowest.324

[2.21 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10]

Fol. 14, p. 1, 1. Fort1 quispiam alloquens2 3 Confucium4 ait5: O Confuci6, quare7 non8 geris9
magistratum10?

Someone came to ask Confucius: Confucius, why do you not hold office?

Quo tempore Tim cum Regulus primm coepit administrare regnum suum Lu, privatus
agebat Confucius, propterea quod ii, quorum consiliis tunc maxim Princeps utebatur, Ki xi
scilicet et Yam ho, homines essent improbi et perturbatores Reipublicae.

At that time, the prince Ding Gong began to rule his country of Lu. Confucius
was a private man, and the ruler had Ji and Yang Huo, who were dishonest people,
disturbing the country in his counsel at that time.325

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24]

2. Sed cm hanc causam significare nollet Confucius1, ali percunctatori satisfacturus, sic ait2: In

324 Important virtues are translated here: xiao as duty of a pious and obedient son (officium pii atque
obedientis filii), ci as clemency (clementia), and zhong as trust (fides).
325 This note comes from Zhang (24), but strangely enough this short comment was detached from the
main comment and put in italics.

103
libro Xu3 Kim sic dicitur4: O singularem obedientiam5! (Sapientis scilicet Kium chin, imperante
famili Cheu; nam hujus viri laudes ibidem afferuntur.) Hoc tantm 6 egit ipse ut obediret7
parentibus, & mutuus vigeret8 amor inter9 se & fratres suos majores10 ac minores11 natu,
extendens12 haec virtutis industriaeque commoda ad eos in quos 13 habebat14 privatum
domesticumque imperium15: hoc16 autem, mihi crede, etiam17 est18 gubernare19, & magistratum
inter privatos quidem parietes, at non sine laude & emolumento gerere: quorsum 20 igitur
magistratum21 geram22 publicum, ut censear ac dicar gerere23 magistratum24?

Because he did not want to tell him the reason, and in order to satisfy the inquirer, 326
Confucius said: In the Shujing [Shangshu] it is said, How obedient was he! (It
praises Jun Chen, a wise man under the Zhou dynasty.) He has done a lot to obey his
parents, so that the mutual love between him and his elder and younger brothers could
grow strong, extending the benefits of virtue and zeal to those under his private and
domestic rule. Please believe me, to govern and hold office within domestic walls is
not without praise and advantage. Why, therefore, should I hold office in order to
consider and designate myself as holding office?

[2.22 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 ]

3. Confucius1 ait2: Qui homo3 cm sit, tamen4 careat5 fide6, sive dictorum conventorumque
constanti & veritate, non7 intelligo8 hujus9 usum10, seu cui tandem usui possit esse. Magna 11
plaustra12 si careant13 transverso14 ad temonem15 ligno, cui boves adstringi solent ac jungi;
parva15 curulia16 si careant17 arcuato18 ligno, quo equus continetur & jungitur, curulibus
hujusmodi19 quo20 tandem modo21 iter22 instituetur? tametsi fort per aliquot passus rect
queant procedere, ad primum tamen flexum mox haerebunt: sic homo cui fides deest, non
mod publicis in rebus, sed nec privatis domesticisque utilis erit. Est omnino Virtus ista
preciosissima Regum gemma; [20] cum hac Imperia quamvis ampla prosper pacificque
gubernantur.

Confucius said: If a man lacks trust, that is, the loyalty and truthfulness towards
promises and agreements, I do not understand to whom and for what he can be useful.
If great wagons lack a directional crossbar by which the bulls are attached and tied
together, if small wagons lack a wooden bow by which the horse is fastened and
harnessed, how can the journey be made with these wagons? Even if they are able to
go straight through many roads, there will be difficulties at the first curve. If a man
lacks trust, he will be useless in public matters, as well as in private and domestic
matters. This virtue is altogether the most precious gem of the kings. 327 With it, even
large empires are governed with prosperity and peace.

Cert qum ea Priscis, et Imperatoribus, et Administris Imperii cordi fuerit, ex eo, quod
secundo ex familia Cheu Imperatori, Chim vam dicto, quondam contigit, satis potest intelligi.
Hic namque dum un cum fratre suo adolescentulo adolescens et ipse annorum septemdecim
in horto se oblectat, decerptum ex arbore folium ad frontem applicans sui fratris, (ritum scilicet
imitatus quo admot fronti tabell creari solebant Reguli,) jocabundus, Regni Tam Regulum te
creo, inquit: hic Su ye, unus Optimatum, Rata est (inquit) o Imperator, haec creatio. Cmque
ille joci grati se fecisse diceret, perseveravit Sapiens ratam esse; neque enim jocos in
Principem cadere; verbo standum esse: quid multa? Xo yu (Principi nomen hoc erat) regnum
obtinuit, in quo ipsi longa deinde series novem et viginti Regulorum posterorum ejus successit.

326 This is also the explanation given by Zhu (59) and Zhang (24).
327 Zhang considers that trust, xin , [AQ: Should this read trust, xin, is the ?] is the great treasure
of the ruler (renjun zhi dabao , 25).

104
 This virtue of trust was even more important toin the hearts of the ancients, the
emperors, and administrators of the empire as we can easily understand from what
happened to Cheng Wang, the second emperor of the Zhou dynasty. The emperor, then
an adolescent of seventeen years old, together with his brother, was amusing himself
in a garden. He placed a leaf from a tree on the face of his brother, imitating the rite
by which the kings used to be created, with a tablet moved to their face. Jokingly, he
said, I make you king of Tang. Then Shiyi, an aristocrat, said, Majesty, this deal is
done. When the emperor said that he meant this as a joke, the wise man maintained
that it was fixed. A ruler does not make jokes. He should stand by his word. What else
to say? The prince Shuyu became king and had a long series of twenty-nine
successors.328

[2.23 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ]

p. 2, 1. Discipulus cu1 cham2 quaerit3 ex Magistro suo, an decem 4 familiae5 Imperiales, quae
labentibus saeculis aliquando consecuturae sint eam quae tunc rerum potiebatur, possit 6 praesciri7,
an scilicet jam nunc sciri queat quae futurae sint leges & instituta singulorum, qui ortus &
interitus.

The disciple, Zizhang, asked his teacher whether he knew which dynasty would hold
power after ten dynasties have passedinquired to his teacher about whether could be
foretold, after ten imperial dynasties succeeding each other, which one could hold
power then, whether one could know which laws and institutions among these
dynasties wcould endure or perish in the future.

Sinense saeculum triginta dumtaxat annis constat; atque haec vocis Xi vulgaris acceptio: hic
tamen significat omne tempus illud quo familia quaepiam imperat, sive triginta annorum sit, sive
trecentorum, pluriumve.

One Chinese century is made of thirty years, according to the ordinary meaning
of the word shi. The time is counted according to the ruling dynasty. This can be thirty
years, three hundred years, or even more.329

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31
]

2. Confucius1 respondet2: Domus Imperatoriae Yn, sive Xam, (quae proxim successerat familiae
Hia) conformavit4 sese cum5 familia Imperiali Hia6, quod ad leges quidem attinet atque officia 7
majoris momenti & quasi ipsos cardines Imperii, nec in his quicquam immutavit; in iis autem
rebus quae minoris erant momenti quid 8 ipsa vel sustulerit9, vel addiderit10 de novo; quid
immutarit, inquam, in ipso modo & quasi temperamento legum & officiorum, potest 11 utique facil
sciri12. Similiter de familia Cheu13, quae hac aetate nostra potitur rerum, & conformis 14 est
cum15 familia Yn16 proxim antecedenti in ipsa morum 17 legumque substantia, quid18 ea vel
sustulerit19 & antiquarit, vel instituerit20 de novo, potest21 itidem sciri22. Hoc certum, primae
familiarum cordifuisse imprimis fidem ac sinceritatem, & in hac studium suum gloriamque

328 This story can be found in the Shiji , Jinshijia: :

[AQ: Should this be

surrounded by quote marks? If not, please change single quote marks to doubles].
329 This explanation differs from the one given by Zhang (24), according to whom, shi is defined by a
dynastic change. However, in the passage below, the Jesuits translated shi with imperial dynasty.

105
potissimm collocasse: alteram mascul quadam simplicitate conspicuam, de substantia
rerum morumque integritate in primis laborasse: nostram ver, quae est tertia, ornatu
elegantiaque rerum omnium, & cultu externo ac cerimoniis, uti videmus, plurimum
delectari. Quotquot23 igitur olim fort24 successerint25 domui Cheu26, licet27 centum28 numero
domus29 Imperatoriae, ex praeteritis aestimando futura, poterit 30 haud difficulter jam nunc [21] de
iis praesciri31, seu conditione proposita quadantenus conjici quae quamque sors maneat, quae
cujusque futura sit firmitas & gloria, quae item incrementa; sive cm explorata sint nobis tam
membra politici corporis, qum nexus ipsi membrorum, & vigor ipse ac spiritus quo sunt imbuta,
quis neget posse nos de futuris olim Imperiis quae singulorum firmitas ac potentia, quae item
virtus ac gloria futura videatur, conjectur satis verisimili diu ante pronunciare.

Confucius answered: The imperial house Yin, or Shang, modeled itself after the Xia
dynasty, and left the most important laws and obligations unchanged, which are like
the hinges of the empire. But it removed or added something new in matters of minor
importance. It is very easy to know what the Shang dynasty changed in their method
and arrangement of laws and duties. Similarly, the Zhou dynasty, which currently
holds power, models itself after the preceding dynasty, the Shang, in the nature of
customs and laws, and it is possible to know what the Zhou dynasty took away and
rejected, or what it newly established. It is a matter of fact that trust and sincerity
were very much in the heart of the first dynasty, which put its entire effort toward this.
The second dynasty was remarkable in its masculine virile simplicity and in taking
great pains in the nature and integrity of the affairs and customs. Our dynasty, which
is the third, is defined, to a large extent, by decorum and elegance in everything, and
by the external refinement and ceremonies, as we can see. As many as one hundred
imperial dynasties may succeed the Zhou dynasty, but it is not difficult, judging the
future from the past, to already know in advance about these things, that is, what fate,
what stability and glory, what progress remains to be assigned to the future situation.
Since we have investigated the parts of the political body and understood their mutual
connections, the strength and spirit by which they are imbued, who may deny that we
can tell, long beforehand, the stability and power of each future empire, what virtue
and future glory they will have, since this is conjectured with enough evidence?330

[2.24 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ]

Fol. 15, p. 1, 1. Confucius1 ait2: Si non3 est proprius4 spiritus5, cui tu ipse pro ratione
conditionis tuae atque officii sacrificare possis ac debeas, & 6 tamen ei sacrifices7, rever
adularis8, seu per adulatoriam illam cults a te non deferendi significationem felicitatis
quidpiam importunis emendicas.

Confucius said: If you sacrifice to spirits to which you could not and you should not
sacrifice because of your rank and office, then you are flattering. That is to say, you
are ruthlessly begging for some kind of happiness through the wrong intention of this
illegitimate worship.

Sinarum Monarchia debitae subordinationis, qu infima per media, media per summa regit
ac moderatur, semper fuit hodieque est studiosissima; hujus exemplum prisci Reges atque
Philosophi petivisse videntur ab illa coelestium atque aliorum omnium quae cientur corporum
certis locis ac sedibus inter sese apta connexione, quorum sicilicet conversiones ac motus

330 The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 6 recto) translates a comment of Zhang (26) about li , stating
that the three orders (sangang ) and the five virtues (wuchang ) are the foundations of
political stability. This comment was still present in the manuscript of the BNF (368), but it was deleted
by Couplet, and thus has disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus.

106
observabant ipsi ab uno Movente supremo gradatim omnes usque ad infimos rit provenire; unde
in cultu Spirituum, quos ipsos quoque aliis alios superiores esse intelligebant, ordinem quendam
rituum atque sacrificiorum Priscis accurat praescriptum observari placuit. Itaque coeli
terraeque Spiritui ac Domino unus Imperator ritu solenni sacrificat; praesidibus montium
fluminumque ii qui Reguli atque Optimates sunt; inferioribus Praefecti, atque sic deinceps.
Damnat ergo Philosophus temeritatem quorundam hominum, qui magis hic vel ambitioni suae
vel cupiditati, qum ipsis Spiritibus, neglecto quem diximus ordine rituque, serviebant.

Until today, the Chinese monarchy has been very zealous for the due order by
which it rules and controls all things, from the smallest to the largest. The ancient
kings and philosophers appear to have found this example from the association
between the heavenly bodies, tied in fixed locations, and all the other moving objects.
They observed that their revolution and motions came from one supreme Mover, and
were communicated by degrees and order to all, up to the smallest objects. 331 Thus, in
the worship of the spirits, they understood that some spirits were superior to others,
and it was believed that the ancients accurately followed the order of rituals and the
rule of sacrifices. The emperor alone could sacrifice through a solemn rite to the
spirit and master of heaven and earth; the smaller kingprinces and nobility could
sacrifice to the spirits presiding over forests and rivers. In turn, the prefects could
sacrifice to lower spirits.332 Thus, here the Philosopher condemned the temerity of
those who, out of ambition and selfishness, serve more than the proper spirits,
ignoring the order and ritual mentioned earliera forehand.

[ 1 2 3 4 5 6 ]

2. Colaus cum hoc loco superiorem connectens: Docemur (inquit) ea tractare quae fori sunt nostri
viriumque humanarum; arcanis autem Spirituum, & iis quae sphaeram nostram excedunt,
curiosis perscrutandis prudenter abstinere. Itaque videre1 quempiam & intelligere, quid officii
sui sit, quid aequum2 rectumque sit hic & nunc; nec tamen id suscipere 3 vel perficere4, quia
metu scilicet impediatur vel cupiditate, id profect minim 5 fortis6 animi est; quinimo turpis
est abjectaeque imbecillitatis, quam adeo damnet unusquisque: at non item recte quis
damnet alterum, quod is reconditas ac sublimes naturas Spirituum, quae aciem nostrarum
mentium quasi fugiunt, perspectas habere non possit.

The grand secretary makes a link with what has been said above and comments: We
are taught to deal with the things which are at our door and in the reach of human

331 These two sentences come directly from Epistola B.P. Nostri Ignatii de virtute obedientiae
[Letter on the virtue of obedience by Saint Ignatius]. For a French translation, see Les Constitutions
des Jsuites avec les dclarations: Texte Latin d'aprs l'dition de Prague (Paris: Paulin, 1843),
42425: De l, sans doute, dans les Anges cette hirarchie, cette srie dordres subordonns les
uns aux autres; de l dans les corps clestes et dans tous ceux qui se meuvent ces places fixes, ces
postes qui les lient si troitement lun lautre, en sorte que la rvolution et le mouvement
engendrs par un moteur suprme et unique parvient par degrs et par ordre jusquaux
derniers. The same metaphor and expressions are also found in the Jesuit translation-commentary of
the Daxue. See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 39192.
332 Zhang mentioned, in the last position of the list, the sacrifice to the ancestors by the common
people (26). This was mentioned in the Sapientia Sinica (sacrificare defunctis parentibus ac
progenitoribus; Zi-ka-wei, 6 recto). However, in the context of the Rites Controversy, the Sinarum
Philosophus deleted this reference to this ritual. The Sinarum Philosophus suggests that Confucius was
condemning here common people sacrificing to the spirits of heaven and earth, of mountains and
rivers, and to lower spirits. In fact, it seems that Confucius was only condemning people who were
sacrificing to the spirits of the deceased of other families. Zhang has transformed the meaning as a
show of obedience to the political hierarchy.

107
forces; it is prudent to abstain from investigating out of curiosity the mysteries of the
spirits, things which are beyond our sphere of understanding. 333 Thus, one should
pay attention and understand what duty he has, what is fair and correct, here and now;
he should not undertake and accomplish something out of fear or selfishness, because
this is certainly not the sign of a courageous soul. On the contrary, such an indecent
and base weakness should be condemned by all. However, one should not be
condemned for not being able to see the hidden and sublime natures of the spirits,
which seem to escape the sharpness of our understanding.

Finis primae partis

End of the First Part

333 Zhang had: People should not be misled by mysteries about the guishen, but should focus on the
obligations of the human path ( , 26). Zhang made
this remark at the very end of his comment, but the Jesuits started with his comment to reinforce the
link with the passage above in which it is expressed that people tend to do what they should not do.
Here is expressed the idea that people tend not to do what they should do.

108
 [1] Scientiae Sinicae libri tertii pars secunda
Second Part of the Third Book of the Chinese Learning

[3.1 ]

Fol. 1, p. 1, paragraph 1. Confucius agens de praetore Regni Lu, Ki xi dicto, qui ritus
Imperatorios usurpabat, admirans ac stomachabundus ait: Octonis choris saltatur in ejus
aul parentali: Hoc autem si tolerabile est, ecquid tandem non tolerabile erit?

Here, Confucius discusses Ji, the praetor of the Lu Kingdom, who had usurped the
imperial rites. Confucius said with surprise and anger: He danced with groups of
eight dancers in his ancestral hall.334 If this is tolerable, what will not be tolerable?

Pro veteri gentis instituto solis Imperatoribus erat licitum in parentali majorum suorum aul
producere choros funebres octo: quorum singuli totidem qui saltabant ad numeros, constabant:
Regulis interim, quando solemniter majoribus suis parentabant, senos tantum choros; Pretoribus
quaternos; literatis aliisque inferioris notae Mandarinis, binos producere permissis. Uni quidem
Cheu-cum, quamvis Regulo dumtaxat, propter eximia tamen ejusdem merita erga Familiam tunc
imperantem, totumque Imperium, Chim-vam Imperator nepos ipsius ex fratre, primi quoque
ordinis honores funebres olim concesserat: Quos cum Praetoria domus Ki-xi per insignem
arrogantiam usurparet, damnat eam Philosophus, atque docet neglectum ac violationem prisci
moris rectique ordinis neutiquam ferri oportere; quippe licentiam ejusmodi semen esse quoddam
maximarum perturbationum; et quasi scintillas, ex quibus gravissima deinde rebellionum existant
incendia.

According to the ancient customs of China, only emperors were allowed to

haveproduce eight groups of funeral dancers in the ancestral hall, who were either
dancing all together in rhythm, or standing still. 335 When the princes were performing
rituals for their deceased parents, they were only allowed six dancers; the praetors,
only four; and the other literati and mandarins of lower rank, only two. 336 Previously,
Emperor Cheng Wang gave the funeral honors of the highest degree to his paternal
uncle, Zhou Gong, who was only a prince but had given exceptional services to the
ruling dynasty and country. Here, the Philosopher condemns the supreme arrogance
of the praetorian house of Ji, which had usurped funeral honors, and teaches that the
disregard for and violation of ancient customs should not be accepted, since breaking
the rules will surely be the seed for greater disturbances, like sparks spurring the
most serious fire of revolts.337

[3.2
]

334 The Jesuits are careful not to translate ting as temple (templum), a word with strong religious
connotations. They instead choose the more secular word of ancestor hall (majorum aula).
335 According to Zhu (61) and Zhang (26), there were eight rows of eight dancers, that is, a total of
sixty-four dancers. The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 6 recto) explains the dance ritual as tripudium, a
solemn dance performed in the Temple of Mars in ancient Rome. The Sinarum Philosophus did not
keep this mention of a pagan cult.
336 The word mandarinus in Latin comes from madarim in Portuguese, a word itself derived from
mantri in Malay or from mantri in Hindi, with the meaning of minister.
337 This passage closely follows Zhang who mentioned the precedent of Zhou Gong and insisted on
the political implications of not enforcing ritual propriety, using the metaphor of fire (2627). This note
was already present in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 6 recto and verso), and the Sinarum
Philosophus made only a few changes.

109
[2] 2. Tres Familiae L, scilicet Mem Sun, Xo Sun, Ki Sun, sive Ki-xi, quotiescunque
Majoribus suis parentabant solemnis, peractis jam officiis funebribus, cum cantu carminis Yum
dicti colligebant mensas atque edulia (Yum, libri carminum pars est illa, qu laudes familiae Cheu
continentur) Confucius hanc item licentiam arrogantiamque damnans, ac risu dignam esse notans,
sic ait: Quando ipsemet Imperator in aul funebri majoribus parentat, assistentibus ei Regulis ac
ministrantibus; tunc quidem cum solemni cantu illo, rituque fercula colliguntur. Verba carminis
haec erant: Ministri rituum soli sunt Reguli: Imperator autem sic assistit, ut in eo prorsus arcana
majestas et reverentia virtusque reluceat. Quaero nunc ego: Praetoribus illis dum parentant, an
assistunt fort Reguli? An Imperatoria Majestas adest? Quod si nihil horum adsit; quo jure, qu
authoritate, qu fronte tam alieni ritus usurpantur in trium familiarum parentali aul? Nimirum
qui nunc ritus invadunt regios, metuendum est, ne invadant brevi et ipsa regna; sublatoque
discrimine clientis ac Principis, tollatur et ipse Princeps.

The three families of Lu, Meng Sun, Shu Sun, and Ji Sun (or Ji), were honoring their
ancestors with solemn rites. After they had finished their funeral duties, they cleaned
the tables and put away the food, and sang a song from the poem Yong, part of the
Book of Odes [Shijing], which included praises to the Zhou dynasty. Confucius
condemned this ridiculous breach of law and blatant arrogance 338 in saying: When
the emperor himself honors his parents in the funeral hall, he is assisted by the princes
and servants, and then the tables are cleaned with this solemn song and ritual [of
Yong]. The words of the poem are: Only the princes perform the rites, and the
emperor attends so that his personal majesty, reverence, and virtue can shine out.
Now I would like to ask: when these praetors are honoring their deceased parents, are
the princes attending? Is his imperial majesty present? If none of them are present, by
what right, authority, and reason are these rites, so foreign to them, being usurped in
the ancestor hall of these three families? Surely it is to be feared that those who now
take control of the royal rituals will soon take control of the kingdom itself. Once the
distinction between a vassal and a prince has disappeared, the prince himself is taken
away.339

[3.3 ]

p. 2. Confucius ait: Homini non probo, qui, inquam, ver, solidque virtute non sit
instructus, cui tandem sint usui ritus, cerimoniae, officiaque exteriora? Rursus: homini non
probo cui tandem sit usui harmonia concentusque musicus? Etenim cm ab ipso animo
virtutibus imbuto, seu radice su profluere debeant officia ritusque omnes, si quidem non
adsit animus hujusmodi, profecto inane quoddam humanitatis simulachrum, merumque
mendacium ritus omnes officiaque erunt. Rursus, cum necesse sit animum virtutis expertem
variis concuti motibus, assiduque perturbari, inutilis profect in tant motuum interiorum
discordi, concordia omnis instrumentorum vocumque erit. Familias usurpatrices rituum
Imperialium paragraphus hic denu perstringit ac damnat.

Confucius said: What is the use of rites, ceremonies, and external duties for someone
who is dishonest and untaught in true and firm virtue? 340 Or, again, what is the use of
musical harmony and tune for a dishonest man? Indeed, since all the duties and rites

338 Zhang (27) comments that Confucius ridiculed (ji ) the three families.
339 This last sentence translates the final comment of Zhang (27).
340 Ren is translated here as true and firm virtue. The Jesuits understand that the moral problem
pointed at by Confucius is the problem of the instability of the soul, being moved by contrary
inclinations. Initially, the Sapientia Sinica explained Ren as: the complete and perfect virtue coming
from the heart and from which external actions proceed (integra ac perfecta ab cordis virtus ex qua
actiones externae procedant; Zi-ka-wei, 6 verso).

110
should flow from a virtuous soul, as from their root, if there is not such a soul, then all
the rituals and duties will only be a vain pretense and fraud of humaneness. Again, a
soul lacking virtues is necessarily harassed and constantly perturbed by diverse
motions, and because of the disorder of the inner motions, the harmony of the musical
instruments and voices will be useless.341 Here, again, this paragraph blames and
condemns the families for usurping the imperial rites.342

[3.4 ]

Fol. 2, p. 1, 1. Lin Fam vir probus et rectus, oriundus regno Lu, cum observaret homines
suorum temporum perqum operos, magnisque expensis celebrare convivia, funera ducere, etc.
Dubitans an idem mos fuerit priscorum Regum, eademque temporum illorum ratio, sciscitatur ex
Confucio, et quod officiorum fundamentum sit: seu, in quo tandem posita sit vis ac ratio civilium
rituum et officiorum.

Lin Fang, a good and honest man from the Lu Kingdom, was observing that the
people of his era were giving banquets and performing funerals in an extravagant and
opulent way. He doubted whether it was the custom of the ancient kings and the rule
at their time. He asked Confucius about the foundation of ceremonies and where the
authority and rule of civil rituals and ceremonies should be found.343

[ ]

2. Ad mirabundus Confucius et collaudans hominem, qui de eo quod in quaque re maximum est,

laboraret maxim, sic ait: O praeclaram, magnam, quaestionem!

Confucius greatly admired and praised this man who gavemade so much effort
onthought to this important matter, and said: This is indeed an important and serious
question!

[]

[3] 3. Dico igitur, quod uti aliarum rerum sic et officiorum, sua singulis substantia, et qui
deinde ad substantiam accedit, ornatus quidam ac decor. Utraque si adsint, tum quidem numeris
omnibus absoluta censebuntur officia: at si alterutrum desiderari necesse fuerit, utique sine
ornatu ipsam rem (quod priscis fer temporibus usu veniebat) qum sine re ornarum malim.
Exempli gratia: In officiis vulgo maxim usitatis conviviorum et funerum, ego quidem prae
tanto splendore epularum, tantque illa prodigalitate, qu nunc instruuntur, malim

341 The Cheng brothers, Zhu Xi, and Zhang Juzheng [AQ: Are Zhu and Zhang the Cheng brothers
(presumably not)? Or do you mean the Cheng brothers, Zhu, and Zhang?], all note the problem of the
lack of harmony in the mind. Zhang mentions the heart being unsettled and unable to be attentive (
, 28). Yet, the expression of the diverse motions within the soul comes from Jesuit
spirituality, especially from the Spiritual Exercises by St. Ignatius. This reference to the motions is
absent from the Sapientia Sinica.
342 This comment about the historical context is not found in Zhangs, but in Zhus commentary (62).
This is quite unusual because Zhang generally offers more historical information. This shows that
Zhang was not the exclusive source, and that the Jesuits were completing factual data with other
sources.
343 The historical context of this saying is given by Zhu (62) and Zhang (28). It should be noted that li
is here translated as civil rituals, as is also the case in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 6 verso).
This mention is intended to convey the message that these rituals are not religious in nature.
Sometimes, the Jesuits describe them as political. Also, the Jesuits themselves condemned expensive
funerary rituals in China and advocated the simplicity of Christian funerals. See also Lunyu 19.14.

111
moderatum quid, et prisc majorum nostrorum simplicitate, parsimoniaque non
abhorrens; plurimum ver mutuae convivas inter fidei, reverentiae, et charitatis. Rursus, in
celebrandis funeribus exequiisque, ego prae illo tam sumptuoso apparatu luxuque funebri ex
mer consuetudine profecto multo malim verum luctum, verasque lachrymas, & immortale
desiderium illius, cujus funus ducitur. Offendebat Philosophum luxuries illa rituum, et
cerimoniarum, quae istis familiae Cheu temporibus immodic prorsus excreverant;
ardebatque revocare mores priscae aetatis, quae de ipso potis animo, qum de indiciis
animi laborabat.

I therefore should say that there is one single substance for all ceremonies and other
things, and that the one who gets close to this substance is richly adorned and
beautiful. If substance and ornament are both present, then the ceremonies will be
considered perfect in all of their dimensions. 344 But if I would have to choose between
the two, I should certainly choose the thing itself without ornament (as happened
during the ancient times), and not the ornament without the thing. For example, in the
ceremonies usually performed during banquets and funerals, instead of the sumptuous
and lavish parties which are being prepared now, I myself prefer something sober, and
I am not opposed to the ancient simplicity and temperance of our ancestors. There
should especially be mutual trust, reverence, and love among the guests. 345 Again, in
the matter of funeral service, instead of a costly, pompous, and luxurious ceremony,
given purely because of social conventions, I myself prefer true grief, sincere tears,
and the eternal bereavement for the one for whom the funeral is conducted. 346 The
extravagance of the rituals and ceremonies, which were growing beyond measure at
the time of the Zhou dynasty, offended the Philosopher. He wanted to call people back
to the practice of the ancient age, which focused on the soul itself rather than on the
external expressions of the soul.347

[3.5 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ingemiscens ait: Barbari Orientales et Boreales habent Regem, qui Rex
sit non tantm nomine, sed ipsa re, et authoritate, utpote cui cedant, cui morem gerant,
quem vereantur subditi sui: Non uti miserabilis haec China nostra, quae jam non habet
Regem, sublato scilicet discrimine, apud Barbaros quoque, inviolato, clientis ac Principis;
idque propter insolentiam quarumdam familiarum, prisci juris atque ordinis inimicam.

Confucius sighed deeply and respondedwas groaning in response: The Eastern and
Northern barbarians have their kings, not only in name but also in reality, in terms of
power, and so, all their subjects obey them, execute their will, and respect them. Our
China is truly pitiable: it has no king since the distinction between a client and a
prince, which is preserved among the barbarians, has been removed. All this is
because of the insolence of some families, an insolence going against both ancient law
and order.348

344 Zhu (62) distinguished between the substance (zhi ) and the ornament (wen ) of the ritual,
stating that the essence is the foundation of the ritual, and the ornament comes next. Zhang stated that
the two aspects form the totality of the ritual ( , 28). The reference to the
substance of rituals is absent from the Sapientia Sinica.
345 This comment about the mutual trust, reverence, and love among guests is not found in Zhang. It
is probably an addition by the Jesuits, emphasizing a Christian dimension of charity or agape.
346 Eternal grief is not mentioned by Zhang.
347 The Jesuits apply the distinction between the substance and the external expression of the rituals to
the soul (animus).
348 The Jesuits translate yidi literally, as Eastern and Northern barbarians. In fact, the expression
designates all the peoples living outside China. Zhang (29) states that the aim of Confucius is not so

112
[3.6
]

2. Tai-xan mons est praealtus ac nobilissimus in Provincia Xan tum olim regno Lu. Porr Ki-xi
supra memoratus sacrificabat monti Tai-xan, spiritui (inquam) montis praesidi (uti interpretes
disert dicunt) Cum tamen non alii, quam ipsimet Regulo regni Lu fas esset sacrificare. Offensus
ea re Confucius & alloquens discipulum suum Gen-yeu (pertinebat hic enim ad familiam
Praetoris, et domesticus ejusdem Mandarinus erat) sic ait: Tu ergo non potes mederi tanto
malo? Respondet discipulus: non possum. Tum Confucius rursum ait, edito prius suspirio,
(quod U-hu duabus vocibus exprimitur.) An igitur aliquando dicetur, quod spiritus, qui Tai
xan monti praesidet, non possit comparari cum viro illo tam vulgari Lin Fam, qui me nuper
consulebat? Exquirebat is admodum sollicit Officiorum rituumque rationem et
fundamentum, ne forte per ignorantiam peccaret: et nos existimabimus spiritum illum
natur tam [4] perspicacem vel ignorare, vel etiam negligere id quod jus ac ratio poscit:
adeoque suscepturum esse sacra, quae perturbato rerum ordine tam arroganter ac temer
offeruntur? Tacit carpit hc etiam discipuli socordiam, qui non magis angatur ac laboret de
tollendo tam gravi offendiculo. (Ex hoc paragrapho et explanatione Colai maxim constat,
quid Sinae jam olim senserint de praesidibus rerum spiritibus; eos utique esse praeditos
intellectu ac mente, et aequi rectique studio teneri.)

Taishan is a high and very noble mountain in the province of Shandong, which was
once the Lu Kingdom. Ji, who was mentioned above, was making sacrifices to the
mountain, or to the spirit protecting the mountain (as the interpreters clearly
mention).349 In fact, only the prince of the Lu Kingdom had the right to sacrifice
there.350 Confucius was shocked by this and told his disciple Ran You [Ran Qiu] (who
was a relative of the praetor [Ji] and also a domestic Mandarin of himhis house
officer): Could you not cure this evil? The disciple replied: I cant. Then,
Confucius took a deep sigh (expressed by the word wuhu) and said: Could the spirit
protecting Taishan not match an ordinary man like Lin Fang? This man recently
consulted me and inquired anxiously about the method and foundation for the duties
and ceremonies, so that he would not commit mistakes through ignorance. Could we
think that this spirit, so perspicacious by nature, could ignore or even reject what
justice and reason demand? Could he receive rituals offered so rashly and
arrogantly? In this way, Confucius quietly shook up the sluggishness of this disciple
[Ran Qiu], who was not as worried or concerned about Ji committing such a serious
offense. (This paragraph and the explanation of the grand secretary show that the
ancient Chinese considered the spirits presiding over material things as being clearly
endowed with intelligence and mind, and seeking fairness and justice.)351

much to praise the foreigners but to blame the Chinese themselves.

349 Both Zhu (62) and Zhang (29) explicitly mention that the ancients were making sacrifices to the
spirit of the mountain Tai. The Jesuits did not shy away from mentioning a ritual which may appear to
some as idolatrous.
350 It is written here prince (regulus), but in fact it should be king (rex).
351 On the manuscript of the BNF, there is a comment drawn from Zhangs commentary, in Chinese
characters: Zhang Juzheng: Taishan is venerated among the Five Mountains, and its spirit is clever and
upright, and necessarily understands rituals; how could it receive and accept the sacrifice offered by Ji,
and how could its knowledge of rituals be inferior to the one of Lin Fang? (
). This can
easily be found in the modern edition of Zhangs commentary (29). There is also a shorter comment on
the manuscript of the BNF, drawn from Zhang Dongchu: . This
corresponds to the comment in parenthesis in the translation (absent from the Sapientia Sinica). In
other words, the ancient Chinese did not worship some obscure forces of the material world, but they
believed that the spirits were endowed with intelligence and morality. With this note, the Jesuits try to

113
[3.7
]

Fol. 3, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Inter viros graves ac probos non est de quo contendant. Imo
ver (inquies) nonne datur jaculandi certamen & contentio? Utique datur. At cujusmodi
tandem illa? Qui jaculis certaturi sunt, prius quam subeant in aulam exercitio isti
destinatam, ter socios suos reverenter salutant, ter eis priorem locum deferunt, ac tum
denique subeunt in aulam: Hic ver qui victor evasit, caeterisque felicis scopu attigit,
descendit un cum victis, quos comiter salutatos iterum jubet in aulam conscendere, ibique
suis ipsos manibus vinum fundere, ac stantes potare vinum poenale (sic dictum, qud tali
ejusdem potatione victi mulctarentur.) Nimirum in ipso certaminis quoque fervore observare
licet concordiam, modestiam, comitatem, & plan viros esse probos ac graves qui certant:
Dum contrario viles improbique homines, si quando inter se contendant, exardescere
solent in iras, et ferarum prop ritu inter se concurrere.

Confucius said: Among serious and honest men, there is no real competition. You
may ask, is not the game of archery a competition? Indeed, it is. But is it a real
competition? Those who are to compete in archery, even before they enter the hall
reserved for the game, they respectfully bow three times to their fellows, and three
times they invite them to go first; only then can they enter the hall. The one who hits
the target more successfully than the others is the winner. He comes down together
with the losers and, after having greeted them once more, he kindly invites them to
come up. They remain there and, with his own hands, he pours the wine for them and
drinks the punishment wine (thus called since the losers are requested to purchase
drinks). Evidently, even in the fervor of the game, one must observe harmony,
modesty, and courtesy, and those who compete are very honest and serious.352 On the
contrary, whenever the vile and dishonest compete, they use it to enflame themselves
into fury and fight each other in the manner of wild beasts.353

[3.8 ]
2. Discipulus u-hia quaerit dicens: Carmen extat hujusmodi: Blando risui decor ac venustas oris conciliat
gratiam. Item pulchris oculis apta coloris albi nigrique proportio. Nimirum ubi subjectum ipsum & quasi
solum prob dispositum est, inde evadit ornatus ei superadditus & forma oculis tam grata. Postremum hunc
versiculum Su y quei hiven hi nondum percipiebat discipulus: quocirc Magistrum sum consulens, quid
(inquit) versus ille significat?

The disciple, Zixia, asked: There is this poem: A charming and graceful face comes
with a gentle laughter, and there is inside beautiful eyes a right proportion of black
and white. Once the subject is well arranged, then it some ornament and beauty
pleasing for the eyes are added. Because the disciple did not understand the last
verse, Su yi wei xuan xi, he consulted his Teacher: What does the verse mean?354

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius rem declarans simili, quod petit ab arte Pictori, sic ait: Sicut Picturae opus,

clear China from the suspicions of materialism and atheism.

352 Some details, such as the mention of the wine of punishment, or fajiu (30), are taken directly
from Zhangs commentary. In contrast, the three bowings are also mentioned by Zhu (62).
353 Zhang mentions that petty men (xiaoren ) are wrestling (jueli ). However, the mention of
them fighting as wild beasts (ferae) is most probably a Jesuit addition.
354 Zhu (62) and Zhang (30) mention that the disciple did not understand.

114
seu figura illa quam coloribus suis exprimit exornatque Pictor, est quid posterius ipso strato
fundamentoque Picturae, seu prim ill colorum facie, quae tabulae seu telae induci solet: Sic
lepor ille ac venustas, quae ab ore oculisque solet existere, est ipso ore oculisque posterior.

Confucius answered with a metaphor, which he took from the art of painting:
Finishing a painting, or the style expressed and embellished with colors, is what the
painter adds afterwards to the foundation of the painting and the first layer of colors,
laid on the panel or cloth.355 Similarly, the charm and grace that typically come to
expression in the face and eyes follow after the face and the eyes themselves.

[ ]

2. Discipulus audito simili, perapposit intulit dicens: Fortassis igitur docetur illo carmine,
quod officia ritusque omnes exteriores sint quid posterius? Sic ut prima sedes Officiorum et
quasi fundamentum [5] ipse animus sit plenus fide et veracitate, cui animo deinde sua
respondeant officia, suus addatur rituum variorum ornatus ac splendor? Gavisus
interpretatione tam apposit Confucius sic ait: Qui feliciter assequatur et explicet me, sive
mentem meam, tu is ipse es mi discipule Xam. (Xam cognomen est ipsius cu-bia) nunc
primum potero, sive audebo tecum agens citare Priscorum carmina atque authoritates,
quamvis explicatu san difficiles.

After hearing this comparison, the disciple added something very appropriate: I can
probablyCould I not learn from this poem that all duties and rituals are things external
and posterior, isnt? Thus, the home, or foundation, of duties, is a trustworthy and
truthful soul.356 After, duties answer to the soul, and the ornament and splendor of
diverse rites are added up. Confucius was satisfied with the explanation being given:
Shangthis was the family name of Zixiayou are my true disciple since you truly
understand my mind. Now, I can and shall dare to quote the poems and records of the
ancients for you, even though they are difficult to explain.

[3.9
]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: De Priscis Familiae Hia (fuit haec inter Imperiales et
Monarchicas Sinarum Familias ommum prima) moribus, institutis, ritibus & litteris, ego
possem utique loqui, & summam illorum posteritati tradere: Sed enim prorsus regnum Ki,
quod posteris Familiae Hia nunc obtinetur, non est sufficiens ad testificandum &
confirmandum ea quae dicturus essem. Similiter familiae Yn seu Xam, familiarum
Imperialium secundae moribus, ritibusque & litteris, ego possem loqui & referre multa,
quae aetati nostrae incitamento essent futura ad imitandum mores antiquos & egregias
laudes majorum suorum: sed enim regnum Sum, quod nunc de pristino splendore suo &
amplitudine plurimum amisit estque penes posteros istius familiae, non sufficit ad
testificandum vera esse, quae me referrentur: libri nimirum & sapientes, qui in utroque
regno seu inter posteros utriusque familiae perpauci existunt hoc tempore, haud sufficiunt;
haud ii, inquam, sunt, quibus aetas nostra testimonium satis luculentum petat, hoc in
causa est: alioqui si sufficerent; tunc & ego possem vicissim testisficari; plurimumque lucis
ac ponderis accederet testificationi meae ab illorum testimonio & authoritate. Nunc autem
cum mihi desint praesidia tam necessaria; quorsum frustra laborem & proloquar ea, quae posteri
non credant.

355 Zhu (63) understands hou as a verb, with the meaning to follow. Zhang (31) has the same
interpretation.
356 This sentence is not from Zhang but from Zhu: , 63. It means that the rituals are
not added from the outside but are the true expression of the inner mind.

115
Confucius said: Concerning the ancient traditions, customs, ceremonies, and
literature of the Xia dynasty (this was the first among all the imperial and monarchical
dynasties in China), I can surely talk about these topics and transmit their substance to
posterity. However, the kingdom of Qi, where the descendants of the Xia now live, is
unable to witness and confirm the things I just mentioned. Similarly, concerning the
customs, ceremonies, and literature of the Yin, or Shang, dynasty, I could talk and
discuss many things which should be promoted by us now in order to imitate the
ancient customs and remarkable merits of our ancestors. However, the kingdom of
Song, under the rule of the descendants of this dynasty, has now lost a great deal of its
original splendor and size, and cannot prove that what I am talking about is true. The
books and the very few wise people still alive now, here and there, among the
descendants of the Xia and the Shang, are not enough at all. These descendants indeed
are not the ones that our age regards as evident proof, and, for me, here is a sign of
this: if these descendants were enough, then I could in turn testify, and much light and
weight could come by adding my own testimony to their authority. But such necessary
help from them is now missing and therefore I work in vain and speak about things
that people do not believe.

[3.10 ]

2. Confucius ait: Quotiescunque peragitur gravis ille ritus Ti dictus, qui proprius est
Imperatorum, & quo solent hi quinto quoque anno in parentali majorum suorum aul
honorare familiae conditorem, & qui ex illo deinde prognati sunt Imperatores; etsi principio
satis graviter, & rit multa fiant; ubi tamen jam vinum novies de more oblatum est, novies
item libatum, quicquid deinceps agitur, quia oscitanter agitur, & exigu cum reverenti, ego
quidem non aveo vel gaudeo spectare, tametsi ratione officii mei cogar assistere. Verm quod
hc omnium maxim mihi displicet, est, quod honores illos solis Imperatoribus debitos (et uni
quondam Cheu-cum quamvis tantm Regulo concessos ab Imperatore Chim-vam ejusdem
nepote, idque propter eximia prorsus viri merita in totum Imperium) nunc videam aliis
quoque Regulis ejusdem Cheu-cum posteris deferri, contra jus omne moremque Imperii.

Confucius said: The ritual called Di is very important and regularly carried out. It
belongs to the emperors who use it every five years to honor the founder of their
family in the ancestral hall, since the emperors descended from him. 357 Even if at the
beginning everything is done with enough dignity and according to ritual, with the
wine being offered nine times according to the customs, 358 whatever follows is done
sluggishly and with little reverence, and I do not want nor enjoy looking at it, even
though I am forced to attend because of my position. What displeases me the most is
that I see honors due only to emperors now being bestowed upon the princes
descending from Zhou Gong, against the law and custom of the empire 359 (on
account of the great contribution of the prince Zhou Gong to the whole empire, his
nephew, Emperor Cheng Wang, conceded to him these honors).360

357 All those details are given by Zhang (32). Zhu (64) has a similar wording but he does not mention
that the ritual was performed every five years.
358 Nine is not mentioned by Zhu or Zhang.
359 The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 7 verso) and the BNF manuscript (28) have a note about inviting
the spirits to descend (jiangshen ). Couplet deleted it.
360 This comment in parenthesis can be found in the commentaries of Zhu (64) and Zhang (32). The
Jesuits refer to Cheng Wang as an emperor, and not as a king, and to Zhou Gong as a prince (regulus),
usually translated as duke.

116
[3.11
]

[6] p. 2. Quidam percontarus est Confucio parentalis officii long solemnissimi Ti dicti
rationem: videbat illud in Regno Lu exerceri, sed institutionem illius & usum ignorabat.
Confucius ei respondens ait: Non scio: dico tamen, quod quisquis prob intellexerit arcanas
illas ac sublimes rits hujus & officii rationes, in rebus ad Imperii gubernationem
spectantibus, is habiturus sit omnia tam perspecta, tamque in promptu, ac si posita videret
omnia hic, in palm, inquam, manus suae, quae dicens, digito monstravit suam ipsius
palmam, uti discipulis est traditum; facil nimirum reget homines, qui debitos honores
praestare majoribus defunctis norit. Duabus interim de causis noluit Philosophus mysterium
hoc percunctatori exponere: prima, quod illo contineatur apex quidam filialis pietatis &
obedientiae, ad quem ipso quidem opere & exercitio nemo praeter Priscos illos magnarum
virtutum Reges; cognitione ver & intellectu nemo praeter admodum sapientes videtur
pertigisse: quorsum ergo vulgari cuipiam homini illa exposuisset? Altera, quia declarari non
poterant ea, quae ad ritum illum pertinebant, quin illic patefieret, ac plusquam tacit
damnaretur insignis arrogantia Reguli, qui hc ritu Imperatorio contra fas moremque
Imperii utebatur: atqui veritas haec odium periculumque parere nata erat.

Someone asked Confucius about the meaning of the Di ritual, by far the most solemn
rite to for the ancestors. This person knew that it was practiced in the Lu Kingdom,
but ignored its origin and purpose. Confucius answered him: I myself do not know. I
think that the one who rightly understands the mysterious and sublime reasons for this
ritual and service could comprehend immediately everything regarding the governing
of the country, as if he could see everything here, at the palm of his hand. Then hHe
showed the palm of his hand with his finger, as the disciples record. Without a doubt,
the man who knows how to offer the proper rituals to the deceased ancestors could
easily rule the people. At the same time, the Philosopher was reluctant to explain this
mystery to the inquirer, and this was for two reasons. The first reason is that the
summit of filial piety and obedience is contained in this mystery of the Di ritual, and
nobody has reached this summit through practice, except the ancient rulers of great
virtues, or through examination and understanding, except the wise.361 But to what
end would Confucius have explained these reasons to an ordinary person? The second
reason is that all the things concerning this ritual cannot be revealed and disclosed
right away, and thus the extravagant arrogance of this prince performing an unlawful
imperial ritual should be silently condemned. On the contrary, telling the truth could
produce hate and danger.362

[3.12 ]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. Confucius (uti discipulis ejusdem traditur). Quotiescunque majorum

suorum memoriam, & accepta ab eis beneficia solemnis recolebat, cum eo pii gratique
animi sensu & significatione praescriptos ritus excercebat, ac si revera majores ipsi
praesentes astitissent. (Ex hoc loquendi modo colligi potest, non fuisse Sinas in hoc errore,
quod manes majorum suorum vita functorum suis assisterent parentantium officiis.) Idem
quotiescunque magistratum gerens, pro officio suo praescriptos honores deferebat spiritibus
locorum praesidibus, tant cum veneratione & gravitate illos deferebat, ac si spiritus ipsi
spectabiles astitissent.

361 Zhu mentions that the ancient rulers possessed four virtues (Ren , xiao , cheng and jing )
making them fit to participate to the ritual and to reach supreme knowledge in governing. Zhu (64)
suggests further that a shengren could also get this knowledge. Similarly, Zhang (33) mentions
that only xianwang and shengren can obtain this knowledge.
362 For Zhu and Zhang, Confucius did know the purpose of the Di ritual, but he refused to tell.

117
As reported by his disciples, whenever Confucius was remembering his ancestors and
the gifts received from them, he practiced the proper rites with a feeling and
expression of piety and gratitude, as if the ancestors themselves were present and
standing.363 (From this, it can be deduced that the Chinese were not of the belief that
the ghosts of their deceased ancestors would appear to them through these rituals.) 364
Every time Confucius was accepting a new position, he would first bestow the proper
honors to the spirits protecting the locality. He bestowed honors with such respect and
dignity upon his ancestors, as if the spirits themselves stood watching.

[ ]

2. Solebat itaque non rar Confucius ipse dicere: Ego si quandoque graviter impeditus non
assistam per me ipse dictis officiis, eisque rit fungar: tametsi vices meas alteri protins
commendem, minim tamen acquiesco; sed angor animo non secus ac si nondum sacris illis
quisquam operatus fuisset. Argumentum illustre tum pietatis, tum venerationis admodm sincerae,
quo Philosophus vel majores suos, vel tutelares spiritus prosequebatur.

Confucius often used to say: Whenever I am prevented from personally attending to

my obligations and executing them according to the rites, even though I may have
immediately entrusted someone else to do it, and thus could relax a little, I feel very
distressed, as if nobody had performed these holy rituals. This is a famous piece of
evidence of the sincere piety and veneration by which the Philosopher held both his
ancestors and the guardian spirits.365

[3.13 ]

[7] 3. Van sun ki (Praefecti nomen est) percontatur Confucio dicens: Proverbium illud
nostrum: prae hoc quod captetur gratia spiritus Ngao dicti, qui praesidere censetur aulae
domesticae, & superioris esse ordinis; satius tamen suerit captare gratiam spiritus ao dicti, qui
foci praeses est, quamvis hic ille sit inferior: hoc, inquam, proverbium quid obsecro significant?
Praefectus ille plurimum valebat grati & authoritate apud Regem Gui, ad cujus regnum
Philosophus tunc fort diverterat: ratus autem venisse illum dignitatis obtinendae caus,
percunctatione ill jocabundus hortatur, suam ut operam gratiamque imploret; hanc enim prae
Regis ipsius grati ei quodammodo necessariam fore.

The prefect Wang Sunjia said to Confucius: We have this ancient proverb which
says: Instead of enticing the help of the high spirit, Ao, which is supposed to protect
the whole house, it is enough to obtain the help of the spirit, Zao, which protects the
furnace, even though it is of a lower echelon. I would like to ask you the meaning of
this proverb. The prefect enjoyed the support and authority of the king of Wei, whose
rule the Philosopher strongly opposed. The prefect believed that Confucius came in
order to seek a position, and he made a joke, as if Confucius was imploring support in

363 Following the Cheng brothers and Zhu, Zhang (33) understands that Confucius talked here about
two types of rituals, sacrifices offered to ones ancestors and sacrifices offered to divinities.
364 The Jesuits added this note, absent from the Sapientia Sinica, to show that the ancient Chinese
believed in the spiritual presence of the spirits during these rituals, not in their material or physical
presence. Interestingly, the Jesuits are not concerned here with the possible atheistic interpretation of
the words of Confucius, but with any hint of idolatry. Zhang himself (33) mentions that the guishen
have no physical shape and are therefore invisible.
365 By this comment, the Jesuits refute the opinions of some missionaries who considered that the
Chinese performed rituals to ancestors and spirits but did not believe in their objective existence.

118
order to be introduced to the king.366

Domos familiasque singulas duorum maxim spirituum tutelae fideique esse commissas,
prisci autumabant; quibus is, qui Ngao dicebatur, nobilior censebatur; vulg tamen alterum qui
foco praesidebat, impensius colebant, suadente sic (ut aiebant) non utilitate mod, sed etiam
necessitate; quippe sine foco nec vitam duci posse: vit autem deficiente ipsos coli posse spiritus.

The ancients affirmed that every house and family was entrusted to the protection
and trust of these two spirits. The spirit called Ao was supposed to be higher, but the
ancients mostly cherished the other spirit [Zao], protecting presiding to the furnace,
because it was easily persuaded and also because it was very necessary; indeed,
without a furnace, it is impossible to live. In a life of poverty, they could not forget to
honor the spirits.367

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Sed confucius haud ignarus qu tenderet superbi hominis jocosa percunctatio;

judicans alienum esse rect ratione, viroque sapiente & probo indignissimum adulando
gratiam alterius aucupari, sic ait: Nequaquam sic ut tacit mihi suades, agendum est.
Nequaquam sequor vulgi morem: Quisquis enim peccaverit in coelum, non habet aliud
Numen superius quo peccati veniam deprecetur.

But Confucius did not ignore the innuendo behind the humorous question asked by
this proud man. He thought that it was completely irrational and unworthy of an
honest man to secure someones help through flattery, and thus he said: By no means
can you dissuade me. This is over. By no means am I following the way of the
common people. He who sins against heaven does not have any higher spirit to which
he may pray for the forgiveness of sin.368

Hc enim ver, quomodocunque Interpretes moderni quidam se torqueant: omnino tamen

dicendum est, de eodem plan coelo loqui Philosophum, de quo loquebatur prodigus quondam
filius, cum ploraret ab s peccatum fuisse in coelum. Neque desunt nobis Interpretes, qui
contra impios cives ita sentiant. Inprimis Cum ngan ait; Vu s to. Yu chum xin: non habet
quod veniam precetur spiritibus universis. (Offenso videlicet spirituum universorum
Domino) Uberius autem clarisque noster Colaus, qui Confucii sententiam explanans, unum,
inquit, est coelum, quod summ colendum est, et cui nihil aequale. Ab hoc et probis obveniunt
prospera, et improbis adversa, tam cert, tamque exact, ut ne minimo quidem errori sit locus.
Quisquis ita res agit, ut obsequetur rationi, hunc utique beata fors manet: quisquis autem
repugnat, hoc ipso peccat in coelum. Immissas ver calamitates ab coelo vindice ecquis tandem

366 Zhu (65) mentions that Wang Sunjia was making fun of Confucius. Zhang (34) was more explicit,
saying that Wang mocked Confucius because he wrongly believed that Confucius came to ask him for
help in securing a position. The story of Wang was included in the Latin biography of Confucius in the
Sapientia Sinica (1662), but the story disappeared from the later versions of the Politico-moralis and
the Sinarum Philosophus.
367 This translates the comments by Zhu (65) and Zhang (34).
368 The Sinarum Philosophus uses here two typically Christian expressions. Huozuiyutian
can be translated as to commit a crime against heaven. Instead, the Sinarum Philosophus has to sin
against heaven, a reference to the words of the prodigal son to his father in the Gospel of Luke
(Pater, peccavi in coelum, Latin Vulgate Bible, Luke 15:24). The second expression, to pray for the
forgiveness of sin, differs also from the original text, which does not imply the idea of pardon or
forgiveness. Instead of to pray for the forgiveness of sin, the Sapientia Sinica originally had: to pray
for forgiveness (Zi-ka-wei, 8 verso), but the reference to sin was implied since it was mentioned
explicitly in the first expression. In his Tianzhu shiyi, Ricci quotes this passage of the Lunyu to show
that Confucius believed in heaven.

119
effugiat? Aut quomodo imlorata Ngo et co spirituum ope declinare queat? Ex quibus
perspicuum sit, oportere hominem parere rationi, et servire coelo; et ne ipsis quidam spiritibus
(nedum hominibus) adulari.

Here the interpretations of some modern commentators are quite twisted.369 In fact,
it is obvious that the Philosopher talks about this heaven which the prodigal son was
referring to when he implored his sin to be taken away from him into heaven.370 Many
interpreters reprove impious citizens. First, Gong An says:Wusuodao yu
zhongshen, that is, he does not obtain the pardon which he has implored from all
the spirits,371 (since clearly the master of all the spirits was offended). In regard to
Confuciuss statement, the grand secretary explains in detail and clearly that there is
only one heaven which should be honored to the highest degree, and that nothing else
is equal to it. Favorable things happen to honest people, and adverse things to
dishonest people. This is so certain and accurate that there is no room for the
smallest error. Whoever acts this way and obeys reason continues to be lucky.
Whoever opposes reason sins against heaven. Could this one escape from the
disasters sent by a vengeful heaven?372 How can he avoid them by imploring the
power of the spirits Ao and Zao? From this, it is clear that human beings need to
obey reason and to serve heaven, but they should flatter neither the spirits, nor human
beings.373

[3.14 ]

[8] 2. Confucius ait: Haec, quae nunc rerum potitur, familia Cheu; in ortu suo statim conjecit
oculos in duas familias Hi & Xam, quae ante illam tenuerant Imperium: cumque viros haberet &
literis & armis claros; horum oper (maxim quidem Principum Ven-vam, Vu-vam & Cheu-cum)
tam feliciter attemperavit praecedentium familiarum leges ac mores, partim addendo quaedam,
partim etiam tollendo; ut ipsa tandem ornatissimum quid in omni litterarum & officiorum genere,

369 This is probably a reference to Zhu (65), who interpreted tian with li (principle) in his
commentary. Other interpreters, like Kong Anguo (15674 BC), were reading only a political
metaphor with heaven as referring to the emperor and the inferior spirits referring to the feudal lords
().
370 It is a reference to the prodigal son in Luke 15:1132.
371 The quote in Chinese can be found on the manuscript of the BNF: (vol. 2, 30). The
name of Cum Ngan refers to Kong Anguo. The quote itself is drawn from the Lunyu zhushu
[Notes and commentaries on the Lunyu], an edition of the Lunyu with commentaries by He Yan
of the Wei dynasty and annotations by Xing Bing (9321010) of the Tang dynasty. The Jesuits
probably had a copy of this book in their hands.
372 All of this passage is an accurate translation of Zhangs comment (

,
34). Yet Zhang did not qualify heaven as being vengeful (vindex).
373 Zhang made an attempt at conciliating the Neo-Confucian notion of principle (li) with the
traditional meaning of heaven (tian): to conform to the principle by serving heaven (,
34), but unlike Zhu, he does not consider them as identical. The question here is to know whether
heaven is an anonymous moral law, with automatic punishments, or if heaven wills and sends
punishments to offenders. The second opinion was held by the Han dynasty thinker Dong Zhongshu
(179104 BC) and expressed as mutual interaction between heaven and men (tianren ganying
), where heaven is endowed with personality and will, acting mostly as a judge. This
theological view became popular again in the late Ming period, and deeply influenced the interpretation
of the classics by Zhang. In the comment related to Lunyu 3.13, Zhang uses the expression of the law
of mutual interaction ( , 34). This theological view found a strong echo among the Jesuit
missionaries in China, since this corresponded to their own view of God.

120
vitaeque totius cultu evaserit. Ego itaque lubens sequor familiae Cheu mores & instituta:
maxim quando mihi contigit ill imperante nasci, atque aetatem agere.

Confucius said: Since its origin, the Zhou dynasty, which is in power now, has paid
attention to the two previous dynasties. Through outstanding literary and military
minds (especially of Wen Wang, Wu Wang, and Zhou Gong), that dynasty
successfully adjusted to the laws and customs of the preceding dynasties through
addition and subtraction. Accordingly, it became the most polished of any genre of
literature and duties, and in the entire cultural life. I myself joyfully follow the
customs and institutions of the Zhou dynasty, especially since it happens that I was
born during and live under their rule.374

[3.15
]

3. Confucius quo tempore magistratum gerebat in regno Lu, crebr ingrediebatur in magnam
illam celebremque aulam quae memoriae sapientissimi Cheu-cum dicata erat, ut inibi cum reliquis
regni primoribus consuetos honores defuncto Principi rit deferret. Porr quotiescunque sic
ingrediebatur; solebat ipse de singulis prop rebus admodum multa sollicit studioseque sciscitari;
quis scilicet vasorum esset usus, quo fine, quo ritu, modoque singula peragi oporteret. Quidam hoc
animadvertens ait: Ecquis sibi persuadeat, dicatve Ceu hominis filium (ita Confucium vocitabat,
propterea quod ejus pater Xo leam he, Praefectus olim fuisset oppido Ceu dicto) Peritum esse
rituum? Quotiescunque enim intrat in majorem hanc aulam, singula exquirit; eo plan modo, quo
imperitissimus quisque solet. At Confucius hoc audito sic ait: Imo ver hoc ipsum genus quoddam
rituum est & argumentum satis illustre quam quis eorum non imperitus sit. Plan sic erat: tanta
quippe cura, studium tam singulare exquirentis minutissima quaeque, satis declarabant,
intelligere Philosophum, quid ibi, quantique momenti res ageretur, & in quanto haberet
pretio ritus illos ac cerimonias. Simul etiam prodebat sese hominis modestia, cum eximiam
quandam rituum peritiam assecutus esset, e tamen haudquaquam efferebatur, aut sic
fidebat, ut non assidu consuleret alios, ab eisdem proficere gaudens ac discere.

At that time, Confucius held office in the Lu Kingdom and often entered the great and
famous hall dedicated to the memory of this very wise man, Zhou Gong, so that he
and other important people of the country could give theirpresent the habitual respects
to the deceased prince. Every time he entered the hall, he used to question very
carefully and assiduously many things about each single detail: who used this vase,
for what purpose, and according to what ritual? Each single thing needed to be
investigated in that way. Someone noticed this and said: Who can convince himself
or say that the son of Zou is an expert in rituals? (He called Confucius this because his
father was Shulianghe, once a prefect of the city of Zou.) 375 Every time he enters the
great hall, he investigates every detail. He seems indeed to be less experienced. But
Confucius heard this and said: This is precisely the method of the rites, and this is
the clear evidence of being experienced in rites. Indeed, such care and special zeal in
investigating the smallest details are enough to prove that the Philosopher understood
the importance of the matter, and how much he valued rites and ceremonies. At the
same time, while he was pursuing the highest expertise of the rites, he displayed his
modesty. He did not hold himself in such esteem that he would refuse toHe was not at
all elevated, or believed so, to the point that he would not consult others. On the

374 This follows the comment of Zhang (3435).

375 The details on the father of Confucius are also given in the Latin biography of Confucius, which is
inserted in the Sinarum Philosophus.

121
contrary, he enjoyed making progress and learning from others.376

[3.16 ]

Fol. 6, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Qui sagittas mittunt, non perforant corium (extant haec verba in
libro officiorum, ubi de sagittariorum exercitiis agitur) Laus inquit, ac victoria periti sagittarii non
in eo consistebat olim, ut scopum perforaret (constabat scopus ex corio) sed ut feriret; nec
immerit: quia vires jaculo certantium non sunt aequales; neque certamen erat de robore, sed de
periti & dexteritate: erat haec Priscorum lex & ratio; qu, proh dolor! Deflectere jam coepit
aetas nostra, mal resumptis armis quae Vu-vam familiae Cheu conditor [9] bene
sapienterque jusserat recondi. Nunc denu robur militare, nunc artes bellicae in pretio sunt;
virtus autem negligitur, quae tamen una scopum verae laudis attingit; & cum robur acquiri
nequeat discendo, virtus potest.

Confucius said: Those who shoot the arrows do not pierce the leather (these words
are taken from the Book of Ceremonies [Liji], from the part dealing with archery).377
In ancient times, the praise and victory of an experienced archer did not lie in piercing
the leather (the target was made of leather), but in reaching it. 378 The strength of those
competing in javelin is not the same, and so the competition is not about force, but
about skill and dexterity. This was the teaching and method of the ancients. Alas, our
era has begun to go astray after it has taken back the weapons that Wu Wang, the
founder of the Zhou dynasty, wisely ordered to be put away. 379 Now military force and
the art of war are valued, but the virtue which alone reaches the target of true praise is
ignored.380 While force cannot be acquired through education, virtue can.

[3.17 ]

2. Solebant exeunte quovis anno Imperatores Calendarium anni sequentis jamdiu ant confectum
in Regulos distribuere; Reguli ver asservare illud in parentalibus majorum suorum aulis, ad quas
deinde Calendis cujusuque mensis accedebant & producto consultoque Calendario secundm
praescriptos ritus ovem occidebant: quo ritu dicebantur commonefacere spiritus seu facti, sui
rationem iisdem reddere, id-est, sic gerebant se, ac si praesentibus majorum spiritibus pii gratique
animi studia testarentur: etenim mera quaedam panegyris erat ea, de qu hic agitur,
commonefactio? Mos hic in regno Lu jam per annos plurimos intermissus fuerat: Ovis tamen
censu publico subministrabatur singulis ab eo, cui demandata erat haec cura. u-cum ergo
discipulus cupiebat imposterum tolli illam, qu spiritus commonefiebant Calendis cujusque
mensis, vivam ovem: cupiebat, inquam, supersederi impensis, quas plan supervacaneas esse
judicabat.

At the end of every year, the emperors used to distribute among princes a calendar of
the coming year, which was composed long beforehand. The princes kept this
calendar in their own ancestral halls and went there at the beginning of each month
and, after having brought out and consulted the calendar, killed a sheep according to

376 The comment following the words of Confucius are taken from the commentaries of Zhu (65) and
Zhang (65). Though Confucius knows all the details, he asks questions in order to show others the
importance of rituals. For Zhang, this shows also the humility of Confucius.
377 As mentioned by Zhang (65), the quote is taken from the Xiangsheli , a chapter from the Yili
.
378 This indication is given by Zhu (6566), but is not present in Zhangs commentary.
379 Zhu (65), but not Zhang, made mention of the demilitarization occurring after the victory of Wu
Wang over the Shang dynasty.
380 This is taken from Zhus commentary (66).

122
the prescribed rituals.381 Through this ritual, they were calling the spirits and giving
them an account of their deeds and of themselves. (This means they were representing
themselves, witnessing the zeal of a pious and grateful soul in front of the spirits of
their ancestors; truly, this remembrance we are talking about here was simply a
panegyric.)382 This custom was interrupted in the Lu Kingdom for many years, but a
sheep was still being supplied from the public treasury by the person in charge each
month. Therefore, the disciple Zigong wanted to spare the live sheep, by which the
spirits are remembered at the beginning of each month. He wanted to refrain from
this expense, which he considered unnecessary.383

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Sed Confucius, qui rem maturis expendebat, ac futurae saltem aetati volebat
consultum, haudquaquam probato parsimoniae istius consilio, mi discipule (inquit) Su (Su nomen
est ipsius u-cum) Su quidem amas istas oves; at ego amo istum morem & ritum: mos ille tam
laudatus jam negligitur, & quodammodo sublatus est: verm si posthac oves ali desierint, ipsa
quoque spes moris aliquando revocandi funditus tolletur. At cert haud inutiles censeri debent
expensae, quae nos officii nostri non patiuntur esse immemores, & quae Regis alicujus, ut spero,
animum excitabunt olim ad restaurandum priscae pietatis observantiaeque morem.

But Confucius weighed the matter more maturely and wanted to give advice to the
generations to come. And so he did not approve of Zigongs advice for parsimony:
Oh my disciple, Si (this is the name of Zigong), you love these sheep, but I love the
custom and the ritual. This valuable custom is now neglected and has been taken
away. If they stop feeding the sheep from now on, any hope of reviving the custom
will completely disappear. Certainly, you should not consider the expense unnecessary
because it reminds us of our duty and, in hope, one day it will arouse the mind of a
ruler who shall establish again this custom of ancient piety and obedience.384

[3.18 ]

2. Confucius ait: Ego sic obsequor & servio Regi meo ut penits exhauriam quidquid ad
exteriorem illam venerationem observantiamque desiderari potest. Verm homines quidam
imprudentes ac temerarii, qui vel animum meum non habent perspectum, vel etiam ex suo
metiuntur meum, propter hoc ipsum judicant me adulatorem esse, & qui per artes ejusmodi,
gratiam mei Principis abject captem.

Confucius said: I obey and serve my king so that I entirely exhaust whatever can be
expected toward this external respect and obedience. But there are imprudent and rash
people who do not pay attention to my mind, and even equate themselves to me.
Because of this, they consider me a flatterer who seeks, through craftiness and in a
sordid manner, the favor of my ruler.385

[3.19

381 Both Zhu (66) and Zhang (36) give this explanation.
382 Panegyris in ancient Greece was an assembly, which met on certain fixed dates for the purpose of
honoring a specific god. In this note, the Jesuits mean a gathering to commemorate ancestors.
383 The argument for saving is given by Zhang (36), but not by Zhu.
384 Zhang (36) stresses even further the political function of this ritual, centered on the annual
promulgation of the calendar by the emperor.
385 Zhang admonishes Emperor Wanli to observe in his ministers their craft of the mind (xinshu
, 37).

123
]

Fol. 7, p. I, 1.Tim cum rex regni Lu quaestionem instituit hujusmodi. Rex dum imperat subditis
suis; & subditi vicissim dum serviunt Regi suo qu ratione se gerent? Confucius respondit: Rex
imperet subditis [10] cum prudenti qudam moderatione: neminem suorum aspernetur: cuique pro
cujusque meritis, officio, gradu, dignitate attemperet sese; cum his agendo blandis, severis cum
illis, cum unis fidentis, cum aliis cautius. Subditi vero serviant Regi magna cum fide,
studioque syncerae veritatis, non modo nihil ut eum celent earum rerum, quas scire par sit;
sed etiam quidquid imperatum, quamvis arduum sit atque difficile, suscipiant tamen
sortiter, constanterque perficiant: Nec dubitent, ubi res postulaverit, ipsius quoque vitae
discrimen alacriter subire.

Ding Gong, the ruler of Lu, puts forth this question: How should a ruler behave
when he commands his subjects, and how should the subjects conduct themselves in
serving their ruler? Confucius answers: The ruler commands his subjects with wise
restraint. He does not despise any of them. He adapts himself on account of their
merit, position, rank, and status. He behaves with some more frankly and with others
more severely, with some more confidently and with others more prudently. But the
subjects should serve their king with great trust and zeal for sincere truth, so that not
only do they not hide anything from him that he should know but they also accept
everything which is ordered even more, although it may be difficult, and they
accomplish it with courage and perseverance. Whenever the ruler requests something,
they do not hesitate to expose their own lives.386

[3.20 ]

2. Confucius ait: Carmen epthalamium Quan-ciu dictum laetum quidem est ac festivum,
& non obscaenum: Maestum est, quatenus exprimit amantis desiderium, variosque affectus
animi, non tamen est ejusmodi, quod afficiat quemquam vehementius ac perturbet. Diu erat,
quod virginem cui Tai Su nomen, eximiis naturae dotibus ac virtutibus ornatam Ven-vam
Rex in uxorem sibi expetierat: & ardebat ille quidem amore desiderioque virginis:
Verumtamen sic ardebat, ut nihil ageret, vel diceret Philosopho Rege indignum. Ubi ver
nuptiarum dies tandem adfuit; quamvis aula festo concentu musicorum tota resonaret; ade
tamen nihil audiebatur, quod verecundas aures offenderet; ut contrario petulantiores
motus animi coercerent eximia quae carminibus illis continebantur documenta.
Commendatur hic itaque singularis quaedam moderatio tam Principis quam Regiae totius.

Confucius said: The nuptial poem, Guanju, is lively, joyful, and not obscene. It is
sad, as if it expresses the desire of the lover and the conflicting feelings of his soul,
but not to the point that it would affect and disturb someone very strongly. For a long
time, Wen Wang was aspiring to marry the virgin Taisi, adorned with the best natural
talents and virtues. He was burning with love and longing for the virgin. He was so
inflamed that he could do nothing or say anything unworthy of a philosopher-king.387
When the wedding day came, even though the entire hall resounded with joyful songs
and music, he could not hear anything which would offend chaste ears, and the
excellent instructions contained in this poem [Guanju] repressed the sparkling beats
of the heart. The exceptional restraint of the king and his whole kingdom is

386 The last sentence about the minister sacrificing his life for his ruler comes from Zhangs
commentary (37). This was already included in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, fol. 9, p. 1).
387 This Platonic mention of Philosopher-King echoes the words of Zhang (38) about the sacred
virtue (shengde ) of Wen Wang.

124
commended here.388

Inter alias illustres faeminas tres imprimis, dictae San-m, id est, trium maximorum
Principum matres, Scriptorum encomiis celebrantur; Tai kiam Vam-ki Regis mater, Tai-gn mater
Regis Ven-vam, qui et familiae Cheu conditor; Tai su ex qu natus deinde Vu-vam familiae
ejusdem primus Imperator, adeoque Chm-vam secundi celeberrimique Imperatoris avia: Nec
dubitant matronarum istarum prudentiae ac virtuti acceptam referre tantorum filiorum tam
praeclaram institutionem, et successus rerum maxim secundos. Porr qui plura cognoscere
desideret de bis aliisque laudatissimis faeminis, libros Quei muen pie to, et Lie niu chuen
consulat. Inveniet hc inter alia virtutum exempla castimoniam Lucretianae aemulam; multas,
inquam, tuendi pudoris caus promptissim morientes.

Among famous women, there were three in particular, called Sanmu, that is, the
mothers of three great rulers, who are celebrated by all of the writers. They are
Taijiang, mother of Wangji; Tairen, mother of Wen Wang, founder of the Zhou
dynasty; and Taisu, mother of Wu Wang, the first emperor of this dynasty, and also
grandmother of the very famous Cheng Wang, the second emperor. One cannot doubt
that the good education and the great achievements of so many sons were due to the
prudence and virtue of these mothers. Again, anyone who wishes to know more about
these and other famous women should read the Guimen and the Lienzhuan. He will
find there, among other examples of virtue, a chastity comparable to Lucretia, since
as I can say, many died in order to protect their honor.389

[3.21
]

3. Ngai cum Rex Regni Lu percunctatus est de are seu patenti quodam extra urbem circo
Xe dicto, discipulo cai-ng. In campo illo telluri (seu veris supremo caeli terraeque
Imperatori, quemadmodum Confucius hoc ipsum declarat in lib. Chun-yum f.14.p.2..1.)
sacrificium offerebatur. Cai-ng discipulus respondit Regi in hunc modum: Hia Imperialis
familia campum istum conserebat [11] pinis; Secundae ver familiae Yu homines cypressis:
tertiae denique familiae, quae nunc tenet imperium Cheu dictae homines castaneis illum
adornabant: haec autem ide fecisse dico, ut populus pertimesceret seu horrore quodam
concuteretur. Moris erat in eodem loco noxios afficere supplicio: Cumque memoratae
arbores ferale quid ac horridum prae se ferrent; hinc priscorum mentem temer
interpretatus, ibi finxit, esse mysterium, ubi nullum erat. Equidem cum singulae familiarum
diversis in locis aulam constituissent, locum sacrificio supliciisque destinatum iis censuerunt
arboribus, quas ipsa loci natura, solique ingenium postulasset.

Ai Gong, the king of Lu, asked the disciple Zai Wo about the site or open coursefield
outside of the city, also known as the she. In this field, a sacrifice was offered to the
earth (more specifically, to the supreme emperor of heaven and earth, as Confucius
declares in the Zhongyong, fol. 14, p. 2, 1).390 The disciple Zai Wo answered: The

388 Details on how the Guanju was sung during the wedding of Wen Wang are given by Zhu (66) and
Zhang (38).
389 The Lienzhuan is usually attributed to Liu Xiang (7776 BC). This work was
partially translated into French by the Jesuit Julien-Placide Hervieu (16711746) and published by
Jean-Baptiste Du Halde (16741743) as Lie Nin ou femmes illustres, in Description gographique
de la Chine, vol. 2 (Paris: 1735), 66893. The Quei muen pie to is yet to be identified (first two
characters being Guimen ). The names of the three mothers (sanmu ) of the Zhou dynasty
are Taijiang , Tairen , and Taisi .
390 Zhongyong, 19: . The Sinarum Philosophus makes this reference to this
passage of the Zhongyong that they interpret from the standpoint of monotheism. In the second chapter
of his Tianzhu shiyi, Ricci explained that the rituals to the solstice of summer and winter were offered

125
Xia dynasty planted this field with pine trees; the men of the second dynasty planted it
with cypress; finally, the men of the third dynasty, the Zhou, which now controls the
country, embellished it with chestnut trees. For me, they did these things to scare the
people and make them fearful. The custom was to condemn criminals to death in
these places, and these trees carried represented something deadly and frightful. Zai
Wo rashly explained the intention of the ancients, inventing some mystery while in
fact there is none. Indeed, since each dynasty builds a hall in a different location, they
thought that the trees determined the place for sacrifice and punishments, since the
nature of the place and the propriety of the soil require a specific tree.391

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ergo cum inaudivisset quid discipulo fuisset responsum, parum utique
prudenter, neque ad rem sic ait: Peract jam re, non est loquendum: Im quamvis re necdum
peract, eo tamen loci deduct ut impediri jam nequeat, non est adhibenda monitio, quippe inutilis
& frustranea: denique re jam praeterit non sunt exigendae poenae, eo quidem consilio, ut, quod
jam factum est infectum reddatur: non autem quod per illas non caveatur in posterum. Caeterum
haec ipsa sic dicta correptionis vim habent: Severis quippe castigare vix poterat temeritatem
discipuli, quam sic non castigando. Volebat nimirum Philosophus justiti, clementique, non
autem minis atque terroribus subditos in officio contineri; ide molestissim ferebat
interpretatione tam fals concitatum fuisse Regis animum ad immodicam severitatem, qu
priscorum aetas semper alienissima fuerat.

When Confucius heard the disciples imprudent and mistaken answer, how imprudent
it was and not to the point at all, he said: There is no need to talk about something
which is already done. Even if something has not yet been accomplished, but, still
drawing to its end, cannot be prevented, it is useless and vain to give a warning. When
the affair has reached completion, punishments should not be required, as if what has
been done could be undone or avoided through punishments. In truth, your words
have a corrupting power. Confucius could hardly blame the rashness of this disciple
more severely than if he had not blamed at all. The Philosopher wanted, above all, for
the subjects to observe their obligations through justice and mercy, and not by way of
fear and threats. He was very annoyed that the mind of the king [Ai Gong] was
molded by such a false interpretation toward an excessive severity, so foreign to
antiquity.392

[3.22 ]

2. Confucius ait Quon-chm Praefecti capacitas quam modica est! Erat hic praepotenti
Regi Regni i consiliis; cumque plurimum valeret industri, prudenti, aliisque rerum
gerendarum artibus; multa feliciter perfecerat, vulgoque sermonibus omnium celebrabatur:
Quoniam tamen vera virtus sapientiaque homini deerat, abject de illo sentit & loquitur
Philosophus; sic enim judicabat, veram cujusque magnitudinem, veram capacis altique
animi laudem ex un virtute peti & existimari oportere. His autem Magistris ac Ducibus, ubi
quis seipsum, familiamque suam rect instituerit, tum demm posse utilitates maximas in
principem subditosque populos derivari.

to the same and unique god, the emperor of heaven. However, Zhu held that there were two rituals,
offered to two different divinities. The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 9 recto) describes she as the
place outside the city where people made sacrifices to the earth (locus ille extra urbem ubi
sacrificantur terrae).
391 Zhu (67) mentions that the fear associated with the she originated from it being used also as a place
of punishments. On this basis, Zhang (38) develops further.
392 This final comment is made by Zhu (67) and Zhang (39).

126
Confucius said: How incapable is the prefect Guan Zhong! He was a counselor to
the very powerful king of Qi. He was especially gifted with energy, prudence, and
other skills in public affairs, accomplishing everything very successfully, and publicly
praised by all. However, since he did not have virtue and wisdom, the Philosopher
looked down on him and spoke badly of him, considering because he believed that the
true greatness and praise of a generous and noble soul should be measured and
estimated according to virtue alone. When one man has correctly established himself
and his own family through teachers and guides, only then can the greatest profits be
diverted into the ruler and the people.393

[ ]

3. Quam Philosophi mentem cum quidam adstantium minim assequeretur, ratus praefectum de
avariti, nimique parsimoni notari, sic ait: An igitur Quon-chm sumptus odit, immodic
restrictus & tenax? Respondet Confucius: Quon-chm Praefecti familia habet sumptuosam turrim
illam San-quei dictam, cujus [12] extruendae auctor fuit ipse in primis. Item consilio ejusdem &
authoritate perfectum est, ut lites & causae subditorum non omnes promiscu ad unius hominis
tribunal deferrentur, sed ut sunt eae diversi saep fori, ita diversi constituerentur Judices, qui cum
otio examinarent singula, & jus dicerent: Nec tamen ignorabat ipse, quam multum hoc pacto
quotannis expenderetur de censu Regis sui: Quomodo igitur, haec qui faciat, censeri possit peccare
parsimoni?

Someone who was present at that time did not understand the Philosopher, and
considered stated that the prefect was blamed because of his greed and excessive
parsimony: Can it be that Guan Zhong hates spending money and he is tight and
retentive beyond measure? Confucius answered: The family of the prefect Guan
Zhong owns the sumptuous tower Sangui, built mostly with its own money. 394 Also,
according to his plan and authority, legal suits and cases of the subjects are not
indiscriminately transferred to the tribunal of a single man, and since affairs belong to
different courts, he appoints different judges so that each of them examines only one
type of affair, giving them time to judge the case. Guan Zhong does not ignore how
much money out of the royal treasury is spent in that way. Therefore, how could
someone who does all these things be accused of parsimony?

[
]

Fol. 8, p. 1. At enim (subsumit alter) si vir est tam splendidus, tamque munificus, & qui recto
judiciorum ordini tam praeclar consuluit; nonne erg dicendum erit, quod Quon-chm probe
calleat officia, quod (inquam) cujusque sit officium, quid quaeque res poscat. Respondet
Confucius: Rex erecto pariete velat majorem portam Palatii, utique pro jure suo & more (soli
namque domui Regiae erat licitum extr majorem portam Palatii sui parietem seu vestibulum
quoddam erigere, per quod uni Regi medius patebat egressus vel ingressus, reliquis omnibus per
laterales dumtaxat fores incedentibus) & tamen Quon-chm familia similiter etiam pariete obtegit
portam doms suae, haud secus ac si foret regia. Rex item si quando instituit duorum Regum
convivium, (si inquam) hospes illi sit alter Regulus, quem ad caenam invitet; habet utique pro
opulenti su & majestate Regi varios, ubi crateres aurei, aliaque vasa collocentur, abacos.

393 Both Zhu (67) and Zhang (39) mention the necessity to follow the method of the great learning of
the holy and wise people (shengxian daxue zhidao ).
394 Both Zhu and Zhang refer to Sangui as a tower. Others Some interpret it as three wives. [AQ: Who
does?]

127
Quon-chm familia per insignem arrogantiam similiter item habet poculis instructos abacos.
Enimver si Quon-chm familiaque ejus, cm tam aliena faciat ab officio modestique
subditi, tamen sciat, seu scire censeatur officia, ecquis tandem non censebitur non scire
officia, quantumvis eadem negligat; contemnat mores patrios, & quae alieni juris sunt,
invadat?

The other man continued: If this man is so generous and dutiful, if he can look after
the correct order of the courts, can it not be said that Guan Zhong properly
understands the duties of everyone and the domain of every affair? Confucius
answered: According to rites and customs, a king hides behind the main gate of his
palace by erecting a wall (only a royal houses wereas allowed to have build, besides
the main door of the building, a wall or entrance besides the main door of the building
which only was only to be opened to the king when he entered or left, while all the
others had to go through lateral doors).395 Yet, the family of Guan Zhong hides the
gate of his house with a wall, exactly as if it were a royal house. Also, whenever the
king gives a banquet for two other kings, if he is a superior to the other, a different
table with golden bowls and other vases is set according to his royal rank. Out of an
extraordinary arrogance, the family of Guan Zhong had the same tables set with
bowls. Therefore, if Guan Zhong and his family knowingly do things contrary to their
own rank of subjects, who could claim that he does not know ceremonies, while in
fact he consciously neglects them, despises the customs of the ancestors, and adopts
something incorrect?

[3.23
]

p. 2. Music plurimum delectabatur Philosophus, non quidem ade propter suavitatem, quae
mulcebat aures, qum propter utilitates, quas summi pariter infimique ex ill percipiebant,
quotiescunque Priscorum more instituebatur: sic prorsus, ut quandoque Regni totius innovatio
quaedam, morumque singularis emendatio sequeretur. Tanta doctrinae vis erat, quam Prisci
Reges ac Magistri numeris suis illigaverant. Confucius itaque ex Regno Gui redux in
patrium L regnum, cum videret Musicam passim negligi; multa item quae ad Republicae
administrationem, morumque disciplinam pertinebant, prop jam oblivioni tradita,
vehementer optans instaurari omnia, alloquens Regni L magnum magistrum sic ait:
Musices quae Majoribus nostris in tanto fuit pretio, ejus tu saltem, qui pro officio illam
tractas, potes esse peritus. Et illa quidem principio conson unitis (inquam) & vocibus &
instrumentis pleno, [13] ut aiunt, choro resonabat: deinde ver paululum remittens, cum
proprio tamen cujusque vocis & instrumenti sono harmonic perseverabat: sic quidem ut
clara semper & sine ull confusione: continenter & sine interruptione: hac ratione majorum
nostrorum musica perficiebatur.

The Philosopher greatly enjoyed music. According to ancient customs, music was
instituted because of its charm, which was pleasing to the ears, and also because of
the advantages that the highest and lowest people obtained from it. Whenever there
was a renewal of music in the whole kingdom, a remarkable improvement in morals
followed. The power of the teaching was so great that the ancient kings and teachers
were attached to every aspect of it. 396 On his return from the Wei Kingdom to his
native Lu, when Confucius saw that music was neglected everywhere, and that many
things touching upon the management of the country and moral discipline had nearly

395 This comment in parenthesis was added by the Jesuits, having in view their Western reader.
396 This background note was inserted by the Jesuits.

128
fallen into oblivion, he strongly wished for everything to be restored, and he said to
the great teacher [of music] of Lu: You at least, because of your position, can be an
expert in this music that our ancestors appreciated so much. The music resounded
with a beginning full of voices and instruments in unison, or as they say, in harmony.
Finally, music diminishes a little bit and continues with specific sounds of voices and
instruments in harmony, so that the music is always clear and without any confusion.
With this ancestral method, the music is continuously and seamlessly executed.397

[3.24
]

Fol. 9, p. 1. Oppidi quod Y vocabatur limitum praefectus Confucii discipulis petivit

copiam sibi fieri conveniendi & salutandi magistrum ipsorum dicens: Spectatae probitatis
sapientiaeque viros quotiescunque accesserunt huc, ego nunquam non obtinui ut viderem.
Discipuli introduxerunt hominem ut salutaret Philosophum: Quo salutato cm egrederetur,
conversus ad eosdem ait: O vos duo tres-ve filii, quorsum maeretis & angimini animo, quod
Magister ille vester vivat nunc procul regno patrio & privatus sua dignitate? Porr quod in
imperio nostro sine lege vivatur, jam diu est: Et ego quidem sic statuo, futurum brevi ut
caelum, ex Confucio efficiat quasi vivum quoddam instrumentum Mo to, seu sonoram aeris
campani linguam ad populi totius institutionem.

The prefect of a border town called Yi asked the disciples of Confucius for an
opportunity to meet and greet their Master: I have always welcomed the opportunity
to see men of noticeable honesty and wisdom whenever they pass through here. The
disciples introduced the man to the Philosopher. After having met and greeted
Confucius, the prefect turned to the disciples of Confucius and said: My two or three
good sons, why are you sad and upset that your Master lives far away from his native
land now, without any position? Our empire has been lawless for a long time, but I
think that heaven will very soon make Confucius into a living instrument, mudou, the
resounding tongue clapper of a bronze bell, to educate the whole people.398

Eligebatur olim Mandarinus unus gravioribus, qui leges imperii, et sanam virorum
sanctorum doctrinam per omnes Provincias divulgaret: utebatur is autem tintinnabulo, quod
aeneum cm esset, lingu tamen ligne instructum erat: hinc Mo to dictum; contra qum
tintinnabulum militare, quo statuta scilicet militaria bellique leges vulgari consueverant, quod ex
aere totum erat; adeoque Kin-to vulgo dicebatur. Significatur hc itaque, doctrinam Philosophi
per Imperium totum propagatum iri: uti revera deinde contigit.

In the past, a mandarin was chosen among the most respected people to proclaim
the laws of the empire and the good teachings of the holy men through all the
provinces. He used a bronze bell with a wooden tongueclapper, and so it is often
called a wooden bell, or muduo. It is different from the military bell used to
promulgate military decisions and war laws, which is entirely made of bronze, and
therefore called a bronze bell, or jinduo.399 It means here that the teaching of the

397 The Sapientia Sinica initially had a brief note explaining the six notes (liul ), the five voices
(wusheng ) and the eight tones (bayin ) in Chinese music (Zi-ka-wei, 9 verso). The note has
disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus.
398 For Zhu (68), heaven made Confucius lose his official position so he could circulate and transmit
his teaching everywhere. Zhang (41) stated further that heaven will make sure that Confucius obtains a
position and practice his teaching.
399 The Jesuits added this explanation for the Western reader.

129
Philosopher will spread throughout the whole empire, as it indeed happened.400

[3.25 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius, uti commemorant, dicebat de music Xao, cujus author extiterat Xn

Imperator, quod illa penits exhauserat elegantiam & pulcritudinem. Item quod exhauserat eadem
clementiam & suavitatem. Dicebat autem de musicia V dicta (fuerat haec Imperatoris Vu-vam)
praestantissimam, quidem fuisse, plenamque majestatis: At non item suavissimam, bellum quippe
& arma resonantem.

As the disciples recall, Confucius spoke about the shao music, composed by Emperor
Shun, saying that it completely exudes elegance and beauty, as well as gentleness and
charm. Regarding the wu music, composed by Wu Wang, he thought it was
outstanding and full of majesty, but lackeding charm and, resounded withing the noise
of war, and weapons.

[3.26 ]

2. Confucius ait: Praefecti non sint clementes, rursus si qui funguntur mutuis urbanitatis
officiis ceremoniisque, si non ex animo colant se mutu: si denique tot inter apparatus
funebres, nullus tamen veri doloris luctsque sensus existat: Ego quorsum obsecro spectator
horum omnium esse velim?

Confucius said: The prefects should not be lenient towards those who first do not
apply their minds while performing the mutual duties and ceremonies, and second, to
those without any feeling of pain or grief during funerals. Why would I want to see all
of this?401

400 On the manuscript of the BNF can be found the commentary of Zhang in Chinese:

(vol. 2, 35). For the modern edition, see Zhang, 41. The Sapientia Sinica also
mentioned the Chinese name of the officer carrying the bell as daoren (Zi-ka-wei, 10 recto).
Interestingly, the Catholic Church in China has chosen to call his priests siduo , or bell officers.
401 Couplet deleted a note on the manuscript (37) about Confucius lamenting how far the people of his
time went away from the sincerity and simplicity of the ancestors.

130
 [Chapter 4]

[4.1 ]

[14] fol. 10, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Prorsus infrequens sit vicus & ignobilis, ubi scilicet familiae
degant non plures viginti quinque; incolae tamen loci tales sint, ut mutua fides & amor vigeat; ab
hoc uno petatur laus omnis & decor: sit item quispiam qui sedem sibi deligat, nec tamen
commorari velit in hc, quam diximus, sede charitatis & innocentiae: Hunc ego quomodo censere
queam esse prudentem?

Confucius said: A village should be small and unknown, with no more than twenty-
five families residing in it.402 In this kind of village, mutual trust and affection flourish
among its inhabitants. This praise value and beauty are derived from one single thing:
one may choose a house for himself, but if he does not want to dwell in that place,
which we call the home of love and innocence, then how can he consider himself
wise?403

[4.2 ]

2. Confucius ait: Improbi, haudquaquam possunt longiori tempore commorari cum aerumnis &
paupertate, haud item possunt longiori tempore commorari cum faventis fortunae laetitiis. Vir
interim probus, quaecunque sors casusve incidat, in un conquiescit virtute: Vir etiam
prudens non emolumentum & lucrum suum petit ex virtute.

Confucius said: Certainly, dishonest people404 cannot endure hardships and poverty
for a long time, nor can they remain amid the joys of good fortune for long. On the
contrary, an honest man rests in virtue, despite whatever fate or accident falls upon
him. Out of virtue, a wise man does not ask for any benefit or gain.405

[4.3 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Solus ille qui probus est, tut potest diligere homines, tut potest
odisse homines.

Confucius said: Only someone honest can safely love people and safely hate
them.406

402 This introductory note comes from Zhang (43), who mentions that a village li is constituted by
twenty-five families.
403 Love and innocence translate here Ren. Zhu explains Ren as the original mind distinguishing truth
from wrong (, 69), which is rendered here with the biblical concept of the innocence in
the Garden of Eden. Also, in the Christian tradition, the place of love refers to human will.
404 Zhang understands burenzhe as meaning those who have lost their original mind (
, 43). The Jesuits translate directly as improbus, or xiaoren .
405 In the last sentence, Zhu (69) understands liren as meaning to desire the virtue of Ren with a
great and unchanging resolve. Zhang adopts the same reading. However, the Jesuit translation
understands li as profit and introduces a negation: the wise man does not look for profit. The Jesuit
translation here is clearly at odds with the text.
406 This may be seen as contradicting the conception of universal love in Christianity. The Sapientia
Sinica initially explained that someone honest is not led astray by partial and personal feelings
(partialis et privatus affectus; Zi-ka-wei, 10 recto), an explanation borrowed from Zhu (,
69) or Zhang (, 44). The issue of the legitimacy of hate is discussed in Lunyu 14.36, with a
commentary by Zhang and with a note in italics by the Jesuits. See also in my introduction, the section
The Question of the Legitimacy of Hatred.

131
[4.4 ]

2. Confucius ait: Si quis seri firmiterque applicet animum ad virtutem, is nihil quod turpe sit
aut contrarium rationi committet.

Confucius said: If someone applies his mind completely and firmly toward virtue, he
will commit no shameful or irrational deed.407

[4.5
]

3. Confucius ait: Opes & honores ea sunt quae mortales appetunt. Verm si non sit
consentaneum ipsi rationi illa obtinere verus Philosophus neutiquam in illis persistet. Ultr
scilicet se his abdicabit. Rursus inopia & humilitas vilitasque ea sunt quae mortales oderunt
ac fugiunt: verus autem Philosophus, tametsi fort non secundm ipsum jus & ipsum haec
illi obvenerint, ipse tamen haudquaquam id aget, ut ab se per fas & nefas inopiae vilitatem
avertat.

Confucius said: Human beings desire wealth and honor. However, if it is not in
accordance with reason, a true philosopher does not strive to obtain wealth and honor,
and may even reject them. Similarly, human beings hate and avoid poverty,
humiliation, and baseness, but if a true philosopher happens to be in this situation,
even unjustly, he does not attempt to avoid the baseness of poverty by any means.408

[]

Fol. 11, p. 1, 1. Quocirca si quis audire velit Philosophus, & tamen abjiciat verae
sapientiae virtutisque studium, talis qui sit, quomodo mereatur vel sibi conciliet Philosophi
nomen ac famam.

For this reason, if a philosopher wishes to listen but yet renounces the pursuit of true
wisdom and virtue, how can he deserve and gain for himself the name and repute of
philosopher?409

[]

2. Verus Philosophus ne tantillo quidem tempore quo solet corpus refici quidpiam committat
contrarium virtuti rectaeque rationi: Et quamvis incidat casus maxim repentinus, plan tamen in
hoc virtutis proposito persistat. Im quaecumque tandem rebus eversis ac perditis calamitates
premant, plan tamen in hoc virtutis fundamento perseveret.

407 Zhang mentions that, through Ren, people conform themselves to heavenly principles (tianli, 44).
This idea is translated here in terms of reason. The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 10 verso) has also:
Human nature does not like by itself shameful things; therefore, if someone vanquishes the evil born
from elsewhere, he shall not sin (hominis natura ex se non amat turpia; itaque, ai vincat quis mala
suggestiones aliunde ortas, no peccabit). This generous and optimistic declaration has disappeared in
the Sinarum Philosophus because of theological considerations.
408 The final criteria rests in the Dao, which Zhu understood as what is right (dang , 70), and
Zhang as conformity to the principle (dangyuli , 44).
409 For Zhu (70), name and reputation come not from the outside, but from within. Similarly, for
Zhang (45), the junzi bases himself on the principle li . Following those insights, the Jesuits
translated junzi as the true philosopher. In contrast, the Sapientia Sinica had initially perfect man
(perfectus vir; Zi-ka-wei, 10 verso).

132
A true philosopher should not do anything against virtue and correct reason, even for
the short time he needs to restore his body. 410 Even if an unforeseen accident occurs,
he clearly persists in his pursuit of virtue. Even if he is pressured by some disasters
and his affairs are turned upside down and lost, he must still persevere oin the basis of
virtue.

[4.6
]

[15] 3. Confucius ait: ego nondum vidi quemquam, qui gauderet virtute & abhorreret
vitiis seu improbitate. Utriusque ratio haec est, quod eum qui gaudeat virtute, velim tam
inflammato illius studio & amore teneri, ut nihil eidem anteponat. Rursus, qui abhorreat ab
improbitate, eum sic volo operam dare probitati ut non patiatur ne tantillo quidem, quod
vitiosum sit, affici & inquinari suam personam.

Confucius said: I have not yet seen anyone who would rejoice in virtue, or anyone
who would hate vices and wickedness.411 The reason for this each is as follows: I wish
that someone would enjoy virtue with an ardent effort and a tender affection, so much
so, that nothing would be above it. In turn, I wish that someone would hate
wickedness and put effort into honesty, so much so, that he would not accept being
influenced or stained, even slightly, by vice.

[]

p. 2, 1. Verumtamen an est credibile dari quempiam qui generoso determinatae mentis consilio
velit, adeoque possit vel unius diei spatio impendere omnes vires suas in studium virtutis, & tamen
ad eam non pertingat? Ego cert nondum vidi quemquam, cujus ad hoc vires non sufficerent.

Indeed, is it possible to believe that someone would wish, or moreover, could, by a

generous resolution of a determined mind,412 spend all his energy for one day in the
pursuit of virtue, and yet not reach it? Certainly, I have not yet seen someone whose
energy would not suffice.

[]

2. Fortasse tamen dabitur qui rever tam imbecillis sit, at ego cert necdum vidi
quemquam.

Perhaps someone may be very weak, but I have never seen this person.

[4.7 ]

Fol. 12, p.1, 1. Confucius ait: Quotiescumque homines excessu quodam peccant singuli

410 The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 10 verso) added that the perfect man should despise honors
(contemnere honores).
411 Here, Ren is simply translated as virtue, but should be understood as perfect virtue, as the gloss
below shows.
412 The mention of a generous resolution of a determined mind is clearly a Neo-Confucian
interpretation. For Zhu, the key issue is the will (zhi ). As he said, to perform Ren lies with oneself;
if you desire it, you shall obtain it (70). Zhang talks about advancing with courage and impetuosity
(yongmeng jingjin , 46).

133
fer peccant in suo genere, sic ut quales ipsi sint, talis etiam sit excessus. Unde considerato
quo quis peccat excessu, hoc ipso scit, qualis ipsa sit virtus in qua vel excessu vel defectu quis
peccat.

Confucius said: Whenever people sin excessively, each man generally sins according
to his own kind, so that for a kind of people corresponds a kind of excess. In
considering the excess by which one sins, it is known the virtue in which one sins by
excess or by defect.413

[4.8 ]

2. Confucius ait: Man qui audiverit legem, vesperi mori potest. Nec erit quod vixisse
paeniteat aut taedeat mori.

Confucius said: One who listens to the teaching in the morning can die in the
evening.414 He will not regret that he hadto have lived, nor will he be sad to die.

[4.9 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Homo literatus qui constituerit operam dare verae Philosophiae &
tamen erubescat viliorem vestitum, viliorem cibum, is profect nondum idoneus est qui cum
philosopheris.

Confucius said: A literatus who has decided to devote himself to true philosophy, yet
feels ashamed of coarse garment and food, is absolutely not yet ready to philosophize
with you.415

[4.10 ]

2. Confucius ait: Perfectus vir, seu, verus Philosophus in hoc orbe non habet obfirmatum animum
ad agendum, neque habet ad non agendum: convenientia cujusque rei est id quod sequitur.

Confucius said: A perfect man or a true philosopher does not have an inflexible mind
about what to do or what not to do; he simply follows what is appropriate given the
situation at hand.

[4.11 ]

3. Confucius ait: Proborum tota mens & cogitatio occupatur un virtute, improbi contr
suis intenti commodis. Pari modo probi homines continenter animo volvunt ac revolvunt
Imperii leges, Improbi ver cogitationes suas omnes defixas habent in lucris.

413 For Zhu, everyone may commit mistakes: the junzi by overdoing, and this can be tolerated; the
xiaoren by a low poor[AU: poor performance?] performance, and this is not acceptable (71). Zhang
(47) has a similar explanation.
414 For the Han commentators, Confucius expressed here, at the time of his death, his lament that the
Dao did not prevail in the world. For Zhu (71) and Zhang (47), it is an exhortation to listen to the Dao.
Dao is translated here as teaching (lex). The Jesuits from Ricci onwards regularly translated jiao as
lex. Here they seem to equate Dao with jiao. The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 11 recto) has: heavenly
teaching (coelestus lex), explaining it further as the correct reason and agreement to reality, endowed
by heaven (justa rerum convinentia et ratio rebus coelo indita).
415 Dao is translated now as true philosophy. The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 11 recto) has: perfection
(perfectio).

134
Confucius said: The entire mind and thoughts of honest people are occupied by
virtue alone;, but, on the contrary, dishonest people, on the contrary, are earnest in
their pursuit of comfort.416 Whereas honest people continuously contemplate the laws
of the empire, dishonest people have all of their thoughts fixed on profit.

[4.12 ]

Fol. 13, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Turpiter inhians lucris suis & juxta ea suas res agens;
plurimis utique reddetur odiosus.

Confucius said: One who shamefully values his own gain, and does everything for it,
will surely be seen as odious by most people.

[4.13 ]

2. Confucius ait: Si quidem Rex possit sive velit pro suo Regis officio moderari sese, & sic
regere, quid obsecro laborabit? E contrario, si nolens ipse pro suo Principis officio moderari sese,
administret regnum, cui tandem erunt usui tam inania frivolaque officia.

Confucius said: If a king can or wishes to control himself according to his position as
ruler, and effectively rules the country effectively, what else is needed? In contrast, if
he does not wish to control himself according to his position as ruler but yet rules the
country, all duties are indeed vain and worthless for him.417

[4.14 ]

3. Confucius ait: Noli maerere propterea quod careas public dignitate. De hoc angaris, quod iis
careas virtutibus propter quas eveharis. Rursus, noli maerere, quod nemo sit quo ipse
cognoscaris. De hoc uno scilicet nobis laborandum est, tales ut simus, qui mereamur
cognosci.

Confucius said: You should not lament because you do not hold any public office,
but should be concerned that you lack the virtues for which you may be hired. Also,
you should not lament that no one knows you, but should work on one single thing, so
that you may deserve to be known such as you are.

[4.15 ]

4. Confucius ait: Heus tu, mi discipule Sin (alias emu) mea doctrina in radice su unum
quid est, seu in uno maxim fundatur principio, quo ipse utor deinde in ordine ad omnes
reliquas actiones. em u Magistri sui mentem soliciter assecutus, prorsus, inquit, res habet
ut dicis.

Confucius said: Please listen, my disciple, Shen (Zengzi). My teaching is one that is

416 This is the Neo-Confucian interpretation. The original has: the xiaoren cherishes the land.
417 Zhu and Zhang read rang as meaning an attitude of humility, which they considered as the
substance of the rituals. Here, rang is transformed into the idea of controlling oneself (moderari sese).

135
rooted and founded upon a single principle, 418 which I am using to command all other
actions. Zengzi absorbed his Teachers message and therefore said: I understand.

[ ]

p. 2. Confucio non multo post egresso, discipuli ab emu sciscitati sunt, dicentes: Qcquid
obsecro significant illa Magistri verba? Ad quos em u sic ait: Confucii doctrina
fundamentalis, & unicum rect vivendi principium hoc est: Quidquid agas agere ver ex
animo totisque viribus & tuo ipsius corde gradum facere ad alios: seu, talem te esse erga
alios, quales esse velis alios erga te; atque hoc sufficere, nec ali re esse opus.

Not long after Confucius had left, did the disciples asked Zengzi: We beg you, what
do the words of the Master mean? Zengzi told them: The fundamental teaching of
Confucius and the unique principle for living well is: whatever you do, you should do
it with determination and with all your energy, 419 and you should extend it from your
heart to others, that is to say, you should do unto others as you wish for them to do
unto you.420 This is enough; nothing else is needed.

[4.16 ]

Fol. 14, p. 1. Confucius ait: Vir probus ac ver Philosophus valde perspicax est in iis quae
sunt rationi consentanea, improbi ver ac homines oculatissimi suis in lucris & commodis,
quid re su sit, quid contr, acutissim discernunt.

Confucius said: An honest man and a true philosopher perceive very clearly the
things which agree with reason.421 Dishonest men and those who conspire for profit
and gain sharply discern what is advantageous and disadvantageous for them.422

[4.17 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Probus si videat quempiam virtutibus instructum mox cogitat eidem
se conformare. Idem si videat hominem virtutis expertem, inde etiam fructum suum petens,
interius secum ipse mox disquirit, an ei fort vitio suo sit similis.

Confucius said: If an honest man sees a virtuous person, he soon thinks how to
imitate that person. If he sees a person lacking virtue and looking only for profit, he

418 Dao, translated here as teaching (doctrina), is explained according to the Neo-Confucian concept
of li: Zhu has one principle (li) and Zhang has one truth (daoli). This unique li encompasses a
myriad of particulars, or as Zhu often said: one li and many manifestations (yili fenshu, ).
419 This translates the concept of zhong that Zhang explains as to reveal ones mind and to perfect
oneself (, 51). The meaning comes from Zhu, and even before, from Wang Bi. However,
other interpreters understand zhong as a ritual observance toward superiors, being often associated with
xin, as a ritual etiquette between equals.
420 This translates the concept of shu . This comes directly from Zhang, and indirectly from Zhu,
who explains shu as to infer from ones mind and to extend to others (, 51).
421 Zhu read yi as meaning what agrees with the heavenly principle ( , 73). Zhang
(51) has a similar explanation.
422 Confucius established a sharp opposition between justice, yi, and profit, li. In a famous speech in
1181, Zhu blamed those who were studying only to pass exams and for their career, and not for self-
cultivation. However, starting from the late Ming period and with the rise of the merchant class, the
new trend was to associate yi and li together. In his Tianzhu shiyi, Ricci argues at length about the
legitimacy of profit or usefulness, as this is a teleological concept important for theology, especially for
the belief in paradise.

136
soon investigates within himself whether he may have a similar vice.

[4.18 ]

2. Confucius ait: Filius constanter morem gerat serviatque Patri & Matri. Si tamen ab eis
fort peccaretur, leniter ac pedetentim commoneat: quod si viderit eo esse animo parentes, ut
non obsequantur monenti, supersedeat: Iterumque solita prodat observantiae argumenta, &
nequaquam verbo factoque eis adversetur. Quod si etiam laboribus molestiisque, immo
etiam verberibus obruant eum castigentque; eis tamen haudquaquam succenseat filius.

Confucius said: A son continuously obeys and serves his father and mother. If they
are wrong, he may gently advise them, step by step. If he sees that his parents are not
following his advice, he should desist and give proof of his obedience again, never
opposing them by word or deed. If parents crush and punish him with toils, troubles,
and even blows, he should not be angry at them.

[4.19 ]

3. Confucius ait: Quandiu Pater & Mater superstites sunt, filius ne longius seu in
longinquiores terras evagetur. Verumtatem si gravis quaepiam necessitas longis proficisci
cogerit, sciant omnino parentes ubi terrarum filius versetur.

Confucius said: As long as the father and mother are alive, a son should not wander
far away from home, or for a long time. Nevertheless, if a serious reason pushes a son
to depart for a long time, his parents should absolutely know where he lives.

[4.20 ]

Fol. 15, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Quisquis parentibus vit jam functis totos tres annos non
discesserit patrio more & instituto, is poterit nuncupari obediens.

Confucius said: Someone who has not abandoned the paternal way and education for
three years after the death of his parents can be called obedient.423

[4.21 ]

2. Confucius ait: Patris ac Matris annos seu aetatem, probus ac pius filius assidu
reminisci debet, nec potest citr culpam ignorare, partim ut laetetur ipse, partim ut
pertimescat.

Confucius said: An honest and pious son should always remember the ages of his
father and mother. He cannot ignore them, short of faultunless incurring a blame,
partly in order for him to rejoice, and partly to worry.424

[4.22 ]

3. Confucius ait: Prisci sermonem non proferebant nisi rar & perparc: Pudore quodam

423 This is a partial repetition of Lunyu 1.11, and therefore Zhang omitted the passage here. Yet, the
Jesuits follow Zhus edition of the Lunyu.
424 For Zhang (53), a son should constantly think about the age of his parents. The qualification of
honest and pious is a Jesuit addition.

137
suo impediti scilicet, quod intelligerent se rebus factisque propriis nondum pertingere qu
pertingebant sermone.

Confucius said: The ancients rarely and sparingly gave speecheswere not making
speeches, unless rarely and sparingly. They were prevented by decency because they
understood they could not deal with affairs and deeds in the same way as they deal
with words.

[4.23 ]

4. Confucius ait: Homines frugi & assidu disciplin continentes sese & tamen
delinquentes, utique rari sunt.

Confucius said: Frugal people who stay disciplined, yet commit mistakes, are very
rare indeed.

[4.24 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Verus Philosophus studio quodam tardus est ac muti prop instar in
suis verbis, (vel affectat nescio quam tarditatem & quasi impedimentum linguae in suis
verbis) contra ver celer & expeditus idem est in operibus suis.

Confucius said: A true philosopher is slow in his effort to speak and almost mute (or
he aims at a kind of slowness and impediment of the tongue in his speech). However,
he is quick and unencumbered in his actions.

[4.25 ]

2. Confucius ait: Virtus non est solitaria nec desertae instar: Omnino habet vicinos suos;
cultores, inquam, & sectatores.

Confucius said: Virtue is not solitary or like a desert. In fact, it has its neighbors,
supporters, and followers.425

[4.26 ]

3. Discipulus u yeu ait: Qui ministrat Regi, si importunus sit hoc ipso probrum sibi
accersit: qui item apud sodales & amicos suos importunus, hoc ipso ab alienabit ab se
animos illorum. Sed caveant hc (inquit Interpres) vicissim viri Principes & quicunque
amicitias colunt, ne dum monentur paul liberis, repugnanter id accipiant, audiantque cum
molesti, quod tamen cum fide benevolentique dicitur: Periculum est enim, ne vero amico
protins succedat blandus, & fido monitori improbus assentator, qui eosdem non mod ferri
sinat praecipites, sed ultr quoque in exitium & ruinam propellat.

The disciple, Ziyou, said: If a minister of the king is annoyingimportune, this may
provoke his own disgrace. Also, if someone is annoying with companions and friends,
this may alienate their hearts from him. As the iInterpreter [Zhang Juzheng] says, the
princes and all those who cherish friendship should pay attention when they are
sincerely warned; they should not accept this with repugnance, or listen with

425 The last two words come from Zhu (74) or Zhang (55).

138
annoyance to what is spoken out of trust and benevolence. 426 There is the danger that a
sycophant follows immediately after a true friend, or that a dishonest toady comes
next after a faithful counselor. Not only will the sycophant or the toady letmake the
true friend or the faithful counselor throw themselves headlong into abyss, but also
drive them into death and ruin.427

426 As stated by the Jesuits themselves, the comment comes from Zhang:
, 55.
427 This translates the last remark by Zhang:
, 55.

139
 [18] Liber tertii pars tertia
Third Part of the Third Book

[5.1 ]

Fol. 1, p. 1, paragraph 1. Confucius dicebat de discipulo suo Cum ye cham dicto; convenit ei
uxorem dare, quippe viro plan integro, et maturae solidaeque virtutis. Nam tametsi sit inter
atro fune vinctos, id est, carceri mancipatos; id tamen accidit alien culpa calumniantis
innocentem; non accidit ipsius culp: Confucius itaque suam ei filiam nuptui dedit.

Confucius said about his disciple, Gongye Chang: He should be given a wife because
he is very honest and of a mature and real virtue.428 Even though he was tied with a
black rope, that is, he was incarcerated,429 this was not due to his own fault, but to the
fault of was due to someone blaming him for a crime of which he wasthe innocent.
Confucius therefore gave his daughter to be married to him.

[ ]

2. Confucius dicebat de discipulo suo Nn-yn: Vir hic est rarae prudentiae, et solidae adultaeque
virtutis; itaque si in regno vigeant virtutes ac leges; ipse non negligitur, sed ad regni munia
adhibetur: Si ver regnum sit sine virtute ac legibus; tum sua prudenti servat se ab interitu ac
periculis incolumem, propterea Confucius sui fratris filiam ei in uxorem dedit.

Confucius said about his disciple, Nan Rong: This is a man of rare prudence, of real
and mature virtue.430 If virtues and laws are strong in the country, he is not ignored
and exercisets ruling administrative functions, but if the country is without virtue and
laws, he protects himself, keeping safe from death and dangers. Because of this,
Confucius gave him his brothers daughter for a wife.

[5.2 ]

p. 2. Confucius item dicebat de u-ien discipulo suo: Quantae sapientiae ac virtutis vir hic
est! At enim si regno huic nostro L, ex quo oriundus ipse est, non essent tot tamque insignes
sapienti et virtute viri, quorum exemplis, usu, et institutione assidu profecit; ipse
undenam, aut quomodo sibi comparasset hanc tantam virtutem, tantamque sapientiam?

Confucius said also about Zijian: Such wisdom and virtue in this man! But if he were
not born in our country of Lu, where wise and virtuous men made him constantly
progress through their examples, influence, and teaching, from where else could he
have obtained such virtue and wisdom?

[5.3
]

Fol. 2, p. 1, 1. u-cum et ipse Confucii disicipulorum unus, cum audivisset u-ien condiscipuli
sui ab ipso Magistro prolatum encomium; curiosus sciendi, quid de se Magister suus sentiret, ex
eodem percontatus ait: Ego Su (nomen hoc erat ipsius cm) qualisnam sum? Confucius

428 Zhu does not have this comment, but Zhang (56) does.
429 The explanation about the black rope is found both in the comments by Zhu (75) and Zhang (56).
430 This introductory sentence is not a part of the classical text, but a comment by Zhu (75) and Zhang
(56).

140
respondit: Tu es vas. Quo ille audito iterum quaerens ait: [19] cujusmodi vas ego sum? Cui
respondens Confucius, tu, inquit, es pretiosum et elegans illud vas H-lin dictum quod inter
vasa ad usum oblationum, quas Reges in majorum suorum aul facere consueverant, erat
pretiosum imprimis. Cum hoc itaque comparavit Confucius hunc suum discipulum, ut
ostenderet ipsum ejusmodi talentis ornatum, quibus primum inter caetoros Regni Praefectos
locum mereretur.

Because the disciple, Zigong, had heard his Teacher praising his fellow disciple,
Zijian, he was curious to know what his Teacher thought about himself, and so asked
him:431 I, Ci (this was the family name of Zigong), what am I like? Confucius
answered: You are a vase. Having heard this, Zigong asked again: What kind of
vase am I? Confucius answered him: You are like this precious and elegant vase
called hulian. Because this vase was exclusively used for the offerings that the rulers
used to make in the hall of their ancestors, it was the most precious. 432 Confucius
compared the disciple with this vase in order to show that Zigong possessedwas
equipped with such talents that made him deservinghe deserves of having the first
place among all the prefects of the kingdom.433

[5.4 ]

2. Confucii discipulorum unus Yum dictus, vir erat prae caetris taciturnus; quidam hanc
ejus taciturnitatem notans, Confucio dicebat: Yum discipulus tuus equidem vir probus est;
verumtamen indisertus et parum eloquens.

Another disciple, called Yong [Ran Yong], was a quiet man in comparison to others.
Someone commented on his quietness and said to Confucius: Indeed, your disciple
Yong is an honest man, but he is not eloquent and says very little.

[ ]

3. Confucius respondit: Ecquem tandem usum habet illa oris facundia et loquacitas? Nam
obruere et opprimere alios garruli oris promptitudine, plerumque indignationem movet
odiumque apud homines. Quod attinet ad Yum discipulum meum, quem virum esse probum
asseris; ego quidem nescio, nec discutio, ipsius probitatem: unum quaero, cui tandem est
usui illa quam tanti aestimas, oris facundia?

Confucius answered: Eloquence and easy speech of the mouth are for what? Indeed,
to overwhelm and suppress others with the quickness of a talkative mouth provokes
the indignation and anger of most people. Concerning my disciple, who you say to be
an honest man, I myself do not know and I do not argue about his honesty. I only ask,

431 Both Zhu (76) and Zhang (57) explicited [AU: explicated?]explained the connection between this
passage and the passage just before.
432 The mention of the vase hulian as used exclusively in the royal zongmiao is not in the classical text
but added by Zhu (76) and Zhang (57) in their commentary. Here again the Jesuit translation refrains
from translating zongmiao with templum (temple of ancestors) and uses instead aula (hall of ancestors).
The Sapientia Sinica has templum (Zi-ka-wei, 12 verso), explaining also that the vase was called hu in
the Xia dynasty, and lian in the Shang dynasty.
433 Zhu and Zhang commented that, for Confucius, Zigong did not achieve the level of a junzi, who
cannot be a vase (see Lunyu 2.12). The Jesuit commentary does not mention this negative implication,
but stressed some positive aspects in Zigong. Zhang comments that a man like Zigong could be the
light of the country (, 57). Perhaps the Jesuit omission about Zigong falling short of being a
junzi is intentional, since for the Jesuits, to become like a vase means on the contrary the summit of
Christian, and especially religious, perfection, one being an instrument of the divine grace.

141
for what reason do you cherish an eloquent mouth so much?

[5.5 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius jusserat discipulorum suorum unum ie tiao cai dictum; Magistratum gerere.
Hic respondit: Ego hujus rei nondum teneo vel assecutus sum sufficientem peritiam, ut eam ausim
suscipere. Confucius audito discipuli sui responso prudentiae modestiaeque pleno, admodum
gavisus est.

Confucius ordered his disciple, Qidiao Kai, to take office. Qidiao Kai answered:
Master, I have not yet had enough experience to dare accept that position.
Confucius rejoiced at hearing the answer of his disciple, as it was full of caution and
humility.434

[5.6
]

Quia Confucii temporibus jacebat in Regni L neglecta virtus; necque Rex probos
sapientesque viros ad publica muniae adhibebat: Confucius, qui dignitates eo maxim
consilio admittebat; quod speraret sic facilis doctrinam suam populis admittendam;
videns se, probosque viros passim negligi, dolore plenus, in illa tandem prorupit verba, et
dixit: Mea doctrina hodie negligitur, et non propagatur: Quorsum igitur Chinam adhuc
incolo? Conscendam ratem, navigaturus per maria, et hoc tam corruptum moribus
saeculum ocys fugiam. Proculdubio sequetur me abeuntem vel unus hic discipulus meus
Yeu (vir ad ardua quaeque tentanda promptus aeque et audax) u-lu haec audiens gavisus
est. At Confucius conversus ad hunc praefervidi animi discipulum; heus, inquit, mi Yeu;
amore ac studio fortitudinis equidem superas me; at cares re illa qua arripias, quod
consultius est; cares, inquam, judicii maturitate.

Since virtue remained neglected in the Lu Kingdom at the time of Confucius, the ruler
was not appointing honest and wise people in office. Confucius accepted office after
much consideration, with the hope that his teaching could be more easily accepted by
the people. As he and most honest people were frequently ignored, 435 he felt very sad
and said: My teaching today is ignored and not disseminated. What is the point of me
living for me to live in China? I shall board a ship, sail the oceans, and sooner flee this
region corrupted by bad customs. Without any doubt, only my disciple You will
follow me in my fleeing. (This man was both quick and resolute in tackling difficult
things.) Zilu rejoiced at hearing these things, but Confucius turned toward his
enthusiastic disciple and said: Listen, You, you exceed me in fondness and zeal for
courage, but you lack this thing by which you may seize what is more prudent. I
should say that you lack maturity of judgment.436

[5.7 ]

434 In the edition of Zhangs commentary that is being used here, this verse and the following one are
inverted. However, the Sinarum Philosophus and the Sapientia Sinica both follow the order of the
Zhus edition.
435 All of this introduction is not a part of the classical text but a comment by Zhang (58).
436 Both Zhu and Zhang point out the misunderstanding of Zilu who thought that Confucius really
envisioned leaving the country. This element does not appear in the Jesuit translation-commentary; for
them, the idea that Confucius may have left China was unproblematic. Following Zhu and Zhang, the
Jesuits read the character cai (talent) as equivalent to cai (judgment).

142
[20] fol. 3, p. 1, 1. Praefectus Regni L men vu pe dictus, volens promovere aloquos ad
publica munia, percontatus est Confucium dicens: u lu discipulus tuus estne verae
solidaeque virtutis; Confucius quod sciret virtutem esse rem ade arduam, ac proinde non
facil temerque cuilibet tribuendam; prudenter admodm respondit: vera solidaque virtus
res est intimo cujusque animi recessu abdita; adeoque quis eam habeat, vel non habeat,
pernosci difficile est: Quare an u-lu, ut me quaeris, verae solidaeque sit virtutus, ego
quidem nescio.

Meng Wubo, a prefect of Lu, wanted to promote some people to public office and
asked Confucius: Has your disciple Zilu a true and real virtue? Because Confucius
knew that virtue is something arduous and therefore should not be easily and blindly
attributed to anyone,437 he answered very carefully: A true and firm virtue is hidden
in the most inner place of ones soul. It is difficult to know who has it, or who has not.
You ask me whether Zilu has true and real virtue, but I myself do not know.438

[ ]

2. Superiore Confucii responso non contentus Praefectus: eundem iterum de virtute

discipuli u-lu interrogat: persuadere enim sibi non poterat, Confucium nescire
discipulorum suorum virtutes. Tum Confucius respondit: Cum sit eximi fortitudine,
bellicque virtute praeditus discipulus meus Yeu, in mille etiam curruum bellicorum regno,
potest ipsi committi gubernanda ejusdem militia. Verumtamen nescio ejus interiorem virtutem.

The prefect was not satisfied with the answer Confucius gave and questioned him
again about the virtue of the disciple Zilu, because he could not convince himself did
not believe that Confucius wcould ignore the virtues of his disciples. Confucius then
replied: Since my disciple You [Zilu] is endowed with exceptional courage and
military power,439 the management of the army in a kingdom of one thousand chariots
can be entrusted to him. However, I do not know his inner virtue.

[
]

3. Idem Praefectus de alio Kieu discipulo Confucium percontatus, ait: Discipulus tuus Kieu
qualisnam est? Confucius respondit: Kieu discipulo meo mille etiam familiarum oppidum,
vel centum curruum bellicorum familia, potest committi, ut agat eorum gubernatorem:
Attamen non mihi constat de ipsius virtute ill interiore.

Similarly, the prefect asked about the disciple Qiu [Ran Qiu]: What is your disciple,
Qiu, like? Confucius answered: A town with one thousand families or a clan with
one hundred military chariots can be entrusted to my disciple Qiu, so that he can
manage them. Nevertheless, I cannot say anything certain about his inner virtue.440

[
]

437 This translates a comment by Zhang (59).

438 Zhu and Zhang recognized that Ren is very hard to obtain and, more importantly, to maintain. Ren
is found in the heart of each person. According to Zhu (77) and Zhang (59), Confucius does not suggest
any imperfection in Zilu, but only the difficulty to know the original mind or benxin. The Jesuits
translate the original mind with the most inner place of the soul.
439 This remark was made by Zhang (60).
440 Zhang talks about the Ren in Qius mind (), which is translated here with inner virtue.

143
p. 2, 1. Rursum Praefectus interrogans Confucium ait: Discipulus tuus Che qualisnam est?
An ipse fort eam, de qu quaerimus, solidam virtutem possidet? Confucius respondit:
Meus discipulus Che politiam callet, rituumque est peritissimus, indutus solemni veste,
cinctusque Praefectorum cingulo si consistat inter caeteros Praefectos in aula regia, ubi se
videndum exhibet Imperator; potest ei committi munus cum hospitibus legatis ad Regiam
adventantibus loquendi et agendi. Caeterum, quod ex me quaeris, nescio an ipse sit vir verae
solidaeque virtutis interioris.

Again, the prefect questioned Confucius: Your disciple Chi [Zihua], what is he like?
Does this one by chance possess the real virtue we are looking for? Confucius
answered: My disciple Chi understands refined matters and is very skilled in rituals.
Dressed with a solemn garment, fastened with a belt, he stands out among other
prefects at the royal court, where the emperor shows him to others. He can be
entrusted with the office of negotiating and dealing with foreign embassies coming to
the court. Concerning the rest that you are asking, I do not know whether this man has
a true and firm inner virtue.441

[5.8 ]

2. Confucius alloquens discipulum suum u-cum (erat hic alienorum dictorum factorumve
facilis Cenfor ac Judex) ait: Si te comparavero cum Hoi socio studiorum, uter alterum
antecellet?

Confucius was talking to his disciple Zigong, who was quick to censor and judge the
words and deeds of others:442 If I would compare you with Hui, your classmate, who
among you two will excel?

[ ]

3. Respondit u-cum: Ego Su (nomen est u-cum) qui ausim me ex adverso ponere cum
condiscipulo Hoi. Hic enim tant valet ingenii perspicaci, ut in ipso cujusque rei exordio,
ejusdem simul videat terminum; adeoque audiens rem unam, jam inde intelligit [21] decem
alias: Cm interim ego, si quid assequor, longo usus studio et ratiocinatione vix tandem
assequar; adeoque audiens rem unam per hanc, si quando succedit feliciter, in cognitionem
venio duarum.

Zigong answered: I, Ci (this is the name of Zigong), do not dare to compare myself
to my co-disciple Hui. He is so intelligent that from the beginning of something he
can immediately see its end.443 In hearing one thing, he can from there understand ten
more things. Yet I myself can hardly reach something even with long study and hard
thought. When I hear one thing, whenever I succeed in following it, I come to the
recognition of two things only.444

[ ]

441 Zhang (61) explains further in his commentary that only oneself can examine his inner mind.
442 This gloss is mentioned by Zhu (77) and Zhang (61).
443 This gloss comes from Zhu (77) and reported also by Zhang (61): one represents the beginning and
ten the completion.
444 Zhu mentions that Zigong was using the method of deduction (tuice , 77). Zhang mentions a
method of analogy (bilei sisuo , 61).

144
4. Confucius tam modesto discipuli responso applaudens ait: Hoc quod tam syncer
fateris, nimirum te non esse, qualis ille est; ego omnimo concedo tibi; planque assentior te
non esse talem qualis ille est. Caeterum haec ipsa tui cognitio, et tam ingenua professio
minoris facultatis, satis declarant, te, audit re un, plures quam duas cognoscendo posse
assequi, et inferre ratiocinando.

Confucius applauded the humble answer of his disciple, saying: You are very sincere
in acknowledging that you are not like him [Yan Hui]. I myself concede altogether
and agree that you are not like him. 445 Yet this knowledge of yourself and the genuine
recognition of your limited capacity are enough to show that, after you have heard
something, you can understand through examination and deduct through inference
more than two things.446

[5.9
]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. Confucii discipulus ai-y dictus, de die crebro stertebat ac dormiebat; Confucius
segnitiem ejus reprehensurus ait: Putre lignum non est aptum sculpi: Luteus paries non est aptus
incrustari calce, in hoc itaque ai-y tam segni torpidoque discipulo cui sit usui correptio mea?

The disciple Zai Yu [Zai Wo] was often found sleeping and snoring during the
daytime. In order to scorn his laziness, Confucius said: A rRotten wood cannot be
sculpted; a wall of clay cannot be covered with chalk. But is my rebuke of this lazy
and numbed disciple Zai Wo of any use?

[
]

2. Confucius ade torpentem exstimulaturus ait: Primis quidem temporibus aetatis meae ego cum
hominibus agens, audiensque illorum verba, protins credebam illos eodem modo operari; nec
dubitabam, quin agerent quae dicebant. At mod, mutat rerum morumque facie deceptum me
agnosco. Itaque jam imposterum agens cum hominibus audiam quidem illorum verba; sed et
simul contemplabor eorumdem opera et actiones, an verbis respondeant. Aliter non credam.
Cum hoc discipulo meo Y experienti jam doctus correxi in hoc.

Confucius spoke to him in the hope of motivating his disciple: In my youth, when I
was dealing with people, I would listen to their words and immediately believe that
they would behave in accordance with what they saiddo the same way. I did not
imagine that they would not do what they said. But I realize now that I was deceived
by the changing appearances of things and behaviors. 447 From now on, when I deal
with people, I shall listen to their words while also observing if their work and actions
match their words. Otherwise, I shall not believe them. Having learned from the
experience with my disciple Yu [Zai Wo], I corrected myself in this regard.

445 Another reading of the classical text is to say that Confucius himself and Zigong are no match for
Yan Huis intelligence. Because the Neo-Confucians consider Confucius the ultimate wise man[AU:
man?], they did not retain this reading.
446 This last sentence comes from Zhang (62). For him, it seems that Zigong is in the end superior to
Yan Hhui because of his ability to recognize his ignorance and therefore to progress, up to the point of
investigating human nature and the way of heaven.
447 This sentence comes from Zhang (63).

145
[5.10
]

p. 2. Confucius aliquando dixerat: Ego nondum vidi virum fortem. Adstantium fort aliquis,
ad Philosophum conversus ait: Xin-em nonne est fortis? Confucius respondit: em
discipulus meus obsequitur appetitionibus pravis et oblectamentis sensuum; quomodo
censeri potest vir fortis?

Once Confucius said: I have not yet seen a steadfast man. Among the people
around, someone turned to the Philosopher, asking: Is Shen Cheng not steadfast?
Confucius answered: My disciple Cheng follows his vicious desires and the delights
of the senses. How could he be steadfast?

[5.11
]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. Discipulus u-cum dixerat: Ego quod nolo ab aliis fieri mihi; ego quoque
volo non fieri me aliis; Confucius ut hos tam praeclar de seipso sentientis reprimeret
spiritus, hues (inquit) mi S falli te nolo. Clar loquar: Nondum tu eo pervenisti; adhuc
magnum maris aequor arandum est.

The disciple, Zigong, said: What I do not want others to do unto me, I do not do unto
others.448 Confucius wanted to repress the spirits of those who feel very confident of
themselves, saying:449 Alas, my Ci, I do not wish to disappoint you, but you have not
yet reached this point. You still have to cross an ocean.450

[5.12
]

2. Aliquando u-cum dixerat: Confucii Magistri nostri exteriorem illam compositionem et

ornatum seu styli, seu morum et actionum; potest quis etiam mediocris ingenii assequi et
percipere: [22] At ver haec Confucio nostro assidu praedicata natura ejusque dictamen
caelits homini inditum, non possunt tamen capi penitusque perspici ne perspicacibus
quoque ingeniis.

Zigong said: Even sSomeone of little intelligence can even understand and perceive
the exterior behavior of our Master Confucius, as well as the decorum of his style,
manners, and actions. But, this nature preached constantly to us by our Confucius, as
well as the prescription given from heaven to man, cannot be grasped and is hardly

448 The Han commentators understood this passage as made of two independent statements: I do not
wish others to impose something on me, nor do I myself impose anything on others. Zhu articulated
the two statements as something very different, and the Jesuit translation follows the meaning by Zhu,
who also stressed that a person truly good naturally practices this rule. In his Tianzhu shiyi (245 and
295), Ricci quotes this sentence, slightly modified. See also Lunyu 12.2.
449 This is the translation of Zhangs comment (64). Zhang mentions further that Confucius did not
want Zigong to stop his efforts, but on the contrary Confucius encouraged him to continue.
450 The metaphor of the ocean to be crossed is not found in the Chinese commentaries, but comes from
Virgils Aeneid (book II, 780). [AQ: If citing a specific edition, please can you provide additional
details?]

146
perceived unless by very intelligent people.451

[5.13 ]

p. 2, 1. u-l praefervidae indolis discipulus, bonae laudabilisque rei quidpiam audiens

ardebat illic perficere. Sed quandoque id quod auditu perceperat, non valens ipse quam
primm opere complere; angebatur animo scilicet ac solum timebat, ne interim novi
quidpiam esset ad virtutem spectans quod sese offerret denu audiendum, antequam illud,
quod prius intellexerat opere complevisset.

After Zilu, the disciple with a hot- tempered disciple, had listened to something good
and praiseworthy, he would be in a hurry to execute it immediately. Whenever he
could not finish the work he had first listened to as soon as possible, he was worried
and fearful that, even before he could have finished the work first undertaken,
something new to listen to would come and present itself.

[5.14
]

2. Jam olim in more positum erat Sinis, ut qui in Magistratu aut dignitate su laudabiliter vel
perperam vixisset, post mortem propri vel honoris vel opprobrii not afficeretur. u-cum itaque
Confucii discipulus, cum sciret Regni Gui Praefectum Cum-y dictum, dum viveret, multa haud
laudabilia patrasse, (inter caetera author fuerat cuidam Tai xo ie nominato, uxoris repudiandae, ut
ei deinde suam ipsius filiam daret nuptui) et tamen post mortem honorifico illo cognomento Cum
wem u auctum appellatumque fuisse; non parm miratus, Magistrum interrogat dicens: Praefectus
ille Cum vem u, qunam de caus post mortem vocatus est, honoratusque liter ill Vn, quae
ornatum significat. Confucius respondit: Praefectus autem iste tametsi acutus ipse et
perspicax natur esset; tamen gaudebat identidem studere libris et addiscere; nec
erubescebat aut dedignabatur inferiores quoque ministros, imo et plebeios consulere, et
quidem iis de rebus, quas, qui consulebantur, fort non usquequaque callebant. Ornatus
itaque modesti tam singulari dum ageret in vivis, idcirc morte su jure merito
cognominatus est ornatus. Liber enim, quo ejusmodi posthumi tituli depromi solent, sic ait:
Kn hio hao ven yao ven. Id est: qui cm viverent, diligenter studuerunt, aliosque libenter
consuluerunt, morte cognominandi sunt ornati.

In the past, China had such high standards of morality that someone who had
performed his office with praise or blame was given a mark of honor or shame at his
death, respectively.452 Kongyu, a prefect of the Wei Kingdom, had accomplished many
deeds which were not found to be praiseworthy in his lifetime. Among others, he
proposed that Taishuji should divorce his wife so that he could give his own wife in

451 According to Zhu (79), people did not know about human nature because Confucius rarely spoke
about it. Indeed, the notion of xing appears only twice in the Lunyu. However, the Jesuits did not
follow Zhu but Zhangs interpretation on this point, believing that Confucius had talked a lot about
human nature but only a few could understand (64) as reflected in the Jesuit translation. Moreover, Zhu
explainedicited [AU: See above] the two notions of xing as the heavenly principle endowed to man
() and tiandao as the natural essence of the heavenly principle ().
Zhang gave in his commentary a different meaning: xing as the four Mencian virtues endowed at birth
(), and tiandao as the cosmic order of the Yijing which unfolds itself with
solemnity (, 64). The Sapientia Sinica had initially translated this comment
by Zhang (Zi-ka-wei, 14 verso), but it has disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus.
452 This comment, not mentioned by Zhu, is found in Zhangs commentary (65).

147
marriage to him.453 Nevertheless, he was honored and, after his death, received the
honorific title of Kong Wenzi. The disciple Zigong came to know about this and, more
than a little surprised, asked the Teacher: How come the prefect Kong Wenzi was
called and honored after his death with the Chinese character Wen, which means
distinguished? Confucius answered: This prefect was very sharp and intelligent, yet
he still enjoyed studying and learning from books. He was not ashamed of nor
opposed consulting low ministers and even common people about things in which his
counselors were not experts. Since he was distinguished with such a special humility
in his lifetime, he rightly received at his death the title of a distinguished man.
Indeed, the book according to which posthumous titles were conferred mentions:
Qinxue haowen yue wen, which means: Those who strived diligently and
consulted others assiduously in their lifetimes receive the titles of distinguished men
at their deaths.454

[5.15
]

Fol. 6, p. 1, 1. Confucius Praefectum Regni Chim, u chan dictum identidem depraedicans

aiebat: Praefectus u chan habet proprias perfecti viri virtutes quatuor. Nam ipse res agens suas
ipsius, admodum moderatus, modestoque ac demisso est animo, nunquam se suaque laudat:
idem tamen alios, qui probitate conspicui sunt, palm depraedicat, sibique ultro praefert.
[23] Deinde, ipse serviendo et obsequendo Principi ac Superioribus suis magn cum
observanti se gerit, promptque et alacriter facit imperata. Praeterea ipse conservando
tutandoque populo perqum est beneficus, quae subditis suis commodo sunt et lucro,
sollicit procurans; quae damno, arcens. Denique ipse gubernando populo, et jure dicundo,
magnam adhibet aequitatem et justitiam, neminei favens impensis, neminem asperius
qum fas sit tractans, aequus adverss omnes. Itaque Regnum Chim tametsi jaceat inter duo
Regna praepotentia in et u medio situm loco: tali tamen administro rerum suatum, egregi
tuetur libertatem suam, vimque omnem et insidias vicinorum Regnorum avertit. Tantum
scilicet praesidii est, vel in unius viri sapienti et virtute.

Confucius was praising Zichan, a prefect of Zheng, in saying: The prefect Zichan has
the four qualities of a perfect man. First, dealing with his own affairs, he is moderate,
humble, not assuming, never extolling himself or his business, but he openly praises
those who shine by their honesty and gives them precedence over himself. Next, in his
service and compliance to the ruler and to his superiors, he behaves with great
obedience, executing orders quickly and eagerly. In addition, he is very generous in
protecting and defending the people, zealously procuring what profits and gains he
can for the people below him, while also keeping them fromaway what harms them.
Finally, he uses a great equity and justice in managing the people and in declaring the
law, not favoring anyone, not dealing with anyone too harshly, and is fair toward
all.455 Therefore, even though Zheng is located between the two powerful countries
of Jin and Chu, it upholds its liberty and avoids the military forces and traps of the

453 The story of the wife of the officer Taishuji is reported by Zhu (79), but not by Zhang. This story is
present in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 14 recto).
454 The last sentence of this passage can be found in Zhangs commentary (, 65). This
passage clearly shows the way in which the Jesuits could draw at the same time from Zhangs
commentary and from Zhus Sishu jizhu. The book referred to is the Shifa by Su Xun
(100966).
455 The Chinese notion of gong is rendered with moderation (moderatus); jing with obedience
(observantia); hui with generosity (beneficus); and yi with equity and justice (equitas, justicia).

148
neighboring countries.456 All of this can be attributed to the wisdom and virtue of one
man.457

[5.16 ]

3. Confucius ait: Yn pm chum (nomen hoc erat Praefecto Regni i) omnes explet numeros, in
colend cum hominibus amiciti: Est enim amicus vetus, et tamen reverens. Velut si amicitia foret
etiamnum recens.

Confucius said: Yan Pingzhong, prefect of the Qi Kingdom, cultivates friendships

with a great number of people. Indeed, he is an old friend and yet he shows respect, as
if it is a new friendship.458

[5.17 ]

Confucius ait: Cam vn chum domo su abdidit magnam testudinem ai dictam, seu, habitat in
domo, quae similitudine su refert locum illum nativum testudinis, ai dictum: Nam montium
figuris caelata habet epistylia, et herbarum palustrium figuris depictas columellas: Qualis, obsecro
censeri potest ejus prudentia qui commissi sibi populi oblitus felicitatem captet aut speret ex
hujusmodi loco.

Confucius said: Zang Wenzhong kept inside his house a great large tortoise called
Cai. The name of the tortoise refers to its place of birth, also called Cai. 459 The house
has columns engraved with figures of mountains and pillars painted with figures of
algae. I ask you, what should one think about the wisdom of someone who forgoes the
people entrusted to him and searches for happiness in such a house?460

[5.18

]

p. 2. Discipulus u-cham quaesivit Confucius dicens: Gubernator Regni u, nominatus u ven,

ter ad officium promotus gessit supremum Magistratum Lm yn dictum, absque ull, quam vultu
praeferret, laetiae specie: Idemque exauthoratus est, absque ull item, quam vultu proderet,
indignationis specie: Im de praeterit officii illius sui Lim yn administratione infallibiliter
certiorem faciebat novum, qui ipse successerat, gubernatorem, ei sine ull prorss invidi candid
significans, quidquid usu didicerat prodesse vel obesse posse urbi feliciter administrandae. Ecquid
videtur dicendum de hoc vito? Confucius respondit: Vir san fidelis et rectus fuit: Instat
discipulus et ait: Annon solidae virtutis vir dici potest? Philosophus respondit: Necdum scio.
Quomodo enim scire possim an ipse obtinuit solidam animi veramque virtutem.

456 This comment comes from Zhang (66).

457 Zhang (66) suggests that this man is no one else than the emperor.
458 The Latin seems to make Confucius a personal friend of Yan Pingzhong. Though both were living
in the same era, the ancient texts and the commentaries do not suggest a personal relationship.
459 This explanation is given by the Han commentators, by Zhang (66), but not by Zhu.
460 The mention of Zang Wenzhong forgetting the people can be found in Zhus comment (80), and
also in Zhangs (67). Zhang explains also that the tortoise was used for divination and therefore
Confucius condemned Zang Wenzhong for flattering the spirits. The Sapientia Sinica initially
mentioned in a note that only the emperor was allowed to keep such a tortoise in his palace and to
perform divination (Zi-ka-wei, 14 verso). However, the reference to divination and to the spirits has
disappeared in the Sinarum Philosophus, and therefore the story portrays Zang Wenzhong mostly as an
extravagant man. Because the Sinarum Philosophus contrasted the superstition of the Chinese of their
own time against the pure faith of the ancient Chinese, it has removed from the translation of the Lunyu
any reference to divination, like in this passage.

149
The disciple Zizhang asked Confucius: Ziwen, prime minister of Chu, was promoted
three times to the highest office, lLing yYin, but each time without any joy. Similarly,
he was removed, but each time without any indignation. Even more, he informed the
person who succeeded him about the past administration of his office as Ling Yin. He
did not show any jealousy and taught him all that could be advantageous or
disadvantageous in the successful administration of the city. 461 What would you say
about such a man? Confucius answered: He was truly a faithful and true honest
person. The disciple continued: Can he also be called a man of real virtue? The
Philosopher replied: I do not know yet. How could I know whether he obtained a real
and true virtue?462

[

]

Fol. 7, p. 1. Idem discipulus u-cham rursum percontans ait: Olim Regni i Praefectus ui u
nomine, occiderat ejusdem Regni i Regem: Tum alter ejusdem Regni Praefectus Chin ven u
dictus, immane parricidium execratus, tametsi ratione dignitatis et muneris sui, quod tum gerebat
ibi commod splendidque viveret, habens equorum decem quadrigas, seu, quadraginta equos;
haec tamen omnia ultr reliquit, et profectus pervenit ad aliud Regnum Ubi cum improbos item
[24] Praefectos, Regique parm fideles offendisset, illic ait: Hi Praefecti similes et ejusdem
omnino farinae sunt cum nostrate Praefecto ui u: Nihil itaque negotii mihi cum illis sit.
Profectus erg inde, pervenit ad unum aliud Regnum: Ubi similiter offendens improbos
Praefectos, ill etiam ait: Et hi etiam similes omnino sunt nostrati Praefecto ui u. Quare inde
quoque abiit profectus ali. De hoc viro quid tibi videtur? Confucius respondit: Dici san
meretur, qualis re ips fuit, vir purus et integer. u-cham iterum quaerit: sed solidae virtutis
vir fuisse dicendus est? Confucius respondit nescio: Cum enim vera solidaque virtus in
intimo corde lateat, et in externis cert deprehendi nequeat; quomodo ego assequi illic aut
scire possum, an ipse veram solidamque virtutem acquisiverit.

The disciple Zizhang continued asking: When Cuizi, a prefect of Qi, killed his king,
the prefect Chen Wenzi detested this monstrous parricide. By reason of his rank and
function at that time, he could have lived well and comfortably, having ten chariots of
four horses, but he decided to abandon everything and go to another country. When
dishonest prefects and disloyal people offended the king over there, Chen Wenzi
immediately said: These prefects are of the same grain, like our own prefect Cuizi. I
should have no business with them at all. He left there Qi and entered another
kingdom. But again some wicked prefects there were offending their ruler and he
immediately said: They are like our prefect Cuizi. Therefore, he left once more,
going elsewhere. What kind of man do you think he is? Confucius answered: He
truly deserves to be called a clean and honest man. Zizhang asked again: Could he
be called a man of real virtue? Confucius answered: I do not know. Since a true and
real virtue resides in the innermost heart, it cannot be known from the outside. How
could I understand and know immediately whether he had acquired the true and firm
virtue?463

461 Zhang (67) mentions that Ziwen was without jealousy.

462 Ren is translated here as true and firm virtue (vera et solida virtus). Notice also the mention of
Confucius as philosopher, precisely when Confucius acknowledges his ignorance, not unlike Socrates.
463 For Zhu (80), Confucius could affirm from Cuizis actions that he was clean and honest, but he
could not know his inner mind. Similarly, Zhang (68) states that Ren lies not in actions but in the
mind.

150
[5.19 ]

p. 2, 1. Olim Regni Lu Praefectus K vn dictus, vir erat morosus et cunctator in expediendis

negotiis: Quippe omino ter secum ipse perpendebat singula; ac tum demm exequebatur.
Confucius haec audiens ait: iterum, seu bis expendere matur omnia, hoc enim ver convenit: nec
ops est deinde cunctari diutis ac deliberare; ne dum justo prudentiores sumus, contra ipsam
prudentiam vel maxime peccemus.

Ji Wenzi, a prefect of Lu, was very slow and cautious in carrying out business; he
carefully assessed each single matter three times and only then did he undertake it.
Hearing this, Confucius said: It is good to thoroughly consider everything twice, but
there is no need to deliberate longer. Though we may be more cautious, we commit a
great misstep against wisdom.

[5.20
]

2. Confucius ait: Nim v Praefectus Regni Gui, quando in Regno, seu domo Regi, viget
probitas, prudens audit apud omnes. Si quando autem Regnum est sine lege ac probitate sic
ut perturbari incipiat ac periclitari; ipse tempestati subducens sese, sic latitat, ut vulgi
oculis remotus, prudenti su et consilio fulcire labantem Rempublicam non cesset:
Caeterm quia haec privatus, et clam praestat; ipse tum rudis audit, meticulosus et ad res
gerendas imperitus: At ego san sic judico quod ad ejus prudentiam, qu pacis tempore in
regno eminet, facil possit quis pertingere illumque imitari. At ver ad prudentissimam ejus
ruditatem illam, dum perturbata sunt omnia, incolumitati propriae publicaeque
consulentem, non potest nisi difficillim et paucissimis pertingi.

Confucius said: Ning Wuzi, a prefect of Wei, is said to be wise as long as honesty
flourishes in the country and the royal court. However, whenever the kingdom has no
law, loses all honesty, and becomes disturbed and dangerous, Ning Wuzi escapes
dangers and keeps hidden, invisible to the common people. Yet, he continues to
support the failing country by way of his wisdom and advice. Because he is acting in
secret and as a private man, he is considered stupid, fearful, and unskilled in politics. I
think and declare that one can easily reach his wisdom and excel in it at a time of
peace in the kingdom by emulating Ning Wuzi. However, when everything is
disturbed, Ning Wuzi looks after his own safety as well as public safety. Only a very
few people, with great difficulty, can reach his wisest stupidity.464

[5.21
]

Fol. 8, p. 1. Confucius cum esset in Regno Chin; videret doctrinam suam non admitti; Revertar
itaque, revertar in patrium Regnum Lu: Saltem populares mei adolescentes discipuli, ut sunt
altioris spirits ad summa quaeque adspirantis, et inferiora communiaque aspernantis, ita ad
elegantiam et ornatum contexunt orationes suas et lucubrationes; nec sciunt interim quid et qua
ratione castigent; ignari scilicet regulae illius secundm quam solemus quidquid est nimium,
ultraque fines recti luxurians prudenter amputare.

464 It is difficult to know from the Lunyu why Confucius praised Ning Wuzis stupidity (yu). Based on
the Chunqiu, Zhu stated that, at times of turmoil, Ning pretended to be stupid, saved his life, and at the
same time worked for the country (81). Zhang has similar explanations, praising his stupidity (69).
The Jesuits used here an oxymoron to express this: wisest stupidity (prudentissima ruditas).

151
When Confucius was in the Chen Kingdom, he realized that his teaching was not
widely accepted: I should go back, yes, go back to the Lu Kingdom. At least there
my young disciples have more elevated minds, aspiring to higher realities and
despising inferior and ordinary realities.465 They compose speeches and texts which
are elegant and adorned, and yet they ignore why they should do and how to restrain
themselves.466 Going beyond the limits of correctness, they are ignorant of the rule
by which we should wisely cut what is excessive.

[5.22 ]

[25] p. 2, 1. Confucius dixit: Pe y et Xo ci filii Regis Regni Cu cho (de quibus parte 4.
agetur) Non reminiscebantur, sive, non revocabant in memoriam praeterita aliorum scelera.
Licet odio haberent improbos propter scelera sua, si tamen serio resipiscerent; sic eos
complectebantur, ac si nihil unquam peccavissent. Querelarum igitur et obmurmurationum
de istis quidem Principibus fuit usus long rarissimus: Ade chari erant omnibus, graves
odiosique nemini.

Confucius said: Boyi and Shuqi, the sons of King Guzhu (mention will be made of
them in part four),467 did not remember or call to mind the past crimes of others. As it
is, Boyi and Shuqi would have hated wicked people because of their crimes if only
they could have recalled them. In fact, they were embracing them as if they had never
committed mistakes.468 Complaints and any murmur of protest against these two
princes were extremely rare. They were dear to all; oppressive and offensive to none.

[5.23 ]

2. Vi sem cao vir erat in opinione quidem vulgi admodum syncerus et candidus: Sed Confucius,
qui observrat hominem, ut ostendat quam obnoxia sint errori judicia multitudinis imperitae, unam
exponens ipsius actionem sic ait: Ecquis, obsecro, dicat Vi sem cao virum esse rectum et
syncerum, quandoquidem nuper uno aliquo petente ab illo acetum; cm ei revera non esset, non
hoc tamen ingenu fassus est; sed contrarium simulans clam mutuum petivit suo vicino, et
petenti dedit. Porr videant nunc, qui candorem hominis usque ade depraedicant, an res ipsa
famae respondeat.

According to general opinion, Weisheng Gao was very sincere and frank. However,
Confucius had observed the man, and in order to show that the judgments of an
ignorant multitude may be liable to error, he revealed an action of that man: 469 I ask
you, who says that Weisheng Gao is a sincere and honest man? He was recently asked
by someone for some vinegar, but having none, he did not frankly admit it, 470 but
secretly obtained vinegar from a neighbor and then gave it to the person who had
asked for it. Thus, those who praise the purity of someone should watch whether

465 Kuangjian () is understood by Zhu as meaning high ideals but overlooking practical matters
( , 81). Zhang (70) has the same. Here, the Jesuits have superimposed a Christian, or
Platonic, reading with the opposition between higher and inferior realities.
466 Some commentators read: They compose speeches and texts which are elegant and adorned, but I
do not know how they are able to do it. The Neo-Confucian interpreters resist admitting Confucius
ignored certain things, and therefore they attribute the ignorance to the disciples.
467 That is, part four (pars quarta) of the Sinarum Philosophus, liber tertius, or Lunyu, 7.14.
468 Zhang explains further that Boyi and Shuqi hated the crimes but not the individuals involved.
Therefore, as long as the individuals repented and changed, they would forgive (liang ) them (70).
469 This introduction is according to Zhang (71).
470 Zhang (71) mentions the concealment of Weisheng Gao, which explains the doubt raised by
Confucius about that persons morality.

152
reality matches reputation.471

[5.24
]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. Confucius aiebat: Affectata comptae orationis verba, quibus mulceas ac titilles
hominum aures: affectatam item blandi oris speciem qua aliorum oculos allicias: Nimias denique
cerimonias, quibus aliorum gratiam animosque captes; artes scilicet industriasque levium
hominum atque fallacium, ad voluntatem loquentium omnia, nihil ad veritatem; verbo,
adulatorum; insignis quidem vir ille o kieu mim erubescebat & damnabat: Et ego quoque non
minus erubesco & damno. Praeterea mutua hominum inter se consuetudo, fidem et candidam
veritatem vel maxim postulat: Itaque tegere odium animo conceptum & iterum falsis simulatae
amicitiae officiis prosequi eum ipsum hominem quem revera oderis vir ille sapientissimus o kieu
mim item erubescebat oderatque, sed & ego quoque detestor et erubesco.

Confucius said: Through the skillful words of an elegant speech, you please and
tickle peoples ears. By the skillful appearance of a flattering expression, you attract
the eyes of others. Finally, thanks to grandiose ceremonies, you entice their minds.
These are the skills and efforts of fickle and deceitful people, of sycophants by words,
who always speak for their interest and not for the truth. Zuo Qiuming, this
remarkable man, was ashamed of them and condemned them. I am no less ashamed of
them and I condemn them too.472 In addition, intercourse among people requires trust
and candid honesty above all. Therefore, Zuo Qiuming, this very wise man, was
ashamed and hated those who were hiding the hate conceived in their heart and also
those who were following someone they actually despised, with the fake kindness of a
feigned friendship. I myself also hate this and I am ashamed of it.

[5.25 ]

2. Discipuli Yen yuen unus, alter Ki lu, vel u lu soli adstabant lateri Confucii Magistri sui,
tum Confucius ad illos conversus ait: Cur non uterque mihi exponitis vestrum animi
propositum ac desiderium?

The disciples Yan Yuan and Jilu (or Zilu), were standing alone next to Master
Confucius. Then, Confucius turned to them: Why will both of you not tell me the
aim and desire in your heart?

[ ]

3. u lu prior respondens ait: Desidero ego currus & equos, induique bonis ac levibus pelliceis;
& haec omina cum amicis habere communia: eisdem quoque res meas atterentibus longo usu &
prorsus absumentibus tamen neutiquam indignari, nec id molest ferre.

Zilu responded first: I myself desire to have carriages and horses, to be dressed with
sophisticated and smooth furs, to share all these with friends, and never to be offended
or find annoyance in friends that have worn out and used up my belongings over a

471 This last sentence comes from Zhang, who stresses the necessity of correspondence between name
(ming ) and reality (shi , 71).
472 The moral judgment of condemnation by Zuo Qiuming and Confucius against sycophants is not
found in the commentaries but is probably a Jesuit addition. Zuo is a contemporary of Confucius and
the putative author of the Zuo Zhuan and the Guoyu.

153
long period of time.

[ ]

[26] 4. Discipulorum alter Yen yuen deinde item respondit: Ego vero desidero non ostentare, aut
inaniter jactare, si quae in me sunt bona; nec extendere vel amplificare merita mea coram aliis.

Likewise, the other disciple Yan Yuan responded: I myself desire neither to display
or boast vainly about the good qualities that I may have, nor to boast or embellish my
accomplishments in the presence of others.

[ ]

p. 2. Tum illorum alter u lu ait: Desideramus nunc audire tuam sententiam, desiderium ac votum.
Tum Confucius respondit: Quod ego imprimis expeto, hoc est, ut ii qui jam grandes natu
sunt, placid quiescant, foveantur ab ominibus & observentur: ut amicos inter et aequales
mutua fides constet: ut, qui minores aetate sunt, qui valetudine, viribus, conditione caeteris
inferiores amanter & benign foveantur: Verbo, votum generis humani, votum meum est.

Zilu said: We want now to hear your own opinion, desire, and wish. Confucius then
answered: I myself above all aspire that the elders find peace and serenity, being
cherished and respected by all, that mutual trust exists among friends and equals, that
the youth and the people who are inferior to others because of their health,
strengthforces, or social status, may be loved and kindly cherished. ThoseWith this
words express, it is the wish of all humanity and my own wish as well.473

[5.26 ]

Fol. 10, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Actum est, proh dolor! Quotus enim quisque reperiatur hac
aetate nostr, qui suimet severus censor sit, idemque testis, accusator, & Judex: Ego quidem
nondum vidi quemquam hujusmodi, qui vellet, inquam, agnoscere suam culpam, & intus, id
est, pro interiori illo mentis suae quasi tribunali semet in jus vocare, seseque reum agere,
debitasque exigere poenas.

Confucius said: Alas, it is hopeless. How could I find in our age someone who could
be a strict censor, witness, prosecutor, and judge of himself? I have not yet seen a man
who would acknowledge his mistakes and appear inside, that is, in front of his inner
mind, like in a tribunal, condemning and punishing himself and pronouncing his
responsibilities and fines.474

[5.27 ]

2. Confucius ait: In quolibet quamvis ignobili et parvo, exempli grati, decem nec amplius,
domorum pago, utique dantur aliqui synceri homines ac veraces (qualis & ipse sum) proprio
quodam naturae beneficio tales. At non dantur aequ ut ego amantes discere et proficere.

Confucius said: In any remote and little village, of no more than ten households for

473 Zhang (73) makes mention of all under heaven (tianxia), rendered here with humanity.
474 The classical text and the commentaries talk about a self-accusation inside the person. The
translation changes it with an accusation of the person in front of the tribunal of his inner conscience.
This split within the person is characteristic of the Western tradition, but is not at all Chinese.

154
instance, sincere and truthful people like me can certainly be found, because of their
natural disposition. But no one loves to learn and practice more than myself.475

475 The reference to natural disposition translates Zhus shengzhi zhi mei (, 74). Zhang
copies here Zhu (74). Both of them mean that Confucius like everyone was naturally endowed with
moral goodness, yet, contrary to ordinary people, he did not stop there but continued his moral
perfection.

155
 [Chapter 6]

[6.1 ]

3. Confucius laudaturus discipulum suum Gen-yum ait : Discipulus meus Yum vir est admodm
moderatus, lenis, minimque minutus ac tetricus; dignus proinde, quem faciant Austrum verss
respicere, sive obverso ad meridiem vultu considentem jus dicere: Id est, dignum judico
praefectur. Nam apud Sinas non tantm Regis aula, sed omnium etiam Praefectorum Regiorum
tribunalia Austrum respiciunt.

In order to praise his disciple, Ran Yong, Confucius said: My disciple Yong is a very
controlled, gentle, and not at all petty or harsh man. 476 Therefore, he is worthy of
facing south, i.e., sitting with his face turned towards the south, and declaring the law.
I consider him worthy of being a prefect. Indeed, in China, not only the royal court
but also all the tribunals of the royal prefects face south.477

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Modo memoratum discipulum Yum, seu Chum cum cupido incessit percunctandi de u
sam pe u dicto, quem studio & indole sibi haud absimilem esse noverat; magistrum itaque
interrogavit de u sam pe u, quid ipsi videretur? Confucius respondit: Potest, seu, dignus est,
& ipse magistratum gerere: vir enim moderatus est nec qui minutiis intentus, majora
negligat.

[Ran] Yong, or Zhonggong, the disciple just mentioned, was very eagerdesirous to ask
about Zisang Bozi, whom he knew not to be very different from himself, in spirit and
in character.478 Thus, he asked the Teacher about Zisang Bozi, and how he appeared to
him. Confucius answered: He is worthy and able to hold office. He controls himself
and he does not ignore important matters by being too attentive to petty matters.479

Iste u sam pe u oriundus Regno L (quem non injuri quis vocet Diogenem Sinicum)
Magnus fuit vel suimet contemptor, vel cert gravitatis [27] elegantiaeque Sinicae: laceris
incedebat vestibus atque sine pileo, ade non erubescens paupertatem suam, ut ostentaret potis,
dicere solitus: Nec coelum clam regit omnia, nec terra clam sustinet omnia: quo pacto igitur
coelum ac terra velint me tegere paupertatem? Facetum illud quod de ipso traditur: Confucius
visendi gratia adibat hominem: At is discooperto ut erat capite tantum hospitem excepit: haud
leviter ea res Confucii discipulos offendit, qud, neglecto ritu operti capitis hospitem salutaret:
qui ade, quorsum (inquiunt) Magister adis hominem usque adeo agrestem atque rusticum? Ad
quos Philosophus: Placet mihi recti hominis simplicitas; rusticitas utique non placet: At huic
ego mederi pervelim. Ipsum deinde u sam pe u quod is vicissim pararet salutare Confucium
discipuli sui gravitate Confucian nihilo mins offensi, dehortabantur scilicet: Quibus ille non
auditis: Eundum est, inquit; nam integritas hominis mihi placet, gravitas non item: At huic ego

476 This is not part of the classical text but a comment from Zhang (74).
477 In the Sishu jizhu, Zhu interpreted facing south as the mark of a ruler (, 83). This is
also the interpretation given by Zhang (, 74). In this reading, Confucius considers Ran Yong
worthy of being a ruler. However, the Jesuits did not follow this interpretation, but seem to have
adopted another reading by Zhu, in which facing south indicates any high officer (Yulei, vol. 3, 761).
This interpretation greatly lowers the praise of Ran Yong by Confucius. Also, it suggests that Ran
Yong, not belonging to the aristocracy, could not be a ruler. The Jesuits may also have been influenced
by their own tendency to privilege hereditary monarchy.
478 This sentence translates a comment by Zhang (74).
479 The word jian is understood by Zhu (83) and Zhang (74) as meaning not being troubled with
petty affairs.

156
mederi desidero.

Zisang Bozi, a native of the Lu Kingdom, greatly despised himself, as well as the
Chinese sense of dignity and elegance (he could be called without prejudice the
Chinese Diogenes).480 He wore some torn garments and was without a cap. He was
not ashamed of his poverty, but was in fact keen on displaying it. He used to say:
Since heaven rules openly over everything, and earth sustains everything, why
would they therefore want me to hide my poverty?481 This humorous story is told
about him: Confucius came to see Zisang Bozi, who, with the head being uncovered,
received his guest. Because Zisang Bozi had saluted Confucius without respecting the
ritual of covering the head, this greatly offended the disciples of Confucius, who said:
Oh Master, why are you visiting such a rude and impolite person? The Philosopher
told them: I appreciate the simplicity of honest people, but not the lack of
sophistication. I very much wish to help this man. Finally, the disciples of Zisang
Bozi were greatly offended by the dignity of Confucius and advised Zisang Bozi
against paying him back a visit. He did not listen to them, but instead said: I have to
go. I indeed appreciate the honesty of Confucius, but not his sense of dignity, and so I
desire to help him.482

[
]

2. Ad haec Chum cum quaerens ait: ut quis domi suae secum ipse severus sit & rerum quamvis
minimarum rationem exigat ab se, & sicubi peccatum est, etiam poenas; At ver foris, & dum
gerendae sunt res publicae; tunc uti remissione quadam indulgentique in gubernando suo populo
nonne expedit? Contr ver domi suae, id est, in su ipsius person, seu secum ipso remissum
esse, sibique indulgere; & dum gerendae sunt res publicae similiter esse remissum, nonne haec est
nimia plan remissio, & quae cedat in damnum non unius tantum, sed multorum?

Then, Zhonggong asked: At home one should be strict with oneself and require from
himself a reason for even the smallest affairs; if there is any mistake, he should bear
the consequences. However, when he is outside, managing public affairs, is it not
proper to show flexibility and understanding in governing people? However, to be
flexible and indulgent with oneself in his home, i.e., in relation to his own person, and
also to be flexible in managing public affairs, would this not clearly be an excessive
flexibility, which would bring harm not only to one, but also to the many?

[ ]

3. Confucius supradictum discursum approbans ait: Discipuli mei Yum verba omnino vera
sunt.

480 Zhu (83) mentions a possible identification of Zisang Bozi with Zisanghu , a personage of
the Zhuangzi. However, this identification is mistaken.
481 The Sapientia Sinica mentioned this story and its source, the Sishuzheng . Harvard Library
has a copy of a book with this title, by Wang Mengjian (fl. late Ming). The Vatican Library
(Borgia Cinese) has also an identical title of the same period, by Wu Zhenqi .
482 This story of the visit between Confucius and Bozi is mentioned by Zhang (74), but not by Zhu.
The story itself can be found in Xiuwen , in the Shuoyuan

157
Confucius approved of this, saying: The words of my disciple, Yong, are completely
true.

[6.2
]

Fol. 11, p. 1. Ngai cum Regulus Regni Lu quaesivit ex Confucio de discipulis ipsius, ecquis
eorum esset prae caeteris studiosior. Confucius respondit: Fuit mihi discipulus Yn hoi
admirabili quodam ardens studio discendi & proficiendi. Itaque omnino non transferebat is
seu exerebat iram vel in homines vel in res, quibus lacessitus fuerat. Neque is etiam bis
unquam peccabat. Sed infelix abrupt vit meo ac bonorum omnium dolore immatur obiit
(aetatis scilicet anno trigesimo secundo) terris tantum ostensus. Nunc igitur ipso mortuo, ego
adhuc quidem non cognovi quemquam, nec audivi, qui pari flagraret studio virtutis ac
sapientiae.

The prince, Ai Gong, asked Confucius who was the most zealous among his disciples.
Confucius answered: There was my disciple Yan Hui, who burned with a remarkable
zeal for learning and personal progress.483 He did not transfer or extend his anger on to
people and affairs which beset him. He never committed the same mistake twice.
Alas, the unfortunate died too young (he was only thirty-two years old) and left me
and everyone else in grief.484 After his death, I havent known anyone, nor have I even
heard of anyone, being inflamed with the same zeal for virtue and wisdom.

[6.3
]

Fol. 12, p. 1, 1. Hoc paragrapho discipuli commendant Confucii Magistri sui aequitatem in
conferendis beneficiis. Nam discipulo u hoa fort misso ob publica quaedam negotia in Regnum
i, jussu Confucii; discipulorum alius Gn dictus, pro ipsius condiscipuli matre apud
Confucium tunc Magistratu fungentem intercedens rogavit ut praeberetur eidem milium per
modum annonae. Confucius respondit: Detur ei una mensura Fu dicta, quae minoribus est.
Verm cum parum id esse videretur ; rursum patrocinatus, rogavit augeri mensuram: Et
Confucius respondit: Detur ei major mensura Yu, sed cm hoc etiam auctarium tenue esse
videretur; ipsemet Gen-u promens de suo, praebuit ei milii quinque mensuras grandes Pim
dictas, utique prodig, & majore, qum par erat, liberalitate.

In this paragraph, the disciples stress the fairness of Master Confucius in doing
favors.485 Confucius ordered his disciple, Zihua, to go to the kingdom of Qi for some
official negotiations. The disciple, Ranzi [Ran Qiu], pleaded with Confucius, who was
holding office at that time, on behalf of the mother of his co-disciple [Zihua], and
requested that he give her some millet from the public granary. Confucius answered:
She can receive one fu, which is the smallest measure. But this appeared too little
and, pleading her casetaking her defense a second time, Ranzi asked for more.
Confucius responded: She can receive one yu, a bigger measure, but this increase
still appeared too small. Out of a prodigal and excessive generosity, Ranzi took it
upon himself to provide her with five bing, the largest measure of millet.

483 The expression of burning with a remarkable zeal for learning and personal progress translates the
Chinese word haoxue, which was translated in Lunyu 1.14 as philosophy.
484 The age of death for Yan Hui is given by Zhu (84), but not by Zhang. This may be another
indication that the Jesuits consulted both Zhang and Zhus commentaries. The age of death is already
mentioned in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 16 verso).
485 This comment is translated from Zhangs commentary (76).

158
[ ]

2. Confucius, memoratam discipuli sui Gen-u liberalitatem, uti nimiam, damnans; ne putes
(inquit) avariti qudam, sordidve parsimoni factum esse, quod non jusserim praeberi amplius.
Et enim condiscipulus tuus Che u (idem est qui u hoa) profectus in Regnum conscendit
splendidum & prob pastum equum, & induit sese levibus optimisque pelliceis, quippe dives
ipse ac locuples. Atqui, quod semper ego audivi vir probus ac prudens elargitur egentibus, non
autem superaddit divitibus.

Confucius was informed about the excessive generosity of his disciple, Ranzi, and
condemned it, saying: Do not think that because I did not give her more, that I acted
out of avarice and stinginess.486 Indeed, your disciple Chi, or Zihua, when he departed
for the Qi Kingdom, looked like a rich and wealthy man, mounting a fine and well-fed
horse while also wearing fine furs. However, I have always heard that an honest and
wise man gives to the poor, but does not add to the riches.

[]

3. Confucius in Regno Lu primi ordinis gerens Magistratum, discipulo suo Yven su ibidem oppidi
Praefecto sic tamen ut ipsimet Confucio pareret, praebuit in censum praefecturae, quam exercebat,
novies centum (non exprimitur species mensurae, aut rei in censum datae) at ille recusavit.

Confucius held an office of the first rank in the Lu Kingdom, and his disciple, Yuan
Si, was a prefect of a small town, so he had to obey Confucius. Yuan Si received from
Confucius nine hundred as salary for the prefecture which he administrated (what
measures or material things given as salary are not mentioned). 487 However, Yuan Si
rejected it.

[ ]

4. Confucius factum improbans: Ne recuses stipendia Rege statuta. Si superflua familiae tuae
sunt, admittas tamen, ut dispertiaris inter tuas villas, pagos, vicos, & oppida curae tuae
commissa, in quibus utique egeni & pauperes.

Confucius reproved it: Do not reject the stipends fixed by the king. 488 If this is too
much for your family, you should still receive it in order to distribute it among the
farms, hamlets, villages, and small towns, which are all entrusted to you and where
there are certainly some destitute and poor people.489

[6.4 ]

p. 2. Sinenses olim ad sacrificia tantum adhibebant animalia unius coloris: ipse ver color alius
fuit atque alius pro varietate temporis & familiarum, penes quas fuit Imperium. Tempore Imperii
Cheu rufus erat in pretio. Confucius igitur loquens de discipulo suo Chum cum, eumque sub

486 This sentence is a translation of a comment of Zhang (77).

487 This lack of precision on the measure was mentioned by Zhu (85).
488 The comment on the respect of state regulations comes from Zhang (77).
489 The Sapientia Sinica had initially stated in a note that ling contains five households, li
twenty-five, dang five hundred, and xiang 12,500 (Zi-ka-wei, 16 verso). This comment comes
from Zhang (77).

159
apposit metaphor laudare volens, ait maculosae seu versicoloris vaccae filio sive vitulo, rufo
toto & instructo suis cornibus eleganter rotundis: Tametsi hominum plerique velint non uti ad
sacrificium, e quod natus sit ex maculos matre: Anne etiam montes & flumina (praesides,
inquam, montium fluminumque spiritus) illum idcirco respuent, si offeratur? Haud opinior. Ita
ergo discipulus hic meus, tametsi pater ei sit vilis & abjectae conditionis homo, variis item notatus
vitiorum maculis, adeoque maculosi bovis instar; ipse tamen virtute insignis, [19] rufi instar est
vituli. Uti igitur stulto cert improboque filio, nec virtus patris ac sapientia ornamento esse potest;
nec improbitas stultitiaque patris fraudi esse debet probo filio & sapienti, adeoque digno qui ad
publica munia adhibeatur.

The ancient Chinese made sacrifices using animals of specific colors. The color
changed with the eras and the ruling dynasties. During the Zhou dynasty, red was the
preferred color.490 When Confucius discussed this with his disciple, Zhonggong [Ran
Yong], he praised him, comparing him to a calf, completely red and with properly
curved horns, even though he was more like a cow born with stains and of various
colors: Even though many people do not want to use this kind of cow for sacrifices
because it is born from a stained mother, can it be that mountains and rivers, or the
spirits protecting mountains and rivers, reject it if offered? I do not think so. My dear
disciple, even if your father is someone of humble and low condition, and noticed
because of the stains of his various imperfections, like a stained bull, you are
outstanding in virtue, like a red calf. Indeed, the virtue and wisdom of a father can be
an ornament to a stupid and dishonest son, but the dishonesty and stupidity of a father
should not be the burden of an honest and wise son, who, moreover, is worthy of
public service.491

[6.5 ]

Fol. 13, p. 1, 1. Confucius aiebat: Solus Hoi discipulus erat cujus animus sui victor trium
mensium spatio, nunquam amittebat hanc virtutem Gin.

Confucius used to say: Only my disciple, Hui, could mastervanquish himself during
three months and never lose the Ren virtue.492

Virtus Gn est illa interior et solida animi perfectio qu fit ut naturale lumen coelitus inditum
constanter sequamur, sic ut suscepto cursu ne exiguo quidem temporis momento desistat.

The Ren virtue is the inner and firm perfection of the mind, by which we constantly
follow the natural light endowed by heaven, which does not leave its course, even for

490 This remark was made by Zhang (78).

491 According to Zhu (85) and Zhang (78), Confucius was not talking here directly to Ran Yong, but to
other disciples about Ran Yong. However, the Jesuits have changed this into a direct speech of
Confucius to Ran Yong. Also, the idea of the reputation of the father as an ornament to a son is not
mentioned by Zhu or Zhang, but they stress the idea that people should be used for their country
(yongyushi ), regardless of their social origin. Zhang (78) addressed this lesson especially to
Wanli.
492 Zhu (86) mentions that Yan Hui did not have any selfish desire. Zhang added here the idea of
mastery over his selfish desires (, 78). The Jesuits changed this into the Stoic and Christian
idea of victory over oneself (victor sui).

160
a short amount of time.493

[]

At ver caeteri discipulorum meorum, uno quidem die, nonnulli etiam mense uno satis animos
dant operam excolendo animo, victoriaeque sui; adeque pertingunt & ipsi, qu tam impigr
fortiterque contendunt: Sed enim non est perpetua quaedam vis atque contentio: consistunt
tandem, & mox aguntur retro; & non sine labore parta, repente amittunt.

My other disciples can be courageous enough, making the effort of self-mastery,

some for one single day, and a few for an entire month. They reach the place they are
eagerly aiming for, but their efforts and struggles do not last very long. They stand for
a while and soon return; after some efforts, they immediately stop.494

[6.6

]

2. Ki cam u Praefectus Regni Lu quaerit Philosopho, an Chum yeu discipulus ejus possit
admoveri gerendae Reipublicae? Confucius respondet: Disicipulus meus Yeu vir est
haudquaquam lentus, aut timidus; sed admodm certi promptique consilii, quique ade lites
quaslibet sapienter decidere, & quaecumque etiam intricata difficiliaque negotia expedire
queat: In gerendo igitur magistratu quid habeat, obsecro de quo laboret? Praefectus rursum
quaerens ait: Discipulus tuus Su potestne admoveri item gerendo magistratui? Respondet
Philosophus: Discipulus meus Su est perspicacis & omnia penetrantis ingenii, quo rerum
causas, negotiorumque rationes omnes ac fines perqum facil cognoscit: In gerenda itaque
praefectura, quid habet negotii vel difficultatis? Tertium quaerens ait: An etiam Kieu
discipulo tuo potest injungi administranda Respublica? Respondet Confucius: Kieu
discipulus meus arte valet & ingenio ad res omnes idoneo: ad gerendum itaque magistratum
quod attinet, quid impedimenti quaeso habet, quomins eum praeclar gerat?

Ji Kangzi, a prefect of the Lu Kingdom, asked the Philosopher if his disciple, You
[Zilu], could be promoted to a government office. Confucius answered: My disciple,
You, is not at all shy and timid, he can make good and quick decisions, wisely solve
any quarrel, and manage very intricate and difficult negotiations. Indeed, I beg you,
how could he be in distress, being a magistrate? The prefect continued, asking:
Could your disciple, Ci [Zigong], be a magistrate? The Philosopher answered: My
disciple, Ci, has an intelligence that is sharp, sees everything, knows easily the causes
of all things, all the methods and ends of affairs. What difficulty could he have in
being a prefect? A third time he asked: Could the management of the common good
be entrusted to your disciple, Qiu [Ran Qiu]? Confucius replied: My disciple, Qiu,
is very skilled, with a nature suitable for all things. I ask you, what would prevent him
from doing very well in holding office?495

493 The Jesuits kept Ren untranslated, but just after, they proposed a definition in a note. This
definition of Ren translates the comment by Zhang (78):
. Zhang follows Zhu for whom Ren is identical to the inner mind. Zhu (86):
. There is a similar definition of Ren in Lunyu 4.15.
494 In his commentary, Zhang (78) explains that ordinary people do not maintain Ren in their heart for
a very long time, that is, for three months. The Latin text stresses even more the necessity of a
continual fight in order to keep the Ren.
495 In order to avoid repetitions, the same word congzheng in the classical text is translated by
the Jesuits with three different expressions: to be a magistrate, to be a prefect, to hold office.

161
[6.7
]

p. 2. Ki xi Colaus Regni Lu, vir improbus misso nuntio jussit Confucii discipulum Mim u kien
agere Pi oppidi sui Praefectum: Mim cu kien ut erat vir probus & integer nuncio dixit: Quaeso te,
optimis verbis pro me recusa ac deprecare onus, quod usque adeo reformido. Cert si contigerit, ut
excusationem non admittat, & tu iterum revertaris ad me cum eodem mandato; tunc ego
necessitate compulsus fugae mihi consulam, & consistam ad flumen Ven in [30] extero Regno i.
Praeclarus san Philosophus, qui dignitatem & censum ab improbo delatum, exilii molestiis
posthaberet.

Ji, the elder of the Lu Kingdom and a dishonest man, sent a messenger and ordered
Min Ziqian, a disciple of Confucius, to become the prefect of the city of Bi. 496 Min
Ziqian, being an honest and loyal man, replied to the messenger: Please, reject this
for me with appropriate words, and relieve me from this burden, because I dread it. If
Ji still does not accept my excuses and sends you back with the order, then I would
have to flee, cross the Wen River, and go to the foreign kingdom of Qi. Min Ziqian
was truly a remarkable philosopher, preferring the inconvenience of exile to the rank
and salary conferred by a dishonest man.497

[6.8
]

Fol. 14, p. 1. Vetus erat mos Sinarum, ut qui decumbebant ex morbo, lectulum collocarent ad
Borealem fenestram doms suae, oppositi direct meridionali plagae ejusdem doms. Quoniam
ver simillimus quoque situs erat Regis, quotiescumque is considebat, ut scilicet obversus
Aquiloni, Meridiem recta fronte respiceret: idcirco, si quando Rex visebat aegrotantem; stratum
hujus ad Meridionalem cubiculi partem sine mor transferebatur, tantoque hospiti locus
honoratissimus, uti par erat deferebatur. Pe nieu itaque discipulo Confucii, fort aegrotante
cumque visendi grati adeunte Confucio; voluit is honore quanto poterat maximo excipere
Magistrum; stratumque suum non secus ac si Regem praestolaretur, transferri jussit. At
Confucius rem subodoratus, & certs haud admittere honorem uni debitum Regi, peramic
quidem percontatus est discipulum de su valetudine; caeterum ab ingressu cubiculi
abstinens sese, forinsecus ex ips fenestr, ad quam aeger applicuerat lectulum, apprehendit
ejus manum; certaque notans mortis indicia, ingemiscens ait: Moriendum est. Haec est caeli
voluntas. Proh dolor! fieri ne potest, ut cum talis ac tantus vir sit, tamen habeat talem
morbum! fieri ne potest, ut cum talis ac tantus vir sit, tamen habeat talem morbum!

According to an ancient Chinese custom, those who are bedridden because of illness
place their beds next to the windows, facing the north of their houses, directly
opposite to the south. The south is the place of the king, and whenever he is seated, he
turns his back to the northern wind and looks straight toward the south. Therefore, if
the king visits a sick person, his couch is quickly shifted to the south of the room, and
the most honored place given to the most important guest, as it should be. Thus, the
disciple, Boniu [Ran Geng], was sick and Confucius came to pay him a visit. Boniu
wanted to receive his Master as respectfully as possible and ordered for his couch to
be shifted, as if he was welcoming a king. But Confucius had anticipated thisguessed

496 When the Jesuits use the title colaus (gelao) in the Confucius Sinarum, it refers almost always to
Zhang, and I have translated it as grand secretary. However, it means here high official, and I have
translated it as elder.
497 The label of Philosopher here is not restricted to Confucius.

162
such a thing and was determined not to accept an honor meant for the king alone. He
asked Boniu very kindly about his health, abstaining from entering the room himself,
and instead held the hands of Boniu from outside, from the window next to which the
sick man had placed his couch. Confucius noticed the definitive signs of an
impending death, and said with sorrow: He is dying; this is the will of heaven. Such
a shame! How such a man could get this illness! How such a man could get this
illness!498

[6.9
]

p. 2, 1. Hilarem pauperiem, frugalitatemque discipuli sui Yen hoei celebraturus Confucius

ait: O quam sapiens ac probus erat Hoei discipulus meus charissimus! Cum uno quasillo seu
fiscella orizae coctae in cibum, & un scutell aquae in potum contentus & alacer degebat in
vili desertoque plateae angulo. Caeteri homines utique non valerent sustinere hanc ejus
tantam in victu cultuque asperitatem; adeoque plenam taediorum, ut autumant,
moestamque vitam. Sed enim magnus ille Philosophus Hoei, sui semper similis nullo modo
mutabat suam laetitiam. O rarum! ver sapientem virum discipulum meum Hoei.

In order to praise the cheerful joyful poverty and frugality of his disciple, Yan Hui,
Confucius went on to say: How wise and honest was my dear disciple, Hui. With one
basket of cooked rice to eat, and one pot of water to drink, always living in some vile
back alley, he was satisfied and always cheerful. Indeed, other people cannot endure
such harsh living conditions, complaining that life is full of difficulties and
vicissitudes. However, Hui was a great philosopher, always the same in any
circumstance, who would never alter his happiness. Oh, such a rare and wise man, my
disciple, Hui.499

[6.10
]

2. Gen Kieu remissioris animi discipulus cum Confucio Magistro suo colloquens ait: Non est
quidem quod ego non amem aestimemque tuam, Confucii doctrinam & quod ide parum in ea
proficiam: Sed vires meae non sufficiunt. Confucius respondit: Vires cui non sufficiunt is in medio
via consistit. Nunc autem tu, mi bone vir, per socordiam vi nondum coept tibi terminum ipso
statuis.

Among the disciples, Ran Qiu was quite lax. Once he told his Teacher: It is not that I
do not love or value your teaching, as I indeed profit a little from it. But I lack
strength. Confucius answered: The one who lacks strength stays halfway. But you,
my dear friend, you have not yet started and, by your own laziness, you have already

498 Zhu (87) has two explanations for the attitude of Confucius. First, Boniu had contracted leprosy.
Second, Confucius did not want, out of modesty, to occupy the southern part of the room.
Characteristic of his method, Zhang (80) selected only one explanation, the second one, not the most
historically probable, but the most meaningful in expressing the moral character of Confucius. The
Jesuits translated Zhangs explanation.
499 In the last sentence, the word for xian in the classical text is adequately rendered as wise
(sapiens). Moreover, the Jesuits interpreted the attitude of Yan Hui as that of a philosopher. This shows
that philosophy for the Jesuits was about a way of life, about the cultivation of the self. The Jesuits
probably saw here a convergence between Confucianism, Stoicism, and Christianity.

163
set a limit for yourself.500

[6.11 ]

[31] fol. 15, p. 1, 1. Confucius alloquens discipulum suum u-hia ait: Tu, mi discipule, unus
esto de perfectis illis, verque magnis ac Regiis literatis: Haudquaquam sis de literatulis illis,
seu vilibus improbisque literatis.

Confucius was talking to his disciple, Zixia: My dear disciple, you should live like
one of these perfect literati, who are truly great and royal, and not live like these fake
literati, who are vile and dishonest.501

[6.12
]

2. u yeu discipulus Confucii olim agebat oppidi Vu-chim in Regno Lu Praefectum.

Confucius eo divertens, percontans ait: Tunc in hoc oppido nactus es egregium virum tibi
familiarem? Respondit discipulus: Est hc vir unus ex famili Tan tai nomine Mie mn, homo
perquam serius & rectus, qui per Regiam virtutis viam incedens, nunquam declinat ad
obliquas privatarum affectionum semitas. Itaque nisi detur publicum aliquod negotium, non
admodum frequens venit etiam ad meas, amici tamen sui, aedes.

The disciple, Ziyou, was at that time the prefect in charge of a town, Wucheng, in the
Lu Kingdom. Confucius was passing through and asked him: Do you know any
exceptional men born in this town? The disciple replied: There is Mieming from the
Tantai family. He is very serious and upright, walking along the royal path of virtue,
never leaning toward the wrong path of personal feelings. Unless there is a public
affair, he does not come to my house, even though I am his friend.

[6.13
]

p. 2. Confucius laudans Praefectum exercits Mem chi fan singulari qudam modesti,
admirabundus sic ait: Mem chi fan, nunquam se jactat. Nuper quidem ardente bello inter
regna Lu, & i, cm inito fort conflictu funderetur exercitus noster, cum jam strages cum
fuga fieret, ipse tum praesenti animo in extremo agmine persistebat, victoris impetum
reprimens, impigr munus obiens ducis pariter militisque. Ubi ver plerisque suorum in tuto
positis, ipse etiam jamjam ingressurus erat propriae urbis portas, tum videlicet stimulavit
suum equum, postremus omnium incedens, & dixit: Haud equidem fuissem ausus ego
accepta clade postremum tenere agmen fugientis exercitus, sed enim equus hic meus
lassitudine fractus non progreditur.

Confucius was praising Meng Zhifan, a prefect of the army, who was remarkable for
his exceptional modesty: Meng Zhifan never boasts about himself. During the recent
war between the Lu and Qi Kingdoms, while our army was scattered at the beginning
of the battle and when there was nothing but soldiers being slaughtered or fleeing, he
kept calm and remained in the last combat line. He faced the assault of the victor,
fulfilling his duty both as a general and a soldier. When most of his soldiers were safe,
he was the last to entering the last one through the city gates, and he appeared to sting

500 The classical text does not mention the reason for Ran Qius lack of strength. Zhang (81) mentions
that Ran was simply lazy, daiduo , and the Jesuits follow this explanation.
501 According to Lunyu 13.2, Zixia was good at dealing with official documents.

164
pintch his horse, saying: Indeed, having acknowledged the defeat, I myself did not
have the courage to remain in the last combat line of a fleeting army, but my horse
was exhausted and could not go forward.

[6.14 ]

Fol. 16, p. 1, 1. Confucius videns in Regno Guei promoveri eos dumtaxat qui valerent gratia vel
diserti oris vel venusti, ingemiscens ait: Nisi cuipiam fuerit vel Cho to Praefecti loquacitas vel
cert fuerit venustuli illius Sum chao lepor & elegantia, difficile est evadere ab hoc praesenti
saeculo, nec insidiis invidorum, odiisque & injuriis inimicorum opprimi.

Confucius saw that in the Wei Kingdom those good at speaking and flattering were
promoted, and so he was groaninglamented: Unless one has either the eloquence of
the prefect Zhu Tuo, or the charm and elegance of the flattering Song Chao, it is
difficult to avoid being crushed by the affairs of the world, the ambushes of the
jealous, and the attacks of hateful enemies.502

[6.15 ]

2. Confucius ait: Quis autem egrediatur domo, & non per ipsos egrediatur postes doms?
Cur igitur non procedimus per ipsam viam? Cur inquam non simili ratione quidquid negotii
suscipimus, quidquid aggredimur rerum, per ipsam cujusque rei convenientiam & propriam
quasi viam postemque ingredimur, & perducimus ad finem, quem nobis ipso praefiximus.

Confucius said: Does not someone leaving his house exit by the doorposts?
Therefore, why do we not progress on the road? It is because we dont undertake
every affair with the same method, because we do not approach everything with the
same consistency, and therefore we dont enter the proper way by the doorpost, and
we dont advance towards the goal in front of us.503

[6.16 ]

[32] 3. Confucius ait: Si simplex naturae indoles excedit exteriorem ornatum &
compositionem, id est, si natura sibi prorsus relicta sit, nihilque vel subsidii, vel ornamenti
acceperit ab arte, vel cultur tum illa procul dubio rude quid erit, rusticumque & agreste.
Contra si ars, seu veris ornatus ille cultusque, exterior, excedit naturalem, illam
simplicitatem; tum affectatum, nescio quid, mer politicum & mer concinnulum existet. At
ver si interiori naturae simplicitati & candori exterior ille cultus & ornatus ita societur, ut
citra excessum alterutrius vel defectum sibi mutuo grat cum diversitate, sed & justa cum
proportione respondeant: Tum demum verus existet Kiun u; existet (inquam) illustre
quiddam & numeris suis absolutum, viri scilicet gravis ac politi pulcherrima san species:
Sicut & pulcherrimam solet efficere in ipso quoque corpore, apta figura membrorum cum
suavitate quadam coloris conjuncta.

502 The classical text talks only about the affairs of the world. Zhang (83) expanded this with the
ambushes of the jealous and the attacks of hateful enemies. A note in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei,
18 recto) mentions Queen Nanzi, but it has disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus.
503 The answer to the question of Confucius is not found in the classical text but in the commentaries.
Zhu had: It is not that the Dao is far away from human beings, but that human beings are departing
from the Dao only (, 89). Zhang also emphasizes the inner dimension of the
Dao: For each one, the Dao is inside the person (, 84). In other words,
for a Neo-Confucian, both the goal and the path are within us. On the contrary, the Sinarum
Philosophus still suggests some externality, like an external goal to reach in front of us.

165
Confucius said: If a plain and natural character prevails over the external appearance
and behavior, that is, if nature is completely abandoned and does not accept any help
and embellishment from the art or culture, then such a nature will surely be rough,
rustic, and coarse. And if an embellished and polished artifice prevails over nature and
simplicity, then it will appear artificial, purely political, and arranged. However, if a
polished and embellished exterior is combined with the inner simplicity and beauty of
nature, so that the two match each other, without excess or defect in any of them, with
difference but yet fair proportion, then there will be a true junzi. He appears as
someone remarkable, perfect in all his parts, clearly the most beautiful type of a
dignified and refined man. A perfect proportion of the limbs combined with a
charming complexion makes a very beautiful body.504

[6.17 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Homo nascitur rectus. Depravatur? Tum vivere illum, & mortem
evadere, fortuitum ac immeritum quid est.

Confucius said: Man is born upright. Is he corrupt? If so, to live and die would then
be fortuitous and without any merit.

[6.18 ]

2. Confucius agens de tribus quasi classibus hominum virtutem profitentium, sic ait: Ii qui
intelligunt ac satis perspectum habent quid sit virtus, & quantoper sit expetenda, non sunt
aequiparandi cum iis, qui amant, id est, qui virtutem studio affectuque prosequuntur, sed hi
quoque virtutis amantes non sunt aequiparandi cum illis qui jam laeti potiuntur eo quod
amant.

Confucius dealt with three classes of people professing virtue, and thus said: Those
who understand and pay attention to what virtue is and how much it should be
pursued, they should not be put on the same level as those who love and pursue virtue
with zeal and affection. Also, those lovers of virtue should not be put on the same
level as those who are joyful, having already obtained what they love.505

[6.19 ]

3. Rectam docendi alios rationem traditurus Confucius sic ait: A mediocris ingenii
hominibus sursum ascendendo, possunt utique proponi sublimiora, quippe capient,
discentque feliciter. At ver mediocris ingenii hominibus deorsum descendendo, non
possunt proponi sublimiora: Quippe tam ipsi, qum qui docere ipsos voluerint, oleum &
operam perdent.

In order to teach the correct way of teaching others, Confucius said: For people of
above average intelligence, more sublime things can certainly be proposed, since they

504 This last sentence is the classical definition of beauty in the West, as expressed by Cicero in the
Tusculan disputations, where shape and color are the attractions of a beautiful body (corporis est
quaedam apta figura membrorum cum coloris quadam suavitate quae dicitur pulchritude,
Tusculanarum disputationum, iv, xiii). All this goes wildly beyond the text which is contrasting nature
with culture and suggesting that a combination of two is the ideal. The Sinarum Philosophus reads here
the junzi not only as a moral ideal, but as an aesthetical model, as in classical Greco-Roman culture.
505 Zhang (85) interprets the passage as addressing three kinds of people. Saint Ignatius of Loyola has
also a passage which discusses three classes of people (Spiritual Exercises, 14957, 6869).

166
can understand and learn things easily. But for people of subpar intelligence, more
sublime things cannot be proposed, since these people and also those who want to
teach them may lose time and energy.506

[6.20
]

Fol. 17, p. 1. Discipulus Fn ch Magistrum suum percontatus est de Prudenti, seu

prudente. Confucius respondit: Quisquis enix dat operam humanis, seu iis quae hominem
maxim condecent virtutibus: Veneratur item spiritus. & cum iisdem nonnisi emins agit,
hic demm potest dici ver prudens. Discipulus Fn-ch percontatus est de virtute Gn, seu
de interiore, eque solid & consummat virtute. Respondit Confucius: Verae solidaeque
virtutis homo si primm laboret, & postea obtineat, tum poterit dici verae solidaeque
virtutis homo.

The disciple, Fanchi, asked his teacher about prudence. Confucius said: A man who
earnestly pays attention to human affairs and virtues, and respects the spirits but deals
with them from a distance, can truly be called prudent.507 The disciple, Fanchi,
inquired about Ren, about the inner, real, and perfect virtue. Confucius answered: A
man of true and real virtue, if he first works on it, he can obtain it. He can be called a
man of true and real virtue.508

[6.21
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Aequi verique perspicaces industriique homines gaudent aquis: At

ver solidae virtutis viri gaudent montibus. Illi quippe, id est, aequi verique perspicaces
homines, non aliter qum fluenta quaedam in perpetuo sunt motu; dum res, causasque
rerum indagant; dum alia ex aliis deducunt, semperque agunt quid & moliuntur: Isti ver,
id est, solidae virtutis viri, montium instar in perpetua quiete firmi immobilesque persistunt.
Aequi verique perspicaces viri quidem jucund vivunt; virtutis autem possessores, quia tam
placid, tam tranquill; idcirc etiam diu vivunt.

Confucius said: People who are attentive and zealous for justice and truth enjoy
water, but people of real virtue enjoy the mountains. Indeed, the people attentive to
the just and the true are like flowing waters, always in perpetual movement. While
they investigate the causes for things, while they deduct this from that, they always do
something and make plans.509 However, people of real virtue are like mountains which

506 Both Zhu (89) and Zhang (86) apply the words of Confucius to his teaching method. However, the
final comment on the loss of time and energy is a Jesuit addition, which is, in fact, an expression of the
Latin author Plautus in his comedy Poenulus.
507 The Jesuit translation-commentary does not explain why one should keep the guishen at a distance.
The Sapientia Sinica gives a useful explanation: not to scrutinize harshly the hidden and mysterious
intentions of the spirits, which are indeed very difficult to know (non temer perscrutando reconditas
spirituum mentes arcanaque scitu difficillima, Zi-ka-wei, 18 verso) For Zhu (89), wisdom consists in
focusing on the human Way without paying heed to what is beyond our knowledge. For Zhang (86),
people should not petition and flatter guishen about their destiny. Here prudence (prudentia) has to be
understood in the Aristotelian meaning of practical intelligence, or phronesis. Ricci has also proposed
an exegesis of this sentence in his Tianzhu shiyi (206) in order to prove that Confucius had a true
belief in the guishen.
508 Ren is translated here as the true and firm virtue.
509 Zhang mentions that the wise people know the principles under heaven (tianxia zhili ,
87).

167
remain stable and fixed, in perpetual rest.510 People attentive to justice and truth live
happily, but the true possessors of virtue live longer, because they have the peace and
calm necessary to do so.

[6.22 ]

2. Confucius ait: Regnum i, si fort fortun restaurabitur aliquando, simul atque mutatio illa in
melius, seu restauratio continget, vix tamen ipsum pertinget ad praesentem Regni nostri L statum.
At ver Regnum L simul atque simili mutationi seu revocationi locum dabit; assequetur illico
Priscorum Regum suorum virtutem, & regendi institutum. Cum enim civilis illa comitas &
observantia, etiamnum vigeant, nihil in eo magnoper desideratur, nisi ut restauret ac renovet
prop jam collapsam clementer ac just subditos regendi rationem.

Confucius said: If there was a chance to restore the Qi Kingdom, this improvement
and restoration would not compare to the present state of our kingdom of Lu. But if
the Lu Kingdom could change in a similar way, it would immediately get closer to the
virtue of the ancient kings and to their way of governing. With civil courtesy and
obedience still staying strong, there is not much to do to restore and renew the way,
almost dead, of governing the people mercifully and rightly.511

[6.23 ]

Fol. 18, p. 1, 1. Confucius ut doceat, unumquemque mortalium vel implere nomen suum
oportere, vel cert deponere; simili utitur petito tabell quadrat vulgo cu dict, qu olim Sinae
papyri loco utebantur ad scribendum: Ait itaque: Tabella illa quadrata cu nisi quadrangularis fuerit,
quadrata qui dicetur? Si Rex quae Regis, si homo quae hominis sunt non exerceat, quomodo
dici potest Rex vel homo?

Confucius wanted to teach that everyone should conform himself to his title or he
should discard the title. Therefore, he used a metaphor drawn from a square board,
commonly called a gu, which was used by the ancient Chinese to write, instead of
paper. He said: Unless the square board gu has four angles, how can it be called
square? If a king or a man does not practice what belongs to kinghood or humanity,
how can he be called king or man?512

[6.24
]

2. Cai ngo discipulus virtutem (pietatis imprimis) Sectari se profitebatur, cum tamen virtutis
hujus naturam ac proprietates necdum satis ipse perciperet: Magistrum itaque interrogans ait: An
homo ver pius, aliorum amans, talis esse debet, ut tametsi nonnisi incertae fidei quispiam nunciet
dicatve in puteo esse hominem qui periclitetur, ipse vestigio nuntiantem prosequatur, ac cum
periculo capitis sui in puteum se demittat? Ad hanc discipuli quaestionem Confucius respondit:
Quorsum faciat is hoc modo? vir perfectus, tenetur ille quidem succurrere periclitanti: Sed non
tenetur neque licit potest cum praesentissimo discrimine; quo fiat, ut nec alteri nec sibi consulat,
quocirca expedit decipi, non tamen expedit perire.

510 The qualification of the movement or the rest as being perpetual is not found in the classical text
nor in the commentaries, but is probably a Jesuit addition, which displays a Christian influence.
511 The final comment was stated by Zhu (90) and Zhang (87).
512 Zhu (90) applies the statement of Confucius to the name and the reality of a king and a man. Zhang
(88) applies the statement only to the name and reality of a king. The Jesuits have translated here from
the comment by Zhu.

168
The disciple, Zai Wo, professed that he was pursuing virtue (especially piety), but he
could not understand the essence and characteristics of this virtue. 513 He then asked
the Teacher: Should a pious man loving others be such that, if someone of uncertain
credentials would tell him there is a man in danger in a well, 514 he would follow the
messenger and descend into the well at the risk of his own life? Confucius answered
to the question of this disciple: Why should he do this? A perfect man may go to save
a person in danger, but he may not do so if there is an imminent danger to himself.
How could he do this without thinking both about the other man and himself?
Therefore he may be deceived but not destroyed.

[6.25 ]

[34] p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Verus Philosophus amplissimo quodam versatur studio in libris
scientiisque omnibus; omnia examinans restringit exigitque ad regulam rectae rationis. Et sic
quidem fieri poterit, ut is veritate & virtute nunquam declinet.

Confucius said: A true philosopher devotes himself to the broadest study in all books
and disciplines.515 Examining everything, he is fastened to the method of a correct
reason.516 Thus, he makes sure never to depart from truth and reason.517

[6.26
]

2. Confucius olim in Regno Gui Magistratum gerebat, Imperante Lim cum Rege. Porr
conjugem Regis Nn-u dictam cupido incessit Philosophi: Philosophus haud ignarus foeminam
esse deterioris famae, semel iterumque congressum excusarat. Sed cum instaret illa (quippe moris
tunc erat, ut quotquot magistratum gererent, etiam Reginae sisterentur) Confucius offensionem
metuens adivit tandem Reginam Nan-u. Discipulus u-lu non admodum probavit factum
Magistri. Sed enim Confucius egregio conscientiae suae fretus testimonio, haud cunctanter
obstringens se jurisjurandi religione sic ait: Ego si quid iniqui seu flagitiosi in animo admisi,
si quid peccavi; coelum me execretur! coelum me execretur!

On one occasionce Confucius was holding office in the Wei Kingdom, under the rule
of King Ling Gong. Nanzi, the kings wife, wanted to see the Philosopher, but he
knew that this woman had a bad reputation, so he excused himself again and again.
She approached (as it was the customs at that time, every timemany people assumed
an were holding office, they would bow to and made a stop in front of the queen), and
fearing any offense Confucius finally got closer to the queen Nanzi. 518 The disciple

513 For Zhu (91), Zai Wo asked the question because he was worried that, as he was practicing Ren, he
would be harmed by others. For Zhang, Zai did not know how to practice Ren (88). The Jesuits
apparently chose here the interpretation by Zhang.
514 In a note, the Sapientia Sinica mentioned that the character ren should be read ren (Zi-ka-
wei, 19 recto).
515 Junzi is translated here as the true philosopher.
516 Here the Sinarum Philosophus translates li as method of correct reason (regula rectae
rationis). This follows Zhu (90) and Zhang (91), who both interpreted li as the measured display of
the heavenly principle ( ). While li was an independent category before the Qin
dynastyin pre-Qin [AU: What is pre-Qin? Please clarify.], it became interpreted by Zhu as subsumed
under the fundamental category of principle (li ).
517 A note from the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 19 recto) has disappeared.
518 All the historical background of this passage is given by Zhang (89).

169
Zilu did not approve of the Teachers action. However, Confucius was supported by
the remarkable testimony help of his conscience, and not being bound by religious
obligation, he said: If I have allowed in my mind something unjust and
disgracefulious, if I have sinned, may heaven curse me; may heaven curse me!519

Idem Lin cum, uti memorant fasti Sinenses, dum quodam die cum Nanc Regin urbem
lustrat uno eodemque vectus curru obvium fort Confucium compellans invitavit, ut in unum ex
curribus qui Regium pone sequebantur, conscenderet: At philosophus immodesti tant viri
foeminaeque, tametsi conjugium, eodem curru considentium vehementer offensus non sine
stomacho oblati currs honorem recusans discessit.

As the Chinese annals mention, one day Ling Gong was inspecting the city with
Queen Nanzi, and passing by on his chariot, he called Confucius who was in sight,
inviting him to ascend into one of the royal chariots which were following behind. The
Philosopher was greatly offended by the immodesty of a man and a woman, even
though they were a couple, sitting together on the same chariot; he rejected the
invitationhonor and left very angrily.520

[6.27 ]

Fol. 19, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Aurea mediocritas, seu medium tenere in omnibus etiam
quotidianis & ordinariis actionibus, haec demum est verae perfectaeque virtutis. At haec
quam ardua & sublimis est! Mortalium paucorum illam esse, jam vetus aliquid est. vetus
malum: vetus querela est.

Confucius said: The golden mean, or keeping the middle in all actions, even the daily
and ordinary ones, this indeed belongs to a true and perfect virtue. 521 But how difficult
and lofty it is! This belongs to very few people and to antiquity. This is an old evil,
an old grievance.

[6.28
]

2. Discipulus u cum agens de virtute illa Gin quatenus pietas vocatur de illa consulens
Confucium sic ait. Si detur erg quispiam largissime beneficia conferens in alios, itemque
potens opitulari omnibus, quid tibi videtur? An, ejusmodi qui sit, poterit censeri ac dici ver
pius. Confucius respondit: Quomodo res ista pietate hujusmodi quam affers perficienda?
necessaria quoque hic est sanctitas. Yo & Xn ipsi hc quoque laborabant: & ad hoc impares
vires suas esse sentiebant huic virtuti assequendae.

The disciple, Zigong, was talking about the Ren virtue, which we translate as piety,
and he consulted Confucius about it: If someone generously does favors for others,

519 According to the classical text and also according to the comments from Zhu (91) and Zhang (89),
Confucius was calling upon heaven. In Christianity, human beings cannot call upon God as witness
since it is a violation of the second commandment (Exodus 20:7; Deuteronomy 5:11). Therefore, the
Jesuits had to remind their Western readers that, though Confucius believed in heaven or God, he was
not bound by the law of Moses. The encounter of Confucius with Queen Nanzi was initially narrated in
the Life of Confucius of the Sapientia Sinica (1662), but it subsequently disappeared from the
Politico-moralis and the Sinarum Philosophus. Perhaps Confucius in this story appeared to the Jesuits
as too self-righteous, predjuging too much of heavens justice.
520 The story is not mentioned by Zhu or Zhang, but can be found in the Shiji.
521 This translates the important concept of zhongyong , with zhong meaning center and yong
ordinary.

170
and thus brings relief to many, what do you think about it? Could such a person truly
be considered pious? Confucius answered: Can what you report be accomplished by
this kind of piety? Here, holiness is necessary. 522 Yao and Shun had difficulties with
this. They justly felt that their own strength was of no match for pursuing this virtue.

[]

p. 2, 1. Est igitur sanctitas illa vel charitas pietasve quam exigo, mi discipule, affectio animi
constans & consentanea rationi, qu quis abject propriae utilitatis commodiv cur, totius orbis
homines amplectitur, haud secs, ac si unum quid idemque secum forent; atque ade communem
cum iisdem sensum tam inter prospera, qum adversa & habet & prodit. Exempli causa
hujuscemodi pius ipsemet desiderans erigi ac florere, protinus consilio; & ope & oper, etiam
erigit quoscunque alios, quos vel nativa tenuitas, imbecillitasque depressos humi reneat, vel
gravior fortunae casus ex alto dejectos afflixerit, prostraveritque. Similiter ipsemet volens
feliciter res penetrare; non sustinet videre alios, qui vel errant coeci, vel laboribus ac
difficultatibus victi succumbant; sed ipse per se nihil non tentat ac molitur quo opituletur &
his & illis, atque ita etiam penetrare facit alios & perfringere objectas difficultates, & ex
errorum ignorantiaeque tenebris feliciter tandem eluctari. Haec porr charitas pietasve, ubi
mortalium animis semel insederit; tum ver totus orbis unius erit instar familiae, quin &
hominis unius instar homines erunt universi, & quidquid ubique rerum est propter
admirabilem illum summorum, mediorum, infimorum inter se mutu nexum atque ordinem,
unius & ejusdem substantiae esse videbitur.

Indeed, my disciple, the holiness, charity, or piety that I request, this is the constant
disposition of the mind conforming to reason, by which one abandons his self-interest
and the care for his comfort and embraces all the people on earth, just as if they were
a single, unique entity. He shares with them a common feeling, amid both good and
bad fortunes. For example, just as a pious person wishes himself to succeed and to
flourish, similarly he devotes his action, influence, and strength to lift all those who
have been stricken by an innate poverty or infirmity, or crushed and destroyed by
some more serious accident of fortune.523 Similarly, wishing to see all things, he
cannot stand seeing others erring blindly, or falling vanquished by pains and
hardships. He himself attempts and undertakes everything to help everyone. He makes
them solve and unravel the hardships they face, and successfully surmount the
darkness of their errors and ignorance. OnceWhen this charity, or piety, would have
once seizesd the human mind, then, all humanity on the whole earth will be like one
family, and even like one man. Because of an awesome connection and order
everywhere between the highest, intermediate, and smallest things, this will look like
one identical substance.524
522 According to Zhang (90), Zigong thought that one needs to accomplish great things in order to
practice Ren, but Confucius told him that the true Ren is in fact internal, like wisdom sheng . The
Jesuits translate sheng with holiness (sanctitas). Since in Christianity holiness comes from God, the
Jesuit translation suggests here that Confucius would have acknowledged that the most single
important virtue of Ren cannot be attained without the grace of God.
523 This corresponds to what Zhu calls extending oneself to others (yi ji ji ren ), which is
effortless and spontaneous, as the translation of the Sinarum Philosophus suggests. For Zhu, this is the
expression of Ren. This can be considered an expression of the golden rule.
524 The classical text talks about moral feelings of empathy. Based on their metaphysics, the Neo-
Confucians read here the affirmation of the moral unity of the world. Zhu talks about heaven, earth,
and the myriad things as one entity (, 92). The two last sentences here translate Zhangs
comment: All under heaven form one family; the myriad things form the disposition of one entity (
, 91). The moral virtue Ren realizes the moral unity and disposition of the
whole cosmos. While Zhu and Zhang talk about one single entity or one single body (yiti ), the
Jesuits interpret the one body as meaning one single person, one single man. Such a reading is

171
[]

2. Alios itaque diligamus, sicut nos ipsi diligimus: Alios et nobis metiamur: Labores aliorum
& commoda ex nostris aestimemus. Denique, ut paucis omnia complectar, nosse propinquo
(sive nobismetipsis) desumere seu instituere comparationem ad alios, quibus ade
contingere velimus aut nolimus id omne, quod ipsi nobis contingere volumus aut nolumus;
haec demum potest dici virtutis Gn, seu memoratae jam charitatis ac pietatis exercitandae
ars ac regula.

We should love others in the same way that we love ourselves. We should measure
others starting from ourselves. We should estimate the pains and the gains of others
starting with ourselves. Finally, in order to sum up everything in a few words, starting
from what is near (that is, from ourselves), we should know how to choose and
establish arrangements for others. The way we do or do not wish to be treated by
others, we should similarly wish or not wish to treat others. This is the practical art
and method of Ren, this virtue, already mentioned, of charity and piety.525

compatible with Neo-Confucian philosophy, because all humanity would be united to the same
ontological principle, like in one single man. However, the Jesuits have probably read here the
affirmation of Christian dogma: all humanity recapitulates itself in one man, Jesus Christ.
525 The word fang is translated with the word art (ars). For Zhu (92), while the extension of the
mind to others is effortless, to help others practically requires a process of self-reflexivity, or self-
examination, which implies some effort. In the review of the Sinarum Philosophus in the Journal des
Savans (Acadmie des inscriptions & belles-lettres, Institut de France, 1707, 17376), the French
scholar Pierre-Sylvain Rgis (16321707) [AQ: Who is he?] quoted from the whole Lunyu this unique
paragraph 6.28, stressing the similarity with Christian charity. The Sapientia Sinica mentioned that
Confucius was recommending in this passage corporal and spiritual works of charity (Zi-ka-wei, 19
verso).

172
 [36] Libri tertii pars quarta
Fourth Part of the Third Book

[Chapter 7]

[7.1 ]

Fol. 1, p. 1, paragraph 1. Confucius ait: Praeco sum, seu relator, & non author doctrinae, quam
palm facio. Credo, & amo antiquitatem, ex qu studios suffuror, & excerpo quae ad rem meam
sunt; imitatus in me ipso famosum illum senem Pm: Quippe qui prior veterum monimenta simili
conatu, tradidit posteritati.

Confucius said: I am the herald or transmitter, but not the author, of a teaching that I
make public.526 I believe in and love antiquity. Out of it, I secretly steal and
assiduously select things for my topics. I imitate the famous old Peng, because this
man made similar efforts in transmitting to posterity the documents of the ancients.527

Narrant Sinenses hunc Lao Pum septingentos vixisse annos vegeto semper corpora, attigisseque
tempora familiae Xam, qu imperante magistratum quoque gesserit.

The Chinese say that old Peng lived to be seven hundred years old, all the while in
good health, and that he reached the Shang dynasty, under which he assumed the role
of a magistrate.528

[7.2 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Vacare silentio, &, quae seu vidimus, seu audivimus, recolere memori:
Seri constanterque dare operam studiis, & non affici taedio: docere alios, nec frangi vel fatigari
docendi labore: Tria haec quo pacto fuerint in me aliquando?

Confucius said: To have time for silence and to recollect what we have seen or
heard;529 to study seriously and frequently, and not to be afflicted by weariness; to

526 The Jesuit translation does not focus on what Confucius was doing, but on what he is or is not: a
herald, a transmitter, or an author. Interestingly, the missionaries considered themselves to be also
heralds (praecones) of the Gospel. Paul Rule views the Latin rendering of the Sinarum Philosophus
as superior to Legges translation as: a transmitter and not a maker. See Rule, Kung-tzu or
Confucius? (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1986),122. [AQ: Full title and details please]
527 Zhu (93) understood the word qie as an expression of humility and so the sentence could be
translated as: I venture to compare myself to the old Peng. However, Zhang reads the word qie as
meaning to write private writtings (sizi , 92). Indeed Confucius was not an official historian and
could only write in a private capacity. However, the Jesuits translated the word qie with its literal
meaning, to steal. Confucius stole away or borrowed ideas from the ancients, but this was also a
creative process because it implied a selection.
528 The Jesuits seem to accept the fact of the exceptional longevity of Lao Peng, which is not
mentioned by Zhu or Zhang. After all, the Jesuits did not doubt that Mathusalem could have lived for
969 years, according to Genesis. Some commentators hold that there were in fact two Pengs, one living
at the time of Yao and another living under the Shang dynasty.
529 While all the commentators understand silence as the way for Confucius to learn and recollect, the
Jesuit translation makes it an activity by itself, before the activity of recollection. The Jesuits suggest
here a Christian examination of conscience, starting with a time of silence. Confucius mentioned
elsewhere his practice of examination. Zhu (93) and Zhang (93) read this passage as an exercise in
humility.

173
teach others and not to be discouraged or tired with the pain of teachingdid I
manage to have these three things in the past?530

[7.3
]

2. Confucius ait: virtutem non coluisse studiosius; de optimis scientiis ac disciplinis non
disseruisse crebris; audivisse quae recta & consentanea rationi sunt, nec tamen valuisse ad
ea me transferre; denique vitia non valuisse pro voto emendare; haec, inquam, quatuor sunt
meus dolor, & justa maeroris causa.

Confucius said: Not to have cultivated virtue more zealously, not to have examined
more often the best teachings and disciplines, to have heard things which are correct
and reasonable, but not to have striven to move towards them, and finally, not to have
striven to correct my flaws according to my wishthese four things constitute my
pain and a just cause for lamentation.531

[7.4 ]

3. Discipuli Magistrum suum Confucium hoc elogio passim celebrabant, Confucius

magister noster, inquiebant, quotiescumque solus & negotiis liber domi degebat, quam erat
jucundus & affabilis, quam explicato serenoque animo! Quam comis ac placidus!

The disciples everywhere celebrated their Teacher with this sentence: Whenever our
Teacher Confucius remains alone at home and free from business, how happy and
affable he is! How free and tranquil is his mind! How mild and gracious he is!

[7.5 ]

[37] fol. 2, p. 1, 1. Confucius jam senior, dicebat: Magna san est mea nunc imbecillitas.
Nunc diu est quod ego non amplius (uti olim cum aetas vegeret) per somnium videam magnum
illum magistrum Cheu Cum.

Confucius, already old, said: I am now terribly weak. It has been a long time since I
have seen the great minister Zhou Gong in my dreams, as I used to when I was
strong.532

[7.6 ]

2. In hoc paragrapho, & quatuor sequentibus declarant Philosophus, quo tandem modo
consummetur ac perficiatur virtutis studium, sive, quid agendum sit virtutis studioso, ut in e
perfectus evadat. Confucius itaque ait: Primum mens defigenda in consentaneo rationis
dictamine, seu in eo quod ratio nobis exigit.

In this sentence and the following four, the Philosopher professes how to carry and

530 Zhu (93) and Zhang (93) read here an indication of the humility of Confucius.
531 This passage shows that Confucius was aware of his own limitations. Zhang (93) states that
Confucius had the potential to correct himself, but he was worried that he did not. The Jesuit translation
remains at the mundane level of mistakes (vitia) and avoids the religious category of sin. However, the
Sapientia Sinica had initially written sins (peccata; Zi-ka-wei, 20 verso).
532 A quite lengthy note on Zhou Gong (Zi-ka-wei, 19 verso and 20 recto) in the Sapientia Sinica has
disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus.

174
execute the study of virtue, or what a student of virtue should do in order to reach
perfection.533 Confucius therefore said: The mind should be fastened to the maxim
agreeing with reason, or to what reason requires from us.534

[]

3. Deinde, serio magnoque animo arripienda, seu apprehendenda virtus.

Next, virtue should be upheld and seized seriously and courageously.

[]

4. Terti firmiter incumbendum in absolutam virtutis interioris perfectionem.

Third, virtue should be firmly based on the absolute perfection of inner virtue.535

[]

p. 2, 1. Quart ut vigeat exercitium, & quae hoc consequitur facilitas & peritia in bonis artibus
officiisque.

Fourth, as the practice develops, there is easiness and skill in the good arts and
duties.536

[7.7 ]

2. More receptum jam olim apud Sinas erat, ut qui se alteri instituendum liberalibus
disciplinis traderet, primo statim accessu minerval Magistro offerret. Tenuissimum porr
minervalis genus erat fasciculus siccatae carnis decem minimum frustis constans. Confucius
ait: Quicumque, accesserunt ad me, ut in disciplinam meam admitterentur, incipiendo ab
illis, qui offerebant fasciculum siccatae carnis, infimum minervalis genus & ab his
ascendendo ad alios qui offerebant lautiora; horum ego neminem unquam non institui ac
docui.

According to the Chinese customs, a student would offer to his teacher a Minerval to
pay as price for his liberal education.537 In fact, this small Minerval consisted of a
packet of at least ten morsel scraps of dried meat. Confucius said: I never refused to
instruct or teach anyone who came to me, starting from the ones who presented a

533 This saying is dealt with by Zhang (94) as one unit, followed by his commentary. Zhu (94) has
broken the saying into four units as has been done here.
534 Zhang understood here Dao as the normative principle in human relations (,
94). The Jesuit translation follows the moral rationalism of Neo-Confucianism, with the idea of
maxim agreeing with reason. This is comparable to the concept of adaequatio rei et intellectus in
Scholastic philosophy.
535 Notice here the translation of Ren as the absolute perfection of inner virtue. The Jesuit translation
shows adequately that Ren is not one virtue among others but transcends them all.
536 Zhu mentions here the effects of practice (gongfu , 94). Similarly, Zhang stresses the effects
of progressive accumulation day after day, month after month (rijiyuelei , 94). In a note,
the Sapientia Sinica enumerated the six arts: ceremonies (li ), music (yue ), archery (she ),
driving (yu ), calligraphy (shu ), and mathematics (shu ); Zi-ka-wei, 20 recto.
537 The Minerval is the name of a tuition fee in Belgium. The use of this name suggests strongly that it
originated from Couplet or de Rougemont.

175
packet of dried meat, which is the lowest kind of Minerval, up to those who offered
luxurious things.

[7.8 ]

3. Confucius ait: In Schol sapientiae non adhibentem conatum, hunc ego quidem non erudiam.
Item non aperientem mihi verbis mentem suam, quia scilicet vel nolit, vel non possit; eum nec ego
intelligam, nec errores ejusdem vel dubia habere potero perspecta. Denique proponente me
unum quadrati angulum, & tamen non ex hoc reliquos tres angulos per se inferenti; huic
cert non repetam amplius eandem frustr crambem.

Confucius said: Surely, I shall not teach anyone who does not make an effort in the
school of patience. Similarly, I shall not teach anyone who does not want to or cannot
open his mind to me his mind, because I could not understand him and pay attention
to his errors and doubts.538 Indeed, if I present someone with one of the angles of a
square and yet he cannot deduct the other three angles by himself, then I shall not
continue to lose waste my efforts in vain.

[7.9 ]

Fol. 3, p. 1, 1. Laudant hoc & sequenti paragrapho discipuli Magistrum suum.

Confucius, inquiunt, funebribus officiis perfunctus, ac deinde solemnes inter epulas ad
eorum qui funus duxerant latus assidens; de appositis cibis vix cogitans, haud unquam
famem explebat: tanto scilicet tenebatur luctu desiderioque illius qui obierat.

In this paragraph, and the following one, the disciples praise their Teacher.539 As they
tell it, while Confucius undertook some funeral duties, he sat next to those who
conducted the burial, among the blessed food. He disregarded the meals placed next
to him and never satisfied his hunger, being held by the mourning and the grief for the
deceased.

[]

[38] 3. Idem Confucius in ejusmodi funebri die ubertim plorabat defunctum, atque ita prorsus
non canebat.

Similarly, on a funeral day, Confucius wept abundantly and did not sing at all.

[7.10 ]

3. Confucius alloquens discipulum suum Yen yven ait: Qui evocati adhibitique ad munia
publica, actutum & sine tergiversatione, capessamus Rempublicam: Rursus qui amissa
dignitate ill, illic & sine querimoni, molestiave animi, privati latitemus domi nostrae; soli
(opinor) ego & tu sumus ejusmodi.

Confucius spoke to his disciple, Yan Yuan [Yan Hui]: Being called and summoned to
public functions, we should, immediately and without tergiversation, save the country.
Once the job is finished, we should immediately return to our homes and hide there,

538 According to Zhang (95), Confucius could not teach someone who was not able to explain himself,
because he would have no way of knowing if the student had understood or not. The Jesuits added here
the idea of finding possible errors in the students understanding.
539 The Jesuits connect here Lunyu 7.9 and 7.10, but neither Zhu nor Zhang make the connection.

176
without regret and trouble in mind.540 I think only you and I can do this.

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Discipulus u lu audiens Magistro laudari condiscipulum, ut erat ipse bellicae

fortitudinis suae sibi conscius, si inquit, Confucius Magister ducturus esset (Reverentiae ergo
preaesentem in terti person alloquitur, more gentis usitatissimo) Tres exercitus; tum quemnam
sibi adjungeret in collegam.

The disciple, Zilu, heard the Teacher praising this fellow disciple [Yan Hui], who
believed that he wasfelt himself brave in war,541 and so Zilu said: If Master
Confucius led three armies, with whom would he associate himself? (Indeed, Zilu
speaks in the third person in order to show respect, as is customary for the Chinese.)542

[
]

2. Confucius, ut vanos simul martiosque spiritus discipuli deprimeret, sic ait: Inermis ac nudis
manibus qui aggrediatur indomitan tigrem, & sine rate vel schapha committat sese spatioso
rapidoque flumini: mille item inter mortes versetur; & tamen non aliquo teneatur metu: Hunc ego
san nolim mecum copias ducere. Rar namque temeritas usui fuit, damno qum saepissim,
honori nunquam. Necesse est quidem non perturbati in rebus asperis; sed quando se offert
discrimen anceps ac improvisum, tum vel maxime praesentis animi uti consilio, & considerat
vigilanterque se gerere. Quanquam mult etiam malim talem & conari, & ver gaudere percipere
animo futura & aliquanto ante constituere, quid accidere possit in utramque partem.

In order to repress the vain military ardors of this student, 543 Confucius said: One
who attacks an untamed tiger with naked and unarmed hands, or one who engages
himself in a wide and swift river without boat or skiff, he maneuvers amid one
thousand deaths and is not scared. But I, myself, would not want him to lead my
troops. Temerity is rarely useful; more often, it is harmful and never honorable. One
should not be afraid of difficult things, but when a dangerous and unsettling outcome
presents itself, he should behave with the attitude of a greatly circumspect mind, very
carefully and vigilantly. I do not want to attempt such a thing myself, and I enjoy
seeing and imagining the future, preparing for what may happen on either side of the
outcome.

[7.11
]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. Confucius insanos hominum conatus in coacervandis opibus perstringens ait:

Divitiae si quidem possunt humanis viribus industriisque obtineri; ad eas obtinendas, vel
Agasonem, si necesse fuerit ego quoque agerem. Si copiae & opes non possunt humanis viribus
industriisque comparari, sed solo caelo dependeant: sequar scilicet ipse quod amo, &
teneor & possum, lumen, inquam, ductumque rationis caelo mihi inditum.

Confucius reproved of the vain efforts of men amassing wealth: If indeed wealth can

540 Zhang has: without obstinationnot obstinate (yibi , 96). [AU: I dont think this is a word. Not
obstinate?]
541 The context of Zilus words is given by Zhu (95) and Zhang (97).
542 This note is a Jesuit addition.
543 This comment is made by Zhang (97).

177
be obtained through human effort and plans, I should be like a lackey in order to
obtain them. If resources and wealth cannot be gained by way of human effort and
plans, but depend only on heaven, I should follow what I love, know, and I am
capable of, that is, the light and lead of reason endowed to me by heaven.544

[7.12 ]

2. Tria narrantur fuisse in quibus Confucius plurimum vigilantiae, curae & operae ponebat;
abstinentia scilicet, antequam sacris operaretur, conflictus cum hoste, morbus.

It is said that Confucius put the most vigilance, care, and work into three matters:
abstinence before he performed sacred liturgy, clashes with enemies, and illness.

[7.13 ]

[39] 3. XAO nomen est seu genus Musicae ab Imperatore Xun olim conditae, qu continentur
virtutes ac laudes magni illius Legislatoris Yao dicti; quo & ipse Xun ad Imperii societatem &
deinde successionem assumputs fuerat. Confucius ergo collabente paulatim familia Cheu, existens
fortem Regno i ibique audiens musicam illam Xao; tanto repent sensu voluptatis affectus est; ut
cum tertium jam mensem ill pasceretur quippe tribus omnino mensibus, non perciperet carnium,
quibus vescebatur, saporem. Enimver (aiebat ipse) Haud unquam ego existimaveram eum qui
composuit hanc muscicam, pertigisse ad hujusmodi suavitatem.

Shao refers to a genre of music, composed by Emperor Shun, which preserves the
virtues and praises of the great legislator, Yao. From Yao, Shun assumed the command
and then the succession of the empire.545 While When Confucius was in the Qi
Kingdom, the Zhou dynasty was progressively collapsing, once Confucius was in the
Qi Kingdom. There, he listened to the Shao music and was strongly moved by a sense
of delight. He nourished himself for three months with this music and he did not taste
the flavor of meat that he used to enjoy. He said: I have never before thought that the
composer of this music had reached such a charm.

[7.14 ]

p. 2, 1. Lim cum Rex Regni Guei habuit filium nomine Quai quei: Hic qud novercam
adulteram occidere tentavisset, Patre Regno ejicitur. In vicinum itaque in Regum profugit, sed
relicto domi filio, cui Che nomen erat. Moritur interea Lim cum. Populus filium profugi Principis
in avito collocat solio. Audiunt hoc, qui patrem susceperant. Damnant factum. Reducunt
profugum. Obsistit filius, & clam missa armatorum manu, venire prohibet. Inter haec varii
sermones hominum atque sententiae. Negabant illi, esse licitum filio tenere Regnum vivo Patre
& invito: Sed hi, contr excidisse jam pridem jure Patris & Regni, qui vitae Matris, tametsi
non suae, struxisset insidias. Utique non alteri, quam qui & innocens esset, & filius,
deferendum videri sceptrum. Porr sub idem tempus Confucius degebat in hoc ipso Regno Guei.
Ejus itaque discipulus Gen yeu condiscipulo u cum, quaerit, an Confucius quoque favet
eidem Che Regni Guei Principi? u cum, protinus respondit: optim: ego exquiram.

Ling Gong, king of the Wei Kingdom, had a son named Kuaikuei. The son attempted
to kill his adulterous stepmother and was exiled from the kingdom by his father. He

544 The last words are not part of the classical text, but a Neo-Confucian interpretation, with the
concept of yili , both mentioned by Zhu (96) and Zhang (98).
545 Zhu (96) and Zhang (98) both mention that the shao music was composed by Shun. However,
the Jesuits added here the mention of Yao for historical reference.

178
then fled to the neighboring kingdom of Jin, but his own son, Zhe, remained at home.
Meanwhile, Ling Gong died. The people of the kingdom put the son of the fugitive
prince on the throne of his grandfather. Those who supported the father heard about it
and reproved of it. They brought back the fugitive. The son protested and secretly sent
an army to prevent his fathers return. Among many other things, there were various
speeches and discourses. Some argued that it was lawful for a son to hold a kingdom
while his father was still alive, even if this went and this even against the will of the
father. Others argued that someone who had plotted against the life of a mother, even
though she was not his biological mother, had already been removed from the right of
succession. Certainly, they believedconsidered that the scepter should not be returned
to the son, however innocent he may be. At this time, Confucius was living in the
kingdom of Wei.546 His disciple, Ran You [Ran Qiu], inquired of his fellow disciple,
Zigong: Is Confucius supporting Prince Zhe of the Wei Kingdom? Zigong replied at
once: Very well. I am going to ask him.

[
]

2. Regni u cho Regi tres fure filii, maximus natu Pe y, minimus Xo i dicebatur, secundi
non extat nomen. Pater, qui minimum teneris diligebat, eundem morti jam proximus Regni
haeredem denuntiat. Sed mortuo Patre, subditi majorem natu regnare volunt: Ipsi namque
deberi coronam nascendi jure & ordine. Verm is voluntatem Patris tam juri suo, quam votis
suorum anteponens, Regnum fratri ultr cedit. Sed & hic non mins memor fraternae charitatis,
qum alter filialis observantiae; fratrem, quod primo loco genitus sit, ad suscipienda Regni
gubernacula conitanter urget. Certamen hoc tam rarae gratiae cum perquam diu tenuisset, & neuter
alteri persuadere potuisset, quod utrique suo quodam jure debebatur; ut tam inusitatae contentioni
finis tamdem fieret, ambo clam suis generos tamdem fug ex aul in solitudinem se contulre,
victores ambo, victique. Secundus itaque fratrum relictum majore [40] minimoque regnum,
communi populi ac procerum consensu suscipit. Porr certamen hoc fratrum, uter alteri
coronam cederet, contendentium, ei certamini, quod (ut paul supra memoravimus) tunc
Patri erat cum filio, prorsus diametro opponebatur. Discipulus itaque u cum per ambages
Philosophi sententiam callid exquirens; ingressus est ut Magistrum consuleret, duo fratres,
inquit, Pe y & Xo i cujusmodi fuerunt homines? Philosophus quo tenderet illa percontatio,
animadvertens, respondit Pe y & Xo i omnino fuerunt priscis spectatae virtutis ac
sapientiae viris. Discipulus u cum, instat, & ait: Sed num credibile est sibi constitisse, non
eos paenituerit deinde facti sui, fugaeque? Tum Confucius in hoc facto, inquit, ambo
quaesiverunt veram virtutem, & invenerunt veram virtutem. Numquid igitur eos paenitudo subierit
ubi error nec peccatum praecessit? Satis hoc responso declarabat Confucius, quid de improbo Che
paterni principats invasore sentiret; quippe dum sic laudabat virtute ac sapienti illos, qui
invicem Regno cesserant; damnabat utique eum, cujus impia temeritas & ambitio debitam Patri,
quamvis fonti, pietatem violarat. u cum igitur egreditur, & condicipulo suo Gen yeu ait:
Confucius haudquaquam favet Che Principis factioni.

King Guzhu had three sons. The eldest was called Boyi, and the youngest Shuqi. The
name of the second son is not recorded. The father loved the youngest son more
tenderly. While close to death, Guzhu proclaimed Shuqi as the heir to the kingdom.
However, after the fathers death, the people wanted the eldest son to rule and bear the
crown, according to law and the order of birth. But Boyi placed the will of his father
not only before his own right but also before the wishes of the people, and so he
conceded the kingdom to his brother. While Boyi is remembered for his filial

546 This long introduction is an elaboration based on the comment by Zhang (99) and other historical
sources.

179
obedience, Shuqi is remembered for his fraternal love because he was constantly
urging his elder brother to accept the government of the kingdom.547 This competition
of a rare kindness lasted for quite a while. Neither brother could persuade the other
that he was obliged to succeed by law. The end of such an unusual struggle was that
the two of them, in a generously escapeed out of the court, and secretly took refuge in
a desert, the two of them being at the same time winners and losers.548 Through a
common agreement between the people and the nobility, the second brother received
the kingdom left by the eldest and youngest brothers. Clearly, the competition
between these two brothers, each one giving up the crown to the other, is
diametrically opposed to the competition mentioned above between father and son.549
The disciple, Zigong, investigated cleverly the Philosophers opinion. He came to
consult the Teacher: What kind of people were the two brothers, Boyi and Shuqi?
The Philosopher was led by the question and answered: Boyi and Shuqi are counted
among ancient men of proven virtue and wisdom. The disciple, Zigong, pushed
further and asked: Do you believe that the two could stay resolute and not regret
their decision to escape? Confucius replied: In fact, both of them searched for true
virtue and found it.550 Is it possible that regret could have overwhelmed them while
there was no error or mistake? With this answer, Confucius expressed clearly what
he felt about the dishonest Zhe, offender to the paternal authority. While he praised
the virtue and wisdom of those who yielded the kingdom to each other, he blamed the
son, whose impious temerity and ambition violated the piety due to a father, even
though his father was a criminal. Then, Zigong came out and said to his fellow
disciple, Ran You [Ran Qiu]: Confucius does not support the faction of Prince Zhe.

[7.15
]

Fol. 5, p. 1. Confucius aiebat vescor fer admodum vulgari parabilique cibo; poto lympham, &
dum brevi somno reficio vires, inflecto cubitum, capitique subjicio & is mihi pro cervicali est. Hoc
interim affirmo qud sua Philosopho voluptas etiam constat haec inter. Habet omnino suas virtus
delicias, medias inter asperitates. Quisquis autem expers virtutis est, etsi idem sit dives &
opulentus, adeoque sicut fer usu venit, honoratus; apud me cert quidem erit instar volantis
nubis.

Confucius said: I eat almost nothing but common and easily available food, and I
drink only water. While I restore my strength with a short sleep, I bend my forearm
under my head, which I use as a cushion. At the same time, I affirm that pleasure for a
Philosopher resides among these things. Virtue finds its pleasures wholly amid
ordinary difficulties. Even if someone is rich and wealthy, up to the point that he is
honored because of his wealth, if he lacks virtue, for me it is like a cloud passing by.

[7.16 ]

547 Both of them fulfill two moral relationships. The elder brother fulfills filial piety ( xiao) and the
younger brother fulfills the respect of the younger to the elder (di).
548 This story was later quoted verbatim by Jacques de Richebourg: Jacobi de Ricquebourcq, Ultima
verba factaque et ultimate voluntates morientum (Amsterdam: Franciscum Lucas, 1721), 264 [AQ:
Who is he? Also, dates please, and why the change in name prior to the title?].
549 Zhang (99) mentioned that the competitions in these two stories are opposite to each other.
550 Ren is translated here as true virtue (vera virtus). In the Tianzhu shiyi (553), Ricci noticed that
Confucius considered Boyi and Shuqi as having obtained Ren, and therefore fulfilled filial piety, even
though they died childless.

180
p. 2, 1. Confucius septuagenarius aiebat: Caelum si concederet mihi aliquot adhuc vitae annos,
penitus ut perdiscerem doctrinam libri Ye Kim, id est, mutationum; possem, utique, vacare graviori
saltem qucumque nox & crimine.

At seventy years old, Confucius said: If heaven gives me some more years of life, I
could study thoroughly the teaching of the Yijing, i.e., the Book of Mutations. Then, I
may be free at least from any serious crime and mistake.551

[7.17 ]

2. Confucius (uti memorant discipuli) Quae crebrioribus usurpabat sermonibus, erant fer
tria. Odae, id est, Sententiae priscorum Sapientum & Regum, metro ligatae. Chronica, seu
res ab eisdem Regibus ac Majoribus suis vel rect vel perperam gestae, Denique studios
observata & exercita ab eisdem Regibus officia & ritus. Haec tria, inquam, erant ea fer
omnia de quibus passim disserebat Confucius.

As the disciples recorded, Confucius often552 referred to three works in his speeches:
the Book of Odes [Shijing], that is, the Sentences of the Ancient Sages and Kings,
arranged with meter, the Annals [Shujing], or the Deeds, Just or Wrong, Made by the
Kings and the Ancients, and finally, the Book of Ceremonies and Rituals [Liji],
zealously observed and practiced by the kings. Confucius talked about these three
works constantly.

[7.18 ]

[41] fol. 6, p. 1, 1. Praefectus civitatis Xe homo arrogans, utpote qui titulum Cum officio suo
long superiorem temer sibi vindicabat. Hic, inquam, quaesivit de Confucio discipulo u
lu, quid scilicet hominis esset Magister suus? u lu non respondit.

The prefect of the city of She was a very arrogant person, up to the point that he
rashly claimed for himself the title of Gong, a title far above his actual position. He
asked the disciple, Zilu, about Confucius, wondering what kind of man his Teacher
was. However, Zilu did not answer.

[
]

2. Confucius ubi cognovit percontationem praefecti & silentium discipuli; huic ait: Tu

551 According to Sima Qian in the Shiji, Confucius expressed this statement at the age of seventy years
old. Zhu (97) says the same, and he also mentions that the two characters wushi are mistaken for
the single character zu . Zhang (1001) has a similar explanation. Interestingly, the Jesuits kept here
the reference to the Yijing, a book that was highly problematic for them. They could have avoided this
reference by choosing a different version of the text. The Sinarum Philosophus does not mention the
particular reading of the two characters wushi, combined by Zhu into one character. The Sapientia
Sinica had initially the original meaning of wushi, meaning that Confucius wished to live an extra fifty
years (Zi-ka-wei, 21 recto). The Sapientia Sinica has also an explanation about the origin of the Yijing,
with a gloss from Zhang and a quote from the Great Appendix to the Yijing, or Xici (Zi-ka-wei,
21 recto and verso; Zhang, 100). All of these have disappeared from this section of the Sinarum
Philosophus, since explanations about the Yijing are given in the preface of the work.
552 Zhu (97) and Zhang (101) read the word ya as an equivalent of chang , i.e., often. Modern
scholars consider that yayan refers to the standard language.

181
quin sic respondisti? Ipse est vir ejusmodi, ut non alia de re magis laboret, quam ut in
suscepto virtutis ac bonarum artium studio assidu proficiat: In quo si quidpiam non
usquequaque assecutus est, hoc ipso contendit exeritque vires omnes & conatus, sic prorsus,
ut obliviscatur etiam cibi sumendi, quoad assequatur. Ubi autem assecutus est; tum tantis
exultat laetitiis, ut jam non meminerit amplius tristitiae molestiaeque praecedentis; nec
advertat senectutem inter haec jam prope advenisse. Haec, dico tibi respondere potueras
praefecto percontanti.

When Confucius learned about the question of the prefect and the silence of the
disciple, he said: Why did you not answer like this: Nothing troubles Confucius
more than making continuous progress in his pursuit of virtue and the good arts; 553 if
there is anything that he has not yet obtained, he draws and directs all of his energy
and effort towards it, so much so, that he would completely forget to eat until he got
it; and when he got it, he exults with a great joy, not remembering the many
difficulties and previous hardships, without noticing that he has already reached old
age? I tell you, you could have answered this to the prefect.

[7.19 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Ego non sum natus cum sapienti (vel, ego non is sum, qui natus illic
sapiens extiterim) sed ab ineunte aetate mea semper amans ac studiosus fui antiquitatis; omnem
semper adhibens operam ac diligentiam: Per haec itaque comparavi illam, quaecumque demum
mihi tribuitur, sapientiam.

Confucius said: I was not born with wisdom (or, I am not someone who became
immediately wise at birth). However, since my young age, I have always loved and
appreciated antiquity and I have always put effort and diligence into it. This way I
indeed acquired a wisdom which can only be attributed to me.554

[7.20 ]

2. Confucius (uti memorant discipuli) de quatuor rebus non nisi rarissim, & quidem
brevibus loquebatur. De rebus scilicet exoticis, inusitatis, peregrinis, de monstris, atque
prodigiis. De factionibus, quod eorum virtus, efficacitas, natura usque ade subtilis ac
sublimis sit, & ab humano sensu remota, ut de ill debite loqui sit periculum.

As the disciples record, Confucius did not talk about four matters in particular, unless
very rarely and briefly: exotic, unusual, and foreign things, like omens and miracles;
factions, quarrels, and public disturbances; spirits, because their power, efficacy, and
nature are fine, sublime, and remote from human senses, and so it is difficult to speak
of them rightly.555

553 The good arts (bonae artes) is another name for liberal arts in Jesuit education. Zhang
mentions that the learning of Confucius consisted in normative principles under heaven (
tianxia zhi yili, 102).
554 This last sentence is a translation of Zhangs comment, stating that the acquired wisdom of
Confucius depended on his commitment to moral cultivation. Zhang (102) comments further that
Confucius was mostly expressing with these words his modesty, suggesting that Confucius had a kind
of innate knowledge about human nature and morality, but he still needed to study the words of the
ancient rulers and to verify their truth for himself.
555 It seems that the second item about the power (li ) is missing in our translation. Concerning shen
, Zhang (103) mentions that Confucius refused absolutely to talk about them, because the shen
belong to extraordinary matters and people should not focus on them. In contrast, Zhu (98) says that
Confucius did talk about shen, but very cautiously. Starting from Ricci, the Jesuits in China accepted

182
[7.21
]

p. 2. Confucius ait: Si vel tres duntaxat homines pariter ambulemus, haud dubi dabitur in
his meus Magister: erunt, inquam, duo ex quibus proficiam. Exempli grati: Probus sit
unus, & alter improbus. Mox seligam illius quidem bona, seu virtutes, & sequar imitando:
Hujus ver mala, seu vitia tacitus inspiciam, meque ipse discutiam, & si quidem reum me
invenero, mox corrigam.

Confucius said: Walking in a group of three people, I could surely find my own
teacher. Indeed, I would take the two of them as my teachers. For example, there may
be one person who is good and one who is dishonest. I should select the good things
and virtues of the first person and follow by way of imitation. Also, I should silently
observe and reject the vices of the other person, and if I discover the same mistake
within myself, I should correct it.556

[7.22 ]

Fol. 7, p. 1, 1. Transiverat Confucius Regno Guei in Regnum Sum: Ubi discipulos in

umbr praegrandis arboris quotidie exercebat. Porr loci praefectus Von tui nomine, quia
Confucium ejusque doctrinam oderat, arborem illam succidi jussit. Perculit ea res
discipulorum animos, verentium, ne de tollendo etiam vivis ipsomet Magistro [42]
cogitaret. At Confucius cognito suorum metu sic ait: Caelum siquidem procreavit virtutem,
dotesque naturae in me, cum vita mea caelo tota pendeat, Von tui itaque praefectus iste
quorsum me sic exagitet? An pugnare cum caelo tentat mortalis!

Having passed through the Wei Kingdom to the Song Kingdom, Confucius was
instructing the disciples everyday under the shadow of a big tree. Huan Tui, the
prefect of the place, hated Confucius and his teachings. He ordered the tree to be cut
down.557 This frightened the disciples, who feared that Huan Tui might attempt to kill
the Master. Aware of their fear, Confucius said: Heaven itself has given me virtue
and natural talents. Since my whole life relies on heaven,558 why would the prefect
Huan Tui attack me? Could a human being fight against heaven?

[7.23
]

2. Suspicione quadam liberaturus discipulos Confucius, itane vero, inquam, duo tresve
discipuli mei, sic de me sentitis, quod celem vos quidpiam quod ad virtutis sapientiaeque
studium spectat? Atque sic vobis affirmo, quod ego null utor reticenti vel occultatione
vobiscum. Ego rever nihil egi unquam, quod non communicarim & palm vobis discipulis

the notion of guishen. Thus it makes sense for them to adopt here Zhus reading which does not only
acknowledge the existence of the guishen but also acknowledges the legitimacy of a discourse on them.
In this single instance, Zhu is more open than Zhang on the question of belief in the guishen.
556 According to Zhang, mistakes in others do not lead to criticizing them, but to a process of
introspection (fanguan neixing , 103).
557 Neither Zhu nor Zhang mentioned the tree, but Sima Qian did in the Shiji. This reference to the tree
is absent from the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 22 recto).
558 This translates Zhangs comment: My life is completely directed by heaven, and it shall surely
protect me when I am in danger ( , 104). Zhu (98) does
not explicitly mention that heaven protects Confucius; he only states that Huan Tui could not go against
heaven and harm Confucius.

183
meis fecerim. Talis niminum sum ego.

In order to free the disciples from any suspicion, Confucius told them: Oh my two or
three disciples, you may think that I am hiding something related to the pursuit of
virtue and wisdom from you. I can confirm that I have not left anything unsaid or kept
anything from you. All that I did, I have communicated it and made it known to you
my disciples. This is my true character.

[7.24 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius tametsi, ut mod dictum est, nihil omnino sanae doctrinae celaret suos, in
quatuor tamen praecipu eosdem instituebat. In literis, id est, libris Xi kim, & Xu kim, nec non
in liberalibus quibusque disciplinis ac scientiis. Deinde in usu & exercitatione eorum
omnium, quae didicerant: Tertio quartove loco suis assidu inculcabat ut persisterent in
seri prorsus ac syncer voluntate agendi quidquid agerent, cum fide constantique & cum
robore quodam invictae mentis conjunct.

As just said, Confucius was sharing all his salutary teaching with his disciples, 559 yet
he especially instructed them in four subjects. First, with the Shijing and Shujing, he
taught them literature and other liberal disciplines and sciences. 560 Next, they were
taught to practice all that they had learned. Lastly, he constantly impressed upon them
that they should maintain a serious and sincere will in accomplishing all goals, 561 and
a firm trust, with the strength of an invincible mind.562

[7.25 ]

2. Confucius ait: Hominem sanctum ego adhuc quidem non potui videre: verum, ut queam videre
aliquando virum virtute sapientiaque caeteris praestantem; hoc quidem adhuc fieri poterit.

Confucius said: I have not yet seen a holy man. But truly, it may happen that one day
I shall see a man outstanding in virtue and wisdom.563

[ ]

3. Confucius etiam, inquit, probum usquequaque & integrum virum, ego adhuc quidem
non potui videre. Verum ut liceat mihi videre quempiam qui habeat robur & constantiam in
suscepto virtutis sapientiaeque studio; hoc enimver adhuc fieri poterit.

Confucius continued: I have not yet seen an honest and uncorrupt man. But truly it
may happen that one day I shall see someone pursuing virtue with vigor and
constancy. This will do it.

[]

4. Confucius, non habens, inquit, & tamen simulans se habere, vacuus & inanis doctrinae, &
virtutis, & tamen simulans harum copiam & plenitudinem: exilis ac tenuis, & tamen ostentans

559 Zhang (105) talks about the good teaching shanjiao of Confucius.
560 Zhang (104) mentions that wen refer to the Shijing, Shujing, and the six arts liuyi .
561 This translates zhong.
562 This translates xin .
563 We have here a new translation for the term junzi.

184
magnitudinem nescio quam, & excellentiam: Simulator hujusmodi tametsi fort per exiguum
tempus imponat hominibus, vehementer tamen laborabit in servanda fingendi constanti, sic ut
non patecat aliquando fraus ac simulatio.

Confucius then said: The one who has nothing simulates he has something. Though
he is empty, with vain teaching and virtue, he simulates that he has an abundance and
plenitude of things. Someone feeble and unimportant displays greatness and
superiority. This kind of hypocrite imposes himself on others at any moment. He will
make strenuous efforts in being consistent in his pretense so that the fraud and
simulation do not appear at any point.

[7.26 ]

Fol. 8, p. 1, 1. Confucius, uti memorabant ejus discipuli cm fort privatus piscationi,

aucupioque daret operam, hamo duntaxat & arundine piscabatur, & non retibus. Similiter
cum aucupabatur, silo sagittam [43] adstringebat, qu praetervolantium avium unam alteramve
peteret; & non feriebat quiescentes.

As the disciples recall, when Confucius did not hold office, he spent time fishing and
bird-catching. However, he only fished with a rod and a hook, not with nets. Also,
while catching birds, he fixed an arrow to the bow, by which he could strike one or
two birds flying overhead, but he did not strike birds at rest.

[7.27
]

2. Confucius ait: Quomodo dantur homines tam rerum ignari, & tamen tam activi
& expediti? Ego quidem non habeo hoc saltem vitii: Multis auditis, seligere ex illis
optima, & sequi: Multa item videre, & omnium meminisse, ut ex omnibus
profiscerem: haec sciendi secunda classis est, cui me applico scilicet.

Confucius said: How can some men be so ignorant of things and yet active and
effective? At least I do not have this defect. After having heard a lot, I select and
follow the best. I see a lot and remember all, so that I can make progress out of
everything. I apply myself to this second class of learning.

[7.28 ]

3. Locus Hu hiam difficilis erat ad sermones de virtute suscipiendos; ob incolarum

pravitatem aut tarditatem. Adfuit quodam die puer inde oriundus, isque palam se stitit
obtulitque Confucio, hic rogantem benignus admisit. Videntes hoc discipuli, suboffensi sunt.

It was difficult for [people in] Huxiang to understand the speeches on virtue because
of the depravity and ignorance of the inhabitants. Once, a native child came and
presented himself to Confucius, who kindly received him. The disciples saw this and

185
were offended.564

[
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius id resciens, sic ait: Admisi nunc ipsum ut intraret in disciplinam meam:
non autem admisi ipsum, ut illico repellam. Quorsum igitur haec vehementia, & offensio
vestra? Quotiescumque homo quispiam renovavit sese, ut in scholam ac disciplinam meam
admittatur; admittam san hanc ipsius renovationem, novaeque vitae propositum. Non
autem sponsor sum, & fideijussor pro ipsius vit futur an sit perseveraturus.

Confucius noticed the reaction of the disciples and said: I received him to join my
teaching. I did not receive him so that I could immediately expel him. Why are you so
vehemently offended? Whenever a man improvesrenovates himself, he can be
received in my school and teaching. Even though I cannot guarantee and know for
sure his future life, whether or not he will persevere, I shall surely endorse such a
renovation and aim of a new life.

[7.29 ]

2. Confucius ait: Virtusne fortassis abest long nobis. Ego cert si expeto virtutem, haec
ipsa virtus ad me accessit. Foris quaerenda non est, quae nobiscum nascitur.

Confucius said: Could virtue be far away from us? If I myself look for virtue, then
this virtue comes to me. She should not be searched for outside, as she is born within
us.565

[7.30 ]

3. Regni Chin Mandarinus Su pai (muneris publici nomen est) quaesivit ex Confucio, an
Chao cum Princeps Regni Lu calleret ritus ac leges? Confucius respondit eum callere ritus.

An official of the Chen Kingdom, Sibai (the title of a public office), 566 asked
Confucius whether Zhao Gong, king of the Lu Kingdom, was experienced in rituals
and laws. Confucius replied that he was good at rituals.

[
]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. Confucio abeunte, salutans ipse discipulum Confucii fort sibi obvium V ma ki
dictum, & accedens ad eum ait: Ego quidem semper audivi virum perfectum non assentari: an

564 According to Zhang (107), the disciples were confused (yihuo ), in the sense that they did not
understand. For Zhu (100), the disciples were having doubts about whether it was appropriate for
Confucius to receive the child. The Jesuits followed the interpretation of Zhu, but with a strong
expression of reprobation (suboffensi), which is repeated also below (offensio). In the Gospels, the
disciples of Jesus reproved of him receiving children, as in this passage: Then some children were
brought to Him so that He might lay His hands on them and pray; and the disciples rebuked them
(Matthew 19:13, New American Standard Bible).
565 The last words are clearly of Mencian inspiration, based on the conviction of the innate goodness
of human nature. Zhu has: Ren is the virtue of the mind; it is not external (
, 100). Zhang has: Ren is inside the mind (, 108).
566 Zhu (100) and Zhang (108) mention that the title corresponds to minister of justice.

186
igitur, Philosophus quandoque etiam assentatur? Nonne constat Principes ambos regnorum U &
Lu ejusdem esse cognomenti Ki scilicet, & tamen Rex Regni vestri Lu uxorem duxit ex U familia
item Regi, quae est ejusdem cum su cognomenti, quod Legibus Regni vetitum est: Im quo
felicius res lateret, appellavit nuptam suam non U mem ki vero proprioque cognomine; sed U mem
u ficto cognomine. Profecto si Rex ille, dum sic illudit ritibus; nihilominus peritus est
rituum; ecquis, obsecro, mortalium non sit peritus rituum ac legum licet easdem violet ac
contemnat?

While Confucius was leaving, Sibai greeted and approached Wuma Qi, a disciple of
Confucius who happened to be there, telling him: I have always heard that a perfect
man567 does not flatter. Can it be that the Philosopher is not flattering? Is it not true
that the two rulers of the kingdoms of Wu and Lu bear the same family name, Ji, and
yet your prince of Lu took a wife from the royal family of Wu, who also bears the
same family name? This is forbidden by the laws of the country. In order to hide this
more successfully, he did not called histhe wife not Wumeng Ji as it should have been
the case, but with gave her a fictionalve family name, Wumeng Zi. If this king [Zhao
Gong] ridicules the rites, he is not at all an expert in them. I beg you, is it allowed for
someone who is not an expert in rituals and laws to violate and disregard them so
callously?

[ ]

[44] 2. Vu ma ki discipulus confestim de his certiorem fecit Magistrum. Confucius ergo, ,

inquit, me fortunatum! Si enim quid pecco, alii certo certius id resciunt: A quibus moneri
queam ut me emendem.

The disciple, Wuma Qi, immediately told Master Confucius, who said: Oh, I am very
fortunate. If I make a mistake, others surely know it without a doubt. I wish to be told
so by them, so that I can correct myself.

[7.31 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius (uti memorant discipuli) un cum aliis canens, si quidem bell cani
animadverteret, omnio jubebat repeti symphoniam: qu pascebatur. Mox inde vicem reddens
& gratiam, cum reliquis vocem jungens ipse modulabatur.

As the disciples recall,568 Confucius would sing together with others. If he paid
attention to something that was sung well, he would ask to have the melody repeated,
in order to enjoy it. Next, he would show his appreciation by singing the melody
playing the melody with his voice, in unison with others.569

[7.32 ]

2. Confucius ait: Ornatu copique vel dicendi vel scribendi nonne ego prop accedo ad
alios? Sed ut ipsemet constanter agam virum virtute sapientique praestantem; hoc opus hic labor
est. Cert ego nondum id sum consecutus.

Confucius said: Concerning the style and abundance of speech and writing, am I not
almost as good as the others? But to act continually as a man outstanding in virtue and

567 Here junzi is translated with perfect man (perfectus vir).

568 This translates the opening words in the comment by Zhang (109).
569 Zhang also mentions Confucius singing with others in unison (tongsheng , 109 )

187
wisdom, there is still work to do. I have not yet reached it for sure.570

[7.33
]

3. Confucius ait: Quod attinet ad sanctitatem cum solid ill synceri animi perfectione, quibus
praeditum me vulgo autumant; equidem ego qui ausim mihi arrogare? An fortasse, id unum
significant, in exercitio & conatu, quo ad perfectionem contendo, non me languescere; in docendo
& instituendo alios non defatigari? Tunc quidem poterunt dici significare quidpiam: Hoc enim
solum & non amplius me posse fateor. Discipulus Cum si ho haec dicentem Magistrum
audiens, & ingemiscens ait: Sanctus & perfectus dici non sustines, sapientissime Magister;
idem tamen fateris animum tibi esse in studio virtutis excolendae alacrem & constantem, in
aliorum institutione prorsus indefessum: Enimver hoc ipsum est quod ego discipulus tuus
necdum queo addiscere; & te imitari, quamvis maxim velim.

Confucius said: They generally affirm that I am endowed with holiness and the firm
perfection of a sincere soul. But how could I dare to attribute these to myself? Perhaps
they mean this instead: I am not tired from the practice and effort by which I strive for
perfection. Also, I am not discouraged in teaching and instructing others. They could
indicate this, and I would admit it but nothing more. The disciple, Gongxi Hua
[Zihua], listening to the words of the Teacher, groaned sighed and said: Oh, wise
Teacher, you cannot accept being called holy and perfect, and you admit that your
mind is eager and steady in the pursuit of the cultivation of virtue and in the
instruction of others. This is precisely what I, your disciple, cannot learn and imitate
in you, even though I greatly wish to.571

[7.34
]

Fol. 10, p. 1. Confucio quondam aegrotante cm de salute magistri angerentur; unus

illorum u lu, adiens aegrotum rogavit potestatem sibi fieri deprecandi spiritus pro ejusdem
incolumitate. Mos enim jam tunc erat, ubi morbus, aliave calamitas quempiam premeret,
instituendi deprecationes. Confucius sciscitabundus, daturne, inquit, ejusmodi usus
deprecandi morbos & calamitates? u lu discipulus respondit: datur utique: antiquissimus
enim liber Lui dictus sic ait: Deprecamur vos superiores, id est, caeli, & inferiores, id est,
terrae spiritus. Confucius ad haec respondit: quod ego rit venerer ac deprecer spiritus jam
diu est. Cham colaus & Interpres noster aegrotantis Philosophi mentem sic exponit: Quod
liber ille vocat deprecari, nihil est aliud, quam, si quid fort peccatum fuerit, reum se agere
coram spiritibus, & facti paenitentem liberari poena [45] & calamitate promerit; deinde
ver quae fausta sunt prosperaque ab iisdem flagitare. Ad me quod attinet, adhuc quidem
non ausus fui verbo factore quod sciam offendere spiritus; sed hoc egi, per omnem vitam, in
hoc elaboravi, ut rationi parerem in omnibus: contra quam si quid peccatum me est
aliquando; protinus id scilicet expiavi ac emendavi. Unde profecto quod ego deprecer spiritus
jam diu est.

Once, the disciples were distressed about the Masters health, as he fell seriously ill.
The disciple, Zilu, approached the sick man and asked permission to pray to the spirits

570 Zhu (101) states that Confucius was speaking out of modesty. Both Zhu and Zhang believe that
Confucius had reached perfect virtue, and thus his words do not apply to him, but teach others the
importance of action. See Zhu (101) and Zhang (110).
571 Zhu (101) interprets the words of Confucius as a mark of his humility. Zhang states: Even though
Confucius declines the title of Ren and Sheng, in fact he is truly Ren and Sheng, and this fact cannot be
concealed (110).

188
for his safety. It was customary to pray whenever sickness or danger threatened
anyone. When asked, Confucius said: Is it allowed to avert sickness or disaster
through prayer? The disciple, Zilu, said: It is certainly allowed. The most ancient
book Lei says: We pray for you the superior spirits of heaven and the lower spirits of
the earth. Confucius then answered: I myself have been venerating and praying to
the spirits for a long time. Our grand secretary and iInterpreter, Zhang, explains the
mind of the suffering Philosopher: This book [i.e., Lei] calls to pray. It is exactly the
same as in the case of someone who has committed a sin: he would admit his guilt
accuse himself of being guilty in front of the spirits, would be liberated from the
deserved punition and consequences of the act, and finally would solicit from the
spirits good luck and prosperity.572 [Confucius said]: But concerning myself, I do
not dare to offend the spirits as much as possible, in words or in deeds. I have lived
my entire life paying attention about this in order to follow reason in all things. If I
made any mistake, I immediately expiated and corrected it. Therefore, it can be said
that I have been praying to the spirits for a long time.573

[7.35 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Prodigus est quispiam luxuique deditus? Ergo nec submissus. Aequo
parcior est quispiam? Sordidus? Avarus? Erg vilis idem & abjectus; attamen prae eo quod
est non esse submissum, sed opibus ac potenti efferre sese, praestat, mins, inquam,
perniciosum fuerit, esse sordidum ac vilem: hujusmodi namque sibi fere uni damno est, ille
toti Reipublicae damno esse potest.

Confucius said: Is someone prodigal and devoted to luxury? Then he is not obedient.
Is someone more frugal, mean, and parsimonious than usual? Then he is vile and
despicable. However, to be mean and vile is less dangerous than to be disobedient and
driven by wealth and power. Indeed, the former harms only oneself, but the latter can
harm the whole country.574

[7.36 ]

2. Confucius ait: Vir probus nunquam non aequanimis, tranquillus, ac placidus est.

572 This translates Zhangs comments ([]

, 111). The notion of
repentance about ones mistakes is present in the title of the Book of Expiation (Lei ), and expressed
by Zhang with chanhui , a typically Buddhist word, itself translated by the Jesuits with the
expression of accuse oneself guilty (reum se agere).
573 For Zhu (101), the prayer of Confucius consisted in confirming all his actions to the principle li .
In this interpretation, the personal connection between human beings and the guishen is greatly
downgraded. In contrast, Zhang emphasized the respect towards the guishen, with the fear of offending
them. According to Zhang (111), the prayer of Confucius consisted not only in a life in conformity to
the li but also in a deep respect towards the guishen. The Sapientia Sinica did not translate those lines
from Zhang, but selected the two last lines of his comment, which was rendered as: Through those
words, Confucius wanted to teach that good things come from heaven, and one has to follow heaven
alone through virtuous deeds and not through flattery, or by giving trouble to the spirits (Confucius his
verbis velle docere felices rerum eventus ab caelo dumtaxat esse, atque a Deo per opera virtutum soli
caelo obsequendum, non autem adulatione aut precibus fatigandos Spiritus). The Sapientia Sinica
provided also the Chinese text:
(Zi-ka-wei, 23 verso; Zhang, 111). The story was
inserted in the Life of Confucius in the Sapientia Sinica, but it disappeared from the Politico-moralis
and the Sinarum Philosophus.
574 The Lunyu does not provide the explanation, which is provided here by Zhang (112).

189
Improbus ver, nunquam non turbato & amaro est animo.

Confucius said: An honest man is always composed, tranquil, and calm. But a
dishonest man is always perturbed and bitter.

[7.37 ]

3. Confucius, (ut testantur ejusdem discipuli) Blandus erat, comis, affabilis; & tamen idem
venerandus & compositus: Gravis erat ac severus ubi res postulabat; idem tamen
haudquaquam morosus, asper, truculentus. Officiosus, observans aliorum & reverens; sic
tamen ut perquam temperat, suaviter, ac citr molestiam & fastidium.

As his disciples show, Confucius was pleasant, courteous, and friendly, yet
respectable and composed. He was serious and strict when necessary, yet without
being hard to please, harsh, or aggressive. He was attentive, dutiful, and respectful of
others, but always in a mild and sweet manner, without annoyance or contempt.

190
 [Chapter 8]

[8.1 ]

Fol. 11, p. 1. Confucius ait: Principis Taivam filius Taipe, equidem potest dici summae fuisse
virtutis, & cui nihil addi queat. Imperium iterum iterumque, cum fratre & generos cessit: verum
tantae laudis ignara multitudo non valuit heroas suos pro merito depraedicare.

Confucius said: Taibo, the son of King Tai, can truly be called a man of the highest
virtue and, in fact, nothing can be added to him. Three times he generously abandoned
his power to his brother. However, most people were unaware of such a praiseworthy
act, and so they did not seek to praise this deserving hero.

Taipe & Yuchum filii erant majores natu Taivam ii cum scirent minorem natu fratrem
Kilie patre amari impensius, eique Regnum destinari, in utriusque gratiam spontanei exules
australium Barbarorum ditiones petunt, qui ut celent genus suum tons Caesarie necnon
maculis servilibusque notis corpus deformant. Ab hoc fundamentum Nankim Regnum in urbe
Sucheu annis ante Christum circiter 1160. Ubi etiamnum hujus sepulchrum extat.

Taibo and Yuzhong were the elder sons of Tai Wang. Since they knew their
younger brother, Jili, to be excessively loved by their father and destined to rule, they
mutually agreed to exile themselves spontaneously and to head to the territory of the
southern barbarians. In order to hide their origins, they disfigured their bodies by
cutting their hair and giving themselves the stains and marks of slaves. 575 The Nanjing
Kingdom was founded by Taibo in the city of Suzhou, about the year 1160 before
Christ. His grave can still be seen there today.576

[8.2
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Comis & officiosus est quispiam; at sine debito modo ac mensur;
utique fatigabit se gratis, nec rar cum molestia fastidioque aliorum. In negotiis tractandis
consideratus est ac sollicitus; at sine debita moderatione; utique erit perplexus, & [46] qui ad
singula quaeque haereat ac trepidet. Fortis quis est, ac strenuus; at sine prudentiae fraeno ac
moderatione, sic ut res quasvis temer aggrediatur; is utique perturbator erit rei domesticae
& publicae. Denique rectus est quis, ac justus; at sine modo & discretione; nihil valens
dissimulare; talis utique saepe angetur animo seque ipsum irretiet periculis ac molestiis.

Confucius said: Someone who is polite and kind, but without the appropriate method
and measure, will certainly labor in vain and often to the annoyance and disdain of
others. Someone who is cautious and anxious in dealing with affairs, and without
appropriate moderation, will become insecure, and will hesitate and stumble on any
single affair. Someone who is courageous and bold, but without the bridle and
moderation of prudence, to the point that he rashly undertakes everything he wishes,
will certainly become a troublemaker in private and public affairs. Finally, someone

575 Zhu (102) mentions a political divergence between King Tai and Prince Taibo, with the latter
voluntarily abandoning the court. Zhang (113) mentions that King Tai recognized the superior virtue of
the cadet, Jili, and of Jilis son, who would later become Wen Wang. In our text, it seems that the
transcription for the second son is wrong; in pinyin, it should be Zhongyong , and not Yuzhong.
576 The Jesuits probably saw the grave themselves.

191
who is right and just but without manners and discretion, and unable to hide anything,
will certainly be mentally strained often and will often entangle himself with dangers
and troubles.

[]

2. Si quidem is qui Magistratu fungitur, solid constanterque se gerat erga suos parentes;
tum procul dubio subditi hoc exemplo certatim quoque efflorescent in virtute. Idem si
antiquiores aetate, vel meritis, haud negligat abjiciatve; tum subditi non minus facient, &
cives suos vel annis, graves, vel meritis colent, ac fovebunt.

Indeed, if someone holding office577 conducts himself firmly and loyally toward his
parents, then, without any doubt, his subordinates will be stimulated by his example
and will blossom in virtue. Also, if he does not neglect or despiste those older in age
or with past merits, then the subordinates will not work less, and they will honor and
cherish their important citizens, either with yearly benefits, or with ranks.

[8.3
]

Fol. 12, p. 1, 1. Cem-u, inter discipulos Confucii secundus, & pietatis erga parentes long
studiosissimus, graviter aegrotans, & morti jam proximus, convocatis scholae seu disciplinae suae
discipulis; agite, inquit, retegite meos pedes, retegite meas manus, quae parentibus acceperam,
sana, quoad potui, integraque conservavi, quo promptis ea diutiusque in eorumdem obsequium
impenderem. Id me docuit Odarum Liber, dum ait: Esto timens ac pavidus, sollicitus & cautus, ad
instar appropinquantis profundo rapidoque fluminis alveo: vel instar calcantis tenuem glaciem, ne
quidpiam committas, quod parentes contristet, vel offendat; sed enim vivendi finis, uti senito, jam
adest; atque adeo jam nunc imposterum ego sic intelligo supersederi me posse curis ejusmodi.
His dictis, suos iterum inclamavit, condiscipuli mei, inquiens; postrem scilicet hc
compellatione eosdem ad sui imitationem cohortans.

Zengzi, the second among the students of Confucius, 578 and the most zealous by far
for filial piety, was seriously ill and very close to death. He summoned the students of
his school, or teaching, saying: Come; uncover my feet; uncover the hands that I
received from my parents. I kept them healthy and complete as much as I could. I
devoted myself to their care more diligently and longer than anyone else. The Book of
Odes [Shijing] taught me this: Be careful, afraid, fearful, and anxious, like someone
approaching the deep and swift channel of a river, or like someone treading on thin
ice. Do not commit to anything that would make your parents sad, or would offend
them. Now, I can feel that I am at the end of my life. From now on, I myself know to
be free from such a worry. Having said this, he called around a second time, saying:
My disciples. Through this last address, he was encouraging them to imitate him.579

Ex hoc pietatis & obedientiae specioso ne dicam inepto aut superstitioso titulo, multi,
Tartaro imperante, maluerunt aquis aut laqueo suffocari quam capillitium amittere, im
optabilius honoratiusque semper hic visum laqueo vitam finire qum capite minui. Intolerandum
quippe Sinensibus videtur ad Patres suos & Majores, ut aiunt, remeare absque capite, & hoc

577 Junzi here has no moral connotation, being translated as someone holding office. This is indeed
the interpretation given by Zhu (103) and Zhang (114).
578 According to the Chinese tradition, Yan Hui was the most important disciple, and Zengzi ranked
second.
579 This last sentence translates a comment from Zhang (115).

192
spectaculo & opprobrio manes patrios affligere, sesque reos sistere tam nefandi criminis, cujus
caus corpus, quod parentibus integrum acceperunt, Acephalorum instar mutilum &
truncatum iis spectandum offerre cogantur.

As a result of this respectable, not to say foolish and superstitious, claim of piety
and obedience, many people under Tartar rule prefer being drowned or hung than
losing one hair. Indeed, the Chinese always consider it more desirable and honorable
to die via strangulation as opposed to decapitation. They could not stand returning to
their parents and ancestors, as they say, without their head, and making the ghosts of
their parents sad because of such a disgrace, standing guilty of a horrible crime,
would be: forcing their parents to look at the body that they had received from them
mutilated and truncated as such.580

[8.4 ]

2. Cem-u sic aegrotantem Regni Lu Praefectus Mem-kim- dictus visendi gratia adivit &
percontatus est de valetudine.

Meng Jingzi, a prefect of the Lu Kingdom, went to see Zengzi who was ill, and he
inquired about his health.

[ ]

[47] p. 2, 1. Cem-u Praefectum alloquens ait: Aves dum jam moriturae sunt, ipsarum vox
lugubris & gemebunda est. Homines ver dum jam proxim sunt morituri ipsorum sermo tunc
vel maxim bonus est & fidelis.

Zengzi said to the prefect: When the birds are close to death, their voices become
mournful and sad. When humans are close to death, their speech becomes especially
honest and true.

[
]

2. Philosophus, inquit, quae majoris facit in verae Philosophiae disciplin, tria sunt.
Primum est, motus, figura, habitusque corporis; & hac ratione long removens quidquid
agreste vel dissolutum est. Secundm, vera & non simulata oris species: Sic enim acceditur
proxim ad fidem & veritatem. Tertium profluens prudenti ore sermonis gratia: haec enim long
removebit, quod minus decorum sit, vel rationi dissentaneum. Ad viminea ver ligneaque vasa
sacrificiorum & oblationum usibus destinata quod attinet; utique dantur alii, qui pro officio suo
procurent ac servent.

Zengzi continued: There are three things that a philosopher mostly does in teaching a
true philosophy.581 First, the movement, form, and demeanor of the body make him
discard anything rude or even relaxed. Second, his facial expression is true and not

580 The Jesuits express here their disapproval of the Chinese paying too much attention to filial piety,
since for them, the highest duty is not towards parents but towards God. Also, it was not so much the
physical integrity of the body that Christianity stressed but the purity of the heart, as illustrated by the
words of Jesus: If your right eye causes you to sin, pluck it out and throw it away; it is better that you
lose one of your members than that your whole body be thrown into hell (Matthew 5:29).
581 Junzi is translated here as philosopher and Dao as philosophy.

193
simulated, in order for him to draw closer to loyalty and sincerity. Third, his speech
emanates from a prudent mouth, in order for him to put away anything disgraceful or
disagreeing with reason. Concerning the vases which are made of wood or wicker and
used to make sacrifices and offerings, certainly others are devoted to this. These
people attend to and watch over this according to their duty.

[8.5
]

Fol. 13, p. 1, 1. Cem-u commemorans condiscipuli Yen hoei pridem defuncti virtutem sic, inquit,
qui prudenti & consilio pollens: adeoque & consilium petat etiam ab imperito, qui florens ingenio
peritique rerum abundans, sciscitetur discendi grati ab hebetiore ac tenuiore, qui habeat eximias
dotes quasi nihil haberet. Qui plenus sit, & tamen instar vacui, propter animi demissionem,
qu de se modestissim; de aliis praeclar sentit. Qui offensus ab alio & lacessitus, tamen
non succenseat. Unus erat millibus, unus olim meus sodalis Yen hoei in ejusmodi virtutum
studio semper elaborans seseque exercens.

Zengzi recalled the virtue of his fellow disciple, Yan Hui, who had died some time
ago, and who was remarkably wise and intelligent: He was someone shining in
intelligence and very skilled, yet he consulted unskilled people and learned from those
who were less smart and educated. He had extraordinary talents, yet he made it appear
as thoughif he had none of them. In order to be full, he appeared empty. In humility,
he considered himself the lowest, and others very high. He was not indignant when
being offended and attacked. In the past, only my companion, Yan Hui, one out of a
thousand, always exerted himself in this pursuit of virtues.582

[8.6
]

2. Idem em-u aiebat: Is cui poterit committi sex palmorum, id est, admodum adolescens,
quindennis scilicet, stirpis Regiae pupillus: Cui poterit item committi centum stadiorum Sinicorum
dynastia: Ingruente autem repentin qupiam calamitate, & magno rerum discrimine; tamen haud
valens eripi sibi; & dejici animo, sic ut admittat quidpiam dignitate su, constantique alienum:
hujusmodi qui fuerit, an non censendus erit prorsus eximius vir? Utique prorsus eximius vir
censendus erit.

Zengzi also said: There could be someone entrusted with an orphan of royal lineage,
who is six widths of palms tall, that is, an adolescent fifteen years old. 583 He could
also certainly be entrusted with a territory of one hundred Chinese leagustades.
Moreover, even though an unexpected misfortune and a life-or-death situation may
arise suddenly, he would not be hopeless and thrown down to the point of accepting
something contrary to his dignity and loyalty. Should not such a man be considered an
exceptional man? Certainly, he should be considered exceptional.584
582 The original text does not mention the name of the person praised here by Zengzi, but a very
ancient tradition identifies him with Yan Hui. Zhu (104) and Zhang (116) follow this tradition.
583 The classical text mentions only an orphan. Following Zhu, Zhang understands that the orphan is in
fact a prince. As imperial tutor of Wanli, Zhang was certainly in favor to hold the highest political
power. In the Memorials to the Throne on the Classics Mat, Cheng Yi stated that the imperial tutor is as
important as the prime minister, writing: Your subject [Cheng Yi] believes that the most important
appointment under Heaven (that the emperor makes) are to the post of prime minister (zhaixiang) and
to the Classics Mat (Theodore de Bary, ed., Sources of East Asian Tradition, vol. 1 (New York:
Columbia University Press, 638).
584 This is another translation for junzi, as an exceptional man.

194
[8.7 ]

p. 2, 1. Idem em-u aiebat: Homines litterati non debent, non esse amplo magnoque animo,
forti item & constanti. Onus quippe, seu munus, quod ipsorum humeris impendet,
admodm grave est, & iter quod decurrendum, longinquum.

Zengzi also said: The literati should be open and forward-thinking, as well as
steadfast and constant. Of course, the burden or duty hanging on their shoulders is
very heavy and the road that must be walked is quite long.

[]

2. Vera synceraque virtus proprium est ipsorum onus; nonne rever grave? Rursus cum
mors supervenit, tum demm cessat labor & tanti oneris sustinendi necessitas: Nonne ergo
longum est, nonne diuturnum, quod spatium adaequat vitae totius?

Their own burden is a true and honest virtue. Is it not very heavy indeed? Only when
death arrives, then the labor stops at last, as well as the need for supporting such a
burden. Indeed, what spans an entire life, is it not a long time?

[8.8 ]

3. Confucius ait: Jacentes ac repentes humi erigimur quodammodo per Odarum librum.

Confucius said: While we are still lying down and crawling, we are elevated by the
Book of Odes [Shijing].

[]

Fol. 14, p. 1, 1. Erecti porr consistimus & ver persistimus, in omni vit decorum
constantiamque servantes, per Officiorum libros.

After growing up, we stand and remain firm, keeping propriety and steadfastness in
our whole lives, through the Book of Ceremonies [Liji].

[]

2. Ad extremum perficimur per musicam, illam scilicet, quae ipsas voluntates nostras doctrin
su harmonic demulcet.

InAt the end, we are made perfect through music, that is, a music which soothes our
desires with its harmonious education.585

[8.9 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Populo quidem potest, & ver debet praecipi legum executio: At non
potest, aequ praecipi scientiae studium.

585 This is a reference to the lost Classic of Music (Yuejing ). The Sapientia Sinica had a lengthy
note about the notions of rituals and music (liyue ) and about the Record of Music (Yueji ) in
the Liji (Zi-ka-wei, 25 recto and verso).

195
Confucius said: The people certainly can, and truly should, be taught to execute the
laws, but they cannot be taught in the same way to understand them in the same
way.586

[8.10 ]

2. Confucius ait: Si quis fidens animi, & gaudens lacertis ac robore, idem quoque fit exosam
habens paupertatem, qu fort premitur; facil perturbator erit publicae tranquillitatis.
Similiter homo improbus quamvis rever odio sit dignus, exosus tamen vehementis &
exagitatus, perturbator erit. His potenti clementiaque mederi potius quam severitate exasperare
malebat Confucius.

Confucius said: If someone is courageous and proud of his muscles and strength, and
if he hates the poverty which oppresses him, then he will easily become a
troublemaker disturbing public peace. Similarly, even though a morally unsound man
is worthy of hatred, if you hate and scold him too vehemently, then he will become a
troublemaker. Confucius preferred to cure these people by influence and clemency
rather than to irritate them with severity.587

[8.11 ]

3. Confucius ait: Etiamsi quis habeat Cheu-cum summi viri dotes, omnemque facultatum ejus
excellentiam: dato tamen casu quod esserat sese fastu, superbique, & quod inde consequens est
invidus sit alienae laudis & gloriae: In hujusmodi homine quicquid est reliquum, quamvis rever
sit maximum, tamen non est dignum ad quod vel oculos convertamus.

Confucius said: Even if someone has every quality and perfection of the talents of
Zhou Gong, the greatest man, if he is arrogant and haughty, and thus envious of
others praise and glory, then, whatever is left of this man, no matter how great it is, is
not worthy enough to acknowledge.

[8.12 ]

Fol. 15, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Diu & constanter virtuti sapientiaeque dantem operam, non
defixa mente in censu, haudquaquam facile est invenire. Quod si inveniatur, eos Rex accersat
nec dimittat (addit Colaus) negociatores ver sic repudiet ut nunquam accersat.

Confucius said: It is not easy at all to find someone who would consistently pay
attention to virtue and wisdom for a long time, and who would not turn his attention
to his wages.588 As the grand secretary adds, if the king finds out that someone comes
to the court but without abandoning his business activities, then he should dismiss

586 In the original sentence it is not clear what is to be followed or what is known or not known. Before
Zhu, it was understood to refer to the Dao. However, Zhu understands the sentence to refer to
principles: common people follow the norm of principles () but they do not know the reason
why (, 105). Zhang explains that the principles are derived from the fundamental state of the
decree of haven and of the human mind (, 119). However, the Latin translation refers
to laws, and in the context of this sentence, this clearly means political laws.
587 This last comment comes from Zhang (, 119).
588 The Latin did not translate directly xue as study, but it carries quite accurately the moral import of
Confucian studies. Also, the mention of three years is correctly translated as for a long time.

196
him, and never call him again.589

[8.13 ]

2. Confucius ait: Philosophus, qui firm fide credit, quam fort doctus est, veritatem, nec parcit
labori & studio, is in qudam vitae perpetuitate constabit sibimetipsi usque ad mortem, semperque
illi optim conveniet cum virtute & recto rationis dictamine.

Confucius said: Even if a philosopher is very learned, he firmly believes in truth and
does not spare labor and study. This way, he will persevere until death and perfectly
conform to virtue and the right maxim of reason.590

[]

[49] 3. Itaque Philosophus ejusmodi periclitans Regnum haudquaquam intrat: In turbato quoque
Regno haud unquam degit. Si quando in Imperio est virtus legumque observantia; tum ipse palm
se facit: Si ver in Imperio deest virtus; tum latet, privatus quidem, sed tutus.

Therefore, this kind of philosopher by no way enters into a country in decay, and he
never lives in a kingdom with disturbances. Whenever there is virtue and respect for
the laws in this country, then he enters public life. But if there is a lack of virtue in the
country, he hides as a private person indeed, but remains safe.

[]

p. 2, 1. E contrari, quando Regnum habet virtutem, quando vigent leges; Tunc autem privatae
vitae otio marcescere, & velle vivere pauperem & adhuc negligi, pudendum est. Jam ver
quando regno deest virtus, & jacent leges: Tunc eum, qui dici vult Philosophus, servire
tempori, & velle augeri opibus ac honoribus; indignum quid est, maximeque probrosum ac
pudendum.

On the contrary, when there is virtue and effective laws in the country, then it would
be shameful to want to linger in an unproductive lifestyle, to live poorly and thus
neglected. Besides, when there is a lack of virtue in the kingdom and when the laws
lie idle, it would be unbearable, shameful, and disgraceful for someone who wishes to
be called a philosopher to serve his era and increase his wealth and honors.

[8.14 ]

2. Confucius ait: Non constiturus in hoc vel illo munere; non consultes agasve de illius
administratione.

Confucius said: Since you are not going to be entrusted with a specific duty, you

589 Zhang applies this statement of Confucius to Emperor Wanli, warning him about all those who
aspire to positions and wages, only stealing the treasury and being useless to the country (
, 120).
590 As in Lunyu 1.14, in this whole passage of Lunyu, haoxue is rendered three times as philosopher.
The use of the Scholastic concept of right maxim of reason (rectus rationis dictamen) can also be
seen here. Also, Zhu made faith in truth a condition for study, but faith alone, without study, is not
enough ( , 106). This tension between faith
in truth and study in Confucianism may suggest to the reader a parallel with the tension between faith
in God and reason in Christianity, that is, between religion and philosophy.

197
shouldnt discuss or talk about this government.

[8.15 ]

3. Confucius ait: In Regno Lu Patrio Magni Magistri Chi musicae exordium, & Quan-iu finalis
stropha plenissimo vocum & instrumentorum concentu resonans; quam suaviter & jucund
implebat mulcebatque aures.

Confucius said: In my native land of the Lu Kingdom, the beginning of a piece of

music by the great master Zhi, and its final strophe, called Guanju, resounded with the
fullest harmony of voices and instruments.591 How sweetly and delightfully this music
filled up and pleased my ears!

[8.16 ]

Fol. 16, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Callidus amator & gloriae & suimet; adeoque non rectus: Item qui
natur sit hebetior idem tamen inconsideratus ac praeceps: Denique qui rudis & ad tractanda
negotia ineptus sit, idem tamen non verax ac syncerus; qui, inquam, tales sunt; ego rever nescio
quid tandem hominis sint, vel quo pacto mederi quis eis queat.

Confucius said: Someone who is sly, dishonest, and pursuing fame; someone who is
senseless by nature, yet inconsiderate and bold; someone who is rough, unable to
handle affairs, and yet untruthful and insincere; I actually do not know what kind of
people they are or how to cure them.592

[8.17 ]

2. Confucius ait: Sic disce, semper quasi nondum perveneris. Im etiam si quid didiceris,
time ne amittas.

Confucius said: Learn as if you would never reach anything. If you have indeed
learned something, then be afraid to lose it.

[8.18 ]

3. Confucius ait: O magnitudinem! sublimitatem virtutis ac sapientiae Xn &Y! Ambo

sapientissimi cum admodum contenti viverent forte su; quamvis rever humili, quaeque
illustrissimae ipsorum stirpi minim responderet: Utrumque sua virtus ad Imperium evexit. Ambo
itaque tenebant amplissimum hoc Sinarum imperium; at non vicissim tenebantur: sic fer (ut
Colaus exponit) quasi Imperium nihil interesset ipsorum. Parvi scilicet ducebant omnia prae
un mentis suae nobilitate & praestanti. Quam quidem mentem norant coelo procreatam
esse ad virtutis & sapientiae possessionem eamque minim incertam nec in casu vel in
temeritate positam.

Confucius said: Oh great and lofty were the virtue and wisdom of Shun and Yu! Both
men, being very wise, lived pleasantly with their fortunes. Their fortunes did not
come from any illustrious lineage, since theirs were in fact quite humble. Yet, their
virtue carried them up to supreme power. Both men possessed the highest power in

591 Zhu (106) and Zhang (122) both explain yangyang with the meaning of fullness (meisheng
).
592 For Zhu (107), those people are unworthy of being taught. For Zhang (123), they cannot be
changed.

198
China, yet they were not possessed by it. As the grand secretary explains, they had
no interest in holding political power. Certainly, they gave little consideration to
anything besides the nobility and excellence of the mind. They recognized that the
mind was created by heaven in view of possessing virtue and wisdom, and that this
possession was not uncertain and not dependent on accident or mere chance.593

[8.19
]

[50] p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: O quantus olim erat Yao agens Imperatorem: Magnarum ac
sublimium rerum solum caelum est maximum. At enim quamvis illud mole ac sublimitate sit
maximum; solus tamen Yao, adaequavit illud virtutis suae magnitudine ac sublimitate. Quae
quidem ejus virtus, quia erat tam ampla, tamque arcana, ut omnem vulgi sensum captumque
fugeret; hinc eam populus nunquam potuit pro dignitate celebrare.

Confucius said: How great was Yao as an emperor! Only heaven is the greatest
among lofty and sublime things. Yet, despite heavens greatness and loftiness, only
Yao could match it by the greatness and loftiness of his virtue. His virtue was so great
and mysterious that it was beyond most peoples understanding and comprehension.
Because of this, the people could never celebrate it with due honor.

[]

2. O Magnitudinem hujus Principis! sublimitatem! Ipse nimirum is fuit, qui habuit perfecta
consummataque merita. O qum splendida qumque illustria ipse habuit ornamenta legum, rituum,
officiorum, musices ac litterarum.

Oh, the majesty and loftiness of this ruler! Without a doubt he had perfect and
complete merits. How What splendid and distinguished ornaments he had for laws,
rites, duties, music, and literature!.594

Cert qum charus eam ob causam populo esset, ut alia praeteream, argumento sit, quod
obeunti ditiones suas ac de more lustranti, obviam quandoque effusa subditorum multitudo
certatim fausta omnia acclamaret, coelumque deprecaretur, ut optimo parenti suo ac Principi
multas opes, filios, vitaeque annos concederet. Quod tamen populi votum pro su ipse modesti
admittere recusans, multae opes, inquit, pariunt multas curas; multi filii multos timores; multi
vitae anni saep miserias, multa probra.

Because of this, the people loved Yao a lot. It is enough to mention only one proof
of it. When he was visiting his dominions and inspecting the conditions of life of the
people, large crowds along the way were cheering him with auspicious words and
prayers, so that heaven would bestow upon this best father and ruler wealth, sons,
and many years of life. However, he rejected the prayers of the people and said with
modesty: Huge wealth bears huge anxieties; many sons, many fears; many years,

593 Zhang mentions that Yao and Shun did not enjoy holding power and their mind was worried only
about managing the country (12324). However, the comment on the mind created and directed by
heaven seems to be a Jesuit addition. The Sapientia Sinica has a note on Shun and the first rulers of
China (Zi-ka-wei, 26 verso and 27 recto), based on the Wenxian tongkao [Song dynasty],
which was partly moved in the part corresponding to the translation of the Daxue. See Meynard,
Sinarum Philosophus, 38084.
594 The enumeration is given by Zhang (124).

199
many sufferings and disgraces.595

[8.20 ]

3. Discipuli memores cert sententiae infra referendae f.17.p.1..1. qu Philosophus deplorat

quodammodo paucitatem virorum eximiis naturae dotibus instructorum, Xn, inquiunt, habebat
Praefectos quinque magni nominis, & virtutis viros: Quorum primus Yu eluvionibus aquarum
purgavit Imperium. Secundus ie derivatis jam eluvionibus primus Agriculturam restituit.
Tertius Sie quinque institutiones (de quibus infra in libro Mem-u parte 3.f.12. fiet mentio)
conservandae & augendae Reipublicae necessarias condidit. Quartus Cao yao de criminibus
mir cum aequitate cognoscebat. Quintus demm Pe ye montium torrentes aquas, &
exundationes, mir cum industri & rei agrariae commodo simul & incremento
dispertiebatur. Per Xun itaque horum 5. virorum consilio oper & industri Imperium tam
praeclar tamque feliciter administratum fuit.

The disciples surely remembered this opinion (which will be mentioned just below in
fol. 17, p. 1, 1), in which the Philosopher laments the rarity of people endowed with
remarkable talents, and came to say: Shun had five prefects of great reputation and
virtue. The first one, Yu, started to clean the empire through floodingsinundations.
The second, Ji [Houji], diverted the floodingsinundations and invented agriculture.
The third, Xie, founded the five instructions in order to keep the country safe and to
strengthen it (the five instructions will be mentioned in the book of Mengzi 3, fol.
12).596 The fourth, Gao Yao, judged crimes with exceptional equity. Finally, the fifth,
Boyi, divided the rushing and overflowing rivers from the mountains, with an
exceptional zeal and for the benefit and growth of agriculture. Therefore, under Shun,
thanks to those five mens individual advice, effort, and diligence, the empire was
administrated excellently and successfully.597

[ ]

4. Conditor Cheu familiae Vu vam gratulabundus sibi identidem dicebat: Ego habeo regiminis
mei adjutores subditos decem homines. Hos inter primus erat Cheu tum tan. Secundus Chao cum
xe De hoc memorant Annales ea felicitate et industri Boreales regiones sibi commissas
administrasse, ut sementis ac messis tempore vinculis dimitteret reos omnes; et hi constituo
revertendi tempore su sponte (cum tamen [51] non deessent rei capitis) ad carcerem redirent.
Tertius Tai cum vam, Quartus Pie cum. Quintus Ym cum. Sextus Tai tien. Septimus Hm
yao. Octavus San y sem. Nonus Nn cum quo. Intus ver Ye kiam Regina uxor (cui ade viros
inter decimum locum tribuerunt) familiam Regiam, resque Palatii admirabili cum virtute ac
prudentia regebat.

595 The story is found in Tiandi, Zhuangzi:

. This is already present in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 27 verso). By bringing this
story in, the Jesuits wanted to stress that Yao did not share the usual wishes of the people for wealth,
children, and a long life. Neither Zhu nor Zhang mentioned this story, which is not found in the
Confucian corpus but in the Zhuangzi. Unlike many Chinese literati, the Jesuits show a greater freedom
in using non-Confucian texts to interpret the Lunyu.
596 The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 27 verso) has also this reference to chapter A of Teng Wen Gong
of the Mencius. This is a clear indication that the Jesuits started reading the Mencius before
1662, and started translating it in Guangzhou, at least up to this chapter.
597 The classical text does not mention the names of the five prefects or ministers. They are given very
briefly by Zhu (107), and with more details by Zhang (125). The Sapientia Sinica inserted the
corresponding Chinese characters (Zi-ka-wei, 27 verso). These are: Yu , Houji , Xie , Gao
Yao , and Boyi .

200
Wu Wang, the founder of the Zhou dynasty, similarly congratulated himself: I have
ten assistants helping me govern. The first of them is Zhou Gongdan. The second is
Zhao Gongshi, about whom the Annals mention that he governed the northern regions
entrusted to him so successfully and diligently that he could free all the prisoners
during the sowing and reaping seasons and they would spontaneously return to prison
at the time agreedfixed upon (among them some were even condemned to death). The
third is Tai Gongwang. The fourth is Bi Gong. The fifth is Rong Gong. The sixth is
Tai Dian. The seventh is Hong Yao. The eighth is San Yisheng. The ninth is Nangong
Shi. The tenth is Queen Yijiang, who was ruling the royal family and the affairs of the
palace with astonishing virtue and wisdom.598

[
]

Fol. 17, p. 1, 1. Confucius ingemiscens ait: Quod veteri proverbio dicitur, magnae dotes
difficiles ac rarae sunt; nonne hoc verum est? Sola fer quae olim dicta fuit Tam & Yu, alias
Yao & Xun pulcherrima in Imperio societas & successio un cum hoc nostro familiae Cheu
Imperio jure censeri potest floruisse praeclaris administris: Et hoc Imperium nostrum
geminata felicitate omnino decem numeravit. Et inter decem datur una mulier, Regina
scilicet Ye kiam Imperatoris Vu-vam uxor: adeoque novem duntaxat viri numerandi sunt &
non amplis. Verissimum est itaque vetus illud effatum, magnas dotes difficiles ac raras esse.

Confucius sighed deeplygroaned and said:599 Is it not true, as the ancient proverb
says, that the great talents are hard to find and very rare? The society of Tang and Yu,
that is, Yao and Shun, could be called unique and the most beautiful in their ruling,
and the succession up to the Zhou dynasty has truly flourished, thanks to remarkable
ministers. And yet our own rule, with an increased success, counts only ten
remarkable ministers altogether. And among the ten, one was a woman, Queen
Yiejiang, wife of Wu Wang. And so, only nine men should be counted and no more.
Therefore, this saying is indeed completely true: Great talents are hard to find and
very rare.

[]

2. Transit Philosophus ad laudem Principis Ven-vam cui filius erat Vu-vam, ipse, inquit, de tribus
partibus Imperii cum haberet jam illarum duas; (quatens scilicet obtinebat omnium studia ac
voluntates) Tamen ne sic quidem ab officio optimi clientis avocari potuit; sed fidem Imperio
potiorem habens, invict cum patienti paruit ac servivit familiae (quamvis jam tyrannicae) Yn:
propterea familiae Cheu virtus ispa potest rever dici summa virtus, & cui nihil addi possit.

The Philosopher came to praise Wen Wang, the father of Wu Wang: Even though he
had the two-thirds of the empire (that he naturally obtained through the efforts and
collaboration of all), he would not rescind from his duty of a loyal vassal, would keep
a strong faith in the state, and would obey and serve the Yin [Shang] dynasty with an
invincible patience, although their rule was tyrannical. For this reason, the virtue of

598 The Lunyu does not enumerate the ten assistants. The list is given by Zhu (107) and Zhang (125).
The ten names in Chinese are: , , , , , , , , ,
.
599 The classical text has only stated: Confucius says (Kongzi yue ). The Jesuits follow here
Zhang: , 125.

201
the Zhou family can be said to be perfect, and in fact nothing can be added to it.

[8.21
]

p. 2. Confucius ait: Quod attinet ad Yu Imperatorem, ego non habeo nec invenio, quod arguam.
Parcus erat ac mir temperans pots & cibi: Idem tamen maxim liberalis, magnificus, ac mundus
erga spiritus. Admodm vulgaris passim erat ei vestitus; Ejusdem tamen summus quidam ornatus
ac splendor erat in veste sacerdotali & tiar, quotiescunque sacris operabatur. Humile erat
minimque sumptuosum Palatium: Idem tamen exerebat & exhauriebat omnes animi, & aerarii
facultates in aquarum in mare derivandarum ductus & earumdem receptacula pro siccitatis
tempore. In Yu ergo non habeo ego nec invenio quo arguam.

Confucius said: Concerning Emperor Yu, I do not think of and I cannot find anything
to criticize him about him. He was uncommonly frugal and self-controlled in his
consumption of food and drink, and yet the most generous, magnificent, and delicate
towards the spirits. In all occasions he was simply dressed, and yet, whenever he
performed worship, there was something very elaborate and splendid in the priestly
vestment and in the tiara.600 His house was poor and the least sumptuous, and yet he
spent and exhausted all his mental and financial resources on pipelines to divert
waters into the sea and into reservoirs for times of drought. About Emperor Yu, I
cannot find anything to complain about.

Hunc quoque ex ea sortis humilitate, quam diximus, ad avitam primae stiripis suae
dignitatem, virtus sapientiaque revocavit: Ob hujus quippe, meritorumque magnitudinem charus
ade fuit, tantoque in pretio Xun Imperatori; ut postquam eum per 17. postremos annos in Imperii
Collegam adscivisset, tandem legitimo filio suo, cui Xam nomen, constanter rejecto (imitatus
scilicet Yao sui decessoris exemplum) non dubitaverit eundem [52] jam nonagenarium Imperii
haeredem designare. Verum Yu, generos sese fug proripiens, in latebras sese abdidit. Sed
dynastis tandem detectus, in solium quamvis invitus evectus est. Eminuit in eo, admirabilis
quaedam facilitas, affabilitasque adverss omnes. Aes campanum jussit erigi in ipso Palatii sui
atrio: ad cujus primum pulsum suos auditurus alacer provolabat. Itaque accidit aliquando, ut
prandii unius tempore decies mens surgeret: E balneo item, ubi corpus lavabat, semel
iterumque ac tertio procurrerit; et quidem soluto et impexo etiamnum capillo; ut scilicet ad
primum aeris campani signum, suorum vel postulata vel querelas audiret. Inter alias, quas
plurimas condidit, leges, una fuit, qu vino omnibus sever interdicebatur, misso in exilium vini
inventore. Solitus erat dicere: Vinum aliquando pessumdabit res Imperii, nostramque familiam: et
ita rever accidit, ut alibi memorabitur. Imperavit solus annis decem, eo successu rerum, et
copi, et tranquillitate, ut merito vocari aurea possint ejusdem tempora: et si quidem fas est
Sinis hoc loco credere, aurum rever pluisse dicitur per triduum eo imperante. Iter faciens
aliquando, cm fort obvium habuisset hominem catenis vinctum; protins de curru suo
desiliens, ubi cognovit esse reum capitis, ad supplicium jam rapi; illachrymatus est; suisque
demirantibus; superioris, inquit, aetatis homines ad exempla Regum Yao vitam suam
moresque componebant: at nunc dum ego modicae virtutis homo Sinicam rem administro;
non pauci meorum, ut video, pro suo quisque arbitratu, studiisque non optimis vitam
instituunt. Vixit Y annis centum ab omni privato affectu tam alienus, ut moriens caelo
proposuerit Imperii successorem virum spectatae virtutis Ye appellatum, neglecto filio Ki;
quem tamen et dynastae et populus haeredem esse voluerunt paterni Imperii, uti erat virtutum
paternarum, et exinde electio Imperatorum in haereditariam filiorum ac nepotum
successionem transit. Et haec quidem, quae hic et alibi annotamus, referuntur Regiis illorum
temporum scriptoribus et authenticis annalibus necnon Philosophis Confucio et Mencio

600 This refers to the ritual offerings to the spirits (guishen). While the Sapientia Sinica talks about
making sacrifices (sacrificare), the Sinarum Philosophus prefers using performing worship (sacris
operari).

202
saepis confirmantur. Obiit ver praefatus Yu cycli noni anno 20. Quivi dicto, qui respondet
anno ante Christum 2208.

Virtue and wisdom shifted from their low states, as were mentioned, back to the
ancestral dignity of their origins. Obviously, because of his own greatness and many
merits, Emperor Yu was very much loved and appreciated by Emperor Shun, so that,
after he had been an associate for the last seventeen years, Shun finally did not
hesitate to choose someone already ninety years old to inherit the empire, after
having firmly put aside his legitimate son, Shang (certainly Shun imitated in this the
example of his predecessor Yao).601 In truth, Yu ran, nobly escaped, and went into
hiding. But he was found by some princes, and against his will he was put on the
throne against his will.602 Yu was very courteous and friendly towards everyone. Also,
he ordered for a bronze bell to be raised in the atrium of his palace, and on its first
beat he would rush to listen to his subjects; once, during a single dinner, he walked
away from the table ten times. Likewise, again and again, at the first sound of the
bronze bell, he would rush out from the bathroom where he was washing himself, even
with uncombed hair, in order to listen to requests and complaints.603 Among the many
and various laws which he established, one included the prohibition of wine and the
banishment of the inventor of wine. He used to say: Eventually wine will destroy the
kingdom and our dynasty.604 And this truly happened, as will be mentioned
elsewhere. He ruled alone for ten years, with success, wealth, and peace, and so his
reign is rightly called a golden age.605 If the Chinese tradition is believed to be true,
gold is said to have fallen like rain during three days under his rule.606 Once, when he
was on the road, he happened to see a man bounded in chains. He immediately
jumped from his carriage and, when he knew that he was condemned to death and
punished to be cut into slices, Emperor Yu cried and said to the bewildered people
next to him: People of past generations imitated the life and customs of Emperor
Yao. But now, being myself a man of small virtue, I rule China and I see many of my

601 Original source in Huang Fumi (215282), Diwang shiji [Genealogical annals of the
emperors and kings]: .
602 Original source in Wanzhang A , Mencius
. See also
Sima Qians Xiabenji , Shiji:

. This is also mentioned in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 28 verso).

603 Original source in the Fanlun xun , Huainanzi :

.
604 Original source in Weice , Zhanguoce [Stratagems of the warring states]:
.
See also Liu Shu s Zizhitongjian waiji [External records of the comprehensive
mirror to aid in government]
. Zhang included this story in his Dijian tushuo: Zhang, Jiejiu fangwei , Dijian
tushuo, 2022. This is also mentioned in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 28 verso).
605 If we count the seventeen years Yu was associated with Shun, plus the ten years he ruled alone, this
makes a total of twenty-seven years. This is the number mentioned initially in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-
ka-wei, 28 verso).
606 See Zhushu jinian : (Zhushu jinian jijie
, edited by Liang Shenyao , Guangyi shuju , 1936). The Jesuits took quite
literally the meanings of the ancient books of China, considering them true historical records. Yet, they
reported this story here, with a word of caution. This is also mentioned in the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-
wei, 28 verso).

203
subjects leading their lives as they wish and not according to the best pursuits. 607 Yu
lived one hundred years without any personal attachment, so that, when he was about
to die, he prayed to heaven for a successor to the empire, after having put aside his
own son, Ji, he chose Ye, a man of outstanding virtue. However, both the princes and
the people wanted Ji to inherit the empire of his father, so that he could also inherit
the virtues of his father. From that time on, the choice for the emperors went over in
hereditary succession to the sons and grandsons. All these things that we mention
here and elsewhere were reported by the royal writers of this time and by the
authentic annals. Confucius and Mencius also mention those things frequently. 608 Yu
died in the twentieth year of the ninth cycle, called Guiwei, which equates to
approximately 2208 BC.

607 Liu Xiang , Jundao , Shuoyuan

. [AU: Please review

and revise use of double/single quote marks here] Zhang included this story in his Dijian tushuo:
Zhang, Xiache qizui , Dijian tushuo, 1719. This story is not mentioned by the Sapientia
Sinica, but was added here.
608 Besides Lunyu 8.21, Confucius explicitly mentioned Yu in Lunyu 8.18, 14.6, and 20.1. Mencius
often mentioned Yu: Shun appoints Yu to manage water (Teng Wengong A and B); Yu forbids wine
(Lilou B ); Shun chooses Yu to succeed him but this one escapes (Wanzhang A );
Yu manages the waters (Gaozi A ). As we learn from the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 28
verso), the Jesuits were at that time reading the commentary of the Mencius, or Mengzi zhijie.

204
 [53] Liber tertii pars quinta
Fifth Part of the Third Book

[Chapter 9]

[9.1 ]

Fol. 1, p. 1, paragraph 1. Narrare consueverant discipuli, quod Confucius magister suus

admodm rar, nec nisi difficulter loquebatur de lucris & emolumentis, & de fato, seu, decretis
caelestibus; & de Gin, id est, de caelitus indit innocenti ac puritate cum praesidio ornamentoque
virtutum omnium conjunct.

The disciples used to say that their Master Confucius talked very rarely and with
reluctance about gains and profits, about fate or heavenly decrees,609 and about Ren,
that is, the innocence and purity given by heaven, associated with the protection and
ornament of virtues.610

[9.2 ]

2. Ta hiam pagi sic dicti incolae fort cum de Confucio sermo esset dicebant: O quantus vir
est Confucius! Amplissima est ejus in omni genere peritia & doctrina; atque ade non datur
ex quo magis praedicetur ipsius laus ac fama, cum in eo summa sint omnia.

The residents of a village called Daxiang were discussing Confucius: Such a man,
this Confucius! He has great skill and learning in any discipline. His praise and fame
do not come from one thing more outstanding than another, since everything is perfect
in him.

[ ]

3. Confucius fort haec audiens, & alloquens discipulos ait: Optare puto rusticos illos ut me
impensis addicam arti cuipiam. Ego igitur quid arripiam potissimum? Inter sex artes
nostrates liberales duae sunt ad ingenium rusticorum magis accommodatae, aurigandi
scilicet & jaculandi. Arripiamne igitur aurigandi artem, an arripiam artem jaculandi? Bene
habet, ego rursum arripiam excolamque artem aurigandi, quae & est facilior, & vel ide,
quia humilis, mihi chara.

Confucius heard these words by chance and said to his disciples: I think that these
villagers want me to devote myself entirely to one art only. Therefore, what is the art

609 With regard to the decree of heaven, the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 28 verso) initially had a quote
from Zhang (127) translated in Latin and with the Chinese characters: according to Zhang, Confucius
did not talk about the decree of heaven because he wanted people to pay attention to rendao, that is, the
way of human beings. The Sapientia Sinica does not translate the notion of rendao, but it interprets the
text as meaning that Confucius was expressing here his opposition to practices of divination. This
passage has disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus.
610 A definition of Ren is given here, which is not found in Zhu or Zhangs commentaries, but yet is
clearly Neo-Confucian, with the two aspects of Ren, as inner substance laying in the mind and the
concrete function realized in the interpersonal relationships. Innocence and purity here have religious
connotations, referring to the state of grace, devoid of sinfulness. Though the word is not used here,
Ren could be identified with grace in Christianity.

205
that I myself shall mostly seize? Between our six liberal arts, 611 there are two which
are more suited to the character of the peasants, namely, driving a chariot and
shooting. Should I seize the art of driving or shooting? I have got it. I myself
shalldecided to take up and train in the art of driving, which is easier, and also,
because it is a humble art, it is dear to me.612

[9.3 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius aiebat: Ex subtiliori cannabe contectus pileus olim erat officiosi rits ususque
proprius: Nunc ver aetate nostr sericus est in usu, isque minus sumptuosus, & minus operosus.
Ego licet hic Priscorum usu discedatur; quoniam tamen haud peccatur; sequor multitudinem, &
hc in re servio tempori.

Confucius said: In the past, a hat of fine linen was used for official rites and specific
usages. In our time, it is now made of silk, which is less expensive and less elaborate.
For me, it is correct in this case to have departed from the custom of the ancients,
since there is no mistake at all here. I follow the multitude and, in this matter, I adapt
myself to time.613

[]

[54] 2. Salutare Principem, idque eminus & ex atrio inferiori, mos ac ritus erat Priscorum.
Nunc ver salutare Principem superius in ipsa aula, rever nimium quid est, & quasi
arrogans. Quocirca licet hc adverser multitudini; ego tamen sequor priscum ex inferiori atrio
salutandi ritum.

It was the custom and the rite of the ancients to salute a prince at a distance from the
lower hall. But now, one greets the prince above, in the hall itself. This goes too far
and seems very arrogant. Because of this, I have to go against the multitude and keep
the ancient rite of saluting from the inferior hall.

[9.4 ]

3. Confucius (si discipulis fas est credere) penits non habebat quatuor. Quoad res futuras
non habebat proprium quoddam propensae mentis studium seu intentionem. Item non
habebat obfirmatae mentis propositum ac determinationem, neque habebat, pertinaciam in
re semel suscept, modoque gerendae rei mordicus tuendo: Nec habebat denique seipsum
suasque commoditates prae oculis.

If his disciples are to be believed, Confucius was entirely exempt from four things.
His mindset was solely focused on the present, rather than what might happen in the
futuree did not have the particular pursuit or intention of a mindset towards things to
come.614 Second, he did not have the purposiveness and determination of an inflexible
611 The Jesuit translation suggests that China has something similar to the liberal arts of the West.
Indeed, both the Chinese Six Arts and the Western Seven Arts do not aim at training professionals, but
at educating the whole person. However, they greatly differ in content since the seven medieval artes
liberales included three disciplines which today would be called sciences (arithmetic, geometry, and
astronomy). Other mentions of liberal arts are found in the translation-commentary of Lunyu 9.6, 12.24,
and 14.13.
612 Both Zhu and Zhang explain that Confuciuss choice for the art of driving manifests his humility.
The Jesuits follow this reading, which somehow misses the irony of Confuciuss answer.
613 This idea of adaptation to time is mentioned by Zhang (128).
614 The Lunyu mentions only an absence of intention. Following Zhu, Zhang interprets it as absence of

206
mind. Nor was he did he have the stubbornness about something undertaken once in
the past, as if he wouldlike holding tenaciously into doing something. Finally, he did
not pay attention to himself and to his own advantages.

[9.5 ]

Fol. 2, p. 1, 1. Confucius fort periclitans cum cur & vigilanti versabatur in Quam loco.
Periculi causam praebuit oris similitudo cum altero ejusdem loci quondam praefecto, cui Hiam hu
nomen, quem loci incolae, quos olim divexaverat, injuriarum memores ad necem quaerebant,
diversorio Philosophi per quinque dies armis obsesso.

Confucius resided with some anxiety and vigilance in a place called Kuang, where he
came to be in danger because his face resembled the prefect of the locality. This
prefect, called Yang Hu, had previously plundered the inhabitants of the place. They
remembered the offense and wanted to kill Confucius, blocking the lodging of the
Philosopher for five days.615

[ ]

2. Perculsos itaque tam inopino periculo discipulos confirmaturus Confucius, inquit.

Sexcenti fer sunt anni quod Ven-vam sapiens ille Rex jam interiit: Sed an propterea
praeclara lex illa, & quasi legis lux, quae refulsit ipsius oper, pariter extincta est, & non
existit hic inter nos etiam nunc.

In order to encourage his disciples, who were terrified by such an unexpected danger,
Confucius said: It has been six hundred years since the wise Wen Wang perished.
But, can it be that such a remarkable law, the light of the law which has shone thanks
to him, could now be destroyed and disappeared among us?616

[
]

3. Caelum itaque si extincturum erat, hanc legis lucem, post Regem illum uti natus ita etiam
moriturus ego non valuissem conferre operam, in hac lege quadamtens promulgand. Caelum
ver si necdum extinctam voluit hujus legis promulgationem; profect vitae nostrae, etiam volet
consultum. Quam igitur loci incolae quid ipsi tandem mihi facient.

If heaven wants to destroy the light of this law, I myself, being born and going to die
after this king, would not be strong enough to transmit the law. But if heaven does not

selfish intention ( , 129). The Sapientia Sinica translated this interpretation (affectus, aut
judicium privatum, Zi-ka-wei, 57). Zhang explains further that intention concerns things to come, and
this is the meaning in the Sinarum Philosophus. In his Tianzhu shiyi (323), Ricci goes against the
interpretation of the School of the Mind, which understands not having intention as meaning
suppressing any intention.
615 The name of Yang Hu and the reason for the incident are given by Sima Qian, and reproduced by
Zhu and Zhang. Shiji , Kongzishjia :

.
616 The word wen (culture) is translated here as the light of the Law.

207
want the transmission of the law to be interrupted, he surely wants to protect my
life.617 Therefore, what can the inhabitants of Kuang do to me?618

[9.6 ]

4. Unus Praefectis Tai cai (Magistratus nomen est) percunctatus est Confucii discipulo
u cum dicens: Confucius Magister vester num vir sanctus est is? Nisi enim talis esset,
quomodo tam multa calleret.

Among the prefects, the Taizai (the title of a magistracy) was asking the disciple
Zigong: Is not your Master Confucius a saint? If he is not, how could he understand
so many things?

[ ]

p. 2, 1. u-cum respondit: quod ad Magistrum nostrum attinet, rever o caelum prodiga cum
liberalitate perfecit ut sanctus esset. Sed & idem insuper mult valet periti scientiarum.

Zigong answered: With a lavish generosity, heaven has made our Teacher become a
saint. On top of that, he is very good in many disciplines.619

[
]

[55] 2. Confucius haec audiens ait: Tai ai Praefectus ille num probe novit me? Ego (ut de
me luquar) adolescens cm essem, conditione fui satis humili; idcirco Magistra paupertate
doctus multa nunc calleo; sed humilia vulgariaque (aucupari scilicet, piscari, aurigari,
jaculari, & c.) Sed enim an ratio viri probi ac sapientis ne dicam sancti, in multis illis
consistit? Profect non in multis consistit illa.

Hearing this, Confucius said: Does the Taizai know me personally? To say
something about me, in my youth I was quite poor, with poverty as my teacher. I
became good at many simple and common things, yet simple and common things
(like hunting, fishing, driving, throwing, etc.). But does the way of an honest and wise
mannot to mention the way of a saint 620consist in these many things? Certainly
not.

617 This translates Zhangs comment: My fate is from heaven ( , 130). Wen is translated
here as light of the law (lucis lex). This may seem like a Christianized expression; however, Zhang
mentions also the light of reason (, 130.).
618 In a note to his translation, Legge comments about the divine mission given by God to
Confucius.
619 While Legge and most of the contemporary translators have sage for sheng, the Sinarum
Philosophus here does not refrain from using a religious term (sanctus) in order to qualify Confucius.
In 1700, the qualification of Confucius as holy or saint was condemned by the Sorbonne. The Sapientia
Sinica translated a comment from Zhang which has disappeared from the Sinarum Philosophus: He
was not admiring here the virtues of the soul of Confucius, but his natural gifts, his dexterity in archery,
hunting, fishing, and driving a cart (hic non virtutes animi, sed dotes naturales Confucii, ac
dexteritate in sagittando, venando, piscando, currus regendo etc mirabatur, Zi-ka-wei, 29 verso).
Zhang: (130).
620 Here, way (ratio) translates the Chinese word Dao, which is used in Zhangs commentary (131).
While previously the Sinarum Philosophus did not hesitate to make Confucius a saint in the eyes of
others, here the Sinarum Philosophus added the note, not explicit in Zhangs comment, that Confucius
did not claim this qualification for himself.

208
[ ]

3. Ad confirmandum hoc Confucii dictum, refertur discipulis; quod Lao condiscipulus

eorumdem, crebro narrabat quod ipsemet Confucius dicebat: Ego primis aetatis meae temporibus
non admotus fui gerendae Reipulicae; idcirco didici perdidicique artes liberales.

In order to confirm what Confucius said, the disciples reported that their fellow
disciple Lao frequently mentioned a saying by Confucius himself: At the beginning
of my career, I was not raised to public affairs and so I learned liberal arts, over and
over.621

[9.7
]

4. Confucius molest ferens vulg se haberi rerum omium peritissimum aiebat: Egone ut tantam
habeam scientiam? Im vero eam non habeo. Fateor quidem quod ubi datur vulgaris
humilisque homuncio, qui percontetur ex me quidpiam, quamvis idem rudis ineptique sit
instar; mox ego tractanda suscipio ipsa rei, de qu me consulit, duo quasi capita, atque haec
disserendo exhaurio.

Confucius was quite annoyed when he realized that he was generally considered as
being extremely knowledgeable in everything,622 and so he said: Do I have myself
such knowledge? Truly, I do not have it. But I admit that, when a common and
humble man asks something from me, even though he is uneducated and dumb, then I
take up what should be discussed of the affair about which I am consulted, like two
extremities, and I exhaust everything through examination.623

[9.8 ]

Fol. 3, p. 1. Confucius calamitatem deplorans suorum temporum desperansque emendationem

dicebat: Aquila (aut solis avis) jam amplis non advenit. E flumine non prodit mappa (seu
monstrum vari depictum) quae duo erant rediturae felicitatis praenuntia. De me meaque
doctrin actum est, proh dolor!

Confucius was deploring the disaster of his own era and was hoping for a change:
The eagle, or the sunbird, does not come anymore. 624 No chart or painted image
comes anymore out of the riverthese two things were the signs announcing the

621 For this expression of liberal arts, see also Lunyu 9.2, 12.24, and 14.13.
622 For Zhang, Confucius, being sheng, knew everything (, 131) and it is therefore
by pure humility that he denied this. Here, the Jesuits did not mention this comment about the
omniscience of Confucius.
623 The reading of liangduan as the two heads or extremities is traditional and can be found in Zhu
(111) and Zhang (131).
624 The Jesuits translate the mythological bird fengniao (also called fenghuang) with eagle and
sunbird. Today, the term is usually translated as Chinese phoenix because of a superficial ressemblance
to the Western phoenix.

209
return of good luck. Alas, I and my teaching are over.625

[9.9 ]

p. 2, 1. Recte notat Colaus perturbatum hic esse ordinem litterarum, qui adeo talis esse
deberet, qualem versio haec sua indicat. Confucius cernens homines lugubri veste indutos ob
mortem parentum; alios item pileo habituque Mandarinico insignes, quamvis iidem essent
minoris aetatis, aut etiam capti oculis; tamen ipse conspicatus illos procul dubio assurgebat
honoris grati: & eosdem fort praeteriens, procul dubio accelerabat gradum. (Officioso
more Sinarum quasi proper cedentium locum alteri honoris gratia) vix ull scilicet habit
ratione vel aetatis suae, vel authoritatis; at cert maxim tum pietatis tum dignitatis alienae.

The grand secretary notes correctly that the order of the text was disturbed here and
that it should be as his version says.626 Confucius was showing respect to people
wearing mourning dress because of the death of their parents, or to other people who
could be distinguished by their hat and their Mandarin dress of mandarin, or to blind
people. Even though they may be younger than him, he would acknowledge them and
stand as a mark of respect. If he had to pass by, he surely sped up. According to the
Chinese tradition, they should quickly yield as a sign of respect.627 He was not taking
into consideration age or authority, but only his piety and respect for others.

[9.10 ]

2. Yen-yuen altum suspirans aiebat: Est omnino sublime quid, idemque profundissimum
doctrina Magistri nostri. Suspicienti illam mihi, & jam gradum ad illam facienti, semper
magis magisque alta apparet. Rursus penetranti mihi ad illam illius firmitatem, [56] semper
illa magis ac magis firma ac impenetrabilis deprehenditur. Contemplor illam quandoque
velut positam ante ipsos oculos, & velut in ejus amplexum feror, quando ecce derepente
existit mihi tergo ex ipsis quasi manibus elapsa.

Yan Yuan sighed deeply, and saidwas saying with a sigh: How sublime and deep is
the teaching of our Teacher. As I look at it and progress toward it, it seems higher and
higher. Also, as I penetrate into its firmness, it reveals itself more and more firm and
impenetrable. Whenever I look at it in front of me and I am received in its embrace,
then it has slipped away from my hands and suddenly appears on my back.

[ ]

3. Et tamen hanc ipsam doctrinam impertiens hominibus Magister noster suo quodam ordine
pedetentim blandeque noverat allicere homines atque inducere quo volebat: dilatabat animum
meum praesidiis Philosophiae suae, & restringens ad unum omnia, contrahebat me ad unam
caelitus inditae rationis moderationem ac regulam.

When our Master communicates this doctrine to the people, he knows how to win

625 The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 30 recto to 32 verso) has a very lengthy note of five pages
explaining the river chart (hetu ), the taiji, the eight hexagrams, the productions of things, and the
actions of the spirits or gui . Some of this material was incorporated by the Sinarum Philosophus in
the section on the Yijing. See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 13546. The Sapientia Sinica draws the
explanation on the Yijing from the Yijing jiangshuo , as mentioned.
626 Zhang has: The two characters should be placed after (
, 132).
627 This is a note added by the Jesuits.

210
them over and to lead them where he wants, persuasively, and by a kind of
progression, step by step. He has broadened my mind with the means of his
philosophy. Fastening everything to one thing, he has brought me to this unique
control and rule of reason endowed by heaven.628

[]

Fol. 4, p. 1. Ego ver cum vellem sistere & frui jam partis, omnino non poteram: Ubi ergo jam
exhauseram quodammodo meas animi vires, sic prorsus erat ac si daretur quidpiam quod
consisteret erectum ante oculos meos. Caeterum quamvis ardenter optarem assequi & amplecti
illam, adhuc tamen non habebam viam ac modum quo votorum compos fierem; adeoque haerebam
attonitus ad doctrinae hujus virtutisque celsitudinem & profunditatem.

When I would like to rest and enjoy what has already been acquired, I cannot do it.
When I have exhausted all the forces of my mind, there is something still standing in
front of me. Even though I wish to pursue and embrace it, I do not have the way and
method by which I could realize my wish. Fascinated, I cling to the loftiness and
depth of this teaching.

[9.11 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius aegrotabat, nec sine periculo: Quo intellecto discipulus u lu

gratificaturus Magistro submisit jussitque aliquot discipulos assistere aegrotanti, & esse
veluti honorarios quosdam administros, & funus etiam, si opus foret, cum splendore &
apparatu procurare.

Confucius was dangerously sick. Knowing this, and in order to show his kindness to
the Master, his disciple Zilu sent and ordered several disciples to attend to the
sickhim, as if they were some paid servants who could take care of the funeral with
splendor and pomp if needed.629

[]

2. Verum ubi morbus nonnihil remisit; Confucius re cognit haudquaquam probans studium
hujusmodi gratificandi; ah! Inquit, quanto jam tempore discipulus iste Ye res agit nec rect nec
sincer! Nuper quidem mos & ratio permittebat mihi frequentiam istam ministrorum &
splendorem domesticum: at nunc quando defunctus sum magistratu, adeoque nullos, uti par est,
habeo Ministros publicos; si tamen ambitios me gerens videar habere Ministros istos, ego quem
tandem fallam? Cert ut fallam oculos mortalium, an fallam etiam ipsummet caelum?

When his illness was receding slightly, Confucius learned about the matter and
disapproved of these kind efforts, saying: My disciple You, you have been behaving
without rightness and sincerity for so long! In the past, customs and rules allowed me

628 Quoting Hou Zhongliang (fl.1000), Zhu interpreted bowoyiwen (literally, broadening me
with culture) as extending knowledge to the utmost and apprehending the principle of things (
, 111). For Zhang, it meant through the past and present understanding of the changes in affairs,
gradually piercing the truth under heaven and earth (
, 133). The Jesuits followed here their rationalistic interpretation, introducing the term of
philosophy. Also, Hou understood yuewoyili (literally, restraining me with the ritual) as subduing the
self and returning to ritual (, 111). Zhang understood it as handling and controlling the truth
under heaven and earth (, 133).
629 This explanation follows Zhang (134).

211
to have a large number of attendants and a certain domestic sumptuousness. Now, I
am a retired magistrate and do not have any public servant, as it should be. If I behave
presumptuously by pretending to have these attendants, who am I deceiving? In order
to deceive mortal beings, is it possible to deceive heaven itself?630

[
]

3. Et ver, mihi prae ist morte obeund inter ministrorum istorum obsequia & manus, nonne
fuisset mult gratius dulciusque emori inter duorum triumve discipulorum manus? Cert ego licet
tunc haud potuissem magnifico illo proprioque praefectorum funere efferri; an ego propterea
moriens inter vos, fuissem mortuus in vi public, ibique jacuissem inhumatus?

Truly, instead of dying in the hands of these attendants, would it not be more
pleasant and sweet for me to die in the hands of two or three disciples? Certainly, I
cannot be carried out for a magnificent burial proper to the prefects, but can it be that
dying among you, I die on the public road and lay there unburied?

Tres paragraphos superiores concludit Interpres his verbis: Xim gn [57] y ie pim gui p
chi cum, lh s tien chi chm, xe li chi chim, y ho p ke j u s y gui van xi fa ye, hoc est:
vir sanctus constitutus in praesenti discrimine gravis morbi, in syncera illa voluntate obsequendi
caelo, & rectitudine servandi quod ratio dictat, ne pilo quidem capitis temer, sicut hic patet,
procedit.

The interpreter [Zhang Juzheng] concludes the three paragraphs above with
these words: Shengren yu jibing po zhizhong, er shitian zhicheng, shouli zhizheng,
yihaobugou ruci, cisuo yiwei wanshifa ye, which mean: Even though a holy man
finds himself amid the danger of a serious illness, he obeys heaven and the dictates of
reason with a sincere will, so that he does not proceed rashly, even the space of an
hair.631

[9.12
]

Fol. 5, p. 1. u cum hortaturus Magistrum suum ut talenta sua ad publicum bonum exerat. Si
habeat, inquit quispiam pulchram rarique pretii gemmam hoc tempore & statu rerum tam
perturbato; eamne asservabit in arc & sic abscondet; an contr exquiret cui aequo pretio
divendat? Confucius haud ignarus quid isto simili significaretur, respondet: Vendatur san, per me
licet, ! vendatur san, at enim ego expecto aequum illius aestimatorem & licitatorem: Nec re
nostr est emptorem quaerere.

In order to encourage his Teacher to make use of his talents for the common good,
Zigong asked: In this chaotic time and situation, if someone has a beautiful and
precious stone, will he keep it hidden in a safe, or on the contrary will he take it out
and sell it for a fair price? Confucius was not unaware of the meaning of this
comparisonsimile and answered: For me it should be sold. For sure, iIt should
certainly be sold. However, I am still waiting for someone who would appreciate and
bid for it, and I am not simply looking for a buyer.

630 Zhu states that the supreme crime is to deceive heaven (112). Similarly, Zhang states that there
is no greater crime than to deceive heaven (135).
631 Zhang has: , 135.

212
[9.13 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius pertaesus temporum suorum desiderabat relict patri migrare ac degere inter
novem gentes Barbarorum.

Being weary of his time, Confucius wanted to leave his country and live among the
nine barbarian peoples.632

[ ]

2. Forte fuit qui dissuasurus diceret: Viles abjectique sunt homines isti. Quomodo hoc fiet?
Qu ibi deges? Confucius respondit: Syncerus virtutis ac sapientiae sectator ubi degit;
quomodo vile quid abjectumque ibi detur?

In order to dissuade him, someone said: These are vile and abject people. How can
you do this? Where will you stay? Confucius answered: Wherever a sincere pursuer
of virtue and wisdom lives, how could there be something vile and abject?633

[9.14 ]

3. Confucius aiebat: Ego ex Regno Guei cum rediissem in patrium Regnum Lu, tum deinde
musica oper me pristino ordini ac puritati restituta fuit. Pomata quoque Y & um singula
obtinuerunt demm suum statum, harmoniam scilicet, ac majestatem pristinam.

Confucius said: Only when I had returned from Wei to my native Lu could I restore
the music to its original arrangement and purity. Then, the two poems Ya and Song
could regain their status, their original and harmonious majesty.

[9.15
]

4. Confucius aiebat: Foris versantem & in Republic tum servire, uti par est, Principi, & caeteris
Magistratibus: domi ver degentem, tum servire parentibus fratribusque debit cum observanti:
In luctu funebribusque officiis non audere non exerere vires omnes: Inter epulas denique non
agere quidpiam per immoderatum vini usum, quod grave sit ac periculosum. Haec quatuor tametsi
prima fronte facilia, rever tamen difficilia sunt; atque adeo quomodo sint in me?

Confucius said: In public and political life, I serve my ruler and other officials, as it
should be. At home, I serve my parents and brothers with due obedience. In periods of
mourning and funeral ceremonies, I do not dare not tocannot but deploy all my
energies. Finally, in the banquets, I do not do anything through an immoderate use of
wine since this is serious and dangerous. Even though these four things seem easy, in
fact they are difficult even for me.

[9.16 ]

632 As in Lunyu 3.5, the Jesuits translate yi (the foreign tribes) with the pejorative word of barbarians.
The Jesuits in China often adopted the negative view of the Han about other nations, races, and
cultures.
633 The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 33 verso) has a very optimistic comment: Things will
immediately change thanks to the teaching and example of the honest man (Doctrin et exemplo viri
probi haec cit mutabitur).

213
5. Confucius fort consistens ad ripam fluminis, & perennem illius fluxum contemplatus
innuensque in vi virtutum non esse sistendum aiebat ut eunt & fluunt hoc modo aquae istae, nec
sistunt cursum suum diu noctuque!

Once, Confucius was seated next to a riverbank. He looked at the continuous flow and
pointed to it, saying: In the way of virtues, there should be no stop, same as the
waters, flowing day and night, without stopping their course.634

[9.17 ]

[58] fol. 6, p. 1, 1. Confucius aiebat: Ego adhuc quidem non vidi qui sic gauderet virtute,
sicuti gaudet quis formosi oris corporisque eleganti & venustate.

Confucius said: Until today I have not seen anyone who would rejoice in virtue as he
would rejoice in the beauty and charm of a nice face and body.

[9.18
]

2. Confucius aiebat: Exempli gratia: Molior ego ex aggest continenter humo collem: priusquam
perficiatur is, uno, qui ad operis integritatem etiamnum desideratur corbe, coeptum opus
intermittitur; plan ego sum is qui intermitto, mea unius, haec culpa est. Contraria plan
constantiae ratio est: Ipsa quantumvis lent, perficit tamen res quantumvis magnas; quia
coeptum opus nescit intermittere. Exempli gratia: ego planae telluri licet aggeram quotidie
unum duntaxat corbem humo onustum: Tamen si assidu progrediar aggerendo, mei
progressus erunt, mea perfecti tandem collis erit gloria.

Confucius said: I may build, for example, a mountain by continuously piling more
earth. Before the mountain is finished, if the quantity of one basket is still missing,
then the work would be interrupted. Clearly, I am the one who interrupted the work
and therefore I alone am responsible for this. True perseverance is the opposite. I
accomplish something, regardless of how difficult it is or how long it takes, since the
work which I have undertaken cannot be interrupted. For example, as long as I ditch
everyday into a flat land the quantity of one basket loaded with earth, if I keep
constantly ditching, then, the progress is mine; the honor of completing the mountain
is mine.

[9.19 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius aiebat: Dicente me, seu, docente quidpiam, qui non esset iners ac segnis,
sed actutm factis conaretur explere, quod faciendum esse ex me didicerat, enim vero fuit is
discipulus meus Hoi.

Confucius said: Only my disciple Hui [Yan Hui] could listen to me and learn
something. Without being inactive and sluggish, he tried immediately to act on what I
taught him to do.635

[9.20 ]
634 The Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 33 verso) has a comment inspired from Zhang (138) about the
continual succession of nature.
635 This insistence on action comes from Zhang (139).

214
2. Confucius loquens de eodem Yn-yuen, praematur defuncto aiebat: Proh dolor! Ego quidem
videbam ipsum magnis passibus progredientem: At necdum videbam illum desistentem.

Confucius was talking about Yan Hhui, who had died prematurely: Alas!, I certainly
saw him making progress with great steps, but I did not see him stoppingdesisting.

[9.21 ]

3. Confucius simili quodam hortaturus suos ad constantiam aiebat: Seges quae modo nascens
viridantem protrudat herbulam, & tamen deinde nullos proferat flores, datur utique: Rursus,
efflorescens jam seges, & tamen deinde nullos excludens fructus, datur similiter.

In order to encourage his disciples to persevere, Confucius used a metaphor: It can

surely happen that a grain gives green sprouts but without flower. Also, it can happen
that a grain gives flower but without fruit.

[9.22
]

Fol. 7, p. 1, 1. Confucius aiebat: Pueros ac juvenes par est suo quodam modo vereri: Nam cui
tandem constat olim illos non meliores futuros qum sint mod, sic ut etiam superent nos ipsos?
Caeterm qui quadragenarius vel quinquagenarius jam sit, & tamen necdum habeat nomen
aut famam; ejusmodi qui sit, equidem non est dignus, quem quis vereatur: actum est.

Confucius said: Children and youth should be respected because they may be in the
future not only better than they are now but even better than us. But those who have
already reached forty or fifty years old and have no name and reputation do not
deserve respect. It is over [for them].

[9.23
]

2. Confucius ait: Prolata cum fide ac veritate monentis verba, licet etiam subaspera,
potestne quis non audire ac suscipere, aequo saltem animo, si minus laeto? Caeterum
proficere ex illis & emendare, hoc est enimver maximi faciendum. Rursus per ambages
quasdam paulatim insinuatis consiliis & admonitionibus, an potest [59] quisquam non
gaudere? Quanquam proficere hc, & ruminari illas identidem, hoc est enim vero primum
maximeque necessarium. Quod si gaudeat quis tantm, & interim non expendat ac
ruminetur id quo gaudet; nec pascatur cibo, quo videtur usque ade delectari: Item si quis
excipiat reverenter monita syncera & recta; & interim mores suos non conformet cum eis ac
nihil emendet; ego cert non invenio quo pacto me geram cum ejusmodi homine: Actum est,
oleum & operam uterque perdimus.

Confucius said: May one not listen and accept rough words of warning uttered with
trust and truth, if not with joy, at least with equanimity? Also, to profit from warnings
and to change, this is what should be done above all. Again, may one not rejoice in
advice and admonitions which are gradually insinuated through riddles? To take profit
from advice and think it over, again and again, is absolutely necessary. If someone
rejoices greatly but at the same time does not weigh and think over what he enjoys, he
is not fed by the food, but only delighted by it. Similarly, if someone respectfully

215
receives sincere and correct warnings, and at the same time does not conform his way
of life to them and does not change, then indeed I do not know how to deal with such
a person. Then, its hopeless; both of us waste our time for nothing.

[9.24 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius aiebat: Nihil aequ sit cordi atque cordis synceritas ac fides. Non
contrahas amicitiam cum eo, qui sit minus bonus qum sis tu ipse. Peccasti? ergo ne dubites
aut verearis emendare quod peccatum est.

Confucius said: Nothing should be more important than sincerity and trust of the
heart. You should not enter intocontract friendship with someone who is not as honest
as you are. Have you committed mistakes? You should not hesitate or fear to correct
them.

[9.25 ]

2. Confucius aiebat: Trium legionum (id est, militum 37500) exercitui maxim repugnanti,
suus quandoque potest eripi ductor & abripi in servitutem. Quantumvis autem tenui
abjectoque homuncioni non potest ulla vi eripi liberae mentis arbitrium.

Confucius said: The general of a fighting army of three legions, that is, 37,500
men,636 may be at any time snatched away and abducted into servitude. However, the
judgment of a free mind cannot be snatched away, by any force, from even a frail and
humble man.

[9.26 ]

3. Confucius collaudans suum discipulum Yeu, sive u lu aiebat: qui indutus jam tritam ac
laceram, eamque ex viliori cannabe togam un cum aliis sodalibus indutis pelles vulpinas, &
pelliculas ho (Ho species est animalculi, cujus pellis rari est pretii) consisteret, & tamen
nequaquam erubesceret; fuit is san discipulus Ye.

Confucius was praising his disciple You, or Zilu: My disciple You is this kind of man
who would wear a worn toga made of cheap linen and would stay together with other
companions wearing furs of fox and of he (a small animal with a precious fur), and
yet would never feel ashamed.

[]

Fol. 8, p. 1, 1. Idem confirmat eandem laudem ex od quae sic habet: Quisquis non est
invidus, nec cupidus; ad quos tandem usus non erit apprim idoneus?

Confucius confirmed this praise [of You] with a poem which readsgoes like
this: Someone who is not jealous or greedy, for what usages will he not be
completely suitable?

[ ]

636 Zhang (142) gives the numerical information, which is absent from Zhu: An army is made of
12,500 men; and a large country has three armies. The Jesuits therefore computed the figure of
37,500.

216
2. u-lu praeconio Magistri sui laetus, per omnem deinde vitam recitabat hunc versiculum.
Quod advertens Confucius, & discipulum justo pls sibi placentem repressurus sic ait: Ista
laus & virtus qu sit ut vaces invidia & cupiditate, quomodo sufficiat ut illico sis apprim
idoneus ad omnia, sic ut nihil jam desideretur amplius?

Zilu was very happy with the praise of his Master and was reciting this verse all the
time. Confucius noticed this and, in order to repress this disciple, complacent toward
himself more than he should be, said: This praise and virtue makes you free from
jealousy and greed, and this way it is enough for being immediately and completely
suitable for all things. But is there nothing more to be looked for?

[9.27 ]

3. Confucius aiebat: Tempore brumali tum demm scitur an pinis & cypressis sua deinde
folia decidant. Illustre specimen illorum (inquit Colaus) quos tranquill Republic inter se
mutuo perqum similes, turbat deinde afflictaque dissimillimos fuisse probat, & fortes ab
imbecillis, stultos sapientibus manifest discernit.

Confucius said: In the winter it can finally be known whether the pine tree and the
cypress lose their needles. The grand secretary shows this with clear evidence:
People are similar to each other in times of peace but finally set apart during disorder
and danger, and this clearly distinguishes the strong from the weak, the foolish from
the wise.637

[9.28 ]

[60] p. 2, 1. Confucius aiebat: Prudens non haesitat anceps animi: Vero probus & innocens
non moeret, fortis ac magnanimus non pertimescit ac trepidat.

Confucius said: A prudent man does not hesitate, undecided. An honest and innocent
man is not sad. A strong and generous man does not fear and tremble.

[9.29
]

2. Confucius aiebat: Sunt quibuscum possis pariter auspicari studium virtutis ac sapientiae, nec
tamen possis deinde cum iisdem decurrere viam ipsam, seu exercitare propria sapientum opera.
Alii sunt quibus cum etiam possis decurrere jam coeptam viam, nec tamen possis deinde cum
iisdem, propterea quod careant constanti, diu persistere in via & cursu. Alii rursus sunt
quibuscum possis constanter persistere in coept via cursuque, nec tamen deinde possis cum
iisdem ad exactissimum virtutis ac sapientiae aequilibrium exigere res omnes actionesque
vitae totius.

Confucius said: You can start the pursuit of virtue and wisdom with some people, but
you cannot travel all the path with them, that is, you cannot practice with them the
proper works of wise people. With others, you can travel the path already undertaken,
but you cannot persist very long on the path with them because they lack
perseverance. Finally, with others, you can firmly persist on the course undertaken,

637 Zhang has:

, 143.

217
but you cannot have with them all the actions of the whole life to reach the most
precise equilibrium of virtue and wisdom.638

[9.30 ]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. Citatur hic versiculus depromptus ex veteri Pomate, quo degens quispiam extra
patriam, longque absens, & fort conspicatus arborem, cui similem natali in solo viderat; amici,
quem in patri reliquerat, recordatus hunc in modum cecinit: arboris pruniferae frondes ac flores
flante zephyro in partem nunc hanc nunc illam agitantur assidu. Ah! Quomodo non te cogitem,
non te expetam videre! Sed heu! Inania sunt vota ista! Etenim domus utriusque nostrum est
invicem remota.

There is a quote of a short verse of an ancient poem. 639 Someone was living outside
his country for a long time. Once, he was looking at a tree similar to one he had seen
in his native land, and he remembered a friend at home, singing: The branches and
flowers of the plum tree are agitated here and there by a blowing zephyr. Alas, how
empty are the desires. Our two homes are so far away.

[ ]

2. Confucius hinc quoque doctrinae succum petens sic aiebat: dicit ille quidem cogitari ab
se patriam & amicum; sed rever non cogitat: nam hc quae tandem distantia datur? Quasi
dicat si quidem seria esset cogitatio, ad iter jam pridem accinxisset sese. Nos quoque long
minori jure querimur distare nobis virtutem ac sapientiam, de qu sic cogitamus, ut
cogitemus tantm: Alioquin si cogitatio foret seria; jam nobis innata virtus ultr rueret in
amplexus nostros.

Confucius was seeking the substance of the teaching, saying: He says that he thinks
about his country and friend, but in fact he does not think about them. Why mention
distance? If his thought was as serious as he said, he would have already prepared for
the journey some time ago.640 Also, we have little ground to complain that virtue and
wisdom are far from us: we think about it so that we may think only. In fact, if our
thought were somehow serious, then the inborn virtue would rush into our hearts.641

Inusitata plan fuit, & quae modum videatur excessisse, diligentia, qu discipuli minutissima
quaeque & dicta Confucii & facta, quin etiam situs omnes ac motus non observrunt mod, sed
etiam literis ad memoriam posterorum commendarunt, & nos quoque fastidioso licet Europaeo,
prout jacet, obtrudimus.

The diligence by which the disciples have not only noticed in detail every word
and deed of Confucius, even all the places and movements, but also have entrusted
them by writing to the memory of posterity, is very unusual and seems excessive. Here
a disdainful European may take a break, but for ourselves, we shall continue.642

638 For Zhang (144), only a Shengren can achieve in all the circumstances of his life a proper balance.
639 According to Zhang (145), when Confucius edited the Shijing, he deleted this poem out of his
selection of three hundred poems included in the Shijing.
640 Zhang (145) gives the reason why Confucius left this poem out of the Shijing, since the poem
reveals that the feelings are not sincere.
641 Zhang (145): The human mind is very clever (ling); when one thinks about the good, then there is
no difficulty in performing the good.
642 This remark comes almost at the middle of the translation, as a way to encourage the reader to
continue despite the many details.

218
 [Chapter 10]643

[10.1 ]

[60] p. 2, 1. Confucius agens cum iis qui erant ejusdem secum gentis seu familiae, habebat
modum quendam agendi valde syncer et candid. Videbatur non valere ull facundi, aut doctrin
prae caeteris.

When Confucius dealt with the members of his clan or family, his way of behaving
was very sincere and genuine. It seemed then that he was not better than others in
eloquence, or learning.644

[]

2. Idem tamen quotiescumque versabatur in Gentilitiis Regum aulis, aut regio in Palatio, clar
distinctque loquebatur, at sic rursus ut nihil non matur, considerat, attent.

But whenever he came to the clan halls of the kings or to the royal palace, 645 he spoke
very clearly and distinctly, at the right time, with a lot of caution and restraint.

[10.2 ]

Fol. 10, p. 1, 1. In aul Palatii regii quo tempore cum praefectis variorum ordinum Regem suum
praestolabatur, ipse cum inferioribus quidem et aequalis secum dignitatis praefectis loquens cum
gravitate quadam rect solidque se gerebat. Cum superioribus ver praefectis loquens, suam illam
gravitatem temperabat affabili quadam comitate.

When Confucius waited for the king in the hall of the palace with the prefects of
various ranks, he was talking to prefects of ranks inferior or equal to him, and he
behaved with gravity, assurance, and composure. When talking to higher-rank
prefects, he blended his gravity with a certain friendliness and courtesy.

[]

2. Rege jam praesente assistebat cum singulari et quasi anxi quadam reverenti majestatis
Regiae; sic tamen, ut simul placid, praesentique semper animo.

He was standing in the presence of the king with a special and almost anxious

643 This chapter is quite difficult to understand because we lack understanding of the rituals at the time
of Confucius, many of which disappeared afterwards. Also, the style is very different from the rest of
the Lunyu, since there is no dialogue between Confucius and the disciples, and there are only five
utterances of the Master in the whole chapter. Most of the content is purely descriptive.
644 Zhu understands that Confucius did not speak because he was humble and respectful, not to
appear as if he would have known the ancestors through his wisdom ( ,
117). Zhang (146) repeats the same. The Jesuits translated thus with the idea that Confucius seemed to
lack eloquence or learning.
645 In contrast to the Sapientia Sinica (Zi-ka-wei, 35 recto), the Sinarum Philosophus avoided giving a
religious meaning to zongmiao, which is not translated as temple but as hall. The Latin adjective of
gentilitius should be understood as meaning: belonging to this clan, to this descent line. They chose to
present the zongmiao as non-religious, with the rituals observed in it as civic. In contrast, the Sapientia
Sinica has: the temple of the kings in which the sacrificial rituals to the ancestors were conducted
(templum Regium ubi sacrificabatur Majoribus, Zi-ka-wei, 35 recto).

219
reverence for the royal majesty. But at the same time, he was calm, with his mind
always alert.

[10.3 ]

3. Rege accersente ipsum, ac jubente excipere hospites dynastas, tum ver oris ipsius color
mutabatur quodammodo: Item pedes euntis et gressus impediti videbantur.

When the king summoned him, requesting him to receive foreign delegates, his face
changed, and his feet and steps would seem encumbered.

[]

4. Quotiescumque dynasta quispiam hospes accedebat salutaturus Regem; Confucius si quidem

pro officio tunc assisteret; ipse tunc si reverenter quidpiam significaret iis qui secum assistebant
sive ad laevam sive ad dexteram. (Reverenter, id est, eo fer gestu, quo viri graves se mutu
consalutant; videlicet arcuatis utcunque brachiis, et manibus, quae complicantur, ab ipso
pectore paululum protensis.) In illo, inquam, brachiorum motu, tamen ipsa vestis tam ante
qum retr nunquam non concinne composita apparebat.

Whenever a foreign delegate was approaching to greet the king, Confucius would
attend to execute his function. Then, he would indicate a sign of respect to his
assistants on the right and on the left. (Important men greet each other with a sign or
gesture of respect, the arms being bent and the hands tied together, held a little bit
away from the breast.)646 While moving his arms, both the front and the back of his
garment always appeared neatly arranged.

[]

p. 2, 1. Itaque fact jam potestate introducendi hospitis in conspectum Principis, Confucius

accelerato gradu hospitem introducens sinuosae vestis laxas utrinque manicas velut alas quasdam
aequabiliter expandebat.

Having received permission to introduce the guest in the presence of the ruler,
Confucius would bring in the guest, at an accelerated pace, and would uniformly
deploy the long sleeves of his garment full of folds, loose on both sides, like two
wings.

Gresss acceleratio reverentiae signum est, ne scilicet vel minimo temporis spatio Princeps
expectet hospitem visentem.

The acceleration of the pace is a mark of reverence,647 not to make the prince wait for
the visiting guest, even for a short moment.

[ ]

2. Hospes ubi jam abscesserat extra conspectum Principis; tum Confucius nihil cunctatus
renunciabat hoc Principi dicens: Hospes jam non respicit amplis, hoc est, abivit.

646 The use of the italics and the content of this passage indicates that it is a Jesuit addition.
647 Zhang (147) reads the acceleration of the pace as a show of respect (jing ) toward the ruler. The
remaining comment is probably a Jesuit addition, which explains the use of italics.

220
When the guest had left, out of view of the prince, Confucius would immediately say
to the prince: The guest cannot look back anymore, that is, he has left.

Moris namque est, ut abscedens hospes iterum ac saepis vel ad eum ipsum quem visit, siquidem
ab hoc deducitur, vel cert ad aulam, ubi visitatio peracta est, conversus, postremo salutationis
officio perfungatur.

The custom is that when a guest leaves, he comes back, once or even a few times,
returning to the hall where the visit took place and performing the last rite of
salutation.648

[10.4 ]

[62] 3. Exponitur jam qua ratione se gereret Confucius, quotiescunque se sistebat Regi: Quando
ingrediebatur aedium regiarum portam, demisso prae reverentia non tantm animo, sed demisso
etiam & prorsus inclinato corpore haud secs ac si non ipsum caperet porta, ingrediebatur.

Let us explain how Confucius behaved whenever he went to see the king. When he
entered through the door of the royal palace, not only was his mind downcast by
reverence but his body was also bent, as if he could not go through the door.

[]

4. Sicubi consistendum illi esset, cert non consistebat unquam in media porta, per quam
scilicet ipse Rex egredi et ingredi consueverat. Transiens per eandem non calcabat pede limen
ipsum portae.

If he had to stand somewhere, he would not stand in the middle of the door, by which
the king used to get in and out. Going through the door, he would not trample upon its
threshold.

[]

5. Progressus jam in interiora Palatii, et fort transiens ante thronum Regium, tametsi Rex
nondum adesset; tamen etiam tunc oris ipsius color mutari videbatur. Item pedes transeuntis ac
gressus impediti videbantur. Quin et ipsius sermo videbatur etiam esse impeditior.

After entering the palace, if he was passing in front of the royal throne, even if the
king was not there, his face would change; his feet and steps would become
encumbered, and he would speak with more difficulty.

[]

Fol. 11, p. 1, 1. Si quando propis accedendum erat ad ipsum Regem considentem in solio,
ambabus manibus attolens vestem per gradus conscendebat in aulam, demisso inclinatoque
admodum corpore, non ausus vel oculos attolere: Tam studios interim represso anhelitu ut
videretur quodammodo non respirare.

Whenever he would need to approach the king on his throne, he would climb the

648 This comment in italics seems to be an addition by the Jesuits, who personally experienced those
rituals, though they were slightly different during the Ming and Qing dynasties.

221
stairs to the hall, holding his garment with both hands, with his body bent and
inclined, and he would not even dare to raise his eyes. 649 He would assiduously hold
his breath as if he was not breathing at all.

[]

2. A conspectu Regis egrediens, cum jam descenderet uno alterove gradu; protins explicabat
pristinum oris colorem ac speciem ipse exhilarati jam instar. Deinde ab ultimo gradu aliquant
properantis pergebat explicato jam non tantm curis animo, sed etiam explicatioribus hinc inde
vestis suae manicis eleganter incedens, & repetens proprium muneris sui locum cum cura &
reverentia quadam inibi inter alios praefectorum consistebat.

While leaving, and even when he was out of view of the king, he would descend one
step after another. He would immediately show the original aspect of his face, like
someone having been cheered up. When he had finally reached the last step in haste,
not only was his mind disentangled from worries but also the sleeves of his garment
were unfolded. Walking more elegantly and returning to his seat, he would remain
seated among the other prefects, with attentiveness and reverence.

[10.5
]

3. Confucius quotiescunque legabatur ab suo Principe, qui primi erat ordinis, jamque alteri
sistebat sese, manu tenebat insignia sui Principis inclinato reverenter corpore haud secs ac
si non esset par sustinendo ponderi tantae dignitatis. Si quando attollebat ea, brachia sic
conformabat at si reverenter alterum salutaret: Si demittebat paululm, utebatur gestu
quasi offerentis quidpiam alteri. Inter haec autem prae cur, qu tenebatur, ac metu,
mutabatur, sicut confligentium color, et os, oculique mutari solent sub initium certaminis.
Gressus item accelerato quidem et simul irretito similis, prorsus ac si pondus quodpiam
traheret pedibus affixum.

Whenever Confucius was sent by his prince, who was of the highest rank, 650 he would
stand among other people and hold in his hands the insignia of the prince, bending his
body respectfully, as if he could not be a match in supporting the weight of such an
honor. When he raised the insignia, his arms would appear to be making a respectful
salutation to someone. When he slightly lowered the insignia, he would make a
movement, as if he was offering a present to someone. But among other things,
because of the concern and awe holding him, his appearance changed, just as the
color, the mouth, and the eyes of people arguing are transformed at the beginning of a
debate. Also, his step looked like someone in a hurry and, at the same time, like
someone being entangled, exactly as if he carried some weight attached to his feet.

[]

[63] p. 2, 1. Quotiescumque Regis sui nomine offerebat munera alteri vel Regulo vel dynastae;
habebat affabilitate simul ac gravitate contemperatam oris speciem.

Whenever he presented gifts, in the name of his king, to either a prince or to a foreign

649 The classical text has no mention of not raising the eyes; this instead comes from a comment by
Zhang (, 149).
650 Both Zhu (118) and Zhang (149) situate this verse in the context of Confucius being sent as an
ambassador to represent his king to some neighboring countries.

222
delegateprince, in the name of his king, his face would simultaneously look friendly
and serious.

[]

2. Verum cum privata deinde offertet munera suo ipsius nomine; cum plusculum nescio quid
hilaritatis ad illam ipsam affabilitatem accedebat.

When presentinged personal gifts in his own name, he added a kind of cheerfulness to
his normal friendliness.

[10.6 ]

3. Hoc et sequentibus paragraphis exponitur cujusmodi fer vestes Confucius, quo modo, et quo
tempore gestaret. Philosophus noster ad usum habitumque vulgarem non adhibebat unquam
coloris flammei et subobscuri, coloris item rubei seu purpurei ornamentum collaris instar ac
fimbriae, supremae infimaeque orae vestium assutum: hoc enim colore duntaxat utebatur in
funeribus; illo in sacrificiis.

This paragraph and the following ones explain what kind of garments Confucius was
wearing, and how and when he was wearing them.651 Our Philosopher652 never
followed the customs and popular fashion of fiery and deep colors, the decoration
with red or purple, like for neckbands and fringes, or the patch hems at the top or at
the lower part of the garments. In fact, he reserved red for funerals and purple for
ritual offerings.

[]

4. Item ex vulgari illo colore rubro, et violaceo vergente ad rubrum non conficiebat unquam
vulgaris et domestici uss vestes tam gaudebat Philosophus nativa rerum simplicitate: Tum quia
colores iidem apud matronas ac virgines in pretio ac usu erant.

For ordinary and domestic purposes, the Philosopher never wore any garment with the
popular red color, or purple leaning to the red. Though these colors were appreciated
and used by women and young girls, he preferred the original simplicity of things.653

[]

5. Per menses aestivos vestem illam simplicem ac raram, quae tunc vulg erat in usu, sive esset
contexta subtilis, sive rudis (ex Co pu scilicet, quae species videtur quaedam esse cannabis)
nunquam non interiori alteri vesti superinduebat, adeoque aestivam illam faciebat extimam: Studio
nimirum modestiae, honestatis, ac verecundiae; ne quid alioqui de corporis nuditate transpareret.

During the months of summer, he would wear a simple and loose vest, then in
common use, which could be more or less delicately woven (it is made out of cChibu

651 This introductory note can be found in Zhangs commentary (150). Zhang segmented this verse in
five passages, but Zhu has eleven segments. Here the Jesuits again follow the edition of the text by
Zhu.
652 The original text mentions junzi. Zhu (118) and Zhang (150) understood that junzi refers to
Confucius.
653 Zhu (119) did mention that girls and women prefer red and purple, but Zhang did not mention this.
This is another instance of the Jesuits completing Zhangs comments with Zhus.

223
or linen). He always wore a second shirt inside, with the summer vest outside. He had
a special consideration for modesty, honesty, and respect, so that no part of the body
would appear.

[]

Fol. 12, p. 1, 1. Erat illi hyberno tempore sub nigr tog ex agninis pellibus toga item nigra: Sub
alba veste ex cervinis hinnulorum pellibus toga item alba: Sub croce veste ex vulpinis pellibus
toga item crocea.

During the winter, under a black vest of lambs wool, he would have another black
shirt, under a white furvest of deer, another white shirt, and under a yellow vest fur of
fox, another yellow shirt.

[]

2. Ea qu vulg domi suae utebatur toga pellicea, promissa quidem erat: At contractior tamen
ejusdem dextra manica, quo esset ad res contrectandas expeditior.

The vest made from skin that he used to wear at home was hangingfloating, but the
right sleeve was shorter, so that it was easier to hold things.

[]

3. Omnino sua illi erat nocturna ad quietem vestis tam longa atque totum corpus, & insuper
habebat alteram medietatem ejusdem corporis tegentem. Caeterm vestis hujus potissimus erat
illi usus jejunii tempore.

The garment heto sleept in at night was so long that it could cover the full length of
the body and half more. This vest was especially used for the period of fasting.654

[]

[64] 4. Vulpinae, & animalculi Ho dicti pelles, utpote spissioribus instructae pilis erant illi ad
domesticos usus ac vestes hyberno tempore.

The furskins of the fox and of another animal, called he, which were furnished with
thicker hairs, were used at home and during winter time.

[]

5. Excepto lucts tempore nulla res erat vel ad usum, vel ad ornatum, quam non & ipse more
virorum gravium ex cingulo v.g. suspensam gestaret.

Except during a period of mourning, he would carry everything suspended from his
belt, either for use or for ornament, like serious people do.

[]

654 The comment on the use of this sleeping garment for time of fasting comes from the Cheng
brothers, as Zhu mentions (119). Zhang (151) also indicated this association with fasting. For the
description of the fasting garment, see Lunyu 10.7.

224
6. Si non utebatur semicinctio (utebatur autem assidu tum in aul, tum etiam cm sacris
operabatur) id cert quo domi suae passim utebatur, erat toga brevior lateraliter aperta,
parsimoniae, modestiaeque, & commoditatis etiam grati.

If he was not wearing a small apron (he wore one frequently at court and also when
presenting ritual offerings), he would always wear a shorter vest at home, open on
both sides, by way of frugality, modesty, and convenience.

[]

p. 2, 1. Pellis agninae tog & nigri coloris pileo (quod essent propria festivi faustique
temporis) non obibat lugentium officia.

He was not attending mourning ceremonies with a vest made of lamb skin or with
black cap (these were reserved for festivals and auspicious times).

[]

2. Calendis cujusque mensis, etiam tunc cum non fungeretur publico munere, omnino tamen
solemni cum habitu vestium caeteros inter Magistratus Regis salutandi grati in aul comparebat.

At the beginning of the month, even if he was not holding public office, he would
appear with other court officials in solemn dress, in order to pay respect to the king.

[10.7 ]

3. Quo tempore jejunabat sacris daturus operam, omnino erat ei nitidissima mundissimaque
vestis, index illius, quam studio tam impenso procurabat, puritatis internae externaeque. Caeterum
nonnisi ex tel gossipin ipsa erat.

When he was fasting in preparation for ritual sacrifices, he would wear a bright and
clean garment as a symbol of the inner and outer purity for which he was striving with
zeal and determination.655 This garment was made of linen and nothing else.656

[]

4. Eodem jejunii tempore nunquam non mutabat rationem victs, vino imprimis et
carnibus abstinendo. Quin etiam quod ad ipsum commorandi locum attinet, omnino mutabat
locum solitum.

During the period of fasting, he would always change his diet, abstaining completely
from wine and meat. He would even change his place of residence.

Sancti nimirm, ut Colaus concludit, sic venerantur spiritus, ac sibi ipsis praesentes
assisterent: Idcirc abstinentiae, continentiaeque tam sedulo et tam sollicit dant operam.
Hactenus de habitu cultuque corporis; nunc quibus maxim eduliis, quo item modo, quo ritu, qu
temperanti vesceretur, exponunt discipuli.

655 The mention of inner and outer purity was made by Zhang (152).
656 According to the Cheng brothers, this section discusses specifically the garment used for fasting, in
this case during the day time. Since the night garment mentioned above was associated with fasting, the
passage above was considered as being misplaced.

225
 The grand secretary concludes that the saints worship the spirits as if they are
present and therefore practice abstinence and continence with real watchfulness and
carefulness.657 So far it was about the way to dress and embellish the body. The
disciples explain next what food Confucius enjoyed eating, how he did it, with what
kinds of rituals, and with what kind of self-control.

[10.8 ]

5. Ad rationem victs quod attinet, non respuebat ipse simplicem orizam aqu decoctam. A
minutalibus ex carne vel piscibus non abhorrebat, quamvis essent vald minutim concisa.

Concerning food, he did not reject plain rice boiled in water. 658 Nor did he disdain
dishes of meat or fish chopped into small pieces.659

[
]

6. Edulia propter tepentem humiditatem jam corrupta, exempli grati, piscem jam coeptum
resolvi ac putrescere, vel carnem jam corruptam non edebat. Quin etiam si color ipse eduliorum
jam [65] fort vitiatus erat, non vescebatur. Si odor item vitiatus erat, non vescebatur. Carentia
debito temperamento condimentove, non edebat. Immaturum quid, ut fruges, fructusve, non
edebat.

He did not eat the food already rotten due to the warm humidity, such as a fish starting
to fall apart and putrefy or a putrid meat. Moreover, if the color of the food was
wrong, he did not accept it. If the odor was foul, he did not take it either. He did not
eat food lacking proper seasoning and condiment. He did not eat anything unripe, like
vegetables or fruits.

[]

Fol. 13, p. 1, 1. Si quid sectum erat non apt rectve, non edebat. (Cum enim Sinae
rusticitatis esse putent, cibos attrectare digitis; atque ade quidquid est eduliorum; quin et
orizam ipsam, geminis paxillis, eisque oblongis perquam scit dextrque in os inserant: Idcirc
nihil fer carnis in mensam inferunt, quod non ante sit in frusta concisum.) Si quod edulium
non haberet suum embamma, seu intinctum, non edebat.

If something was not properly and correctly cut, he did not eat. (As the Chinese
people think of it as a lack of sophistication, they do not grab food with their hands,
but for all food, even rice, they introduce the food very delicately and skillfully into
their mouths with two oblong chopsticks. Indeed, they bring no meat to the table
unless it is cut into morsels.) If the food was not accompanied by a sauce or paste, it
was not eaten.

657 This is the exact translation of Zhangs comment: , 152.

658 It seems that the Jesuits did not understand the explanation of jing given by Zhang: The rice
well cleaned is called jing ( ). They probably misunderstood shu as meaning
boiled.
659 This passage of Lunyu 10.8 is split by Zhu into ten segments, but only split into six segments by
Zhang. Once more, the Jesuits follow the edition by Zhu.

226
 Nudum salem, uti nos, non exponunt Sinae in mens: Sed ejus loco varii generis intinctus,
necnon olera, et legumina sale condta, et orizae cupidius edendae perquam accommodata.)

Like us, the Chinese do not put the salt on the table, but it is used in different
kinds of food. Vegetables and legumes are seasoned with salt, and added to the rice,
which should be quickly eaten.

[]

2. Carnis etiamsi esset copia, non tamen faciebat, seu, non sic ea vescebatur, ut excederet
quantitate sua panis vel orizae succum. Solummod quod attinet ad vini usum, non habebat
mensuram certam, quam sibi ipse praescripsisset: Nunquam tamen utebatur eo
immoderatis; adeoque non accedebat unquam ad perturbationem mentis.

Even if there was an abundance of meat, he would not overdo it, not eating more meat
than he eats bread or rice.660 Concerning wine, he had not determined a fixed measure
of it, but he would never drink immoderately, so that wine would never perturb his
mind.

[]

3. Coempto in triviis compitisque vino, coempt similiter carne siccat, veritus ut essent
munda, non utebatur.

He never used the wine or the dry meat that had been bought at the side ofalong the
road or atin the crossroads, because he feared they were unclean.

[]

p. 2, 1. Non abstinebat gingiberis esu, sed ad singula fer adhibebat edulia, propterea quod
excitet imprimis ipsos spiritus hominis, arceatque valetudini contraria.

He did not abstain from eating ginger, which he added to particular foods because it
could greatly stimulate the breadth spirits of a person and protect against illness.661

[]

2. Universim denique non multi cibi erat ipse.

Finally, in general, he would not eat much.

[]

3. Quo tempore parentales oblationes & epulae exercebantur in Palatio Regio, non detinebat
Confucius ne per unam quidem noctem carnes illas, quas peracto Ritu Rex ipse ad Magistratus &
clientes suos de more dono miserat: Ritu autem privato doms suae, & in memoriam majorum
domesticorum oblatas se similiter epulas, & carnes non servabat ultra triduum. Quae jam
excessissent triduum, non edebantur quoquam, quippe jam vitiari coeptae.

660 The Chinese texts do not make mention of bread, but since bread is the staple food in Europe, the
Jesuits added it as a cultural reference.
661 The reason for eating ginger is given by Zhu (120) and Zhang (153).

227
When offerings to dead parents and banquets were given at the royal court, Confucius
did not keep the meat which the king himself had sent as a gift to the officers and
vassals after the ritual had been completed, even for one night. In the case of a private
ritual in his own house, he did not keep for more than three days the food and meat
offered in memory of family ancestors. After three days, nobody could eat them since
they had started to rot.

[]

4. Inter edendum non sermocinabatur, inter cubandum non loquebatur, nisi fort interrogatus.

While eating, he was not talking; while lying in bed, he was not talking, unless being
questioned.662

[]

[66] 5. Quamvis uteretur cibo admodum vulgari parabilique, ex. gr. ex oleribus parato jusculo,
omnino tamen libabat ex illo ipso tum suis majoribus, tum iis quorum opera industriaque haec
obvenerant humano generi; & sic plan perpetua quaedam jejunandi ratio illa erat, geniique
fraudandi.

Even if he was eating cheap, ordinary food, for example a broth prepared with
vegetables, he always made a libation, 663 first to his own ancestors, then to all those
who had contributed to these things by their work and labor, and to the whole of
humanity.664 Clearly, this was a frequent reason for fasting and for overcoming
appetite.665

[10.9 ]

Fol. 14, p. 1, 1. Humus ipsa storeis instrata Priscis erat pro sedili. Storeae itaque non
rect collocatae non insidebat, tanta illi vel minimis infimisque in rebus, recti erat cura.

The ancients used to sit on a floor covered with mats. Confucius did not sit on a mat
that was not correctly positioned because he cared for correctness, especially the
smallest details.

[10.10 ]

662 The mention of unless being questioned seems to be a Jesuit addition.

663 Zhu explains that the character gua (melon) should be read bi (necessary). This is the
reading adopted by Zhang (154).
664 Zhu (120) and Zhang (154) state that the libation was offered to the first producers of the specific
food or drink. According to the Sinarum Philosophus, the libation was also offered to ones ancestors
and to the whole of humanity. This is probably a Christian influence, related to the Eucharist as a
memorial for all the dead.
665 Like Zhu (120), Zhang understands that the offering to the ancestor was made with a spirit of
reverence, as in the case of someone fasting (, 154). It is not therefore an actual
fasting. However, the Latin translation adopts a literal meaning: when one offers sacrifice to his
ancestor, he has also to fast in order to show reverence. Traditionally, the Catholic Church attaches
great importance to fasting before the Eucharist. The Jesuit interpretation may be influenced also by
other Chinese sources. For example, the Liji prescribes fasting for the most senior participant before
important sacrifices.

228
2. Consanguinei ejus & affines & populares cm epulabantur; utentibus jam scipione, id
est, sexagenariis primum egressis, absoluto jam convivio, ipse mox deinde egrediebatur;
nunquam non venerari solitus canos.

When his parents, relatives, and fellow villagers had parties, only after people
walking with canes, that is, the people over sixty years old, had left,666 Confucius
would then consider himself excused from the feast, and could leave. He would never
disrespect the elderly.

[]

3. Popularibus eisdem per menses hybernos supplicationem instituentibus ad arcendos spiritus

morbiferos, ut aiebant, ipse vestitum solemniorem induebat & consistebat in aditu suae doms &
gradu orientali ubi visenti se hospiti consueverat occurrere.

During the months of winter, when the villagers prayed to keep the mortal spirits
away, as they say, Confucius was wearing more solemn cloth, was seated at the door
of his home, and was meeting visitors on the eastern stairs.

Usum supplicationis hujus un fer cum famili Cheu ortum habuisse docent Interpretes,
et Chu c quidem festivo cuipiam ludo fuisse non absimilem. At Cham tm co aliquid hc
Confucio tributum fuisse observantiae suae adverss Imperatorem, qui et ipse autumnali
tempore patiebatur ritum hunc ludumve in aul su exerceri.

Interpreters, including Zhuzi [Zhu Xi], teach that the use of this prayer started
with the Zhou dynasty and it is similar to a kind of festive game.667 But for Zhang
Dongchu, this can be attributed to the obedience of Confucius towards the emperor
who had allowed this rite or game to be practiced at the court in autumn.668

[10.11 ]

4. Mittens quempiam suorum qui officios percunctaretur de valetudine amici degentis in diversa
regione, demisso reverenter corpore iterum iterumque salutabat absentem amicum, haud secs ac
si praesentem cerneret, & eum qui ab se mittebatur, etiamsi famulus esset, tamen honorific
deducebat, in nuntio illum, ad quem nuntius destinabatur, honorans.

When he was sending one of his people to inquire dutifully about the health of a
friend living in a different region, he respectfully saluted the friend in absence by
bowing, again and again,669 as if he could see him there, and he escorted with honor
the person he was sending, even if he was a servant, thus honoring in the messenger
the person to whom the messenger was sent.

[ ]

5. Ki cam u Praefectus Regni L Confucio dono miserat pharmacum. Confucius cum

gratiis & cum honoris significatione admittens illud, candid dixit: Ego non satis habeo
666 The age is mentioned by Zhang (155).
667 According to Zhu, this refers to a ritual to keep away epidemic disease. This rare mention of Zhu
by the Jesuits is due to the fact that Zhu recognized here the antiquity of this religious ritual, even
though he attempted to downplay its value as a mere game (xi , 131). Zhang does not make this
comparison.
668 This is one of the rare explicit references to Zhang Dongchu.
669 In fact, zai means twice. This means that there were only two bowings.

229
perspectum, quid illi virtutis & efficacitatis insit: Atque adeo necdum ausim degustare.

Ji Kangzi, a prefect of Lu, sent some medicine to Confucius. While Confucius was
receiving it with thanks and marks of honor, he frankly said: I cannot clearly see
what its power and efficacy is, and so I do not dare to ingest it.

[10.12 ]

p. 2, 1. Equile Confucii, cum is Praefectum ageret, fort conflagraverat: Is erg redux ab aul
obvio sibi nuntio domesticae calamitatis, heus, inquit: An laesit ignis hominem quempiam, nihil
interim sciscitatus de equis.

While Confucius was acting as prefect, his own horse-stable was destroyed by fire.
When he was returning from the court and was informed about the disaster at home,
he said: Please tell me whether the fire has injured anyone? He asked nothing about
the horses.

[10.13 ]

[67] 2. Regni L Princeps cum honorabat eum cibario munere; certo certis componebat
stoream, seu sedile, non secs at si Princeps ipse adesset: Ac primm quidem delibabat ipse
munus tum deinde caeteris impertiebatur. Idem Princeps quando mittebat ipsi munus honorarium
carnis crudae; Confucius indubitanter eam coquebat primm; deinde ver offerebat majoribus vit
functis. Denique idem suus Princeps si dono miserat ei vivum aliquod animal, haud dubi alebat
illud ac sustentabat sollicit, neutiquam, ausus absumere Regiae beneficentiae vivum argumentum.

When the ruler of Lu was honoring Confucius with a gift of food, Confucius arranged
his mat or seat as if the ruler was present. He first took a small portion of the gift and
then shared the rest with others. When the ruler sent him raw meat as salary,
Confucius would cook it first and then he would make an offering to the dead
ancestors.670 Finally, if the ruler sent him a live animal, he would feed it and raise it
with care, and by no means destroy a living token of royal benevolence.

[]

3. Si quando assidens ad latus, epularetur un cum suo Principe; ipso Principe majoribus suis de
more jam libaturo singula eduliorum; Confucius prae modesti nolens uti jure suo hospitis, quo
licebat ipsi quoque libare similiter, hoc unum faciebat: Admodum dexter Principem antevertens
edulia singula praelibabat. Dixisses non tam convivam esse Principis, qum praegustatorem.

Whenever he sat on the side and dined with his ruler, after the ruler had offered
samples of all the food, according to the tradition of the ancients, Confucius did not
wish, because of his modesty, to use his right as guest by which he was allowed to
make similar offerings. He did one single thing. In a very skillful manner, he would
offer the sample foods ahead of the ruler. This way it could be said that he was not so
much a table companion of the ruler, but a taster in advance.671

670 There is an explicit mention here of an offering to ancestors, yet the text refrains from using make
a sacrifice (sacrificare).
671 Zhu (121) and Zhang (156) also give the same explanation for Confucius taking food ahead of the
ruler.

230
[]

4. Si aegrotaret Confucius, & Rex viseret aegrotantem; tum ipse ad ortum obvertebat caput: Item
superimponebat sibi in lectulo decumbenti solemniores vestes (quibus uti consueverat,
quotiescumque Regem adibat salutandi grati) Ipsis autem vestibus superinducebat majus
honoratiusque cingulum.

If Confucius was sick and the king wanted to visit him, then his head would be turned
toward the east. Moreover, he would place his most solemn clothes (with them he
used to approach the king in order to greet him) over his sickbed (with them he used
to approach the king in order to greet him). Also, he would place his longest and most
honorable belt on the top of the clothes.

[]

Fol. 15, p. 1, 1. A rege jussus accersi Confucius, non expectato curru suo domestico, confestim in
viam se dabat pedes.

Ordered by the king to come, Confucius would not wait for his private carriage to be
ready, but would immediately depart on foot.

[10.14 ]

2. Quando ingrediebatur in majorem aulam gentilitiam memoriae Principis Cheu cum dedicatam;
inibi de singulis prop rebus percunctabatur.

When he entered the main clan hall dedicated to the memory of Prince Zhou Gong, he
asked about almost every detail.672

[10.15 ]

3. Amicorum aliquo fort mortuo, si quidem is non habuisset ad quem funeris procurandi
grati prefugeret; Confucius tum dicebat: in me sit ista cura procurandi funeris.

After one of his friends had died, and if there was no one who could take care of
arranging the funeral, Confucius would say: I shall take care of arranging the
funeral.

[]

4. Missis ad se amicorum muneribus ac donis, etiamsi essent currus & equi, aliave majoris pretii;
tamen exceptis duntaxat iis quae prisco ritu oblatae majoribus fuerant, carnibus, haud ulli
reliquorum munerum exhibebat honorem.

When friends sent presents and gifts to him, even carriages, horses, and other things
of great price, he would not pay attention to these, with the exception of the meats
which, according to the ancient rite, were offered to the ancestors.

672 Here again the Jesuits refrain from translating miao by temple and prefer the more neutral term of
hall. Zhang omitted this passage since it repeats part of Lunyu 3.15. However, the Jesuits followed the
edition by Zhu and therefore maintained the passage.

231
[10.16 ]

5. Quando cubabat dormiendi causa; tum quoque modestiae decentiaeque memor, non jacebat
instar cadaveris, resupinus scilicet, ac foed distentus. Cum suis domi degens, & intra [68]
privatos parietes, deponebat ipse quodammodo solitam gravitatem.

Whenever he lied down in bed to sleep, he would remember modesty and decency
and would not lie like a corpse, that is, lying on ones back, or shamefully stretched.
While at home with his family and within private walls, he would not give up his
usual gravity.

[]

p. 2, 1. Conspicatus quempiam indutum veste lugubri, quamvis alioquin summ

familiarem sibi, certissim tamen mutabat oris speciem, ex intimo quodam sensu
commiserantis animi. Conspicatus item quempiam coopertum solemni pileo, & qui proprius
esset Magistratuum, vel quempiam orbatum luminibus, etiamsi privatim cum eis ageret,
haud dubi tamen cum reverenti & honore tractabat illos.

Whenever he saw someone wearing a mourning dress, even if he was otherwise

extremely familiar with him, he would surely change face, out of compassion.
Moreover, whenever he saw someone covered with the ceremonial capthe sign of a
magistrateor someone who was blind, even if he knew him personally, he would
treat him with respect and honor.

[]

2. Cuicunque lugubrem induto vestem, etiam tunc quando vehebatur curru, assurgebat ipse
honoris gratia, in anteriorem partem sui currs incumbens. Similiter assurgebat ei qui deferebat
Codicem publicum, quo populi totius nomina continebantur; in eo populum veneratus universum.

To anyone wearing a mourning dress, even when he was being driven in a chariot,
Confucius would rise in his honor and lean toward the front part of the chariot. He
would similarly rise for someone carrying the public code, which contained the names
of those in the entire nation, and which is revered everywhere.673

[]

3. Si quando celebraretur opiparum splendidumque convivium in gratiam Confucii; ipse videns

mensam tot epulis instructam, reliquumque apparatum; haud dubi mutabat oris speciem, &
protins assurgebat, gratias acturus hospiti pro delato sibi honore.

Whenever a sumptuous and splendid banquet was offered for Confucius, he would
look at the table, furnished with so much food, and at other supplies. He would
change his face, immediately rise, and would thank his host for the honor bestowed
upon him.

[]

673 For Zhu, the documents being carried are the maps and census of the whole country ( ,
122); for Zhang, it is the registry of residence of the people (, 158).

232
4. Ad repentina tonitrua, nec non ad ventos saevos atque terribiles, nunquam non mutabat oris
speciem, sacro quodam perculsus horrore, reverentiamque suam erga supremam caeli majestatem
haud obscur declarans.

Facing Upon hearing a violent thunder as well as strong and raging winds, he would
always change his face. Being hit by a religious fear, he would clearly show his
reverence toward the supreme majesty of heaven.674

Sed hoc minime novum in Philosopho, quando et ipse et Prisci Sinarum Reges per nocturnas
quoque horas strato se proripere solebant, caelo fulminante, vel tonante; et solemniori operti
pileo ac veste, placandae irae caelesti rit operam dare; uti ex libris eorumdem constat.

This is hardly something new to the Philosopher, because he himself and the
ancient rulers of China used to drag themselves out of their beds for nights and hours
when the sky was streaked with lightning and resounding with thunder. Clothed with a
more solemn cap and garment, they exerted efforts in placating the anger of heaven,
as their books show.675

[10.17 ]

5. Quando conscendebat Confucius currum; nunquam non erectus stans arripiebat habenas.

When Confucius mounted his chariot, he was would always standing straight and
holding the reins.

[]

6. In ipso curru existens non retr convertebat oculos: nihil etiam praeproper seu
praecipitanter dicebat: Rem nullam suo monstrabat digito.

When he was in his chariot, he would not look back or talk in hurry and haste. He
would not show point anything with his finger.

[10.18 ]

Fol. 16, p. 1, 1. Avis ad primam speciem & aspectum aucupis, quo sibi strui videt insidias,
hoc ipso protins evolat in altum, longeque volans aufert sese, ac deinde circumspiciens
accommodatum sibi tutumque locum, sistit inibi secura & conquiescit.

At the first appearance of a bird-catcher, a bird sees that traps are being installed and
so it immediately flies and carries itself far away. When it sees a place which is
suitable and safe, then it rests in safety and settles down.

[ ]

[69] 2. Confucius, uti memorant discipuli, ruri conspicatus aliquando gallinam sylvestrem,
suspirans, aiebat: Quam ego nunc conspicor, in montis vertice gallina sylvestris, ut novit ipsa
suum tempus ut novit ipsa suum tempus volandi scilicet, quiescendi, &c. unam in his omnibus

674 Zhu mentions the respect for the anger of heaven (jing tian zhi nu , 122); Zhang
mentions the awe in front of the power of heaven (wei tian zhi nu , 159).
675 The books referred to are probably some ancient books of the Han dynasty.

233
magistram sequens naturam. Haec dicenti Philosopho assistens discipulus u lu eminus & ipse
contemplabatur avem, non sine desiderio ejusdem capiendae. Verm ter gracillans ipsa
proper sustulit sese & avolavit; re ips, fugque ill confirmans id quodammodo, quod
supra dictum fuerat.

As the disciples recorded, Confucius once looked at a wild hen and uttered with a
sigh: Watch Look at that: a wild hen at the summit of the mountain. It knows the
time to fly and the time to rest, etc., because it follows only Master Nature in all
things.676 Zilu, the eminent disciple, was present when the Philosopher said these
things, and he was also looking at the bird, with the desire to catch it. The bird
cackled three times, carried itself away, and disappeared. This confirms what was said
above.

Salubrem ex his doctrinam Colaus noster eruit, dum ab ipsis quoque brutis animantibus
discere nos voluit, rerum recte agendarum tempus et occasionem negligi haud oportere ab
homine, cui non natura tantum, sed ipsa quoque ratio Dux et Magistra est.

Our grand secretary dug out from this a rewarding lesson: from these wild living
creatures, human beings learn not to neglect the proper time and opportunity for
doing things, since not only nature but also reason is the guide and teacher of human
beings.677

676 Zhang talks about adapting to the spontaneity of its own nature ( , 160). The
Jesuits translated here with the idea of following Master Nature (Magistra Natura).
677 Zhang has:
, 160. The Sapientia
Sinica finishes its translation of the Lunyu here, leaving untranslated the second half. There is in Latin
the indication in Chinese : First half of the Lunyu (shanglun , Zi-ka-wei, 36 verso).

234
 Libri tertii pars sexta
Sixth Part of the Third Book

[11.1 ]

Fol. 1, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Priores, sive Majores nostri in observantia concordiaque

mutua, id est, in obeundis officiis subrustici homines erant, si quidem audiamus fastidiosae
aetatis nostrae sententiam. Posteriores vero, nos inquam, ipsi, qui imperante familia Cheu
luxurie copiaque tanta rituum & cerimoniarum efflorescimus, in observantia concordiaque
mutua eximii clarissimique viri sumus scilicet.

Confucius said: At least if we believe the opinion of our scornful generation, the
people of an earlier time, our forefathers, were unsophisticated in mutual respect and
concord, in observing their duties, and we, who are living in the Zhou dynasty, with
such luxury and abundance of rites and ceremonies, are supposed to be the most
outstanding and famous [people] in mutual respect and concord.678

[]

2. Nihilominus quantum spectat ad usum exercitiumque tam observantiae illius quam concordiae,
tum ego certe sequar priores meos.

Nonetheless, concerning the use and practice of respect and concord, I still follow
our forefathers.

[11.2 ]

3. Confucius reminiscens discipulorum, quorum alii diem obierant; alii Magistratum alibi
gerebant, non sine gemitu aiebat: olim qui sequebantur me in Regnis Chin & cai, omnes jam non
amplius accedunt ad hoc gymnasium meum.

Confucius remembered that some of his disciples had already passed away and others
were fulfilling official duties elsewhere. He lamented: None of those who were with
me in the countries of Chen and Cai go to my school.679

[
]

p. 2, 1. Hac occasione commemorantur discipuli omnino decem, laborum socii, & qua
quisque laude maxime praestiterit, exponitur, & virtutum quidem exercitatione celebres
erant imprimis quatuor: Yen yuen, Mim u kien, Gen pe nieu, Chum cum. Dicendi [70] arte &
facundia cai ngo, & u cum. Arte industriaque administrandi Rempublicam Gen yeu, & Ki
lu. Litterarum peritia elegantiaque u yeu, & u hia.

On this occasion, ten disciples altogether were mentioned [by Confucius]. They were
his companions in labor, who were outstanding in merits. As mentioned, the first four
of them were famous for their practice of virtues: Yan Yuan, Min Ziqian, Ran Boniu

678 The Jesuit translation follows the text of Zhang (161). The expression the most outstanding and
famous [people] in mutual respect and concord stands for junzi.
679 While Zhu and Zhang understand men as meaning the disciples or followers, the Jesuits suggest
here that Confucius founded a school (gymnasium), not unlike the philosophers in ancient Greece.

235
[Ran Geng], and Zhonggong [Ran Yong]. In the art of speaking and in eloquence,
there were Zai Wo and Zigong. In the art of governing the country, were Ran You
[Ran Qiu] and Jilu [Zilu]. In the skill and elegance of letters, were Ziyou and Zixia.680

[11.3 ]

2. Confucius ait: Unus ex omnibus Hoei non adjutabat me dubia scilicet proponendo. Ex
meis etenim sermonibus sententiisque non erat vel una, qua non vehementer lae taretur :
Supervacaneum ducebat scilicet quidquam interrogare.

Confucius said: Among all, Hui [Yan Hui] alone did not help me since he did not
raise questions. He could find delight in anyall of my words and opinions, realizing
that it was unnecessary to ask anything more.

[11.4 ]

3. Confucius exclamans in laudem discipuli sui ait: O virum rarae pietatis obedientiaeque
Mim cu kien! Alieni quippe non diserepant ab eius patris matrisque, necnon fratrum natu
majorum minorumque sermonibus, quibus eiusdem pietas & obedientia celebratur: Una est
vox scilicet omnium, & admirabilis consensus.

Confucius exclaimed in praise of his disciple: Min Ziqian is a man of rare piety and
obedience! Nobody can disagree with the words of his father, mother, and elder and
younger brothers, who all praise his piety and obedience. This is the common opinion
of all, and indeed, an admirable consensus.681

Discipulus iste suave dedit specimen et charitatis et prudentiae etiamnum puer. Matrem
prope infans amiserat, duxeratque pater uxorem alteram. Ex hac nati sunt ei duo filii, quos illa
quidem fovet ut mater, et adversus biumae asperitatem suffultis gossypio vestibus munit
imprimis, privignum interim, ut noverca negligens. Eum forte pater brumali die currum
jusserat agere: Quando male amictus puer tantum non obriguit frigore. Pater cognita rei causa
indignabundus statuit uxorem domo eiicere: Quid animadvertens pius filius, supplex et cun
lachrymis; parce inquit, o genitor! Parce matri, ut parcas filiis: haec enim si maneat; ego
duntaxat unus patiar incommodi quidptam: At si dimittitur, jam tres omnino filii plurimum
patiemar. Fregit amoris illa vox iram patris, et ex noverca matrem fecit.

This disciple gave a charming example of his charity and prudence when he was
only a child. While just a baby, he had lost his mother, and his father took another
wife from whom two other sons were born. She cherished her own two sons and
protected them against the harshness of the winter cold, with some garments made of
cotton, but being only the stepmother of the first son, she neglected him. On a winter
day, the father let the first son drive a chariot. The poorly dressed child was terribly
cold. Furious at finding out the reason for such a thing, the father decided to throw
the wife out of his house. The pious son, with tears in his eyes, pleaded with his father

680 Zhu and Zhang suggest that these ten disciples were all with Confucius in the countries of Chen
and Cai. However, historical evidence shows that this cannot be the case. See Roger T. Ames and
Henry Rosemont Jr., The Analects of Confucius, A Philosophical Translation (New York: Ballantine,
1998), 246. Following Chengzi, Zhu (123) read in this passage the establishment of four disciplines
sike .
681 The Han commentators understood the passage in a different way: Min Ziqian is very filial, so
there was no disagreement between father, mother, elder brothers, and younger brothers. The Jesuits
follow the interpretation of Zhu (124) and Zhang (163).

236
noticed it and begged with tears, saying: Oh, my father, please spare the mother for
the sake of the sons. If she remains, I myself alone shall endure much inconvenience.
But if she is dismissed, we three sons shall suffer a great deal. This voice of love
subdued the anger of the father and turned the stepmother into a real mother.682

[11.5 ]

Fol. 2, p. 1, 1. Discipulus Nan yum quotidie iterum ac tertio repetebat odam Pe quei dictam, qua
tum alia documenta, tum ea potissimum continentur, quae prudenter & considerate loqui nos
docent: Confucius ob eam rem sui fratris natu majoris filiam in uxorem ei tradidit.

The disciple, Nan Rong, every day repeated, again and again, the ode Baiwei
[White Tablet] which contains many instructions for teaching us caution and
carefulness. Because of this, Confucius gave him the daughter of his elder brother as
his wife.

[11.6
]

2. Regni Lu Praefectus Ki cam cu quaesivit a Confucio, discipulorum eius ecquis esset

studiosior? Confucius respindit: Unus fuit Yen hoei omnium studiosissimus. At infelix post
perbrevem usuram hujus vitae immaturus obiit: Nunc autem proh dolor! actum est; neque
spem video similem discipulum nanciscendi.

Ji Kangzi, a prefect of Lu, asked Confucius who among his disciples was a good
student. Confucius answered: Before, Yan Hui was the best student. But
unfortunately he did not live very long and died suddenly. Alas, now it is over. I do
not have hope of obtaining a similar disciple.683

[11.7 ]

p. 2, 1. Yen yuen defuncto, Yen-lu eiusdem pater satis importuna cum simplicitate flagitavit
sibi confucii currum, ut ex eo, seu, eius pretio conficeret extimum loculum.

When Yan Yuan [Yan Hui] died, his father, Yanlu, was quite poor and candidly asked
for the chariot of Confucius, so that he could make an outer coffin from it, or he could
buy one with the money [he would earn from selling it].

[
]

2. Confucius, qui tunc Praefectus erat Regni Lu, parentum affectum plerumque caecum
erga proiem suam hic notans, revera, inquit, sic est: Qualiscunque tandem sit soboles, sive
valeat ingenio, sive non valeat; tamen unusquisque pater patrocinatur suo filio. Li pe yu
filius meus, & quidem unicus, ubi mortuus est, habuit sarcophagum suum, sed vulgarem, &
sine extimo illo loculo [71]; apparatu scilicet ad meam tunc temporis conditionem
accominodato. Ego certe non pedes incedam: ut conficiatur extimus loculus ex curru meo.
Quandoquidem enim ego nunc inter Praefectos sum novissimus (modestiae gratia sic loquitur)

682 This story is not given by Zhu or Zhang in their commentaries of the Lunyu. It can be found in Han
Ying s Han Shi waizhuan [Outer commentaries of Han Ying on the Shijing].
683 This passage was omitted by Zhang since it is a repetition of Lunyu 6.2. However, the Jesuits
followed the edition by Zhu and maintained it.

237
nequaquam me convenit peditem incedere.

Confucius was at that time a prefect of Lu and he noticed there that the feeling of
parents toward their offspring was very often ambiguous. Therefore, he said: The
character of the offspring maycan be strong or not in character; yet every father still
protects his son. When my only son, Li, Boyu,684 died, he had his own coffin, but a
common one, without an outer coffin. This arrangement fitted my rank at that time.
But now I should not go on foot in order to make out of my chariot an outer coffin
[for the corpse of my disciple Yan Hui]. Since I am the newest among the prefects (as
he said with humility),685 it is not appropriate for me to go on foot.

[11.8 ]

Fol. 3, p. 1, 1. Yen-yuen defuncto suspirans Confucius aiebat: Proh dolor! Caelum tumulavit me!
Caelum tumulavit me!

When Yan Yuan [Yan Hui] died, Confucius whispered: Alas! Alas! Heaven has
buried me! Heaven has buried me!686

[11.9 ]

2. Yen-yuen defuncto Confucius plorabat & supra modum lugebar. Quo animadverso discipuli
dixerunt: Tu, o Magister, nimium indulges luctui & lachrymis.

When Yan Yuan died, Confucius wept and grieved a lot. Noticing this, the disciples
said: Master, you mourn and weep too much.

[]

3. Confucius haud aliter ac si evigilasset ex sopore, quid egi? Inquit, num ploravi & luxi
immoderatius? Plane sic res habet: modum nescit vehemens dolor.

As if he was truly waking up from sleep, 687 Confucius said: What have I done? Did I
really weep and grieve too much? One thing is sure: extreme pain does not know
limitation.688

[]

4. Peccatum est a me: Quamquam si non talis ac tanti viri causa lugeam acerbius; cujus
tandem causa lugebo?

684 The Jesuit text gives, in modern transliteration: Li Bo Yu. In fact, Li is a surname (the carp), and
it should be distinguished from the given name, Boyu.
685 The mention of Confuciuss humility can be found in Zhu (125) and Zhang (164).
686 Paul Rule expressed his preference for the Latin rendering against Legges translation as: Heaven
is destroying me. See Rule, Kung-tzu or Confucius?, 122. [AU: Full title please]
687 Zhu (125) and Zhang (164) explain that Confucius wailed grieved Yan Hui to the extreme, but
Confucius did not realize it (buzizhi ) [AQ: I dont understand what wailed to the extreme
means. Please clarify]. The Jesuits used the image of Confucius being awoken from sleep by his
disciples.
688 Zhu and Zhang comment that Confuciuss extreme grief was justified in the case of the mourning
for Yan Hui since he was an exceptional disciple. The Jesuit comment tends to make it here a general
rule.

238
I made a mistake, but if I do not mourn such a man, for whom shall I mourn?689

[11.10 ]

5. Yen-yuen defuncto discipuli desiderabant sumptuosius sepelire ipsum. Confucius ait: Non
convenit. Ratio namque funeris accommodanda est ad conditionem illius, quam vivens obtinebat
is, cujus funus ducitur.

When Yan Yuan died, the disciples wanted to give him a costly burial. Confucius said:
This is not appropriate. Indeed, the way of funerals should be adapted to the social
status that one has obtained during his life. Yan Yuans funeral should be conducted
that way.690

[]

6. Discipuli nihilominus sumptuose eum sepeliverunt.

Nonetheless, the disciples gave him an expensive burial.

[ ]

7. Non probavit rem Confucius, qui suspirans, inquit, discipulus meus Yen hoei, in vivis
considerabat me prorsus uti patrem. At ego nunc, quamvis maxime velim, non possum
considerare illum uti filium, quippe qui sepultus praeter ordinem moremque discessit ab
institutis majorum: At certe, non ego sum in culpa; sed vos quotquot estis discipuli mei.

Confucius disapproved of this, and said with a sigh: While he was alive, my disciple
Yan Yuan considered me a father. But now, even though I want to do so, I cannot
regard him as my son because he was not buried according to his social rank and
status, and thus has already left the way of the ancients.691 Certainly, I made no
mistake, but you, my disciples, did.

[11.11
]

p. 2, 1. Ki lu quaesivit a Magistro suo, qui serviendum sit spiritibus? Confucius, tu, inquit,
necdem probe nosti servire hominibus, qui ante oculos tuos versantur quotidie; quomodo

689 According to the original text and the commentators, Confucius recognized that his mourning went
beyond the usual custom, but he justified his behavior in that case. There is no indication that
Confucius recognized having made a mistake, as it is affirmed here in the Jesuit translation. Jesuits
often felt shocked by expressions of extreme mourning in China, and wanted to express their belief that
the death is not the final destruction of the person, and therefore people should not be so sorrowful
when parents and friends pass away. On the question of the Jesuits and the funeral rites in China, see
Nicolas Standaert, The Interweaving of Rituals: Funerals in the Cultural Exchange between China and
Europe (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008).
690 For Zhu (125) and Zhang (165), funerals should be adapted to financial abilities. In contrast, Jesuits
understand that funerals should be adapted to social status (conditio).
691 Zhang comments that Yan Huis funeral did not conform to the rites and this made Confucius not at
peace (, 165). Also, still according to Zhang, Confucius blamed
the way the disciples handled the funerals of Yan Hhui [AQ: Two words?], making Yan Hui unable to
rest in peace under earth (, 165). The Jesuits expressed this idea as Yan Hui having
left the way of the ancestors.

239
poteris servire spiritibus a nostro mortalium sensu tam remotis? Ergo liceat mihi saltem
(inquit idem discipulus) Exquirere abs te de morte. Respondet: Necdum probe nosti vivere,
quomodo nosces mori?

Jilu asked his Teacher: How should one serve the spirits?692 Confucius said: You
do not yet know how to serve the men in front of you every day. How can you serve
the spirits that are far away from human senses? 693 The disciple then said:
Therefore, allow me at least to ask you about death. Confucius answered: You do
not yet properly know how to live. How can you know how to die?

[11.12
]

2. Mim-cu discipulus una cum aliis adstabat lateri Confucii eacum serenitate habituque corporis,
ut non obscure proderet interiorem recti animi statum. cu lu vero animosa intrepidaque specie.
Gen yeu & cu-cum constantiam nescio quam & integritatem prodente ipso habitu specieque oris &
corporis. Quae omnia observans Confucius gaudebat, quod speraret in adita sapientiae aliquando
ingressuros.

The disciple, Min Ziqian, stood with the others at the side of Confucius. His tranquil
expression and bodily posture displayed very clearly the inner state of a correct mind.
Zilu was truly of a very energetic and fearless kind. Ran Qiu and Zigong also revealed
perseverance and soundness through their bodily postures and ways of speaking.
Confucius rejoiced at watching all of these things because he was hoping that they
could enter through the gates of wisdom.694

[]

3. Quamquam quod attinet ad discipulum Yeu (seu cu lu) quam vereor, inquiebat, ne illi
praefervida sua indoles sit fraudii! non obtinebit suam mortem placidam & connaturalem.
Praesagos [72] Magistri metus probavit eventus: miserabili enim in bello morte occubuit adhuc
vivente Confucio.

He said: Concerning my disciple, You (or Zilu), I am afraid that his hot temper is not
a joke. He will not have a peaceful and natural death. The Teachers ominous fear
then proved to be true: while Confucius was still alive, Zilu met a miserable death in
war.695

[11.13 ]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. Regni Lu homines, id est, tres familiae praepotentes, quae oppressa fere authoritate
Principis potiebantur rerum, moliebantur novum Regni sui aerarium, propterea quod vetus
minaretur ruinam.

692 Spirits (spiritus) translates the Chinese word gui.

693 Zhang (165) establishes a distinction between the behavior of human beings, which is manifest
(ming ), and the behavior of the gui, which is hidden (you ).
694 Zhu (125) and Zhang (166) explain that Confucius rejoiced because he had talented disciples to
teach. The Jesuits use here the Western metaphor of the gates of wisdom.
695 Zhu (126) and Zhang (166) both noticed that Confuciuss words became true, with Zilu being
killed at war. The tragic end of Zilu is narrated in detail in Zhongni dizi liezhuan
[Biographies of the disciples of Confucius], Shiji.

240
Men of Lu, that is, the three powerful families who exercised their powers under the
repressive authority of the ruler, were planning to build a new building for the
National Treasury because the old one showed signs of collapse.

[ ]

2. Consultus hac in re Mim-cu-kien sic ait: Secundm veterem suam formam si restauretur,
ecquid vobis videtur? Quid obsecro, necesse est denuo extruere a fundamentis novum aerarium, &
in labores sumptusque tam immodicos populum conjicere.

After Min Ziqian was asked about this matter, he said: What do you think about
remodeling it to resemble the shape of the old one? Is it really necessary to rebuild the
new Treasury, from the foundations up, and to have the people spend so much labor
and money?696

[ ]

3. Confucius hoc audito gavisus, revera, inquit, iste vir non loquitur, nisi perparce. At cum
loquitur, omnino scopum attingit, & quae dicit, consentanea sunt rationi.

Confucius was glad to hear this and said: This man speaks only sparingly. When he
speaks, he certainly hits the target because what he says agrees with reason.697

[11.14 ]

4. cu lu musica delectabatur quidem, sed ea, quae Martrem & arma resonaret; longe secus ac
suus Magister. Confucius itaque cum forte audiret discipulum hunc domi suae canentem fidibus,
quid audio: inquit, discipuli mei Yeu instrumentum quid facit in mea domo?

Zilu enjoyed music a lot, but the music resounded like Mars [Roman god of War] and
weapons.698 His Masters style was very different. Once, Confucius was at home and
heard his disciple [Zilu] singing with a stringed instrument, and he said: What do I
hear? How is it that the instrument of my disciple You [Zilu] is in my house?

[ ]

5. Condiscipuli propter hoc Magistri dictum minus jam honorabant, & tantum non
aspernabantur ipsum cu lu. Quod animadvertens Confucius, absit, inquit, ut hunc virum
aspernemini. Discipulus Yeu jam certe subiit in aulam Philosophiae nostrae ; quamvis
necdum introivit in interiores eiusdem aedes ac penetralia.

Because of what the Teacher said, the fellow disciples began to think less of Zilu and
in fact rejected him. Confucius noticed this and said: You should not reject this man.
Although he had not yet walked through the inner gates and chambers, the disciple
You [Zilu] has already entered the hall of our philosophy.699

696 It is difficult to understand the point that Confucius intended to make here. Zhu (126) and Zhang
(166) explain that he wanted to limit the expenses for the people.
697 Agrees to reason is the exact translation of Zhang (, 166).
698 This comment on the warlike aspect of Zilus music, mentioned both by Zhu (126) and Zhang
(167), has an early attestation in the Kongzi jiayu (). This comment is
also found in a document of the same period, chapter 19 of the Shuoyuan.
699 Notice here the choice of the word of philosophy to qualify the school of Confucius.

241
 Condiscipulus Gen yeu forte significaverat ipsi cu-lu, quam non probaretur Magistro eius
musica: ea res sic afflixit hominem, ut diem totum nihil admitteret edulii. Usque adeo dolebat
aliquid sui non probari Magistro. Quod hic audiens, qui peccavit, inquit, sed quod peccatum
est, vult protinus emendare, is progressum fecit haud paenitendum, quo lh nem ai, ki cin y hu.

The fellow disciple Ran You [Ran Qiu] told Zilu how much the Master did not
appreciate his music. This made him so sad that he could not eat anything for the
whole day, because he was hurt that the Teacher did not appreciate his efforts.
Hearing this, Confucius said: The one who has made a mistake, but wants to correct
it immediately, makes progress without shame (guo er neng gai, qi jin yi hu).700

[11.15 ]

p. 2, 1. cu-cum percontatur de duobus condiscipulis su & Xam, uter esset sapientior?

Confucius respondit: su excedit, Xam vero non pertingit. Ambo deerrant a medio.

Zigong was asking about the two fellow disciples, Shi [Zizhang] and Shang [Zixia],
wondering who was the wiser of the two. Confucius answered: Shi goes too far, but
Shang falls short. Both of them miss the middle.

[ ]

2. Ait iterum cu cum: si ita est, ergo su antecellit sapientia alterum.

Zigong said again: If it is so, Shi is wiser than the other disciple.

[ ]

3. Confucius ait: Proprius sapientiae locus est medium, quod qui transilit, similis est non
attingenti.

Confucius said: The proper place of wisdom is in the middle. 701 The one who goes
beyond over this is similar to the one who does not go far enough.

[11.16 ]

4. Ki xi dynasta praepotens & Praefectus Regni Lu (inquiebant discipuli ad Confucium)

nunc opulentior est quam ipse fuerit Cheu-cum frater Vu-vam Imperatoris. Interim vero Gen-
kieu domesticus administer ipsius, pro ipso congerit immodica tributa, & operam confert ei
locupletando.

Ji was a very powerful man and a prefect of Lu. In fact, Confuciuss disciples told him
that he was wealthier than Zhou Gong, the brother of Emperor Wu Wang, could have
ever been. At the same time, his personal assistant Ran Qiu collected excessive taxes

700 All of this comment in italics is not from Zhu or Zhang. The story about the negative reaction of
Zilu and the admonition of Confucius can be found in Bianyuejie [Explaining the different
kinds of music], in the Kongzi jiayu (
). A similar story is told in the Shuoyuan, with the difference that Zilu
stopped eating for seven days, instead of one.
701 This comment is made by Zhu (126) and Zhang (,168), with the word Dao being
translated with wisdom (sapientia) and zhongyong with middle (medium).

242
for Ji, devoting all of his efforts to enrich him.

[ ]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. Confucius haec audiens, qui res, inquit, tam alienas gerit a doctrina mea &
ratione, non est meus dicipulus. [73] Vos o discipuli mei, pulsare nunc oportet tyinpana;
voces, inquam, animosque & studia juugere, & oppugnare illius improbitatem stulitiamque.

Confucius heard about this and said: The one who has done a thing so foreign to my
teaching and principles cannot be my disciple. But you, my disciples, you should now
beat the drums. You should join your voices, minds, and efforts, and fight against the
dishonesty and silliness of this man.

[11.17 ]

2. Exponit hic Confucius, quid etiamnum desideret in quatuor discipulis sibi charis
imprimis; Chai, inquit, syncetus est ille quidem ac sedulus, at rudis est etiamnum multarum
rerum.

Confucius explained what was lacking in four disciples who were especially dear to
him. He said: Chai [Zigao] is indeed sincere and attentive, but he is unskilled in
many things.

[]

3. em-can (is ipse qui librum Ta hio in lucem edidit) tardior est & parum acutus ac perspicax.

Zengshen [Zengzi], the editor of the Daxue, is rather slow, and not very sharp and
perspicacious.702

[]

4. Su justo plus tribuens exteriori cultui & compositioni.

Shi pays too much attention to etiquette and external appearance.

[]

p. 2, 1. Yeu (seu cu-lu) asperis adhuc & inconditis subrusticisque moribus est.

You, or Zilu, has manners that are quite harsh, crude, and uncivilized.

[11.18 ]

2. Confucius aiebat: Meus Hoei o quam is prope aberat a vera virtute! Saepe ad extremam rerum
penuriam redactus fuit, & ne tum quidem a suscepto virtutis proposito recedebat.

Confucius said: My Hui [Yan Hui] was not very far from true virtue! Though he was

702 In fact, the character should be pronounced here shen and not can. So the name of Zengzi, or
Master Zeng, is Zeng Shen, and not Zeng Can (em-can).

243
often reduced to extreme poverty, he would not back away from the aim of virtue.703

[]

3. Secus vero discipulus meus su suo se regebat arbitrio consilioque, & non acquiescebat
caeli dispensantis opes arbitrio; sed opes imprimis studiose cumulabat; cumque valeret
ingenio industriaque, idcirco ubi quid moliebatur, tum plerumque fere optatum res habebat
successum.

On the contrary, my disciple Ci [Zigong] used to rule himself by his own authority
and judgment.704 For this reason, he did not accept the wealth distributed by heaven,
but he accumulated it through his own efforts. Since he was very intelligent and a
hard worker, whatever he undertook usually reached the intended outcome.705

[11.19 ]

Fol. 6, p. 1, 1. cu-cham percontatur de bonorum hominum ratione & vita, eorum scilicet qui
citra studum, nativa quadam facilitate indolis ac bonitate sunt praediti. Confucius
respondet: Tales ut censeantur & sint, non illi quidem necessario insistent vestigiis
sanctorum ac sapientium; Contenti sane sint nativis illis, ut sic loquar, opibus suis; sed etiam
revera sic non ingredientur unquam in adyta penetraliaque sapientiae, ad quae sola nativa
bonitas non pertingit.

Zizhang asked about the plans and lives of those good men, namely those who are
effortlessly gifted with an inborn facility and goodness of character. Confucius
answered: These people may think they do not need to follow the steps of the holy
and wise people.706 They are satisfied with their own innate talents. For this reason,
they will never advance to the doors and inner chambers of wisdom which cannot be
reached by innate goodness alone.

[11.20 ]

2. Confucius ait: Discurrat quispiam ac disputet de rebus optimis, nec copiose modo, sed etiam
solidis firmissimisque rationibus, sic ut talis habeatur ab audientibus, qualem sonat ipsa oratio; an
hic illico censendus erit vir virtutis solidae, an fucatus & fictus?

Confucius said: One should discuss and debate the noblest things, not in a prolific
way, but with firm and proven arguments.707 The way he expresses himself will
determine how one is perceived by his listeners, whether he is immediately judged a
man of true virtue or someone who is shallow and fake.708

[11.21

703 The original meaning is unclear. Here, the Jesuits adopted the interpretation of Zhu (127) and
Zhang (169).
704 The Latin transliteration of the character is Su in the Sinarum Philosophus. The reader may
wrongly associate the personage here with Shi, or Zizhang, also called Su just above (Lunyu 11.17). In
fact, the text refers here to Zigong (see Lunyu 1.15, 5.3, and 5.11).
705 Zhang has a very negative comment on Zigong (168), which was not reproduced by the Jesuits.
706 Holy and wise people (sancti ac sapientes) translate the word shengxian .
707 The original text mentions the necessity to speak soundly (lundu ). Zhang explains this in
terms of moral persuasion. The Jesuits here stress the importance of the argumentation.
708 Both Zhu (128) and Zhang (170) express the difficulty of judging if someone is a junzi or not.

244


3. Discipulus cu-lu, Magistrum interrogat: An posthac ubi quid audivero abs te, hoc ipso
mox exequar ac perficiam? Confucius respondet: Sunt tibi pater & frater natu major
etiamnum superstites, illos tu audias licet. Quo pacto igitur ubi quid audiveris abs me, hoc
ipso mox perficias? Alter discipulus Gen yeu dictus similiter Magistrum interrogat: Num ego
posthac ubi quid audivero abs te, mox perficiam? Confucius ait: Omnino sic age: Audi me,
& quidquid audieris protinus & animose fac perficias. Tertius Cum si hoa dictus, admiratus
magistri responsum tam dissimile in re tamen simillima, quid hic, obiecro, mysterii latet,
inquit: yeu disicipulus tuus interrogavit, ubi quid audivero abs te, moxne perficiam? Et tu
respondisti, sunt tibi pater & frater natu major superstites, illos audi: Alter discipulus kieu
seu Gen yeu, item interrogavit, ubi quid audivero ab te, moxne perficiam: & tu
respondisti [74]: quidquid audieris, protinus fac perficias. Ego che (parvum nomen est Cum
si hoa) haereo incertus & perplexus responso tam dispare. Ausim itaque sciscitari abs te,
quid sibi hov velit: Confucius respondit: Discipulus kieu, uti nosti, timidi & imbecillioris
animi est: Facil cedit ac retrocedit; idcirco incitandus & propellendus fuit ut me audita
mox perficeret. Alter ver yeu, animosior est justo, & cum arrogantia quadam ardet
antecellere caeteros; & idcirco reprimendus fuit & rejiciendus ad parentes & fratres, ut iis
morem gerens, modestior evadat.

The disciple Zilu asked the Teacher: After I hear something from you, shall I execute
it right away? Confucius answered: Since your father and elder brother are still
alive, you should listen to them. Indeed, what do you expect to accomplish from what
you have heard from me? Another disciple named Ran You [Ran Qiu] similarly
asked the Teacher: After I hear something from you, shall I act quickly? Confucius
said: Certainly! Do it. Listen to me. After listening you should immediately and
boldly do what you have heard. A third one, Gongxi Hua [Zihua], noticed that the
answer of the Teacher about the same exact issue was very different, and he said: I
beg you, is this a mystery? Your disciple You [Zilu] has asked if he should do
something when he heard from you. You have answered that he should listen to his
father and his elder brother while they are alive. Another disciple Qiu, or Ran You
[Ran Qiu], has asked similarly if he should do what he hears from you. You answered
that he should immediately do what he has heard. I myself, Chithis was the short
name of Gongxi HuaI am hesitant and uncertain, since I am perplexed by an answer
so disparate. Please tell me what this means. Confucius answered: The disciple Qiu,
as you know, is timid and weak in spirit. He falls back easily and retreats. Therefore,
he should be encouraged and pushed, so that he accomplishes what he has heard from
me. The other, You, is indeed more courageous and burns with the desire to surpass
others.709 Therefore, he should be held back and sent back to his parents and brothers,
so that he obeys them and, being more humble, withdraws.

[11.22
]

p. 2. Confucius erat cum cura & metu non mediocri in ditione quam, idque propter periculum sane
praesens, in quod ipsum conjecerat sua species & forma corporis admodum similis alterius
cujusdam Praefecti quem quidem sic oderant indigenae, ut ad necem quaererent; jamque adeo

709 Zhu (128) and Zhang (170) read the word jianren with the meaning to surpass someone.
The Jesuit translation follows this reading. Yet, most of the contemporary exegetes read the character
jian with its basic meaning of double (two people).

245
armis obsidebant diversorium Philosophi: Cujus interim fidus Achates yen yuen tunc forte retr
moratus aberat. Verm non mult post adventu ejusdem aspectuque exhilaratus Confucius,
rever, inquit, jam ego te censebam esse mortuum. At ille absit hoc, inquit, optime Magister;
te namque superstite, discipulus tuus Hoei qui ausim, vel qui sustineam injussus mori?

Confucius found himself in no small state of anxiety and fear in the district of Kuang.
The reason was that his bodily appearance and shape was similar to that of a certain
prefect whom the local people hated, and up to that point, wanted to kill. He was
thrown into a great danger. They Armed with weapons, they besieged the inn whereof
the Philosopher was stayingwith weapons.710 At that time, his faithful Achates, Yan
Yuan [Yan Hui], was not there, but far away. 711 Not long after the incident, Confucius
was glad to see him again and said: I myself thought that you had died. Yan Yuan
then said: Oh, excellent Master, this cannot be. While you are alive, how would I,
your disciple Hui, dare to die? How could I dare to die by myself?712

[11.23 ]

Fol. 7, p. 1, 1. Ki cu gen vir potens ac nobilis in Regno Lu, Confucium percontatur de

duobus eiusdem discipulis, necnon Ministris suis & Consiliariis Chum yeu & Gen kieu, an
scilicet possint vocari praestantes & magni administri.

Ji Ziran, a powerful man and an aristocrat of Lu, asked Confucius about Zhongyou
[Zilu] and Ran Qiu, two of his disciples who were then his aides and advisers, if they
could be called outstanding assistants.

[ ]

2. Confucius respondet in hunc modum: Ego illam tuam existimabam fore de re prorsus eximia
& de viris admodum illustribus percontationem. Verum ninc, uti video, de duobus istis
hominibus, de yeu, inquam, & kieu est quaestio tua: Quae satis declarat, ignorari abs te, in
quo posita sit laus & ratio magni administri.

Confucius answered as follows: I myself thought that you would ask me about an
exceptional matter or about some outstanding men. But now, as I see, your question is
about these two men, You [Zilu] and Qiu [Ran Qiu]. This is enough to show that you
ignore where the merit and principle for a great assistant is to be found.

[]

3. Etenim quisquis dicitur magnus administer & Consiliarius Principis, is omnino

secundm id quod jus & ratio poscit, servit Principi. Quod si nequeat servire hoc pacto; tum
desistit ac renuntiat suo muneri.

Indeed, one who serves his ruler according to the requirements of righteousness and
reason can be called a great assistant and an adviser of the prince.713 But if he cannot
serve this way, then he leaves and gives up his office.

710 The name of the prefect is mentioned above as Yang Hu (Lunyu 9. 5).
711 Achates is the faithful companion of Aeneas in Virgils Aeneid. In their translation, the Jesuits often
make comparisons with Western figures so that the reader may more easily connect to the story.
712 In fact, Yan Hui died before Confucius. See Lunyu 6.2, 8.5, 11.7, and 11.8.
713 Dao is interpreted by the Sinarum Philosophus as meaning both justice and reason.

246
[]

4. Nunc ergo duo isti yeu & kieu discipuli quondam mei poterunt fortasse dici vulgares ac
de trivio ministelli.

In fact, these two disciples of mine, You [Zilu] and Qiu [Ran Qiu], can be said to be
common, like aides for only trivial matters.

[ ]

5. Ad haec rursus Ki u gen ait: sit ita, non sint, inquam, primi ordinis ministri; at cert familiae
nostrae Ki nonne obsequentes erunt & obtemperabunt mandatis nostris.

Ji Ziran then said: If it is so, I should say that they cannot be ministers of the first
order. However, they shall surely be obedient to our clan of Ji and comply with our
orders, will they not?

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius respondet: Sic ut naturae jura sanctissima violent, ut interficiant,

inquam, patrem suum, vel Principem; eatenus, etiam ipsi, quamvis alioqui parum fortes ac
probi, haudquaquam [75] tamen obtemperabunt. Tacit significat suspicionem suam de ipso
percontatoris animo, quod contra Principem suum aliquid machinetur.

Confucius answered: If they have to violate the most holy rights of nature, 714 for
example, to kill their father or their prince, even though they are not very brave and
honest in other aspects, certainly they shall not obey. In this way, Confucius tacitly
showed his disapproval of devising a plot against a ruler.715

[11.24 ]

2. u-lu praecipuus administer praepotentis familiae Ki, authoritate gratiaque sua perfecerat ut
condiscipulus cu cao ageret exiguae cujusdam ditiunculae Pi dictae Praefectum.

Zilu was the main administrator of the powerful clan of Ji,716 and through his authority
and protection, he saw to it that his fellow disciple Zigao could become the prefect of
a tiny and small fief called Bi.

[ ]

3. Confucius factum damnans, mihi crede, inquit, damno tu es huic homini cu-cao optimae
alioquin indolis ac spei dum immaturum, ad munus publicum inconsulte promoves.

Confucius condemned this affair by saying: Believe me, by rashly promoting Zigao
to public office, you are doing him great harm. He is a man of great character and

714 Zhang (173) states that they naturally know the principle of justice between a ruler and a minister.
715 Inspired by Zhu, Zhang adds the final comment:
, 172.
716 This introductory explanation is found both in Zhu (129) and Zhang (173).

247
hope in many regards, but yet he is immature.717

[ ]

4. u-lu etsi satis jam intelligeret, se ist in re fuisse praecipitem, cum tueri tamen mallet
errorem suum, quam ingenue fateri; At enim, inquit, est ipsi populus, quem regat; sunt spiritus
ditionis & agrorum praesides, quibus debita exhibeantur pietatis officia. Quid, obsecro, necesse est
vacare prius litterarum monimentis, ac tum domum censeri studuisse? immo vero regere populum,
& obsequi spiritibus, hoc ipsum studere est.

Though Zilu understood quite well that he had been too quick in this affair, he
preferred to hide his mistake rather than to admit it genuinely. 718 He said: He has
people to manage, and also to present appropriate rituals of piety to the spirits of the
fief and to the protectors of the fields.719 I beg you, is it necessary to first devote
oneself to the literary records in order to be considered learned? On the contrary, to
manage people and to attend to the spirits, this is true learning.

[ ]

5. Confucius immodest responsione suboffensus; enimver, inquit, haec est ratio cur oderim &
execrer hujuscemodi garrulos, & errore novo tuentes errorem suum.

Confucius was greatly shocked by such an unrestrained answer and said: Indeed, this
is the reason why I hate and throw out these garrulous people who hide their mistake
with a new mistake.

[11.25 ]

Fol. 8, p. 1, 1. Forte quatuor discipuli nimirum cu-lu, cem sie, gen yeu, & cum si hoa ad
latus Magistri considebant.

Once, four disciples, Zilu, Zeng Xi, Ran You [Ran Qiu], and Gongxi Hua [Zihua],
were sitting at the side of the Teacher.

[ ]

2. Avebat autem scire Confucius, quid singuli haberent in votis. Quod ut familiarius,
fidentiusque exponerent; aequales sumus, inquit, quotquot hic sumus; quod ego namque uno
alterove die grandior sim quam vos sitis; non mei, seu, aetatis hujus meae, rationem
habeatis, quin loquamini fidenter.

Confucius was eager to know what each of them desired the most. In order for them

717 The original text does not explain why it was harmful for Zigao to be promoted. For Zhu, Zigao
was not trained (weixue , 129). For Zhang, Zigaos learning was not able to reach completion (
, 173).
718 The attempt of concealment by Zigao can be found in Zhus commentary: The words of Zilu did
not express his true intention; being wrong he had nothing to say but only advocate some pretexts to
resist (, 129). Zhang (173) has a similar
comment.
719 This refers to the traditional worship of the local spirits.

248
to talk openly and confidently,720 he said: We are all of us equal.721 I may be older
than you by a day or so, but please do not pay attention to me, or to my age, but talk
confidently.

[ ]

3. Quando vos degitis, privati, tum dicitis (opinor) haud raro: non ego cognoscor, adeoque non
est qui utatur mea opera: quod si ergo quispiam movisset vos, si perspectas haberet egregias dotes,
ac facultates vestras; jamque adeo uteretur vestra opera; tum quo maxime modo vos haberetis;
quid, inquam, ageretis.

While you stay at home, as private people, I suppose that you frequently think: I am
not recognized and therefore no one is employing me. But, if someone acknowledged
you, if he paid attention to your talents and qualities, if he hired you and valued your
work, then, I ask you, what would you do?

[
]

p. 2, 1. u-lu nihil cunctatus, repente, nec sine quadam jactantia respondet: Mille quadrigarum
dynastia (continebatur, haec ambitu centum stadiorum Sinensium, id est, otto fere leucarum
nostratium; eratque propria Regulorum.) Medio sita loco & conclusa sit quodam, modo inter
majora duo regna. Augeatur eadem & firmetur cum praesidiis bellicis, atque imprimis majoribus
minoribusque militum legionibus. Inter haec autem frequens adsit segetum frugumque fertilitas:
Ego vero in tali re ac tempore gubernator sim istius dynastiae; spondere profecto ausim, quod
vixdum exacto triennii spatio potero efficere ut vel sic habeant subditi mei multum roboris & fidei,
constantiaeque, simulque sciant prae oculis habere aequitatem suae causae, patriaeque libertatem;
& me duce socioque fortiter ubi [76] fuerit opus, pro eadem occumbere. Confucius haec audiens
subrisit.

Zilu did not hesitate and answered immediately, with eloquence: If a district of one
thousand chariots (comprised by an area of one hundred Chinese li, that is, of almost
eight of our leagues, as characteristic of the princedoms)722 is located at the middle
and surrounded by two major kingdoms, then it needs to be enlarged and strengthened
with military defense, especially with large and small armies. Also, the yield of the
fields and crops needs to be higher. I myself could govern such a district, for a while
and for such a purpose. I dare to promise that in the period of only three years my
subjects would have a lot of trust, courage, and perseverance, and at the same time,
they would see, with their own eyes, the justice of their cause and the freedom of their
country.723 Under my leadership and command, they will die bravely for it, if
necessary.724 Hearing these words, Confucius smiled.

[
]

720 This introductory comment can be found in Zhu (129) and Zhang (174).
721 This mention of the equality between Confucius and the disciples is not found in the Chinese
commentaries. This might suggest a Christian influence.
722 Zhang (174) mentions the equivalence to a district of one hundred li.
723 Zhang (174) mentions that people will change of their own will. Here the Jesuits introduce the
Western concept of freedom of the country (patriae libertas).
724 The idea of dying for others is mentioned by Zhu (130) and Zhang (174).

249
2. Tu ver discipule mi Kieu, sive Gen yeu, tu quid agitas animo. Respondet ille: Ditionem
quampiam sexaginta, vel septuaginta stadiorum, vel hac ipsa minorem, exempli gratia,
quinquaginta vel sexaginta stadiorum (Haec quatuor aut quinque leucarum ambitu
continebatur, eratque propria dynastarum inferioris ordinis) Ego si administrarem, vixdum
exacto triernii spatio possem fortasse cur me industrique efficere ut affatim est populo
earum rerum, quae sunt ad vitam sustentandam necessariae. Caeterum quod spectat ad
ipsos ritus officiaque civilia, necnon mutuam omnium inter se suoque cum principe
concordiam, moresque & disciplinam Reipublicae bene constitutae; ad hoc perficiendum,
sicut ipse sum impar, ita praestolor eximiae virtutis sapientiaeque virum, qui perficiat.

My disciple Qiu, or Ran You [Ran Qiu], what do you think? He answered: I could
govern a district of sixty to seventy li, or even a smaller one, of fifty to sixty li
(comprised of an area of five [European] leagues, as characteristic of a district of
inferior degree). In a period of only three years, through my care and effort, the
people will have enough for the basic necessities of life. In order to achieve all of the
other things, like the rituals, the civil duties, the mutual harmony of the people
between themselves and their prince,725 the customs and the discipline of a well-
established commonwealth, for all those, I am no match and I wait for a man of
supreme virtue and wisdom who could complete the work.

[
]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. Et tu, mi discipule Che, sive cum si hoa, tu quid moliris animo. Respondet:
Ego similiter non facil dixero id posse me, quod Gen yeu pro modesti su prudentique
negat se posse. Desidero interim (quod unum quoque possum) assidu discere. In
parentalium vero aularum rebus propriis, apparatuque funebri, uti etiam cum celebrantur
comitia extraordinaria Regulorum tantum, & alia maxime generalia omnium; tunc ego
caerulea indutus veste, & cum proprio loci illius temporisque pileo, optarem & mirifice
gauderem assistere spectator, quin & agere inferioris ordinis administrum.

And you, my disciple Chi, that is, Gongxi Hua [Zihua], what would you undertake?
He answered: What Ran You [Ran Qiu] denies he could do because of his humility
and prudence, I cannot easily say that I could do it. At the same time, I desire to learn
constantly, because I can do that. In the matters proper to the family hall and to
funeral arrangements, like holding the special assemblies of the princes and the other
assemblies common to all, I would be dressed with a blue garment and with a hat,
proper to the time and place, and I would greatly rejoice at attending as a spectator or
as an assistant of low rank.

[


]

2. Tu denique, mi bone senex Tien, sive cem sie, tu quid habes in votis. Ad hanc magistri vocem
pulsare instrumentum desit, sonoque fidium paulatim remittente, ac remoto tandem ab se
instrumento, & consurgens respondit: Ego quidem plane dissentio ab istis trium condiscipulorum
propositionibus ac votis. Confucius ait: Quid officit? non ideo tu nos cela, quid sentias &
optes. Et vero sicut sua cuique studia sunt ac vota, sic quisque profatur & explicat sui animi
sententiam & vota. Paret senex, & ait: Quod ego hc et nunc expeto imprimis, tam est aetati

725 Zhang mentions that the rituals unite the hearts of the people (he minxin , 175).

250
meae naturaeque consentaneum, quam alienum ab omni specie cupiditatis et ambitionis.
Porr nihil est aliud qum exeunte vere, verno habitu vestitum, id est, simplici, levique, et ad
senile corpus jam accommodato: Un cum pileatis, id est, qui adolescentia jam excesserunt,
quinque vel sex sodalibus eorumdem mecum studiorum: Item cum adolescentulis sex
septemve deambulare in pomaeriis australibus; ibique corpus abluere in fonte fluminis y.
Deinde ver captare ventum in umbroso memore Vuyu (locus erat ubi coelo sacrificare
consueverant, quotiescunque deprecabantur imminentem ex pluviae defectu steleritatem) Ac
tandem alternis modulari suaviter, & sic laetos alacresque demum repetere. [77] Confucius
ista senis ingenui simplicitate delectatus, eique applaudentis instar & simul tamen suspirans,
belle tu, inquit, approbo quae dixisti, Mi tien.

Finally, you, my old Dian, that is, Zeng Xi, what do you wish?726 To the voice of the
Master, this disciple stopped playing the stringed instrument, with the sound
decreasing little by little. He pushed the instrument away, and rising up, he answered:
I myself completely disagree with the propositions and wishes of my three fellow
disciples. Confucius said: What is the obstacle? Do not hide what you feel and
wish. Indeed, as each one has his own interests and wishes, everyone can speak
openly and express the opinions and desires of his heart. The old man obeyed and
said: Here and now I especially desire being in harmony with my age and nature,
free from any kind of desire and ambition. 727 I want nothing else but, at the end of
spring, to be clothed with a simple garment, light and adapted to an old body, to be
together with five or six companions who have passed adolescence, who are wearing
hats, and have the same interests as me, to walk with six or seven adolescents in the
southern suburbs and to wash my body there in the water of the Yi river, and finally to
take in the air of the shady Wuyu forest (people used to go there to sacrifice to heaven
and often to pray in case of a barren harvest due to a drought),728 singing in turn and
returning joyful and cheerful. Confucius rejoiced in the genuine simplicity of the old
man, as if he was applauding him. At the same time, he sighed: You are right, my
Dian; I approve of what you said.

Varias approbationis hujus causas afferunt Colaus, aliique Interpretes; 1. Ut sic ostenderet
Philosophus, haudquaquam probari ab se cupidinem dominandi. 2. Ut doceret alienam esse a
sapiente jactantiam omnem et vanitatem. 3. Multo minus viro sapienti appetendum esse quidpiam,
quod extra ipsum sit; et ab alieno pendeat arbitrio, seu caeli seu hominum. Ad extremum,
approbare hic visus est sententiam em Sie, quamvis alioqui jocosae similem, quia nimirum
tendebat ad scopum long praecipuum Philosophiae suae, qui quidem scopus erat charitas seu
amor quidam communis erga omnes omnis aetatis homines; quo optabat grandaevis pacem et
tranquillitatem; inter aequales atque amicos fidem atque concordiam; erga imbecillioris aetatis
adolescentes curam atque commiserationem. Haec Interpretes.

The grand secretary and other interpreters mention a few reasons for this
approval. First, the Philosopher wanted to show that he did not approve of the lust for
power.729 Second, he wanted to teach that a wise man has little to do with eloquence

726 The Jesuit translation insists on Zeng Xis age, suggesting that Zeng is the eldest of the four
disciples. In fact, Zilu is the eldest, and Zeng comes second in age. According to Zhu (130), Zeng
would have spoken second if he were not busy playing music.
727 This comment is inspired by Zhang, who mentions being in the center of ones natural
dispositions (yixingfenzhizhong , 176). The Jesuits thought that the natural dispositions
included the age, but Zhang did not make explicit the issue of age.
728 This explanation in parenthesis is given by Zhu (130) and Zhang (176).
729 For Han Yu , while the other three were thinking about the government of feudal states, Zeng
Xi thought about the kingly way. See Wing-tsit Chan, Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, 38. Zhu
also stated that Zeng did not worry about social status (, 130).

251
and vanity.730 Third, a wise man should not desire anything external, depending on
the will of heaven or on the will of other people.731 Ultimately Confucius approved of
Zeng Xis opinion because, though it appears bizarre, it clearly shows the principal
goal of his philosophy, that is, the universal charity or love toward everyone of any
age. By this, he wished peace and tranquility for the old folk, trust and harmony
among equals and friends, and care and sympathy toward the adolescents of a tender
age.732 These are the words of the interpreters.

[
]

p. 2, 1. Primis itaque tribus discipulis egressis, quartus cem-sie remanserat: hic cem-sie
igitur sciscitatus ait: De horum trium discipulorum sententia & discursu, ecquid tibi videtur,
o Magister! Confucius respondit: Equidem quisque profatus est animi sui sensum ac votum,
& nihil praeterea.

The first three disciples having left, the fourth one, Zeng Xi, remained. He asked:
Master, what do you think about the opinion and words of these three disciples?
Confucius answered: Each one has shared the opinion and desire in his heart and
nothing more.

[ ]

2. At inquit cem sie, tu o Magister cur ridebas discipulum tuum yeu, quando is primo loco
vota sua exposuit?

Then Zeng Xi said: Master, why did youhave you smiled when your disciple You
[Zilu] first expressed his wishes?

[ ]

Fol. 10, p. 1, 1. Confucius respondet: Administrandum est Regnum ex praescripto & norma
officiorum ac legum: In his vero primum obtinet locum modestia, submissioque animi. Hujus
autem discipuli sermones & verba non significabant ullam modestiam: Atque haec fuit causa
cur subriserim.

Confucius answered: A kingdom should be managed by the precept and norm of

duties and laws. Most importantly, there should be restraint and humility in spirit.
However, the speech and words of this disciple [You, or Zilu] did not indicate any
humility. This is why I smiled.

730 Zhu stated that Zeng did not care about the opinions of others (, 130).
731 Zhang states that when people do not see clearly the Dao, then it is unavoidable that they look at
the outside (, 176). The idea of an independence from external will is
clearly Stoic.
732 This fourth explanation seems far away from the text of the Lunyu. Yet Zhang explained that
Confucius rejoiced in the attitude of Zeng Xi because he could find the same joy in eating, drinking,
and living poorly as in bringing prosperity to a country and caring for all under tianxia (

, 176). In other words, for Zhang, the attitude of Zeng makes him able to be a true leader caring for
all. Though Zhang mentions tianxia, there is not the explicit notion of universal love (communis
caritas), which is a Christian concept. The Sinarum Philosophus makes this the centerpiece of the
philosophy of Confucius.

252
[ ]

2. At (inquit senior) num solus iste desiderio tenebatur imperitandi? Kieu certe discipulo alteri
nonne erat suum quoque in votis Regnum? At risum tenui, inquit, Confucius quia eius oratio
erat modestior; quod alioquin & ipse meditaretur regnum, cui dubium possit esse?
Ecquando namque vidit quis in hoc imperio ditionem sexaginta vel septuaginta stadiorum,
uti etiam quae minos sit quinquaginta scilicet vel septuaginta stadiorum, quae tamen non
sitregnum?

The senior [Zeng Xi] said: But, was he the only one who desired to command? The
kingdom was also in the heart of the other disciple Qiu [Ran Qiu], was it not?
Confucius said: I did not smile because his speech was more humble. 733 But, can
anyone doubt that he was talking about a kingdom? Indeed, who has seen in this
empire a district of sixty to seventy li, or a district of fifty to sixty li, which was not a
kingdom?

[
]

3. Sed enim (inquit hic rursus senior) tertio discipulo che huic certe, nullumne fuerit in votis
Regnum? Respondet Confucius: Nec ipse vacat dominandi cupiditate: Nam parentales principum
majorum aulae, ritusque funebres; item comitia illa extraordinaria, vel generalia, si non sint res
propriae Regulorum, ad quos tandem spectant res illae? Quod autem optare se diceret agere tali
loco & tempore inferioris ordinis administrum, suspecta mihi oratio est; Etenim che vir talis
ac tantus, & ad maxima quaeque natus, uti probe nosti, si fuerit parvus, si aliquando
fungatur munere ministritam vulgaris, uti visus fuit expetere, ecquis audebit, aut valebit esse
magnus aut Princeps aut Regulus in adeo augustis seu ritibus, seu comitiis: quis sustineat illi
se praeponere, aut etiam assistere ad ipsius latus?

Once more, the senior said: But, was not the kingdom in the heart of the third
disciple Chi [or Gongxi Hua]? Confucius answered: He is also preoccupied with the
lust for power. Indeed, if the family halls of the ancient princes, the funeral rites, the
extraordinary and regular assemblies are not related to the princes, then, to what are
they related? Because he said that he wanted to serve as an assistant of low rank, at
such a place and at such a time, his wish sounded suspect to me.734 Indeed, Chi is a
man destined for great things, as I know for sure. If he were the smallest, if he
executed the charge of a vulgar servant, like he seemed to be asking, who else could
dare, and be strong enough, to be a great prince or a prince, especially in the solemn
rituals and assemblies? Who could accept standing in front of him or with him on the
side?

733 The mention that Confucius did not smile at Ran Qiu is found in the commentary by Zhu (131).
734 The Sinarum Philosophus implies that the humility of Gongxi Hua was a pretense: he expressed
that he wished for a lowly position, but was still craving power. However, Zhang did not question the
genuine humility of Gongxi as well as his genuine concern for the state, but pointed out that he did not
have the inner freedom of Zeng Xi who allowed him to be always in harmony with the Dao (178).

253
 [Chapter 12]

[12.1
]

p. 2. Yen yuen consulit Magistrum de cordis innocentia & perfectione nulli non mortalium
indita caelits; modumque exquirit illius recuperandae. Confucius respondit: Vincere
seipsum, atque ita redire ad primaevum illud temperamentum naturae rationalis, hoc est
obtinuisse cordis innocentiam & perfectionem. Mortales universi vel unico die si vincerent
seipsos & redirent ad temperamentum illud; tunc orbis universus rediret ad innocentiam
nativam & perfectionem. Verumtamen ut quis operam det recuperandae isti perfectioni; hoc
& oritur & dependet ab ipsomet homine. Quomodo autem dependeat vel oriatur ab aliis
hominibus?

Yan Yuan asked the Teacher about this innocence and perfection of the heart, which is
given by heaven to all human beings.735 He inquired about how it should be recovered.
Confucius answered: To conquer oneself and thus to return to the original control of
our rational nature, this is to have obtained the innocence and perfection of the
heart.736 If all human beings could conquer themselves, for even one day, and return to
this balance, then all of earth would return to its innate innocence and perfection. 737
Indeed, striving to recover perfection comes from and depends on the individual. How
could this come from or depend on others?738

[
]

Fol. 11, p. 1. Yen yuen ait: Liceat mihi denu sciscitari abs te Magister ipsum quasi
elenchum, seu seriem victoriarum suiipsius. Confucius respondit: Contra rationem ne quid
cernito, contra rationem ne quid audito, contra rationem ne quid effator, contra rationem ne
quem animi corporisve motum suscipito. Yen yuen his auditis, alacriter respondet: Mihi
quamvis haud perspicaci, liceat tamen pro viribus opere ipso explere haec tua documenta.

Yan Yuan said: Master, allow me to ask about the sequence or order of this victory

735 This is another explanation for Ren, as innocence and perfection of the heart. The Sinarum
Philosophus derives the idea of perfection from Zhangs comment (which was already given by Zhu):
Ren is the complete virtue of the original mind ( , 178). This insistence on the
universality of Ren is very much present in Neo-Confucianism.
736 To conquer oneself is the direct reading of keji (). Yet, Zhang, following Zhu, gave a more
optimistic meaning, explaining that keji means only to vanquish the selfish desires ( ,
178). The Jesuits may have followed here the more pessimistic interpretation of the Han, or they may
have been influenced by the theme of vincere seiipsum in the West, like in Stoicism or in the
Christian devotional literature (such as Thomas Kempiss (13801471) De imitatione Christi). The
meaning of fuli () is to reestablish the rituals. The important notion of li , elsewhere translated as
duty (officium), is translated here as the original control of our rational nature. This interpretation
follows Zhu and Zhang, who both interpreted li as the controlled display of the heavenly principle
(), which means that rituals are the expressions of the heavenly principle, or of the inner
virtue Ren. Such a metaphysical explanation is not present in the Lunyu, but it gives more coherence
and depth to Ren as a universal category. See for example Lunyu 6.27.
737 Again following Zhu, Zhang (178) reads gui as meaning to return.
738 In all this passage, the notion of return and original nature may easily induce a Westerner to read
the idea of a historical sequence in three steps, similar to the Christian historical frame: original state,
fallen state, and saved state. Yet, this historical frame in three steps differs from the Confucian frame
which has only two levels: the original and pure state versus the obscured and polluted state.

254
over oneself again.739 Confucius answered: You should not look at anything against
reason, not hear anything against reason, not do anything against reason, and not
accept any motion of the soul or the body against reason.740 Having heard this, Yan
Yuan quickly answered: Though I am not smart at all, please allow me to devote
myself to these words.

[12.2
]

Fol. 12, p. 1, 1. Discipulus Chum-cum similiter Magistrum consulit de cordis perfectione

jam memorata. Confucius tria proponens media illius obtinendae sita in attentione sui,
observanti aliorum, & charitate, sic respondet: Sic egredere tua domo, tam praesens tibi,
tamque attentus ad omnia, atque si visum eas magnum quemdam honoratumque hospitem.
Sic impera populo, sic ei indicito opera publica, ac si offerres magnum sacrificium rit
peragendum: Reverenter, inquam, subditos tuos tracta. Denique tibi ipsi quod non vis fieri, vide
ne conferas in alios: Hoc pacto sive verseris in regno publicus administer, non erit qui te
oderit, aut de te conqueratur: sive verseris domi, domesticis haud quisquam erit apud
quem vel odio vel invidi labores. Chum cum his auditis respondet: mihi quamvis haud
perspicaci fas sit tamen exequi haec tua documenta.

The disciple Zhonggong [Ran Yong] also asked the Master about the perfection of the
heart, just mentioned above. Confucius proposed three ways to obtain this perfection,
focusing on attention to the self, and the respect and love for others: First, when you
leave your house, be present to yourself and attentive to all things, as if you are going
to meet an important and honored guest. Second, when you rule people, appoint them
to some public works as if you were offering a great sacrifice which needs to be
solemnly performed. Deal respectfully with your subjects. Finally, what you do not
want to be done unto you, do not do unto others. 741 If you become a public minister in
the kingdom, no one will hate you or complain about you. If you return home, no one
in the household will harbor hate or envy you. After hearing this, Zhonggong
answered: Even though I am not very smart, I should carry out your words.742

[12.3 ]

p. 2, 1. Alius e discipulis, cui su ma nieu nomen, eandem quam duo priores quaestionem instituit
de cordis perfectione.

The disciple Sima Niu raised the same question concerning the perfection of the heart,
asked previously by the two disciples.

739 The mention of elenchus in the Latin text refers to a logical sequence for reaching an aim.
740 Following the Neo-Confucian interpretation, li , or ritual appropriateness, has been replaced
here, just as above, by li , or reason. See Zhu (132) and Zhang (179).
741 In his Tianzhu shiyi (245 and 295), Ricci quotes this sentence, slightly modified.
742 Zhu (133) reads the whole passage as a call for two virtues: jing and shu , being fulfilled both
at home and outside. Zhang (17980) understands that the two first items (to leave the house and to
practice a sacrifice) deal with jing, while the third item (ethical relation toward others) deals with shu
as an extension or empathy toward others. In contrast, the Sinarum Philosophus suggests that the three
items deal with three different virtues: attention to oneself, respect to others, and love for others ( shu,
or caritas). I have not found any interpreter supporting this reading. Following the Sinarum
Philosophus, Legge also read in the whole passage an injunction to universal respect and love, just as
in Christianity. See Legge, Confucius, 251.

255
[ ]

2. Confucius, ut hic medeatur aegritudini hominis, nimium loquacis, sic respondet: qui
innocens ac perfectus corde est, seu nativam cordis habet rectitudinem, hujus verba cum
tardiloqu moderatione linguae proferuntur.

In order to correct the defect of Sima Niu, who was in fact too loquacious, 743
Confucius answered: One who is innocent and perfect in his heart, that is, having an
innate correctness in his heart, speaks slowly and controls his tongue.

[ ]

3. Num igitur (inquit) is cujus verba cum difficili illa [79] moderatione ac tarditate
proferuntur, hoc ipso mox dicetur corde perfectus? Confucius respondet: Rect agere
arduum est ac difficile: loqui ergo rect quis poterit sine tardiloqua illa linguae
moderatione? Quasi diceret: Ut rect loquaris, rect prius agas necesse est: ad hoc autem
necessaria est cordis custodia: Sed haec rursus est difficultatis plenissima: Loqui erg rect,
non est tam facile, qum tu videris existimare.

Sima Niu said: Someone who speaks with strenuous control and delay could then be
said to be perfect in his heart, that is all? Confucius answered: To behave rightly is
something arduous and strenuous; therefore, who could talk correctly without this
slowness in speech and this control of the tongue? It is as to say: in order to speak
rightly, you first need to behave rightly, and for this, the protection of your heart is
very much needed but full of hardships.744 To speak rightly is not as easy as you may
think.

[12.4 ]

Fol. 13, p. 1, 1. Idem Su ma nieu percontatus est de viro probo. Confucius respondet: Vir
probus nec tristatur, nec timet, quemadmodum tu facis, qui propter fratres rebelles ac
transfugas, te conficis immodico metu ac moerore.

Similarly, Sima Niu asked about the honest man and Confucius answered: The
honest man is not sad, nor does he fear. But, you, because your brothers are rebelling
and running away, you are acting with excessive fear and sorrow.745

[
]

2. Nunc igitur, inquit, qui nec tristetur nec timeat, hoc ipso dicetur vir probus? Confucius
respondet: Interiora animi discutiens severo examine, nec inveniens tamen quidpiam vel
erroris vel culpae cujus cum poeniteat pudeatve, sic prorsus, ut nihil egerit rerum quod non
vulgari possit inter homines, nullam volverit animo cogitationem, cujus nolit conscium esse

743 This comment was made by Zhu (133) and Zhang (180).
744 Zhu identifies Ren with the concentration of the mind without weariness ( ,
133). Zhang explains that a concentrated mind obtains the principle, and Ren is not outside of this
(, 180). In order to translate xincun , the Jesuits have recourse here
to the Western concept of the protection or guard of the heart (cordis custodia), which is frequently
used by Christian spiritual writers, like Gregory the Great (c.540604) or Thomas Kempis.
745 The second sentence in this quote is in fact a comment from Zhu (132), not present in Zhangs
commentary: Huan Tui, the brother of Sima Niu, was plotting at that time a rebellion and Sima grew
worried about this. Junzi is translated here in Latin with vir probus.

256
coelum (Vu yo nien pu co yu tien chi) ejusmodi vir, inquam, quorsum obsecro tristetur?
Quorsum timeat?

Sima Niu said: Can someone who is not sad and not fearful be considered an honest
man? Confucius answered: He should inspect the innermost part of his soul through
careful examination to see if he does not find any error or mistake about which he
may feel liable and shameful. If he has not done anything that could not be divulged
among the people, if he has not harbored in his soul any thought which he does not
want heaven to know (wuyinian buke yutianzhi),746 I beg you, why should such a man
feel sad? Why should he fear?

[12.5 ]

p. 2, 1. Idem Su ma nieu cum moereret nihilominus, & angeretur fratrum causa, quos
proxime jam perituros esse praesagiebat, miserum me! Inquit, hominum plerique habent
fratres majores & minores natu, & ego unus (uti male suspicor) jam nunc illos non habeo.

Nonetheless, Sima Niu was still greatly concerned and worried about his brothers,
since he feared that they were to die very soon, saying: Most people have older and
younger brothers, but I am very miserable because I believe that I am now without
brothers.747

[ ]

2. u hia condiscipulus moerentem solaturus ait: Ego audivi quandoque magistrum meum,
cum diceret,

Zixia, his fellow disciple, wanted to console him: Once, I heard my Teacher say,

[]

3. Mors & vita habent inviolabilem quandam a coelo legem. Opes item & honores in arbitrio
sunt & potestate coeli, atque adeo neque haec neque illa arbitrii sunt nostri.

Life and death follow the inviolable rule of heaven. Wealth and honors do not depend
on us but on the judgment and power of heaven.

[
]

4. Quocirca verus Philosophus unius coeli arbitrio acquescens unam rem agit, nimirum attendit
sibi persiciendo, & nihil amittit negligitve quod in hunc finem usui esse possit. Cum aliis ver

746 The transliterated words are not found in Zhus but in Zhangs commentary ( ,
181). Indeed, the Lunyu and the comment by Zhu may give the impression that the junzi is self-
righteous. But Zhang states that the self-righteous man is not afraid of having his words known by
people and of having his thoughts known by heaven. The Jesuits read this as an implicit recognition of
moral objectivity, grounded not only on the subject, but grounded on the people and, more importantly
for the Jesuits, grounded on God. For the Jesuits, only God can ultimately give to men the knowledge
of their sins, as well as the necessary strength not to sin again. In other words, the crux of the question
is about the possibility of self-examination, self-cultivation, and self-improvement without the grace of
God. However, Zhus school stresses that the moral principle is not purely subjective, but an objective
reality, grounded on the principle of heaven, or tianli.
747 Zhu splits this passage into four segments, while Zhang Juzheng gives the passage in its entirety.

257
cujuscumque sint aetatis & ordinis, hominibus, observantiam benevolentiamque exercet.
Verumtamen sic ut suis temperata sint ritibus officiisque omnia. Porr qui de se deque aliis sic
mereatur; ei quotquot existunt homines quatuor maria intra, id est, in orbe universo, omnes
sunt majores natu fratres vel minores ex uno quasi sinu ejusdem matris effusi. Philosophus
ergo quorsum angatur animo propterea quod nullos habeat fratres?

For this reason, a true philosopher acknowledges only the decision of heaven and he
only does one thing: obviously, he takes care of his self-perfection and does not lose
or neglect anything useful in accomplishing this end. With other people, regardless of
their ages or conditions, he practices respect and benevolence, and moderates
everything through his civility and dutifulness. Dealing with himself or with others,
all of the people living within the four seas, that is, in the entire planet, are for him
like his older and younger brothers, as if they were born from the womb of the same
mother. Therefore, why should a philosopher be worried about not having any
brothers?748

[12.6
]

Fol. 14, p. 1, 1. u cham Magister consulit de perspicacitate, quisnam illa praeditus esse
censendus sit. Confucius respondet: Instar aquae tacit leniterque fluentis instillatas, seu
quasi per cuniculos suos insidios subrepentes obtrectationes de corporaliter susceptis
injuriis, [80] accusationes, non audire, nec illico credere. Haec censeri potest & vocari
perspicacitas, nec amplis requiritur. Iterm dico: Subdolis illis ac virus suum bland
instillantibus obtrectationibus, ad commiserationem item denique movendam artificiose
compositis de manifest accepto quodam damno accusationibus, nonnisi ad modum lente,
consideratque aures ac fidem praebens, ver potest dici res quamvis abditas ac remotas
habere tamen perspectas inusitat vixque scrutabili quadam perspicacia. Nec aliud hic opus
est.

Zizhang consulted the Teacher about intelligence: Who is to be considered gifted

with intelligence? Confucius answered: Do not listen and do not immediately
believe accusations that pour in, like water flowing surreptitiously and silently, or like
disparagements about some physical injuries having been received, insidiously
creeping through some hidden channels. Only this can be called intelligence. I repeat:
when treacherous disparagements are seductively instilling their viruses, when
accusations of some harm are skillfully arranged in order to stir up compassion, then
you should lend your ears and your faith only with much care and restraint. This is
called paying attention to the hidden and remote things through a rare and
unfathomable intelligence. Nothing more is needed.

Colaus ubi locum hunc copiosa paraphrasi declaravit, concludit denique documentum istud
viro Principi vel maxim debere esse cordi. Cum is enim suis unius oculis auribusque attingere
debeat ditionis suae quamvis amplissimae res omnes, si fort vel aures habeat nimis faciles
patulasque vel oculos parm perspicaces; periculum fore, ne malevolorum et invicem
invidentium mendaciis calumniisque, velut aquis occultis, et insidiatricibus oppleantur et
habescant sensus suprimi capitis, brevique torrens ac illuvies insperata calamitatum totius
Regni corpus obruat ac pessumdet.

The grand secretary has expressed this passage in a lengthy paraphrase. Finally,

748 Zhang mentions that people were as if from the same womb (tongbao , 182). Here the
Sinarum Philosophus has inserted this comment from Zhang, suggesting that all human beings
originate from the same ancestors, as narrated in Genesis.

258
he concludes that this instruction applies to the ruler, especially to his mind. Since it
is only through his own ears and eyes that the ruler knows about all things happening
in such a large territory, if his ears are too quick and if his eyes are not perspicacious
enough, then there is the danger that his ears and eyes are filled with the lies and
accusations of evil people, jealous of each other, like hidden waters and traps. These
calumnies may weaken the senses of the supreme leader, and next, the sudden torrent
and unforeseen filth of disasters may bury and destroy the entire body of the
kingdom.749

[12.7 ]

2. u-cum Magistrum consulit de rect ratione gubernandi. Confucius respondet: Sit

affatim annonae tuis subditis. Sit affatim militum, rerumque necessariarum ad usus bellicos, in
populo denique vigeat fides quae respondeat fidei beneficentiaeque ipsiusmet Principis.

Zigong asked about the proper way to govern and Confucius answered: There should
be enough grain for your subjects. There should be enough soldiers and weapons.
Finally, there should be trust among the people, reciprocating the trust and kindness of
the prince.

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Ad haec u cum prob quidem rem intellexi, inquit; sed nova mihi dubitatio
suboritur. Quid si omnino non possit aliter fieri quin dimitteretur hic unum ex hisce tribus
ecquod primo loco dimitteres? Confucius respondit: Dimitterem milites. Armabit scilicet
inermem turbam, sua cujusque fides erga Principem, mutuusque amor & concordia
praestabit invictos.

Zigong said: Indeed, I have fully understood this matter, but there is a new doubt in
my mind. If it is not possible otherwise, which one of these three things would you
renounce? Confucius answered: I would renounce the soldiers since the trust of the
people toward their prince will equip an unarmed crowd with weapons, and mutual
love and harmony will make them invincible.750

[
]

2. u-cum denu quaerit: Quid si omnino non posset aliter fieri quin hc quoque demeretur
aliquid; ex his duobus, victu scilecet ac fide, utrum prius patereris tolli? Confucius
respondet: Tolli paterer seu dimitterem victum. Quippe ab omni aevo omnes omnino sumus
mortales. Malebat igitur Confucius subditos cum fide mori quam hujus expertes, su
hominum conditione discedere. Cert ubi populus expers est mutuae fidei, ade non erigitur,
aut coalescit in Rempublicam, ut contr eum interire necesse sit.

Zigong asked once more: If it is not possible otherwise, would you first renounce
food or trust? Confucius answered: I would renounce food, since indeed, at all ages,
we are mortals. Confucius preferred the subjects to die with trust than, lacking of

749 This is the translation of Zhangs comment (182). Zhang read the Sishu as being especially written
for the ruler (i.e., the emperor Wanli), warning him of not being deceived by false accusations.
750 Both Zhu (134) and Zhang (183) state that without an army it is still possible to assure the defense
of the country. The Jesuit commentary develops this idea with the metaphor of the people being armed
with the weapons of trust, making them invincible.

259
trust, to depart from their human condition. Truly, when a nation lacks mutual trust,
then it cannot be established and join into a commonwealth, but instead will
perish.751

[12.8 ]

Fol. 15, p. 1, 1. Regni Guei Praefectus Kie u chim, Confucii discipulum u-cum alloquens;
cerimoniarum, inquit, nullus est finis. At cert sapiens nativam & ingenuam simplicitatem &
sinceritatem habeat, & haec sufficiat. Quid illa tam operosa, rituum morumque elegantia ad rem
facit?

Ji Zicheng, a prefect of the kingdom of Wei, said to a disciple of Confucius, There is

no purpose in the ceremonies. A wise man should have an innate and genuine
simplicity and sincerity, and this should be enough. Such an elaborate celebration of
the rituals and customs serves what purpose?752

[ ]

2. Ad haec u-cum, quam, inquit, deplorandus est tuus ille sermo judiciumque de viro
sapiente! Sermo quidem talis, ubi semel [81] temer prolapsus est ab ore, etiam trahentibus
quatuor equis, non tamen redibit ad linguam, seu jam est irrevocabilis.

Zigong then said: How much I deplore your words and your judgment about a wise
man! The words that have rashly slipped from your mouth even once cannot return to
your mouth, even with four horses dragging them back. They cannot be recanted.753

[]

3. Cert exterior illa gravitas & compositio necessari comitatur nativae simplicitatis
synceritatem, & haec vicissim comitatur illam: Alioquin quod erit discrimen Principis
subdito, sapientis stulto; uti tigridis & pantherae pellis suis pilis nudata prorsus est sicut
canina aut ovina pellis item nudata suis pilis. Pili enim quamvis videantur esse superfluum
quid & contemptibile; rever tamen pellium discrimen hc faciunt.

Truly, exterior dignity and behavior go along with a sincere and genuine simplicity
and, in turn, a sincere and genuine simplicity go along with exterior dignity.
Otherwise, what will be the difference between a ruler and a subject, or between a
wise man and a fool? The skin of a tiger, or a panther, stripped of its hairs, is
absolutely like the skin of a dog, or a sheep, stripped of its hairs. Even though the
hairs seem superfluous and worthless, they make the difference between the skins.

[12.9 ]

4. Ngai-cum duodecimus Regni Lu Regulus quaesivit Confucii discipulo Yeu-jo dicens: Anni

751 Zhu (135) holds that faith in the people is something absolutely necessary. Zhang (183) has the
same explanation. Similarly, the Sinarum Philosophus makes faith constitutive of the human condition.
Also, Zhang stresses the rulers responsibility in fostering mutual faith.
752 Like Zhu (135), the Sinarum Philosophus splits the passage into three segments, while Zhang (184)
has only one.
753 There are two different readings for this passage. Zhu and Zhang read the text as: Alas! These are
the words of a junzi, but four horses cannot overcome the tongue. Here, the Sinarum Philosophus did
not follow Zhu nor Zhang, but seemingly the interpreters of the Han dynasty. Also, junzi is translated
here as wise man (vir sapiens).

260
steriles sunt & quibus fame laboratur, ad usus autem meos, non suppetunt sumptus necessarii: quid
remedii?

Ai Gong, the twelfth ruler of the kingdom of Lu, asked You Ruo, a disciple of
Confucius: There are fruitless years in which we experience famine and when the
basic taxes do not cover our own needs. What is the solution?

[ ]

5. Yeu jo tacit arguens Principis exactiones respondit: Cur non exigis decimas, seu unum de
decem tuis subditis? Nam haec familiae quidem nunc imperantis est regula.

You Ruo, surreptitiously blaming the demands of the ruler, answered: Why do you
not require the tithe, that is, ten per centhe one of out ten, from you subjects? This
was indeed the standard for this ruling dynasty.

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Respondet Princeps: Duo de decem mihi adhuc non sufficiunt; quorsum igitur istae,
quas inculcas, decimae?

The ruler answered: Twenty per cento out of ten are not enough for me. What is the
point of you mentioning one out of ten per cent?

[ ]

2. Respondit iterum Yeu jo: quando subditis res abundat; Principi cuinam pariter non
abundet? Quando vero subditis non abundat; Principi cuinam tunc abundet?

You Ruo answered again: Whenever things overflow for the subjects, do they not
similarly overflow for their ruler? Whenever things do not overflow for the subjects,
do they also overflow for their ruler?

[12.10 ]

3. u-cham consulit Magistrum quomodo quis in dies accumulet virtutem virtute, & discernat
perturbationes animi? Confucius respondet: Statuere fundamentum in synceritate ac fidelitate
ipsiusmet animi, & in verbis actionibusque omnibus veracem esse, sine fuco & simulatione; in
rebus omnibus semper convertere se ad id quod rationi maxim est consentaneum, hoc est
accumulare virtutes.

Zizhang asked the Master how someone could accumulate virtue day after day and
discern the movements in his soul. Confucius answered: He should establish the
foundation of his mind in sincerity and fidelity; he should verify it in all his words and
actions, without any disguise or simulation; he should turn himself, always and in all
matters, toward what fully coincides with reason. This is to increase virtue.754

[]

754 The use of terms of Ignatian spirituality is noticeable here: to discern (discernare), and foundation
(fundamentum). The mention of the agreement with reason comes from a comment by Zhang, in which
he identifies yi with conformity with reason (, 186).

261
Fol. 16, p. 1, 1. Jam ver ut ostendat animi perturbationem, nihil fer esse aliud, qum, velle aliis
ea, quae non sunt arbitrii sui vel potestatis, vel quae sunt inter se pugnantia sic ait: Amando
quempiam, optare eum vivere; odio habendo quempiam, optare eum mori: Im etiam optat mod
ipsius vit, mox rursus optare eundem mori, cum jus vitae necisque sit penes coelum (idemque est
de motibus aliis varii & inconstantis animi) hoc ipsum est obnubilato perturbatoque esse animo.

Next, in order to show that the disorder of the soul consists of wishing for something
which does not depend upon ones own decision or power, or in wishing for
contradictory things,755 Confucius said: When you love someone, you wish for him
to live well; when you hate him, you wish for him to die. So, after you have wished
for him to live well, then you wish for him to die, even though the law of life and
death belongs to heaven.756 This (that is, the different movements of a changing and
inconstant soul) shows that your soul is obscured and perturbed.757

[12.11 ]

2. Regni i Regulus Kim cum percontatus est modum feliciter gubernandi Confucio.

Jing Gong, prince of Qi, asked Confucius about the best way to govern successfully.

[ ]

3. Confucius perbrevi sed perapposito responso multa complectens, sic respondit: Rex sit Rex;
subditus sit subditus, pater sit pater, filius sit silius.

Embracing many things with a short but appropriate answer, Confucius said: The
ruler should be a ruler; the subject, a subject; the father, a father; and the son, a
son.758

[
]

p. 2, 1. Applaudens Regulus, , inquit, qum laudo & approbo! Ver sic res habet: Etenim
si Rex non sit Rex nisi solo nomine: Subditus similiter si non sit subditus; pater non sit
pater; [82] filius non sit filius; quia nimirum non agant quae sint sui muneris & conditionis;
jam lex omnis & ordo rerum; quin & usus ipse rerum pereat necesse est. Quamvis itaque sit
mihi ex. gr. census amplissimus & annonae vis maxima, ego num potero tunc illa frui? Quasi
dicat: Improborum licentia, summaque perturbatio rerum omnium ne me quidem, qui
tamen sum Dominus frui sinet. Praesaga vox fuit: nam non diu post proditorum insidiis
miserabiliter Regulus occidit.

The prince applauded and said: How much I approve and endorse this. It is truly like
this. If a ruler is only not a ruler but by name, and similarly, if a subject is not a
subject, if a father is not a father, if a son is not a son, if they are not doing the affairs

755 This comment comes also from Zhang (186).

756 The law of life and death is an approximate translation of either Zhus notion of fate (ming,
136) or Zhangs notion of established lot (dingfen, 186).
757 Here again, the vocabulary of Ignatian spirituality is noticeable: motus animi (movements of the
soul). In the text of the Lunyu as edited by Zhu, there is a verse from the Shijing, which has been
omitted by Zhang, as well as the Jesuits.
758 Paul Rule has noticed the superiority of the Latin to the English in translating Chinese since both
Latin and Chinese are very concise, without articles. See Rule, Kung-tzu or Confucius?, 122. [AQ: See
earlier comments re. this entry]

262
which belong to their function and status, then the whole law and order of affairs, and
even their functions, will absolutely crumble. Even if I have a large tax collection and
a great quantity of food for the year, could I enjoy it? This is to say, the abuse of the
dishonest people and the supreme disorder of things do not allow me to enjoy it, even
though I am the master. These words were a prophecy, because, not much later, this
prince perished miserably in anwhen he was ambushed by of traitors.759

[12.12 ]

2. Confucius discipulum u lu collaudans apud suos, ait: qui dimidio, ut sic loquar, verbo
possit decidere lites, is nonne est discipulus meus Yeu?

Confucius congratulated his disciple Zilu among the other disciples, saying: My
disciple You [Zilu], is he not the only one who can settle a lawsuit, as I should say,
with half a sentence?

[]

3. Ad laudem hanc addentes aliam condiscipuli, narrabant, quod idem u-lu ne per spatium
quidem noctis unius relinquebat promissa & datam fidem, quin accurat praestaret.

Other disciples added something else to Zilus praise by mentioning that Zilu was so
scrupulous in keeping his word that he would never leave a promise, or a given word,
unsettled even for one single night.

[12.13 ]

Fol. 17, p. 1, 1. Hc etiam occasione commemorant discipuli id quod saepenumer Confucius

dicebat: in audiendis litigantibus ego sum sicut alii passim homines; sed oporteret imprimis hoc
efficere ut non essent litigantes, aut lites.

On this occasion, the disciples recalled what Confucius often said: 760 When I have to
hear litigations, I am like anyone else. But what is more important is to make certain
from the beginning that there are no litigants and no lawsuits.761

[12.14 ]

2. u cham consulit Magistrum de modo gubernandi. Confucius respondet: Ante omnia

meditare quae tui sunt officii, idque, meditare constanter & sine inertia. Deinde tracta
negotia publica & aliis consule eadem cum veritate & fide, qua tibi ipsi, profectuique tuo
consuluisti.

Zizhang asked Confucius about the best way of governing. Confucius answered:
Above all, you should ponder the things which belong to your office, that is, you
should ponder constantly and without idleness. Then, you should handle public affairs
and consult others with the same truth and trust by which you have consulted yourself

759 Both Zhu and Zhang mention the subsequent death of this ruler. Here, the Latin translation suggests
that his words were a prediction of his own fate (praesaga vox fuit).
760 This is a translation of Zhangs comment (187).
761 This passage can also be found in Daxue 4.1. The Latin translation is very similar, but the Jesuits
added there a long explanation about the rules for detecting lies during the audience. See Meynard,
Sinarum Philosophus, 36162.

263
regarding your own progress.762

[12.16 ]763

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Vir probus ac sapiens perficit verbo & opere aliorum hominum virtutes ac
laudes, juvando scilicet imbecilles, timidos ac jacentes erigendo, subdendo calcaria currentibus;
nequaquam ver tuetur aut confirmat perditorum hominum licentiam & improbitatem; stulti ver
improbique viam tenent plan contrariam huic viae. Videat erg vir Princeps (inquit Colaus) sibi
ministros adsciscat: Talesne, quos veluti patronos ac duces ultr sectetur omnis colluvies
sceleratorum; an tales, quibuscum virtus omnis & innocentia conjungi gaudeat.

Confucius said: By his words and deeds, an honest and wise man helps to perfect the
virtues and merits of others: he supports the weak, the fearful, and those who are lazy;
he encourages those who are progressing.764 He never supports and confirms the
license and dishonesty of the wicked people, since indeed the foolish and dishonest
people follow a path clearly contrary to this. As the grand secretary says, a ruler
should be careful in choosing ministers; he should not rejoice in the dregs of these
criminals who always seek patrons and protectors, but in those who combine every
virtue with integrity.765

[12.17
]

2. Regni Lu Praefectus Ki cam u percontatus est modum recte gubernandi Confucio.

Confucius ut ad officium frugemque revocet, respondet: Regere, dirigere est, seu, rectificare:
Tu erg si praeeas exemplo ad id omne quod rectum est ac honestum: ecquis tuorum audebit
non esse rectus?

Ji Kangzi, a prefect of Lu, asked Confucius about the correct way of governing. In
order to revive duty and honesty, Confucius answered: To govern means to straighten
out, to rectify. If you set the direction toward what is good and honest by your
example, who among your people will not dare to be right?

[12.18 ]

3. Idem Ki cam u cum angeretur animo propter latrones, consulebat Confucium.

Confucius respondit: Si quidem tu ipse non sis cupidus, quamvis ultr provoces, & praemiis
allectes subditos tuos ad latrocinandum, non tamen latrocinabuntur. Latrocinii quippe
magistra, cupiditas est: Hujus autem cupiditatis incentrix & magistra altera, cupiditas
avaritiaque magistratuum: quos si incorruptos [83] viderint subditi; vel solo pudore
prohibiti furtis abstinebunt.

While Ji Kangzi was worried about thieves, and he consulted Confucius who
answered by saying, If you were not greedy yourself, and even if you were
provoking and enticing your subjects into stealing with rewards, they will not steal.
Indeed, greed teaches robbery, and so the greed and lust of the officials teach and

762 Zhong is translated here by truth and trust (veritas and fides).
763 The passage of Lunyu 12.15 is absent here. It was deleted by Zhang since it is a repetition of Lunyu
6.25. This seems to be the only major occurrence in which the Jesuits departed from the Zhus edition.
764 The ways in which a junzi helps others are indicated by Zhu (137) and Zhang (188).
765 This last sentence about the choice of ministers is the translation of Zhangs comment (188) applied
to Wanli.

264
incite greed. If the subjects see incorrupt officials, then they will be stopped by
decency and abstain from stealing.766

[12.19

Fol. 18, p. 1, 1. Idem rursus Ki cam u exquirens modum rect gubernandi Confucio, sic ait:
Ego si interficiam passim improbos & exleges, ut ita commodis accersam promoveamque probos
& observatores legum; quid videtur? Confucius respondit: Tu si quidem gubernas, ut par est;
quorsum utare suppliciis tam crebr: Tu expete tantummod quae recta sunt & honesta,
constetque hoc omnibus; & statim populus exemplo tuo probus evadet. Gubernatoris virtus
quotiescumque rebus factisque palm se facit, ventus est, seu venti instar: Subditorum ver,
infimaeque plebis virtus, herba est: Herbis si superveniat ventus; proculdubio hae sese
submittent, & obsecundabunt vento quocunque faciles impelli.

Ji Kangzi asked Confucius again about the proper way of governing: If I kill all the
dishonest and lawless people in order to support and give greater encouragement to
honest and law-abiding people, what would you think about it? Confucius answered:
Since you are now governing, what is the need for such harsh punishments? You
should only aspire to do things that all regard as correct and honest. This will be
obvious to the people who immediately become honest through your example. The
virtue of a ruler, made plain by his deeds and actions, is like the wind; the virtue of
the subjects and of the lower class is like the grass: when the wind arrives on the
herbs, they certainly submit and obey, as they are gently pushed by the wind.

[12.20 ]

2. Discipulus u cham, qui magis laborabat, ut audiret, quam ut esset bonus ac sapiens,
instituit quaestionem hujusmodi. Literatus quispiam gubernator quomodo hic poterit dici vir
clarus & illustris.

The disciple Zizhang made great efforts in order to be recognized as good and wise.
He raised this question: How can an educated leader be said to be eminent and
distinguished?

[ ]

3. Confucius, ut ulcus detegat, quaerit ipse vicissim: Quidnam, id est, quod tu vocas clarum
& illustrem esse?

In order to remove the soreease the situation, Confucius asked in turn: But what do
you mean by eminent and distinguished?767

[ ]

4. u cham respondet: Aliud nihil est, qum si quis versetur in regno quopiam administrator
omnino audire ben & sermonibus omnium celebrari. Eundem, si versetur domi suae, procul

766 The mention of people abstaining from stealing by decency or shame was mentioned by Zhu (138)
and Zhang (188).
767 Zhu (138) sees Confuciuss answer as a medicament to cure Zizhangs illness. Zhang (191) has the
same comment.

265
dubio audire ben & celebrari.

Zizhang answered: This is nothing more than someone who comes to a country as an
administrator, who has a good reputation and is honored by the speeches of all, and
when he returns home, he certainly will have a good reputation and will be
honored.768

[ ]

5. Confucius ad haec ait: Quod ipse dicis hoc quidem est audire bene & illustrem dici, at
non est, clarum esse & illustrem. Diversa namque sunt dici & esse.

Confucius then said: So, you are talking about having a good reputation and being
considered eminent. But it is not the same as being really eminent and distinguished.
Indeed, there is a difference between being so and so, and to be said so and so.

[]

p. 2, 1. Ego itaque sic sentio, qud is qui clarus & illustris est, de re nulla mins laborat,
quam ut vulg talis habeatur. Solidus, syncerus & rectus est: Et gaudet officio & aequitate;
prudenter expendit sermones tum suos tum alienos; quin etiam diligenter observat os ipsum
oculosque, priusquam certi quid de quoquam statuat. Post haec autem assidu meditatur, quo
maxim modo cedat ac submittat sese aliis. Hujusmodi san vir sive versetur in Regno Principis
administer, procul dubio perillustris erit: sive versetur domi suae pater familias, procul dubio
perillustris erit.

I myself think this way; insofar as someone is eminent and distinguished, he is not at
all worried about being seen as such. On the contrary, he is firm, sincere, and correct.
He takes pleasure in duty and fairness. He cautiously judges his speeches and those of
others. He watches the eyes and mouth and eyesof others carefully before makinges a
decision. Also, he constantly thinks about how he can yield and submit himself to
others. Such a man will certainly be very distinguished in assisting the ruler, and if he
returns home, he will certainly be very distinguished as chief of the household.

[]

2. Jam ver qui ben audiunt, & populari tantm fam, clari sunt; hi modesti qudam &
gravitate exteriori; studios captant virtutem, virtutis inquam nomen ac famam; cm interim rebus
ipsis factisque virtuti adversentur. Iidem rursus, tam placid tamque fidenter persistunt in
virtute, umbr inquam ill simulatae virtutis, ut jam non sit ulla dubitatio, quin talis rever
sit, qualem se mentitur [84] esse. Adeoque sive is versetur in Regno, haud dubi celebratur
Principe, sive versetur domi, haud dubi quoque celebratur ab suis. At profecto celebritatem
hujusmodi execratur quisquis est probus ac sapiens.

But those who have a good reputation and honor are distinguished because of the
restraint and dignity of their behavior. They zealously desire virtue, or I should say,
the name and the reputation of virtue, while at the same time they go against virtue by
their deeds and actions.769 These people are unflustered and confident in standing firm

768 The Lunyu and our two Chinese commentaries establish a parallel between serving the state and
serving the family. The Latin translation adds the idea of moving from the service of the state to the
domestic service.
769 Here, Ren is simply translated with virtue.

266
on virtue, or I should say, on the shadow of a fake virtue. Surely, true virtue is not
there, but only its pretense. If such a person works for the kingdom, he is certainly
praised by the ruler, and if he returns home, he is certainly praised by his people.
However, anyone who is truly honest and wise detests such fame.770

[12.21 ]

Fol. 19, p. 1, 1. Fan chi discipulus dum sequitur Confucium deambulantem in luci Vu yu
dicti inferiori parte, sic ait: ausim ego exquirere abs te, Magister, ac discere tria imprimis
necessaria cuivis homini, qui velit ben beateque vivere. Primum est, accessionibus
quotidianis accumulare virtutes. Alterum est emendare vitia & errores. Tertium denique,
solerter discernere & penits habere perspectas animorum nebulas ac perturbationes, ut eas
in ipso statim ortu dispellam.

The disciple Fan Chi followed his master in his visit to the lower part of a sacred
grove called Wuyu, and said: I would like to inquire and learn from you, Master,
about the three most important things for any man wishing to live a good and happy
life: first, how to accumulate virtues by daily gains; second, how to remove vices and
defects; and finally, how to discern cleverly and pay attention to the confusions and
disturbances in the soul, in order to chase them away as soon as they arise.771

[ ]

2. Confucius exclamans ait: O laude dignam quaestionem!

Confucius answered: This is indeed a question worthy of praise, indeed.!

[
]

3. Et illico respondens; Satagere potissimn, inquit, circa studium ipsum virtutum

accumulandarum & non magni facere seu in aliquo habere numero id quod jam nunc est
accumulatum virtutis ac meriti, quodque olim speratur praemii & utilitatis: Hoc nonne est
accumulare virtutes? Quasi dicat, inquit Interpres, quisquis in studio stadioque virtutis hoc assidu
reputat apud animum suum, longam esse arduamque virtutis viam; eque impulsus cogitatione tam
strenu progreditur, ac si nihil dum viae confecisset: quin & reipsa de partis jam opibus & viae
spatio, quod tergo relictum est, nunquam cogitat prudens; sed illa quasi negligit, ac postremo
habet loco, ne scilicet hujusmodi cogitatio suffuretur ipsi quodammodo partas opes, dum
currentem ad otium & quietem pellicit: quisquis inquam, ejusmodi prudenti solertique, fuerit;
fierine potest, ut non proficiat in dies, & per incrementa ipsummet fallentia, ingentes coacervet
virtutis ac sapientiae thesauros? Rursus, ait Confucius, indicere bellum sibi, oppugnare diu
noctuque, sua ipsius vitia & errata; nequaquam ver temer & otios in mores inquirere aliorum,
nec reprehendere & oppugnare aliorum vitia & errata, suorum ipsius immemorem: Hoc nonne est
rever secum habitantem mederi sibi, & emendare vitia & errores? Ad extremum, perbrevis vel
unius matutini temporis iracundia non mox corcita, saepe pessumdat suam ipsius personam, sic
ut pertingat ad ipsius parentes quoque & consanguineos, totamque familiam. Atqui haec nonne est
coeci perturbatique animi affectio?

770 This last sentence is a translation from Zhangs comment (192).

771 Concerning the idea of accumulating virtue (chongde ), Zhu (139) and Zhang (192) talk about
daily accumulation (reji ). The Jesuits render this with daily gains (accessiones quotidiani). This
reflects the exercises of meditation in Neo-Confucianism, and also the daily spiritual practice of the
Jesuits.

267
Confucius replied immediately: You should put maximum effort into accumulating
virtue, without paying attention to how many virtues and merits you have already
accumulated, or to the rewards and usefulness you are hoping for. Is this not to
accumulate virtues? The interpreter [Zhang Juzheng] added: It is like someone who,
in his pursuit and race toward virtue, constantly thinks that the way toward virtue is
long and difficult. Driven by this thought, he proceeds actively as if he had not
completed any section of the road. Prudently, he never thinks about the riches he has
gained and the length of the road already walked. He forgets them and considers them
to be at the end. This kind of thought does not take away the riches he has already
gained and he is not enticed into leisure and inactivity on his course. Any prudent and
clever person does the same. Is it possible indeed to collect an immense treasure of
virtue and wisdom when you do not make daily progresses and when the former gains
are lost?772 Confucius continued, saying: You should wage a war with yourself, and,
day and night, attack your own vices and defects. 773 But you should absolutely not
look, harshly or casually, into the morals of other people. You should not blame and
accuse others for their shortcomings, and be forgetful about your own. Is this not
healing oneself and removing ones vices and defects? Finally, because of anger
which has not been properly repressed, suddenly, in one single morning, one often
ruins himself, up to the point of affecting ones parents, relatives, and the whole
family. Is this not the disposition of a confused and troubled soul?

[12.22 ]

p. 2, 1. Idem Fan-chi percontatus est de Gin virtute, seu verius de pietate. Confucius
respondit: Diligere homines sic ut amplo quodam charitatis sinu omnes complectaris &
foveas. Similiter percontatus est de prudentia. Confucius respondet: Nosse homines.

Fan Chi asked again about the virtue Ren, or should we rather say piety. Confucius
answered: To love people so that you embrace and cherish everyone in the wide
bosom of charity.774 Similarly, Fan Chi asked about prudence, to which Confucius
answered: To know people.775

[]

2. Bonus Fan chi nondum percipit Magistri responsum. Etenim si amandi sunt omnes, cur opus
est eos nosse, ut probi ab improbis, [85] amore digni ab indignis discernantur.

The good Fan Chi did not understand his Masters answer. Indeed, if everyone should
be loved, there is no need to know them and distinguish between honest and dishonest

772 This is a paraphrase of Zhangs comment (192).

773 Following closely the Lunyu and Zhu, Zhang talks about to attack ones defects (gongji zhi e
, 192). Influenced by the Western traditions of Christianity and Stoicism, the Jesuits interpret it
as waging a war with oneself. This goes against Neo-Confucianism and its stress on the unity of heaven
and man.
774 Zhang explains love as directed toward the people who are close and those who are remote (qinshu
, 193). The Latin translation strengthens further the universal dimension of love. In his Tianzhu
shiyi (457), Ricci quoted this definition of Ren by Confucius, in order to show that, even though ethics
reaches its ultimate end in God, God should not be considered as an extrinsic aim, same as Confucius
did not regard Ren, or the love for others, as something extrinsic.
775 Zhi is translated here with the Aristotelian notion of prudentia. Zhu splits this passage into six
segments, while Zhang has only two.

268
men, between those worthy and those unworthy of being loved.776

[ ]

3. Dubitanti discipulo Confucius sic ait: Quisquis evehit admovetque gerendae Reipublicae
rectos ac probos, negligit autem omnes perversos & improbos, is poterit efficere ut improbi
quoque evadant recti ac probi.

Confucius answered this confused student: One should raise and promote right and
honest people to rule the country, and he should ignore the perverse and dishonest
people. By doing this, the dishonest people are changed into right and honest people.

[
]

4. Fan chi necdum prob percepta Magistri sui ratiocinatione tam laconic, recessit: Nec mult
pst visens condiscipulum suum u hia; scire te volo, inquit, quod nuper ego adfui coram
Magistro nostro & consului ipsum de prudenti. Magister autem respondit: Evehe probos, neglige
omnes improbos, sic poteris efficere ut improbi evadant probi: Quid hoc, obsecro significat?

Fan Chi did not understand his Masters brief answer, and he left. Soon after, he saw
his fellow disciple, Zixia: I want to know something; I recently came to our Master
and asked him about prudence. The Master answered: To raise the honest people and
ignore the dishonest people, so that I can make dishonest people become honest. I
beg you, what does this mean?

[ ]

Fol. 20, p. 1, 1. u hia, re protins intellect exclamans ait: O uberem & locupletem sententiam
Magistri nostri! Hoc tibi ego duorum Imperatorum exemplo declarabo.

Zixia understood immediately and exclaimed: This sentence of our Master is very
rich and substantial!. Let me give you the example of two emperors.

[
]

2. Xun olim cm obtineret Imperium, matur usus deliberatione tandem selegit sibi unum ex
omnibus & evexit ad munus supremi adjutoris sui, sapientem scilicet cao yao: qu re vulgat per
Imperium, improbus quisque seu expers virtutis tam procul fuit semotus, ut evanuisse crederes
improbitatem. Similiter Tam Imperator, postquam obtinuit Imperium, selegit ex omnibus &
promovit ad supremam dignitatem, sapientem y yn, & ecce improbus quisque vel ad frugem rediit,
vel tam procul abscessit, ac si vivere desiisset.

When Shun obtained the empire, he selected among his people, after a long
deliberation, the wise Gao Yao, and trained him to become his principal secretary.
When this became known across the empire, all of the dishonest people and those
lacking virtue were set aside, so much so that people may have believed that
dishonesty itself had disappeared. Similarly, when Emperor Tang [Chengtang]
obtained the empire, he selected and promoted the wise Yi Yin to the highest office, so

776 This supposed contradiction is stated by Zhu (139) and Zhang (193).

269
that all the dishonest men either changed to a good life, or disappeared far away, as if
they ceased to live.777

Cao Yao oriundus fuisse creditur ex stirpe Chuen hio tertii Imperatoris Monarchiae Sinicae.
Hujus deinde posteri donati dynasti Leo eandem per decem fer saecula administrarunt donec
Regulo u fuit extincta. Extant illustria tanti viri documenta de modo rect gubernandi, in
libro 2. Xu kim qui inscribitur Cao yao meu, id est, Cao yao consultationes. Scriptae sunt per
modum dialogi ipsum inter et Imperatorem, opus vel propter unam antiquitatem (quippe bis
mille et amplius annorum ante Christum) praelis dignum Europaeis. Inter caetera quod attinet
ad rectam populi administrationem docet quo pacto is, qui in terris imperat, fingere et
accommodare se debeat ad subditorum suorum desideria et vota, et talis esse, qualem
subditorum merita vel demerita esse postulant, proposito sibi supremi Caeli exemplo et norm;
tametsi hoc enim, seu potis hujus Imperator nihil non audiat atque intelligat (uti litteraliter
explicat Cham Colaus) utpote quo omnis mens, et ratio, et consilium nobis indita sunt;
singulis item; quod aequum est, pro suis cujusque meritis rependat; hos ipsos tamen
Providentiae suae effectus sic exerit, ut communibus mortalium votis atque promeritis
regimen suum ordiatur quodammodo, seseque ita attemperet ut vox et mens populi sit vox et
mens ipsius caeli seu caeli Domini. Quo fit, ut quod communi naturae ad bonum instinctu
universus populus audit, videt, ac percipit; quod item amat [86] et odit; caelum itidem hoc
ipsum audiat, videat, percipiat, amet, et oderit: sive ut (alio loco dicitur) caelum videat ex populi
oculis, audiat ex populi auribus, adeoque populo ipso praevi moveatur, et quodammod
determinetur, ut debita cujusque meritis praemia, vel supplicia decernat. Et hinc etiam non
semel hoc libro Xu kim dicitur Xam ti pu cham hoc est caeli supremus Imperator non
determinat, sed si improbos viderit castigat, si probos beat, unde, uti alibi, quod caelum
immittat calamitates aut felicitates, pendet virtute. Et quidem quas coelum infert calamitates
potest quis adhuc effugere, at quas per sua scelera sibi quis fabricat non potest aequ facil
evadere, nisi videlicet sese emendet. Quod si populus non obsequatur virtuti nec subjiciat se
scelerum correctioni, caelum utique per sinistra portenta eum rever monet movetque ut ad
rectitudinem suam virtutemque revocetur.

Gao Yao was believed to be the descendant of Zhuanxu, the third emperor of the
Chinese monarchy.778 His own posterity inherited the dynasty of Liao which they
managed for almost one thousand years until it was destroyed by the prince of Chu.779
Some famous lessons about the governing ways of this great man can be found in the
second book of the Shujing, the Gao Yao Mo , that is, the Instructions of
Gao Yao. They are written in the form of a dialogue between himself and the
emperor. Because of its antiquity (more than two thousand years before Christ), this
work would be worthy of being printed in Europe. Among other things touching upon
the correct management of the people, it teaches how a ruler on earth should adapt
and transform himself to the desires and hopes of his subjects, to be such as the
merits and defects of his people require him to be, taking supreme heaven as example
and norm. Heaven, or better the emperor of heaven, listens and understands
everything (as the grand secretary Zhang explains literally),780 as much as he gives us
every thought, reason, and plan, and that a fair retribution compensates each one
according to his own merit and the merit of heaven. However, the working of his

777 Following this verse, the Jesuits present a short description of Gao Yao and a very lengthy one of
Yi Yin. We can see here quite clearly the hermeneutic strategy of the Jesuits, explaining the Lunyu with
many references from the Five Classics, especially the Shujing, because the Jesuits read in those
ancient texts the respect for heaven (tian) and God (Shangdi).
778 Qinbenji , Shiji:
.
779 Qinbenji , Shiji:
.
780 This refers to the commentary of the Shujing by Zhang.

270
providence puts out thought, reason, and plan so that heavens plan begins with the
wishes and merits of the common mortals. Heaven adjusts itself so that the voice and
mind of the people would be the voice and mind of heaven, of the master of heaven.
Whereby, as all the people to hear, see, and perceive, with a common instinct of
nature, the good, what they like and hate, thus in the same manner, heaven hears,
sees, and perceives, loves and hates, or as it is said elsewhere, heaven sees with the
eyes of the people and hears with the ears of the people. Truly, heaven is first long
before moved and somehow influenced by the people, and then so that he decides the
rewards and punishments due to each one. Thence, the Shujing mentions a few times
Shangdi buchang,781 which means the supreme emperor of heaven does not set limits.
If he sees dishonest people, he punishes them, and if he sees honest people, he blesses
them. From this and, as everywhere, what heaven may send as disasters or happiness
depends on virtue. Thus anyone can escape the calamities that heaven sends, but he
cannot as easily escape the calamities he makes himself through his crimes, unless he
corrects himself. If the people do not follow virtue and submit themselves to the
correction of crimes, heaven certainly warns and stirs them through inauspicious
omen to return to their rectitude and virtue.

Alter sapientum Y yn genus ducebat ab illustri Colao Kie mo, qui octingentis circiter ante
hunc nepotem suum annis consiliis fuerat primo Monarchiae Imperatori Hoam ti nuncupato:
Y yn erg cm turbatissima nactus esset tempora, latitabat prudens, et Agriculturae operam
dabat; quando eum Regulus Tam quinies invitatum frustra, tandem non sine amic vi assistere
sibi coegit et esse consiliis. Nec multo post misit ad impium Kie primae familia Imperatorem
ultimum, non sine spe hominis ad sanam mentem revocandi: apud quem tamen cm nihil is
profecisset; re desperat, ad Tam Regulum est reversus, qui deinde evectus ad Imperium, primam
su dignitatem contulit sapienti, plurimm usus ejusdem opera et consilio ad familiae suae Xam
dictae fundationem. Author idem fuit aurifodinas aperiendi, sublevando scilicet populo, quem
sterilitas et fames per annos omnino septem quibus ipsis fort et in Aegypto et (uti sacrae
testantur paginae) orbe universo tunc laboratum est, vehementer afflixerat. Imperatore Tam
mortuo, cm fort Tai kia adolescens, qui avo suo nepos successerat, curis negotiisque
publicis abhorrens, desidiae sese et oblectamentis juvenilibus caepisset dedere; Colaus Y yn
tantum mali oppressurus in semine, adolescentem in horto sepulchri patrii, ceu custodi
domestic detentam, triennio toto, (quod erat tempus paterno luctui destinatum) sever ad
modum disciplina sic instituit, excoluitque pro e, qu valebat, vicari potestate, ut inde
prodiens, jam alius esset ab se, vinceretque aetatem suam prudentia et maturitate; et avitae
laudis aemulus imperium deinde per annos triginta sapienter admodum gubernrit.

Another wise man, Yi Yin, came from the famous elder Limu, who, eight hundred
years before his descendant, was a counselor to Huangdi, the first emperor of the
monarchy.782 Since Yi Yin knew he was living in a very turbulent time, he kept in
hiding and devoted himself to agriculture.783 When Tthe young king Tang had invited
him in vain, and so he put pressure on him Yi Yin with a friendly forcepersuasion, so
that Yi Yinhe could assist and advise him. Not much later, Yi Yin went to the impious
Jie, the last emperor of the first dynasty, with the hope that the manJie could recover
mental health. While he Yi Yin made no progress with Jie, and the affair was hopeless,

781 In fact, there is in the Shujing only one occurrence of Shangdi buchang , found in the
chapter Yixun [Instructions of Yi Yin]. The mentions of Emperor Shun and his counselor Gao
Yao, and of Emperor Chengtang and his counselor Yi Yin led the Jesuits to mention the Shujing with its
idea of a personalized heaven rewarding the good and punishing the evil in function of the situation.
782 Huang Fumi , Diwang shiji : . The transliteration seems to be
incorrect.
783 Wan Zhang A, Mencius: .

271
so he returned to the young king Tang who was then raised to the supreme power.784
Tang gave the highest rank to the wise man and, through his work and advice,
established the Shang dynasty. Yi Yin decided to open goldmines in order to relieve
the people who had been greatly afflicted by bareness poor harvests [in crops] and
hunger for seven years there, in Egypt, and on all of earth (as the Bible attests). 785
After the death of Emperor Tang [Chengtang], the young Taijia succeeded his
grandfather, but he abhorred pressure and public affairs, and started to surrender
himself to leisure and juvenile pleasures. In order to crush the evil at its root, the
grand secretary Yi Yin ordered the adolescent to be kept in confinement at the tomb of
his father, for a total of three years (which was the time fixed for mourning ones
father). During this time of regencyWith such a strict discipline, Taijia established
himself and improved during this time of regency. He made progress and became
another man, conquering this period of his life through wisdom and maturity. 786
Finally, emulating the praise of this grandfather, he wisely ruled the empire for thirty
years.

Obiit Colaus Y yn centenario major, anno 8. Vo tim Imperatoris, qui tertius fuit istius
familiae. Parentavit hic ei ritu Regio; et merito san, ut qui per annos tres administrarat olim
Imperium tanto majori cum fide, quod vicaria cum potestate. Sepultus est media fer leuca
sepulchro conditoris in Provinci Ho nan. Successit ei filius Y pu, qui et hutim, et quatuor
succedentium deinceps Principum Colaus fuit.

The grand secretary Yi Yin died when he was one hundred years old, in the eighth
year of Emperor Wuding, the third emperor of this dynasty. The emperor arranged for
him a royal funeral, as it was proper since Yi Yin had ruled the empire during the
three years as regent. He was buried a half mile away from the tomb of the founder
[Chengtang] in the province of Henan. His son Yizhi succeeded him and became an
elder for the four succeeding rulers.787

[87] Extant cedro digna viri praecepta ac monita in eodem libro Xu kim et primum
quidem inscribitur Y hiun, id est, documenta ipsius Y yn quibus scilicet adolescentem necdum
depravatum, ceu antidotis quibusdam vel armis praemunit. Secundm constat severiori qudam
oratione, qu eundem, cum mutari jam caepisset, paterna cum authoritate castigat. Tertium
scribitur jam resipiscenti; quo etiam tempore, finito jam luctu triennali, mensis duodecimi die
primo idem Colaus ei purpuram detulit ac diadema; laetumque custodi sepulchrali ad aulam
et avitum solium reduxit. Quarto denique capite hortatur ad tuendum parta, et caeptum virtutis
iter animos prosequendum. Denique est et alterum caput, quod Ye te inscribitur, acris ad
unam potissimum virtutem, velut unicum regiminis fundamentum cohortatio. Fit interim
crebra mentio in his omnibus providentiae caelestis, cui par sit morem gerere; et supremi
caelorum Imperatoris qui etiam nomine ipsius caeli frequenter venit, more Sinis usitatissimo.
Quoniam vero haec adeo antiqua sunt monumenta; gauderent, opinor, Europaei videre illa
praelis suis excusa; atque hoc imprimis inde discere, naturae legem ne extremis quidem
terrarum finibus, cum veri Numinis notitia, defuisse. Viderent etiam non sine admiratione,
quae artes, et quae praecepta regendi Imperii in una religione et virtute fundata, jam tum,
annis, inquam, ante Christum 1750. in Sin viguerint.

784 Yinbenji , Shiji:

.
785 Couplet is trying here to synchronize Chinese history with biblical history.
786 Yinbenji , Shiji:

.
787 Kong Anguo: .

272
 The lessons and warnings of Yi Yin are worthy of immortality, and are still extant
in the Shujing. There, in the chapter called Yixun, or Lessons of Yi Yin, it is first
written how Yi Yin defended in advance the adolescent [Taijia], not yet depraved, with
some remedies as weapons.788 Second, there are severe words by which Yi Yin blamed
with paternal authority the youth who had begun to change.789 Third, it is written how,
when Taijia had recovered his senses after having finished a period of three years of
mourning, on the first day of the twelfth month, the grand secretary [Yi Yin] gave him
the purple and the crown, and how joyful Taijia was when brought back from the
cemetery-prison to the court.790 The fourth paragraph encourages tostresses the
preservation ofe the gains, as well as and the zealously to pursuit ofe the road of
virtue that has been undertaken. Finally, another paragraph, called Yide, gives strong
encouragement to pursue virtue alone, as much as possible, as the unique foundation
for the political regime.791 Among all of these, there is a quick mention of the heavenly
providence, which one should obey, and of the supreme emperor of heaven [Shangdi],
who comes more frequently under the name of heaven [Tian]. 792 Because these are
indeed very ancient lessons, I think that the Europeans would rejoice at seeing them
in print under press, and most of all at learning from this that natural law was not
missing in the ends of the earth and that the true divinity was known. The Europeans
should even see, not without admiration, that the arts and the precepts of governing
the empire, based on a unique religion and virtue, were already flourishing some
1,750 years before Christ.793

Juvat hic ex multis delibare unum alterumve monitum ad frugem redeunti jam Principi
fideli suo Y yn administro datum, prout Interpres noster ethnicus cum aliis illud exponit.

It may help here to pick one or two warnings out of many given by the faithful
minister Yi Yin to the prince [Taijia], as our interpreter [Zhang Juzheng] and others
explain.

Regia persona, inquit, supra quidem habet augustum caelum quo respicitur, infra habet
populum quo item respicitur, ante et retro, dextris et sinistris assistunt spiritus. Res san
maxim pertimescenda Caelum tametsi Regem uti filium habeat tamen an semper favebit, an
aliquando adversabitur adimetque Imperium, nondum quidem determinavit, adeoque hc non
ducitur affectu aut propensione determinata. At vero si quidem Princeps noverit reverenter se
gerere et obsequi caelo, si sibi attendere, si in omni motu, actione, sermone, cogitatione ita
semper se gerat, ac si caelum Regem intueatur ipsique praesens assistat, adeoque ne unicam
quidem cogitationem pravam admittere audeat, tum cert hujusmodi mens reverens et cogitatio
penetrat ipsum caelum, moxque caelum amanter juvat, protegit, dilatatque se delegatum
Imperium. Populus item tametsi mentem et oculos in Regem suum semper habeat intentos,
spesque omnes suas in eo collocatas, non tamen populi indoli usquequaque fidendum cum
modo in bonam modo in sinistram partem flecti queat, adeoque ejusdem subjectio debita, non
sit quid stabile et immutabile: Verum si Princeps pietate foveat et protegat populum, si filiorum
instar amet nec patiatur vel unum vilem homuncionem et mulierculam qui non gaudeat regi
beneficenti; tum san tam amplae pietatis cor diffundetur in populum qui adeo venerabitur,

788 Yixun, Shujing: .

789 Ibid.:

.
790 Ibid.:
791 Ibid.: .
792 Ibid.: .
793 With this attempt in proving the monotheism of the ancient Chinese, our text moved quite far away
from the Lunyu.

273
redamabit, seseque ultro submittere gaudebit tam pio [88] et benigno Principi. Quae cum ita
sint, si quidem Rex in dignitate caelo dat constitutus vel unam cogitationem non rectam
admittat, jam caelum Regem fastidiet et aversabitur; si vel unica res amiserit debitum ordinem,
jam populus hoc ipso alienabitur: caelo igitur collata dignitas quam periculosa est ac
formidabilis! quamvis cum timore et tremore et cura assidua indies virtutem accumules, non est
tamen quod tibi promittas felicis exits securitatem.

The royal person has above the august heaven which watches over him; below
he has the people who watch over him; in front and behind, on the right and on the
left, the spirits are assisting him.794 One thing should be feared above all; it is that,
even if heaven makes the kings son a king, he has not yet determined whether or not
he will always favor him, whether or not he will oppose him one day and withdraw
the power from him, because heaven is not led by a particular disposition or
inclination. But if the ruler knows how to conduct himself with respect and to follow
heaven, how to attend to oneself, how to behave every movement, during every action,
and with every word and thought, and if indeed heaven watches over the king and
assists him in person so that he does not dare to accept one single evil thought, then
certainly his revering mind and thought reaches heaven and soon heaven helps with
love, and protects and prolongs the power entrusted to him. Also, even if the people
always have their mind and eyes fixed on their king, and all their hopes placed in
him, the king should not completely trust the character of the people which can turn
into change from good toor bad. Also, the subjection of the people may not be
something stable and permanent. But if the ruler maintains piety and protects the
people, if he loves them as sons and endures a vile man or woman who does not
appreciate the royal beneficence, then the heart of such a broad piety will be diffused
by the people. They will respect, love equally, and enjoy submitting themselves
completely to such a pious and good prince. If everything is like this, if the king has
been established by heaven in this dignity, but yet accepts even one incorrect thought,
then heaven will disdain and reject him. If even one single matter slips the due order,
the people will be alienated by this. Therefore, how dangerous and terrifying is the
dignity received from heaven! You may accumulate virtue, day after day, with fear,
trembling, and anxiety, yet, you have no final assurance of success.

Sola itaque virtus sita in veneratione, pietate, veracitate et fide firmat regna et regimen: hanc
si negligas, jam caeli iudignationem, populi dissensionem, spirituum aversionem hoc ipso
provocaveris.

Thus, only a virtue based on worship, piety, truth, and trust, makes kingdoms and
political regimes stable. If you ignore this virtue, you will provoke the indignation of
heaven, conflict with the people, and the aversion of the spirits.

Denique alio capite praemuniens Principem contra praesumptionem suspirans ait: Quod
9. Imperii Provinciis domineris, rever non est nisi supremi caeli mandato. Sed augusto
caelo, quod affectu non ducatur, difficulter credi potest aut confidi. Hujus ordinatio an stabilis
an diuturna, an varianda, an brevior sit futura, omnino incertum. Potest totius Imperii
revolutio contingere, possunt initia esse florentissima, at deinde exitus miserandi: duntaxat
igitur caelum attendit ad Principis virtutem cujusmodi sit. Revera si id domitis pravis affectibus
constanter uni insistat virtuti sic ut nullo motu pravo ab ea ne ad momentum deflectat, hoc ipso
stabilis et favens constabit caeli erga se favor et voluntas: si virtus deficiat privatis affectibus et
illicitis desideriis animum ab ea distrahentibus, aut si sibi vim quidem inferat sed ad breve

794 First part of Taijia , Shujing:

. Here, august heaven (tian) refers only to the material heaven.

274
tempus vix perseverans, tum caeli voluntas consequenter eum se repellet. Et quamvis caeli
decretum seu voluntas incerta sit et nobis cognita, tamen haec caeli cum homine reciproca
relatio omnino non errat aut fallitur: quare si vis, Princeps, conservatum diu Imperium, uni
constanter vaca virtuti et sufficit. Confirmat haec deinde exemplis postremi Imperatoris Kie
quem ob impietatem caelum se repudiaverat, & assumpti in Imperium avi Chim tam: de quo
sic ait: Ne existimes, Princeps! ex privato quodam affectu caelo delatum Imperium, aut
populi opem aut patrocinium ad eam rem Rege postulatum una: scilicet avi tui virtus fuit et
pietas quae commovit supremi (caeli) Imperatoris cor et voluntatem, totiusque populi sola ejus
virtute attracti propensissima studia.

Finally, in another paragraph, when warning the prince [Taijia] against pride,
he utters with a sigh: Controlling the nine provinces of the empire comes only from
the mandate of the supreme heaven. It is difficult to believe and rely on an august
heaven since it has no particular affection. It is quite uncertain whether its plan
would be lasting, changing, or short. A revolution of the entire empire could happen,
with a very prosperous beginning, but a miserable end, since heaven considers only
the virtue of the prince. After his evil passions have been mastered, if the ruler
constantly stands on virtue alone so that he does not deviate from it a single instant
and by any movement, then the favor and will of heaven will continue to be stable and
to support him. But if personal passions and illicit desires distract the soul from virtue
and make it weak, or if he puts in effort for only a short moment and hardly
perseveres, then the will of heaven will back away from him. Even though the
mandate and will of heaven may be uncertain and difficult for us to know, the mutual
relationship of heaven with human beings cannot wander or vacillate. Thus, prince, if
you wish to keep in power for a long time, you should constantly devote yourself to
this unique virtue; it is enough.795 This is confirmed by the example of the last
emperor Jie, whom heaven repudiated because of his impiety, and by the example of
Chengtang, who inherited the empire. Chengtang said: Do not think, oh prince
[Taijia], that heaven takes away the empire because of some personal affection, or
that the king depends on the work and protection of the people in this matter. It was
the virtue and piety of your grandfather [Chengtang], which moved the heart and will
of the supreme emperor (of heaven), and which attracted the most favorably disposed
efforts of the entire people.796

[12.23 ]

p. 2, 1. u cum Magistrum consulit de amiciti, Confucius respondit: Magn cum fide &
benevolenti commoneto peccantem & comiter affabiliterque dirigito in viam, qu is
aberravit: Quod si nihil efficere hc potes; tum quidem tu desiste prudens ne alioquin
importunitate tu ipse tibi sis dedecori.

Zigong asked the Teacher about friendship. Confucius answered: With great loyalty
and benevolence, you should warn him about his mistakes, and you should gently and
kindly put him back to the path from which he has strayed. If you achieve nothing,
then you should prudently give up so that he does not become a disgraceful

795 Third part of Taijia , Shujing:

.
796Second part of Taijia , Shujing:
.

275
embarrassment to you.

[12.24 ]

2. em u Confucii discipulus, aiebat: Sapientes per litterarum artiumque liberalium studia &
exercitationes, sitas potissimum in exemplis ac institutis, monimentisque Priscorum sapientum,
sibi conciliant & associant amicos; per ipsos ver amicos mutu sese adjuvant ad omnem virtutem
& perfectionem animi. Idcirc scilicet [89] sapiens sic his & illis dat operam, ut non tam sectetur
illas, quam per illas sectetur virtutem.

Zengzi, the disciple of Confucius, said: The wise people attract friends and
associates through the study and practice of literature and the liberal arts, which are
centered on the examples, teachings, and records of the aAncient sSages.797 Through
friends, they lead each other to each virtue and perfection of the mind. Therefore, a
wise man makes efforts both in virtue and in books, so that he does not only follow
the books, but more importantly, he follows virtue by way of the books.798

797 Zhu interpreted wen not in the general sense of culture, but in a more restricted sense of study
(jiangxue , 140). Zhang understands the term wen more broadly, including the Shijing, the
Shujing, and the six arts (liu yi, 195). This is the interpretation chosen by the Jesuits. The six arts are
rendered here with liberal arts, as in the translation of Lunyu 9.2, 9.6, and 14.13.
798 The final comment corresponds to Zhangs warning against empty literature (xuwen , 195).
Zhang recommends that Wanli should cultivate virtues by interacting with his ministers, who are his
true friends in virtue.

276
 [90] Libri tertii pars septima
Seventh Part of the Third Book

[13.1 ]

Fol. 1, p. 1, paragraph 1. u Lu discipulus exquirit a Magistro suo modum gubernandi.

Confucius respondit: Exemplis optimis virtutum fac praeeas & praeluceas subditis suis;
deinde per te ipse fac cures rem populi, ultroque venias in partem laboris publici.

The disciple Zilu asked his Master about the way of governing. Confucius answered:
With the best examples of virtue, lead and illuminate the way ahead for your
subordinates; second, care for the affairs of the people, and furthermore engage
yourself in public works.799

[ ]

2. Discipulus Magistrum rogavit ut plura suggereret. Confucius mederi volens morbo

discipuli, sic respondit: Non habeo quod addam; serverentur ista duo, sed constanter, absit
pigritia, taedium, lassitudo.

The disciple requested the Master to go into more detail supply more, but Confucius
wanted to cure the vices of this disciple, 800 and answered: I will only add this: keep
these two things,801 but always without laziness, revulsion, and fatigue.

[13.2 ]

3. Alius e discipulis Chum cum nomine, cum esset sub Ki xi majori praefecto, minoris &
ipse ditionis Praefectus; exquisivit item modum gubernandi. Confucius respondit: Primum
fac habeas minores praefectos, quorum opera ministerioque res perficias. Dissimula prudens
& condona minora peccata. Evehe ad honores publicos, & admove gerendae Republicae viros
spectatae virtutis ac sapientiae: Sic enim tibi tuisque praeclar consules.

The disciple Zhonggong [Ran Yong] was then a prefect of a small dominion under the
rule of a higher prefect, Ji. He also asked about the way of governing and Confucius
responded: First, have minor prefects so that you can achieve things through their
work and service. Be wise in letting small mistakes pass unnoticed. Promote to public
honors and bring to public affairs those of tested virtue and knowledge. In this way,
you will help yourself greatly, as well as your people.

[ ]

p. 2, 1. At enim, inquit, idem Chum cum, quomodo perspectas habebo sapientum hujuscemodi
dotes, ut eos deinde eveham. Respondit Confucius: primum fac evehas ipse quos perspectos
habueris, & unicum duntaxat, si tantum unicum noveris. Ipse ver, quos non habueris
perspectos, num alii quoque ignorabunt illos, adeoque praeteribunt ac neglegent?

Then Zhonggong asked: How can I recognize those endowed with wisdom and

799 Zhang (196) mentions inspections of rural areas as an example.

800 The interpreter Wu mentioned that Zilu was enthusiastic but could not persevere (Zhu, 141;
Zhang, 196).
801 This is the interpretation of Zhang (196).

277
promote them? Confucius answered: First promote those who you have already
noticed, even if you know only one of them.802 Those that you have not noticed, will
others ignore, overlook, or neglect them?

[13.3 ]

2. Lim cum Regulo Regni Lu mortuo suffectus erat Che Princeps, avo nepos; patre interim
profugo contra fas & aequum neglecto: Quin & armis deinde, cum reditum pararet, prohibito. Inter
haec Confucius e Regno u forte rediit ad Regnum Guei, ubi per id tempus Magistratum gerebat
discipulus u lu; qui Magistrum alloquens sic ait: Regni Guei Princeps jamdudum tenetur
desiderio tui, & cupid expectat excepturus Magistrum ut fungre Magistratu. Hoc ergo si
contigerit, aveo scire, ecquidnam tu Magister facturus sis primo loco?

After the death of the prince Ling Gong of Lu, 803 his grandson, Prince Zhe, was
chosen as his successor instead of the father who had been unjustly exiled. Soldiers
were even appointed to stop the father if he ever tried to return. Meanwhile,
Confucius was returning from Chu to Wei, where his disciple Zilu was holding
office.804 During the conversation with the Master, he said: For some time now, the
ruler of Wei has a strong desire to meet the Master because he wants to give him an
office. If this happens, I am anxious to know what you would do in the first place,
Master.

[ ]

[90] 3. Confucius respondit: Neutiquam violari debet lex & ordo, quo natura filium patri
subjecit & adstrinxit. Iam Princeps tuus Che, quandoquidem neglectio patre patrioque jure,
eum qui suus avus est, patrem vocet, scilicet speciosiori nomine possideat necdum sibi
debitam ditionem: Ergo ante omnia tam foedae perturbationi recti ordinis, laesaeque pietati
medere conarer; adeoque omnino reformarem nomen ipsius.

Confucius responded: The law or order by which nature makes a son a subject and a
subordinate to his father should never be violated.805 However, your prince Zhe has
ignored his father and the paternal right. He calls his grandfather father, and
therefore he holds power by a very specious name. Above all, I would first attempt to
correct this hideous disruption of the natural order and this insult to piety, so that I
would completely change his very name.

[ ]

Fol. 2, p. 1, 1. u lu verba Magistri non satis matur expendens, quasi illa hc & nunc
mins ad rem facerent, parm considerat, estne, inquit, hoc ita, ut ais? Tu Magister, ut mihi
quidem videris, abes hic long vero. Quorsum ista, quaeso, tam supervacanea nominis
reformatio, quando sunt alia longe majoris momenti quae hoc statu rerum ac temporum
potius videntur tractanda?

802 This mention of only one person is not found in Zhu or Zhang.
803 There is a mistake in the Latin text. Lin Gong did not reign over the kingdom of Lu, but over the
kingdom of Wei as it is correctly stated in the translation-commentary of Lunyu 6.26 and 7.14.
804 All this comment follows Zhangs explanation (19798).
805 Following Zhu (142), Zhang (198) explains zhengming as making name and reality match. Also,
Zhang explains it as an agreement with the basic relationships. Here, the vocabulary used by the Jesuits
is reminiscent of the concept of natural law in the Western tradition.

278
Zilu did not consider the words of the Master carefully, like those who do not put their
whole mind into what they are doing, 806 and said: How can you talk like that? It
seems to me, Master, that you go too far. I ask you, why have this needless reform of
names, when so many other reforms, far more important at this moment, are still
waiting?807

[ ]

2. Confucius tam praecipiti responso suboffendus, vah! inquit, quam rudis & agrestis es,
mi yeu! vir sapiens in iis quae necdum prob percepit; cert haesitantis instar est ac
subdubitantis; nec temer quod in mentem venit, effutit illic.

Confucius was slightly offended by his disciples rash response and said: Ah! How
churlish and crude you are, my dear You [Zilu]! A wise man hesitates and holds his
tongue about matters that he does not fully comprehend, and he does not recklessly
say all that comes to his mind.

[]

3. Audi nunc igitur quid paucis verbis significare voluerim: Si nomen ipsum Principis non
sit rectum, nec eiusmodi, quod ei jure competat; adeoque si in ipsa quasi fronte hominis
resplendeat mendacium; tum profect sermones ac mandata haudquaquam secundis
auribus animisque excipientur. Quod si sermo Principis non excipiatur secundis auribus &
animis; tum procul dubio publicae res & negotia nequaquam perficientur.

Listen now to what I want to express in a few words. If the very name of the ruler is
not accurate, then what about his jurisdiction? Indeed, if the very face of a man shines
with a lie, then what he says or dictates cannot be accepted by the ears and hearts of
others. And if what the ruler says is not accepted by the ears and hearts of his subjects,
then the public affairs and business cannot be executed at all.

[
]

4. Quando autem res haerent & non perficiuntur; tum vinculum illud societatis humanae,
officiorum scilicet ordo, mutuaque omnium concordia, haud vigebunt. Ordine illo & concordia
non vigentibus; tum poenae ac supplicia non attingent scopum a legibus constitutum;
Suppliciis hoc modo a legum scopo aberrantibus; tum populus infelix, incertus quid
prosequatur aut fugiat, plan non habet, ubi tuto collocet pedes manusque. Porr tot ac
tantorum malorum caput & radix est neglecta filii pietas, falso illo & jure & nomine
personata.

And when the affairs are not being executed, then the bond of human society, or the
order of duties, and the mutual harmony of all, cannot thrive. 808 And when there is no
harmony and order, then all the punishments and penalties will not accomplish the
purpose set by the laws. Thus, all the penalties will err from the purpose of the laws,

806 Zhu did not make this comment, but Zhang (198) did.
807 This is a literal translation of zhengming as reform of names.
808 Literally, the classical text could be read as: If things do not succeed, then the rituals and music do
not thrive. However, the interpreter Fan did not understand the character as meaning music, but as
meaning the harmony of things (Zhu, 142). Zhang and the Jesuits follow the same interpretation.

279
and the unfortunate people, uncertain of what should be done or not, will not know in
which direction it is safe for them to walk. Indeed, the source and root of so many
disasters is the ignorance of true filial piety, being masked by false name and law.809

[]

5. Idcirco vir Princeps quod attinet ad nomen ipsius & compellationem procul dubio debet esse
eiusmodi quod possit sine rubore eiusdem vel offendiculo subditorum proferri, sic ut vocetur
filius, si filius est; nepos si nepos. Iam ubi sic proferretur nomen, feliciter procul dubio & sine
repugnantia subditorum poterunt res & negotia totius Regni procedere. Quocirca vir princeps in
suis verbis nihil habeat vel admitat, quod inane sit vel temerarium; & hoc quidem sufficiat, ut
intelligas ipse quanti momenti sit ea, quam initio exigebam, nominis commutatio.

Therefore, since a ruler governs by his name and title, he should not feel ashamed of
it and it should not cause reprobation among the subjects. This way, a son could be
called a son, and a grandson could be called a grandson. 810 Indeed, if names are used
that way, then the affairs and proceedings of the whole kingdom will surely move
swiftly and without any resistance from the subjects. Therefore, a ruler should not
have or accept anything foolish and rash in his language. This is enough for you to
understand how important this change of name is, as I was saying from the very
beginning.

[13.4
]

p. 2, 1. Discipulus Fan chi, pertaesus, opinor, corruptos mores [91] aetatis suae, rogavit
doceri Agriculturam. Confucius respondit: Ego non sum instar veterani agricolae peritus
artis rusticae: peritos consulito. Rursus itaque rogavit doceri rem hortensem. Confucius
respondit: Ego no sum instar senioris hortulani; tu adi, & consule quorum id munus est.

The disciple Fan Chi, being fed up, as I suppose, of the moral decay of his era, asked
the Master to teach him about agriculture.811 Confucius said: I am not like the old
farmers who are skilled in agriculture: go to ask them. Then the disciple asked about
gardening. Confucius responded: I do not know as an old gardener does: go and ask
those in charge of gardens.

[ ]

2. Fan chi spe sua frustratus egredibatur; egredientem Confucius sic arguens, ut simul tamen
hortaretur ad susceptum virtutis sapientiaeque studium strenu prosequendum; o te, inquit, plebei
& humilis animi virum! Mi Fan siu!

Fan Chi left disappointed, but as he was leaving, and in order to encourage him to

809 The last sentence referring to disasters is a translation of the comment of Zhang (142) with the
mention of liubi .
810 The examples of son and grandson refer to King Ling Gong and Prince Zhe, mentioned above, and
as explicitly mentioned by Zhu (142).
811 For Zhang, Fan Chi was considering rural work as a basic economic policy (
, 199); however, he is rebuked by Confucius as a petty man (xiaoren ). In contrast, Zhu
understood xiaoren not in a moral sense but in the sense of class division, the common people ( ,
142). The Jesuits seem to follow here the explanation by Zhu with their reference to the common
people (plebes).

280
pursue his efforts eagerly in taking up virtue and learning, Confucius said: Oh, you
are a man of the common people and of humble spirit, my dear Fan Xu!

[
]

3. Qui superiorem in Republica locum obtinent, si quidem gaudeant exteriori simul &
interiori compositione; tum quidem subditorum nullus erit, qui audeant non eos colere ac
vereri. Rursus iidem superiores si gaudeant aequitate & iustitia; tum subditorum nullus erit,
qui audeat eisdem non omnibus in rebus morem gerere. Denique superiores si gaudeant fide,
verbis factisque praestita, num subditorum nullus erit, qui audeat non exerere vicissim
synceram promptamque voluntatem. Haec autem si ita se habuerint; tum quatuor regionum,
id est, orbis universi, populi, fasciis involutos gestabunt humeris infantulos suos, & ultro
properantes turmatim adventabunt; adeoque nec agris cultores deerunt, nec cultoribus
alimenta. Quorsum igitur applices animum agriculturae, qui tuum, aliorumque animum
potes excolere; & sic vel maxime consulere ipsi etiam agriculturae?

If all the high positions in the country are occupied by people who rejoice at
harmonizing the interior and the exterior, then there should be none among their
subjects who would not dare to care for them and pay proper respect to them. Also, if
those superiors cherish equality and justice, then there should be none among their
subjects who would not dare to act properly in all matters. Furthermore, if superiors
cherish a trust implemented through words and deeds, there should be none among
their subjects who would not dare to show the most sincere and prompt good will.
Therefore, if the superiors had all these qualities, then the people, bearing their infant
babies on their backs, would come to them in large groups, from all four regions, that
is, from the whole world. This way, there would be many working in the fields and a
good supply of food.812 So why do you want to burden your mind with the knowledge
of agriculture while you and others should put all your efforts into cultivating the
mind, rather than in inquiring about agriculture?813

Ne quis fort existimaret Philosopho Sinico contemni agriculturam, quam nemo

Philosophorum etiam Sinensium non magni fecit; conatur hic Colaus Interpres noster Confucii
responsum sic exponere, ut etiam conciliare non dubitet cum exhortatione illa, qua olim Cheu cum
Princeps agriculturam Imperatori Chim vam, cujus erat patruus ac tutor, studiose commendaret,
uti refertur in Xu kim libro 8 sub titulo Vu ye, hoc est, non vacandum otio: imprimis autem docet,
quanti Reges facere debeant, et quam sollicite tueri ac fovere agriculturam tanquam basim
Imperii, et tanquam elementum quoddam populi, quo is haud secus ac piscis aqua sui conservetur.
Affert in hunc finem exempla priscorum Regum Xun, yu, ven et Vu vam, patris, fratrisque sui;
qui cum Philosophiae studio, studium agriculturae quondam conjunxerant. Quid? Quod etiam
ab imperiali dignitate non alienum id esse Reges censuerunt, qui manus Regias stivae
admoventes partem agri quotannis per se ipsi arabant, ex quo deinde liba et vinum in sacrificia,
caelorum Imperatori offerenda petebantur, uti Memcius testatur citans libros officiorum.
Quamquam alia quoque tam rari exempli fuit causa, ut scilicet usu ipso discerent Principes
duros colonorum suorum miserari labores: Quorum memoriam ut identidem refricaret
Imperatorum unus; aratrum quoque iusserat in Palatio suspendi. Illam quoque praeter has
affert causam exercitandae ab Regibus agriculturae memoratus [92] Cheu cum, ut modestiae
imprimis ac submissionis nobilissimum fructum ex illa peterent: nec deliciis sese otiove
dederent (declerent), ac luxui, quae Reipublicae solent esse perniciosa.

Do not think that the Chinese Philosopher was condemning agriculture, since all
812 This translates Zhangs comment: , 200.
813 Zhang explains the answer of Confucius through the Mencian division between the people who
labor physically (laoli ) and those who labor mentally (laoxin , 200).

281
Chinese philosophers esteemed it. Our interpreter and grand secretary attempted to
explain the response of Confucius by connecting it with this exhortation: the prince
Zhou Gong, being the uncle and tutor of Emperor Cheng Wang, recommended to him
agriculture, as is written in the eighth volume of the Shujing, in the chapter entitled
Wuyi, meaning, You must not be idle.814 He also taught how kings should
behave, and how they should thoroughly care and support agriculture, since it is the
base of the empire and the very element that preserves the people, like water
preserves fish from drying. Finally, he presented examples of the ancient kings Shun
and Yu, as well as the examples of Zhou Gongs father, Wen Wang and of his brother,
Wu Wang.815 They all combined the study of philosophy with the study of
agriculture.816 What! For these kings, even pushing the plough with their royal hands
was not contrary to imperial dignity. Year after year, they were ploughing a part of
the field which produced fruits and wines for sacrificing to the emperor of heavens, as
it is attested by Mencius, himself quoting the Book of Ceremonies [Liji].817 This is also
the reason for another exceptional arrangement by which a ruler could learn the hard
and difficult labor of his subjects: in order to keep this in mind, one emperor ordered
a plough to be displayed in his palace. Aside from this, Zhou Gong reported another
reason for kings to occupy themselves with agriculture, namely that, by performing
such labor, they wanted to reach the most noble fruit of humility and submission, and
also that they did not devote themselves to a leisure and luxury which would be
disastrous for the country.818

[13.5
]

Fol. 3, p. 1. Confucius ait: Operoso labore ac studio perdidicerit quispiam Odarum ter centum
capita: Collatum fuerit eidem Reipublicae gubernandae munus, nec is tamen res muneris sui
perspectas habeat, sic ut si legatus eat ad quatuor partes Imperii, non possit marte suo et ex
tempore apta dare responsa ad quaesita Regulorum, ad quos mittitur; huic homini quamvis multa
multo studio comparata, eccui tandem usui erunt? Inutilis lucubratio est, quam rebus nequeas
factisque proferre.

814 In Chinese: wuyi . Zhang (200) makes mention of this chapter of the Shujing. The text is as
follows (translation by James Legge): The duke of Zhou said, Oh! the superior man rests in this, that
he will indulge in no luxurious ease. He first understands how the painful toil of sowing and reaping
conducts to ease, and thus he understands how the lower people depend on this toil (for their support). I
have observed among the lower people, that where the parents have diligently labored in sowing and
reaping, their sons (often) do not understand this painful toil, but abandon themselves to ease, and to
village Slang, and become quite disorderly. Or where they do not do so, they (still) throw contempt on
their parents, saying, Those old people have heard nothing and know nothing. (

).
815 In the commentary of this passage in the Lunyu zhijie, Zhang mentions only the example of Zhou
Gong. The examples of Shun, Yu, Wen Wang, and Wu Wang, are drawn from Zhangs commentary on
the chapter Wuyi of the Shujing.
816 For Zhang, the people who labor with their mind cultivate themselves ( , 200). The
cultivation of the mind is called here philosophy.
817 See Teng Wen Gong B, Mencius:

.
818 According to Zhang, Confucius rebuked Fan Chis request not because Confucius did not
understand the importance of agriculture, but because Fan Chi did not understand this social division,
which was subsequently formulated more explicitly by Mencius. In this division, the ruler and the
people above understand the physical pain of the people below, and at times they engage symbolically
in physical labor, like the emperor attending a ploughing ceremony.

282
Confucius said: Someone had learned intensely and thoroughly three hundred
chapters of the Odes. He received an office in the government, yet he could not focus
on his office. Being sent as an envoy to the four parts of the empire, he did not give
the proper answers to the questions of the princes quickly enough. Even though this
man was very well read, what were his studies for? Long studies are not good for
anything if you lack are unable to bring the knowledge of affairs and facts.

[13.6 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Ipsa persona gubernantis alios si recta sit, et ad omnem virtutem
composita, etiamsi nullis utatur monitis vel abhortationibus, ultr tamen ad omnem
virtutem ac laudem convertent se subditi, exemplo scilicet gubernatoris pertracti:
contrario, ipsa persona si non sit recta, licet assiduis stimulis et adhortationibus utatur;
tamen non sequentur subditi. Allicient enim verba; sed potentius avertent facta.

Confucius said: If the very person of the ruler is righteous and prone to all virtues,
even though he doesnt warn and admonish others, his subjects will spontaneously
turn themselves toward virtue, being drawn by the example of their ruler. On the
contrary, if the ruler is not righteous, even if he tries to urge and admonish his subjects
constantly, they will not follow. Indeed, his words will entice people, but his deeds
will drive them away even more strongly.

[13.7 ]

2. Cheu cum et Cam xo filiis Ven vam Regis, suae singulis obtigerant dynastiae: Huic Regni
Guei, illi Lu: quas cum praeclaribus legibus et exemplis stabilivissent; successorum deinde,
temporumque vitio plurimm san desciverant primis illis institutis. Quod deplorans
Confucius, duorum, inquit, Regnorum Lu et Guei administratio Germana est, sibique
invicem perqum similis, olim scilicet et institutis optimis et alt pace: At nunc vitiis ac
perturbationibus Germana item est.

Zhou Gong and Kang Shu, the sons of Wen Wang, were respectively ruling the
kingdom of Wei and the kingdom of Lu, and they strengthened their kingdoms with
paragons and laws. However, the passing of time and the defects of many successors
made the kingdoms deviate from what was originally instituted. Deploring this,
Confucius said: In the past, the administrations of the kingdoms of Wei and Lu were
like twins, similar to each other, with great institutions and stable peace. Now they are
twins in vices and disturbances.819

[13.8
]

3. Confucius dicebat de Regni Guei Praefecto Cumu Kin dicto, qui fort su, vivebat
consentus: ben placidque privatus degebat domi. Ubi primm quid habebat, protins
secum ipse tacitus aiebat: Sat rei cumulatum est. Deinde ver cm perparum illi esset,
nihilomins dicebat: Satis rerum mihi praesto est. At ubi copia rerum denuo illi adfuit;
protinus dicebat: Sat rerum est mihi etiam ad splendorem.

819 The Lunyu mentions only the similitude between the rules of Wei and Lu. The idea that the two
rules shared a similar good origin and a similar decay can be found in Zhu (143) and Zhang (201).

283
Confucius spoke about Gongzi Jing, a prefect of Wei, who lived contently with his
life: As an ordinary person, he lived a good and peaceful life at home. When he
reached a certain level of wealth, he quietly said to himself: I have gathered enough.
Next, though, he had very little, and he said: I have enough at hand. When he
became rich again, he said: I have enough to live splendidly.820

[13.9 ]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. Confucius curru petebat Regnum Guei: Gen yeu eiusdem discipulus agebat
aurigam.

When Confucius headed toward the kingdom of Wei, his disciple Ran You [Ran Qiu]
drove the carriage.

[ ]

2. Loci incolae cm fort confluerent turmatim Confucii spectandi grati, exclamans

Confucius, proh! inquit, quanta hic populi frequentia est!

People in large numbers came to the places they passed by, wishing to see
Confucius.821 Confucius exclaimed: How many people there are!

[ ]

3. Ad eam vocem Gen yeu, Magister, inquit, quandoquidem tanta sit frequentia hominum,
ecquid praeterea ei adderes? Respondit: Adderem copiam rerum seu opulentiam moderatam.

Hearing this, Ran You [Ran Qiu] asked: Master, since there are so many people,
what would you offer for them? Confucius responded: I would offer wealth, but a
modest amount.822

[ ]

4. Ait rursum discipulus: Ubi iam rerum copia adesset, quid adderes praeterea? Respondit:
Rectam institutionem.

Then the disciple said: When they have gained wealth, what would you add above
that? Confucius responded: A good education.823

[13.10 ]

820 Both Zhu and Zhang understand that, despite a continuous accumulation of wealth (from poor, to
having more, and finally being rich), Gongzi Jing was not greedy and was always satisfied with his
material condition. Our Latin text (mis)understands shaoyou (having a little bit more) as meaning
having less. The Jesuit reading seems quite Stoic or Christian: despite adversity in fortune, the mind
remained unchanged.
821 This is probably a Jesuit addition, not found in the Chinese commentaries. This is reminiscent of
the crowds following Jesus in the Gospels.
822 The qualification of wealth as restrained cannot be found in the Chinese commentaries and was
probably added by the Jesuits themselves.
823 In his Tianzhu shiyi (365), and against the spontaneist morality of the School of Mind, Ricci
quotes this passage about the importance of a continuous process of study through different stages.

284
[93] 5. Confucius aiebat: Si quis esset dynastis ac Regulis, qui uteretur me, oper me, et
consilio, annua periodo mensium nec amplius iam perfecissem aliquid, jamque pretium aliquod
appareret operae meae, gravioribus saltem vitiis sublatis. Tribus ver postannis, uti sperare ausim,
iam foret res perfecta.

Confucius said: If a ruler or a prince would hire me, I could, through my work and
counsels, accomplish something within a year. The value of my work would be
noticeable, at least concerning the most serious defects. 824 But I hope that things
would be perfect after three years.

[13.11 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius aetatis priscae citans proverbium ait: Instructus probitate Princeps et

administrans Regnum per se suique similes filios ac nepotes spatio centum annorum equidem
poterit convertere et ad frugem reducere quamvis improbos et immanes; quin et abolere poenas
ipsas mortisque supplicia; amore scilicet, et non terrore, continente in officio subditos. O quam
vera sunt haec majorum nostrorum verba!

Quoting an ancient proverb, Confucius said: A prince endowed with uprightness and
who rules over his kingdom by himself and by sons and grandsons similar to him for
one hundred years would correct the people, regardless of how wicked and brutal they
were, and make them honest. Then, he would abolish penalties and capital
punishments, keeping his subjects committed to their duties, and not through terror
but love. How true these words of our ancestors are!825

[13.12 ]

2. Confucius ait: Quod si vero detur qui regat instructus rar virtute sapientique
Princeps; tum plan fiet ut, ubi effluxerit triginta annorum spatium, jam deinde nativa
virtus nulli non indita feliciter efflorescat.

Confucius said: If there would be a prince endowed with virtue and wisdom to rule,
then, after thirty years, the innate virtue given to everyone would surely flourish.826

[13.13 ]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Si quis rect instituat suam ipsius personam, in suscipiendo
Magistratu ecquid habebit negotii vel difficcultatis? Contr, si non possit rect instituere
suam ipsius personam; quo pacto tandem reget instituetque alios?

Confucius said: If someone educates himself correctly, why should he have trouble
or difficulty when he becomes a magistrate? Conversely, if he does not correct
himself in a righteous manner, how can he manage or correct others?

824 Zhu (144) and Zhang (203) understand similarly that the focus is about mending the laws.
825 Zhu (144) and Zhang (203) mention that this was an ancient saying. The notion of love (amor)
translates here Ren in Zhangs gloss (203).
826 The Han dynasty interpreter He Yan understood that after one generation there would be a good or
benevolent government. In contrast, for Zhu (144), after one generation, the people are transformed and
made good. This is also the interpretation adopted by Zhang (204). Consequently, the Jesuits translate
Ren as the innate virtue given to everyone. Also, following Zhu (144), Zhang (204) states that one
generation (yishi) means thirty years.

285
[13.14
]

2. Gen u consiliarius Praefecti Ki xi hominis turbulenti, fort veniebat ab aula eiusdem

Praefecti. Confucius ait: Qui tam ser? Respondet: Fuerunt negotia Regni publica.
Confucius, veris, inquit, opinor, privata eiusdem Praefecti negotia te tam diu detinuerunt. Si
quidem enim tractata fuisset publica res, licet hoc loco et tempore non ego adhibear ad gerendam
Rempublicam; pro recepto tamen more, quo Magistratu jam defuncti identidem consuluntur, ego
procul dubio ea de re pariter consultus aliquid inaudivissem. Tacit suggillatur Praefectus, et
qui huic consiliis erat, discipulus, quod aliquid clam contra Regem molirentur.

Ranzi [Ran Qiu], an advisor to the prefect Ji, came back from the hall of his prefect,
who was a violent man. Confucius asked: Why are you so late? Ranzi answered: I
was stopped by some business with the government. Confucius said: I myself think
that you were held back by some private matters of the prefect. Because if the prefect
was discussing public affairs, even though I am not right now employed to manage
public affairs, according to the received custom by which ancient officials are also
consulted, I would have surely heard something about it and been consulted on the
matter. The prefect and this disciple who was advising him were criticized [by
Confucius] because they were plotting against the king.827

[13.15
]

3. Regni Lu Regulus undecimus Tim cum dictus percontatur unicum verbum, seu axioma
brevissimum, quo possit erigi, seu efflorescere Regnum aliquod. Daturne hoc? inquit.
Confucius respondit: Verbo nequit hujusmodi res san magna et operosa ita facil
determinari: conabor tamen brevibus complecti multa.

Ding Gong, the eleventh prince of Lu, asked for the shortest possible axiom, in a
single word, that could improve the state of his kingdom and make it flourish. Is
there any? he asked. Confucius responded: It is impossible to define such a great
and important thing with only one word; however, I will try to embrace many things
in a few words.

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Vulgi proverbio dicitur: Agere Regem difficile est, agere Ministrum Regis non est
facile.

A folk proverb says: It is difficult to be a king, but to be a minister to the king is not
easy either.

[]

2. Atqui si Rex prob intelligat quod agere Regem rever difficile sit; eam procul dubio
afferet curam et vigilantiam, qu et coeli et suorum gratiam et amorem mereatur et
conservet. Nonne hic igitur utcumque determinatur in unico veluti verbo, id quo erigatur et
efflorescat Regnum?

827 The mention of the plot is found in Zhu (145) and Zhang (204).

286
Therefore, if a king understands correctly that ruling over a kingdom is indeed
difficult, then he will surely act with care and vigilance, and this will earn and ensure
him the gratitude and love of heaven and of his subjects. 828 Is this not like defining
with a single word what can improve a kingdom and make it flourish?

[
]

3. Idem Regulus rursum ait: Unicum verbum quo pessumdetur [94] Regnum, seu, quo
explicetur id quod Regnis solet esse exitio, daturne etiam illud? Confucius respondet:
Verbo item, nequit, ejusmodi res, quae summa malorum est, ita facile determinari. Vulgi
proverbio dicitur: Ego non gaudeo, nec opto agere Regem: quod si agam, tum cert
vehementer opto obtemperari meis illis verbis edictisque Regiis, atque neminem omnium
mihi adversari.

Then, the prince said: Is there a single word which could destroy a kingdom, or
which could explain the ruin of a kingdom? Confucius responded: It is impossible
to define the greatest evil with a single word. A folk proverb says: I do not rejoice
and do not wish to be a king myself, but if I were, then I would surely want others to
obey my own words and edicts, and no one would oppose me.829

[
]

4. Subsumit Confucius: Si ergo haec imperantis verba bona sint? Et ad aequitatem, publicamque
utilitatem accommodata, et quibus ade nemo sit omnium qui adversetur: nonne rever
praeclarum hoc erit, raraeque felicitatis? Contr ver, si verba imperantis non bona sint, nec cum
aequitate et utilitate subditorum conjuncta, et tamen rursus nemo sit omnium qui adversetur, qui
arguat mal imperantem Principem; nonne iam determinatum habebis unico prope verbo id quod
evertat Regnum; seu, quo contineatur exitium regni. Etenim sicut malis non adversari, pernicies
Regnorum est; sic non adversari bonis, eorumdem est quies et firmamentum.

Confucius summed this up by saying: So, the orders [of the ruler], are they good?
Surely, if the orders agree with fairness and the common good and if no one opposes
them, would that not be wonderful and very fortunate? But on the contrary, if the
orders are not good, and disconnected from fairness and the good of the subjects, and
if no one opposes and complains about a prince who does not rule properly, then will
you not have with one single word determined what destroys a kingdom, or what is
responsible for the ruin of a kingdom? Not opposing evils brings the destruction of a
kingdom; not opposing the good brings peace and stability.830

[13.16 ]

Fol. 6, p. 1, 1. In Regno cu oppidi Xe Praefectus exquisivit modum rect gubernandi.

828 Zhang comments that, according to the behavior of the ruler, the heavenly mandate will remain or
not with him, and that the heart of the people will support him or not (
, 205).
829 The proverb was correctly interpreted by Zhu (145) as meaning that the only joy in ruling is to be
obeyed without resistance. Zhang (206) follows this.
830 This last sentence comes from Zhang (206).

287
In the kingdom of Chu, the prefect of the city of She asked about righteous
government.

[ ]

2. Confucius respondit: Sic rege ut qui prop sunt, gaudeant; qui longis absunt, ultr
adveniant.

Confucius responded: Govern in such a way that the people close to you are happy
and those who are far away want to come to your kingdom.

[13.17
]

3. u hia discipulus, cum esset ditioni Kiu fu in Regno Lu sitae Praefectus; consultuit
Magistrum de modo rect gubernandi. Confucius ait: duae cautiones tibi necessariae sunt:
prima, ne velis esse praeproperus ac praeceps, acriter et importun urgendo, ut, quod
mandatum est, illico perficiatur. Altera, ut nolis attendere ad exigua parvique momenti
lucra, seu emolumenta. Volens enim accelerare omnia, et semper, et ubique properare; tum
cert non habebis perspectas res, ad quarum notitiam nonnisi lent perveniri solet. Iam si
attenderis ad exilia quaedam lucra et commoda; tunc fiet ut maximae quaeque res et negotia, haud
perficiantur.

When the disciple Zixia was a prefect of Jufu, in the kingdom of Lu, he asked the
Master about the proper way of governing. Confucius said: I give you two warnings:
first, do not be hasty and precipitous, or fiercely and ruthlessly pushing for orders to
be immediately executed. Second, do not concentrate on obtaining small and
unimportant profits and benefits. If you are always in hurry, trying to accelerate
everything, then you surely cannot see the things which can only be seen by going
slowly. And if you pay attention to small benefits, then the important matters and
affairs will not be accomplished.

[13.18 ]

p. 2, 1. Mod memoratus oppidi Xe Praefectus alloquens Confucium aiebat: Inter meos

populares inveniuntur homines, qui admodm simpliciter et rect procedunt. Ex gr.
cujuspiam pater alteri forte suffuratus fuerit suam ovem, et ecce filius sine ulla cunctatione
et sine ullis ambagibus coram judice profert testimonium contra patrem.

This prefect of the city of She was talking to Confucius: Some of my countrymen act
openly and righteously. For example, a certain elderly man has stolen a sheep, but his
son without hesitation went to the judge and bluntly brought an accusation against his
father.

[ ]

2. Confucius ait: Meorum quidem popularium simplices ac recti, haud paul diverti sunt
ab istis. Pater enim, si quid fort gravis peccatum est filio, vel ideo quia filius est, rem
occulit: Filius item, si quid fort peccatum est Patre; multo etiam magis, quia Pater est,
rem occulit, celatque alios, judicem imprimis, et ut mihi quidem videtur, simplicitas
quaedam et rectitudo existit etiam in hoc ipso patris filiique occultandi studio.

288
Confucius said: My countrymen are also frank and righteous, but yet very different.
For, a son hides his fathers crime, because, being a son, not concealing it would be a
greater crime. Also, a father hides his sons crime, because, being his father, not
concealing it would be a greater crime. They hide the crime from others and from the
judge in first place, and it seems to me that there is still frankness and righteousness in
the way that father and son help each other dissimulate.

[95] Hanc Philosophi sententiam confirmat Sie Interpres exemplo sapientis Xun, qui
deinde fuit quintus Imperator Sinarum: cum enim pater suus cu feu fort comisisset
homicidium; pius filius clam sublatum in humeros, et ad maris usque littus deportatum, severi
iudicii, capitisque periculo eripuit.

This opinion of the Philosopher is confirmed by the interpreter Xie, giving the
example of the sage Shun, the fifth emperor of China: since his father Gusou had
committed a murder, this faithful son took the father into his arms and secretly
brought him to the ocean and this way rescued him from a severe judgment and from
the danger of capital punishment.831

[13.19
]

3. Fan chi quaesivit ex Magistro modum acquirendae verae virtutis. Confucius respondit:
Studium illius nullo non loco et tempore est necessarium: Si degis privatus, decorum et
gravitatem constanter fac serves. Si admovenda manus est cuipiam operi negotiove publico;
sedul, matur, sedate te geras. Agenti cum hominibus fides et veritas cordi sit. Quamvis
autem perrexeris ad gentes barbaras, et incultas; non licet tamen vel unico temporis
momento haec abjicere, quae dixi, studia virtutis.

Fan Chi asked the Master how to acquire true virtue. Confucius responded: It is right
always and everywhere to pursue true virtue. If you live at home, be careful always to
act properly and with dignity. If you become engaged in public affairs, then be
attentive and act maturely and calmly. When working with others, act with a sincere
and true heart. Even though you go to barbarian and uncultured people, do not
overthrow this pursuit of virtue that I told you about, even for a single instant.832

[13.20
]

Fol. 7, p. 1, 1. u cum quaesivit dicens: Quo pacto quispiam poterit evadere, meritoque dici vir
eximius ac primarius? Confucius respondit: qui in rebus actionibusque personae suae
propriis verecundus est, sic ut primam quoque speciem turpitudinis et iniquitatis vereatur ac
horreat. Item qui Principe suo legatus ad quatuor Imperii partes negligenti vel
imprudenti sua non dedecorat Principis sui legationem, seu negotia cum Regulis
pertractanda; poterit is dici vir eximius et primarius.

Zigong asked this: How should someone act to be truly called excellent and

831 This note can be found in Zhu (146) quoting the interpreter Xie. Mencius also saw in Shun a model
of filial piety:
(Lilou A, Mencius). Zhang did not mention Shun or his father Gusou. Ricci in the
Tianzhu shiyi (337) considers incorrect both the intention and the action of a son hiding the crime of
his father.
832 There are here the translations of three important concepts: gong , jing , and zhong .

289
distinguished? Confucius responded: One should be true and modest in his own
actions, so much so that he would fear and dread any kind of indecency and
injustice.833 When his ruler sends him as an envoy to the four parts of the empire, he
should act in such a way as not to disgrace, by his imprudence or negligence, the
mission of the ruler, or the negotiations to be held with the princes. If he can do all
this, then he can truly be called excellent and distinguished.

[ ]

2. Discipulus ait: Liceat mihi denu precontari, ab hujusmodi hominum supra vulgus
eminentium ordine, quinam secundi sint? Confucius respondet: Secundi sunt ii, qui
propinquis et consanguineis suis jure et merito censentur et praedicantur obedientes. Item,
qui suis popularibus censentur et praedicantur observantes natu majorum.

This disciple said: Let me ask again. After those most eminent people, what kind of
people come next? Confucius responded: Second are those considered and
recognized by family and relatives as obedient, 834 as it should be, and likewise, those
considered and recognized by neighbors as respectful toward their elder brothers.

[
]

3. Ait discipulus: Liceat mihi denu precontari. Ab his ipsius ecqui rurss secundi sunt?
Respondet Confucius: Qui in sermonibus suis obfirmatum adferunt animum ad veritatem; tametsi
parm acut discernant inter verum et falsum. Item, qui in rebus suis et actionibus omnibus
obfirmatum adferunt animum ad perficiendum opus susceptum. Hujuscemodi duriusculi et
pervicacis nescio cujus constantiae homines, qum modicae facultatis et ingenii sunt!
Attamen nonne etiam possunt censeri secundi ab istis: maxim cum nemini plerumque sint
damno; et dum sibi unis vacant, aliquid etiam quod suam laudem mereatur, habeant.

This disciple said: Let me ask once more. Who are placed after them? Confucius
responded: Those who by their speeches firmly bring the mind to truth, even if they
cannot clearly distinguish right from wrong;835 also, those who by their deeds and
actions firmly bring the mind to complete a work already begun. These kinds of harsh
people and those of stubborn perseverance, indeed, how little knowledge and
intelligence they have! Nonetheless, can they not be considered as close to the
previous ones? Most of them harm no one, and, when they take time for themselves,
they have other qualities that deserve praise.836

[ ]

4. u cum rursus interrogat: Qui hoc tempore admoti sunt gerendae Reipublicae,
cujusmodi sunt plerique judicio tuo Magister? Confucius respondet: Eheu? Exiguae
facultatis et capacitatis, et plan ad instar vasculorum Teu et Siao homines sunt: quomodo
mereantur esse in aliquo numero vel pretio?

Zigong again asked: Those who are now promoted to govern the country, to which

833 Zhang mentions explicitly the shame toward injustice (, 208).

834 The Latin term of obedientes is here too general to express the precise meaning of xiao .
835 Zhang comments that the speeches are expected to be believed without establishing their veracity
(, 209).
836 This last sentence is found in Zhu (146) and Zhang (209).

290
kind do they belong, according to you, Master? Confucius responded: Alas! They
are of small skills and abilities, like the small vessels dou and shao. How could they
deserve to be counted in that way and be taken seriously?837

[13.21
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Ego si non inveniam, qui mediam [96] virtutis viam teneant, ut propagem
illam, communicemque cum plurimis oper ipsorum: tum quidem necesse erit cum duplici
hominum genere communicare, feliciter cum iis qui celsas quidem cogitationes habent, sed nihil
perficiunt. Item, cum iis, quibus celsae cogitationes desunt quidem, adest tamen robur et
constantia in eo quod semel susceperunt. Illi namque nativ su animositate ill impulsi feliciter
poterunt progredi, et sumere exempla ac normam ab altis provectis; hi vero saltem habent
quibus sibi sedulo cavent, et quae non facil ac temer dimittunt, et sic tam hi qum illi facil
poterunt ad medium reduci.

Confucius said: If I cannot find people who keep the middle course in virtue,
working with me in propagating virtue, then I would have to work with two different
kinds of people: those who have lofty thoughts, but never bring them to completion,
and those who lack lofty thoughts, but have strength and perseverance in their
undertakings. The former, pushed by their inborn courage, advance and act according
to the examples and norms given from above. And the latter carefully guard
themselves and do not lightly and rashly dismiss matters. Indeed, those two kinds of
people can easily be brought back to the middle [course of virtue].838

[13.22 ]

Fol. 8, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Apud meridionales homines datur tritum sermone

proverbium quo dicitur: Homo qui non habet constantiam, non potest exercitare artem vel
divinatoriam vel medicam. Laudo proboque.

Confucius said: Among southern people, there is a famous proverb which says: A
man devoid of perseverance can practice neither the art of divination nor of medicine.
This I praise and recommend.

[ ]

2. Confirmat autem hoc proverbium authoritate Principis Cheu cum in commentariis suis in
librum mutationum, ad figuram 32 cui titulus Hem, id est, constantia, ubi sic ait: Quisquis non
perpetuat et constanter excolit suam virtutem; aliquando sibi accenset probrum et dedecus. In
quem rursus locum scribens Confucius sic ait: Quisquis non constanter exercet suam
virtutem, non habet quidquam ad quod vel utilis vel idoneus sit.

The rightness of this proverb was confirmed by the authority of Prince Zhou Gong,
who said in his commentaries on the Book of Change [Yijing], concerning figure 32,
named Heng, or perseverance: Whoever does not constantly strengthen and improve
his virtue will at length attach himself to the vice and the shameful. 839 But Confucius,

837 Both Zhu and Zhang explain dou and shao as two measures.
838 This last sentence seems to be a Jesuit addition.
839 Both Zhu and Zhang mention the origin of the quote in the third line of the hexagram number 32.
Following the Chinese tradition, the Jesuits attributed the commentary of the hexagrams to Wen Wang,
and the commentary on the lines of the hexagrams to Zhou Gong. See preface of the Sinarum

291
commenting on this, asked: Who does not constantly improve his virtue will obtain
nothing useful or appropriate.

[ ]

3. Ingemiscens hc Confucius: Proh dolor! inquit, non exquirunt neque expendunt caeci
mortales hanc veritatem. Actum est!

Confucius said, lamenteding: Oh, what sorrow! Blind mortals neither seek nor crave
the truth. It is hopeless!840

[13.23 ]

4. Confucius ait: Vir probus ac sapiens, quantum fas et ratio sinit, concordat cum
omnibus, sic tamen ut non sit unum quid et idem cum promiscu hominum turb: contra
improbus et insipiens delectu nullo unum quid idemque se facit cum omnibus; et tamen cum
nemine concordat, quatenus fas et ratio praescribit.

Confucius said: The honest and wise man, as much as right and reason allow, agrees
with everyone, but not to the point that he becomes one with the crowd of
commoners. On the contrary, the foolish and shameless man, making any choice,
makes himself the same with everyone, even though he agrees with no one, not even
with the precepts of right and reason.841

[13.24
]

5. Cu cum quaerit dicens: Si populares omnes gaudeant quopiam, quid tibi videbitur?
Confucius respondet: Necdum id sufficit, ut certi quid de virtute ipsius sapientique
statuatur. Ad si populares omnes oderunt quempiam, quid de illo tibi videbitur?
Confucius ait: Hoc quoque necdum sufficit. Long melius est tutiusque si popularium
probissimi quique gaudeant illo, et si eorumdem improbissimi quique oderint illum. De hoc
ausim ego tut affirmare virum esse probum et sapientem.

Zigong asked: If all the common people loved a certain person, what would be your
opinion? Confucius responded: It would not suffice, because something certain
about his virtue and wisdom should be established. And if all the common people
hate a certain person, what would you think about such a person? Confucius said: It
also wouldnt suffice. It would be much better and safer if the most honest people
loved him, and the most shameless people hated him. Then I could safely call such a
man wise and honest.

Philosophus, in Meynard, 144.

840 The Latin text fails to translate the character zhan (to practice divination). A more accurate
translation should be: There is no need for divination in order to know that by not constantly
improving ones virtue nothing useful or appropriate is obtained. Since the Jesuits had argued that
superstitions came to China with Buddhism, and more explicitly that the Yijing is not a book of
divination but of philosophy, they opted to delete this mention of the existence of divination at the time
of Confucius. See the preface to the Sinarum Philosophus, Meynard, 13556.
841 For Zhang (211), the junzi has in mind the public good (gong ) and thus agrees with all, but the
xiaoren has in mind his own interest (si ) and thus becomes one with all. Perhaps, from the mention
of public good (gong) in Zhang, the Jesuits derived in their translation the idea of precepts of right and
reason.

292
[13.25
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Viro sapienti facile est quidem servire, et jussa quaelibet imperantis
exequi: At difilile est san eidem praebere oblectamentum. Etenim si offeras oblectamentum
ipsi non consentaneum honestati et rationi, non admittit oblectamentum. Agendo vero de
ipso ut est imperans aliis, semper utique metitur vires et facultates eorum, quibus quid
imperat. Stulto contr difficile est servire; at perquam facile praebere oblectamenta: quippe
si demulces [97] illum et oblectas; quamvis id turpiter et illicit; delectatur tamen. Agendo
ver de ipso ut herus est, seu, Praefectus populi, importun et inclementer exigit ab suis res
omnibus numeris absolutas.

Confucius said: It is easy to serve a wise man and carry out all his orders, but in truth
it is hard to flatter him. Indeed, if you try to flatter him with something not in
accordance with honesty and reason, then he will not accept the flattery. Also, while
commanding others, he always measures the strength and skills of those to whom he
gives orders. On the other hand, though it is hard to serve someone stupid, you may
flatter and entertain him, even with something disgraceful and unlawful that he
enjoys. And since he is a master, that is, a prefect over his people, he may ruthlessly
and harshly command his people to perform tasks perfectly in every aspect.

[13.26 ]

2. Confucius ait: Sapiens alt pace fruitur; et tamen non effertur ullo fastu vel superbia.
Stultus autem sibi ipse placet ac plaudit; et tamen expers est idem verae pacis, quia expers
veri boni, veraeque virtutis.

Confucius said: A wise man enjoys a great peace, and he is not swollen with pride
and arrogance. A stupid man, however, flatters and applauds himself, but he is
deprived of true peace since he lacks true goodness and true virtue.

[13.27 ]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Robore constantis animi, forti patienti, candid simplicitate;
denique tarditate qudam ad loquendum, his quatuor ceu gradibus prop acceditur ad integritatem
innocentiamque animi coelits inditam naturae nostrae.

Confucius said: The true integrity and innocence of the soul, endowed from heaven
into our nature, can be approached only by four grades: an unwavering strength of the
soul, firm patience, pure candor, and restraint in speaking.842

[13.28
]

2. ulu sciscitatur dicens: Quo pacto quispiam poterit dici inter suos Magister?

842 As in Lunyu 12.1, there is here another translation for Ren, very much influenced by Neo-
Confucianism, as the true integrity and innocence of soul, endowed from heaven into our nature. Yet,
for Zhang, innocence and integrity are not placed at the beginning, like in Christianity, but at the end of
the process of self-cultivation: through the self-improvement and unceasing practice, the principle of
heaven is made pure and complete (, 213).

293
Confucius respondit: Sit ardor quidam amoris ac studii in consectanda virtute. Adhibeatur
exactitudo quaedam et efficacitas in commonendis aliis offici sui. Ad haec oris serenitas,
affabilitasque sermonis accedat, hic poterit dici magister. Porr adverss amicos et
familiares adhibeatur ardens studium mutuae virtutis, necnon acris et accurata mutui officii
exactio. Verm adversus fratres natu majores et minores, blandior quaedam suaviorque
adhibeatur ratio.

Zilu asked as follows: How can a person deserve to be called master among his
people? Confucius responded: He has to be ardent and zealous in following the path
of virtue. He should also be exact and efficient in performing his official duties.
Moreover, if his speech is always friendly and courteous, then he can be called master.
Furthermore, his ardent pursuit of a shared virtue should be used toward friends and
relatives, and the execution of mutual duties should be precise and careful. In truth,
facing his brothers, he should act in a more gentle and pleasing manner.

[13.29 ]

3. Confucius ait: Vir probus et integer si doceat populum, quae officii sui sunt, sive erga
parentes, sive erga Principem, idque si doceat per septem annos; hinc etiam poterunt cives
ac subditi rei militari periti evadere.

Confucius said: If an honest and sound man teaches people their duties toward their
parents and their prince, and if he continues to teach them for seven years, then all the
citizens and subjects can become skilled in military affairs.843

[13.30 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Adhibere autem necdum prob instructum virtutibus populum ad rem
militarem, id profecto jure dicitur adjicere suos, et gravi periculo patriam exponere.

Confucius said: To enroll in the army some men who are poorly instructed on in the
virtues would surely mean throwing them away and exposing the country to a great
danger.

843 The Lunyu does not specify the content of the education that would make people ready for war. Zhu
(148) understands it as comprising morality, agriculture, and obviously military training. Zhang (213)
has the same. Here, the Latin text reduces the education to its moral dimension, leaving aside
agriculture and also military training, which makes the meaning quite unrealistic.

294
 [Chapter 14]

[14.1 ]

2. Discipulus Yven hien quaesivit ecquid erubescendum sit. Confucius respondit: In Regno
dum vigent leges gerere munus publicum, nec oper vel consilio conferre quidquam ad
utilitatem publicam, et interim frui censu regio, res est pudore digna. Rursus in Regno dum
jacent leges pari otio socordique diffluere, dum maxim tamen consulendum esset
periclitanti patriae, et nihilominus frui censu regio; vehementer erubescendum est.

The disciple Yuan Xian [Yuan Si] asked what should be considered shameful.
Confucius responded: When the laws of a country are already good enough to carry
out the public service and bring everyone to the common good without effort and
discussion, then to receive at the same time a salary is quite shameful. On the other
hand, when the laws of the country are neglected and not enacted, while in fact one
should look after a country falling apart, then to still receive a salary is extremely
shameful.844

[14.2 ]

3. Instituit idem discipulus quaestionem hujusmodi: Si quis, inquit, immunis esset a vitiis
quatuor maxime vulgaribus, atque adeo si quis per nimium appetitum gloriae;
praecellentiaeque; item per sui complacentiam jactantiamque; per iracundiam denique, et
cupiditatem habendi, nihil omnino faceret; posset is, opinor, censeri praeditus prima illa
quae homini indita fuit virtute et innocentia.

The same disciple asked this question: If a person was immune from the four most
common vicesnot at all having an excessive appetite for glory, the desire for
preeminence, complacency toward oneself and boastfulness, and finally, passion and
greedthen such a man, in my opinion, could be said to possess the first virtue and
the innocence bestowed upon humanity.845

[ ]

4. Confucius respondit: Non agere quidpiam cum iis, quas [97] enumerasti, perturbationibus
animi, potest id quidem censeri perquam rarum ac difficile: Verumtamen de primaevo illo rationis
imperio innocentiave an praeditus sit nec ne, equidem ego non scio.

Confucius answered: It is indeed extremely rare and difficult to find a person without
the moral flaws you just listed. Yet I do not know if this person would have this

844 The Han dynasty interpreters understood that it is legitimate to receive a salary in a well-ruled
country, but not in a badly ruled country. In contrast, for Zhu, in the two extreme situations of a well-
ruled country and a badly ruled country, receiving a salary without doing anything is equally shameful.
Zhu pointed out that Yuan Si knew it in the case of a well-ruled country, but not in the case of a badly
ruled country. Therefore, Zhu remarked that the two cases are put together in order to expand Yuans
will ( , 149). The Latin translation does not put the two situations on the
same level, but establishes a gradation: quite shameful in the first case, and extremely shameful in
the second case.
845 The sentence can be understood as an affirmative statement. However, Zhu (149) and Zhang (215)
understood this as a question addressed to Confucius. Our Jesuit translation introduces a question, yet
the sentence is affirmative.

295
primeval rule of reason and this innocence.846

[14.3 ]

Fol. 10, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Vir gravis ac sapiens qui de hoc potissimum laborat, hoc
assidu meditatur ut commod suaviterque domi suae degat, indignus est qui censeatur vir
sapiens.

Confucius said: A wise and serious man who would put all his efforts and thoughts
into spending a comfortable and pleasant life at home is not worthy of being called
wise.847

[14.4 ]

2. Confucius ait: Si in regno quopiam viget lex authoritasque boni Principis; fidenter
fortiterque loquere; fidenter fortiterque age. In regno si jacent leges authoritasque Principis;
tunc nihilominus fidenter quidem fortiterque agendum est; attamen sermones solito plus
facilitatis ac sumissionis habeant; ne alioquin aegri jam corporis morbum exasperes veris,
quam ei medearis.

Confucius said: If the law and authority of a good prince thrives in a certain country,
then you should speak and act with confidence and boldness. If, however, the laws
and authority of the prince decline in the country, then you should act with no less
confidence and boldness, but your speeches should be more courteous and
submissive, otherwise you may create more diseases in a sick body rather than cure
it.848

[14.5
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Qui habet virtutem, procul dubio habet etiam in promptu sermones
ac documenta, quibus eam aliis commendet. Caeterum qui habent sermones in promptu,
non tamen cert necessarique consequenti habent virtutem. Rursum quisquis excellit
integritate innocentiaque vitae, procul dubio robore quodam animi et fortitudine est
praeditus. Fortis tamen haud necessario certove praeditus est e, quam dixi, integritate.

Confucius said: A virtuous man is surely quick with speeches and instructions,
recommending virtue to others, yet those quick with speeches are not necessarily
virtuous by way of consequence. Also, a man superior in integrity and uprightness is
surely gifted with a bold and courageous spirit, yet a courageous man is not
necessarily gifted with what I call integrity.849

[14.6
]

846 The vocabulary chosen here to express Ren is reminiscent of Christianity, especially the suggestion
of an initial stage in the history of humanity characterized by innocence (prima virtus et innocentia,
primaveum imperium rationis). There is a similar theme in Chinese mythology and pre-dynastic
history.
847 She is not translated with literatus, as elsewhere, but with wise and serious man.
848 Zhang talks about the wisdom in preserving the body ( , 216). The Jesuit commentary
develops this into a medical metaphor.
849 We have here another translation for Ren as integrity and uprightness (integritas et innocentia).

296
2. Discipulus Nan cum quo (alias Nan yum) quaesivit ex Confucio dicens: Olim Regni Yeu kium
dynasta Heu y dictus, idemque Colaus sub Chum cum quatro Imperatore familiae Hia (annis
circiter 1700 ante Confucium) robustissimus erat, simulque peritissimus jaculandi. Alter idem
eiusdem coaetaneus Ngao dictus, filius Han cho nullo negotio circumducebat huc atque illuc
naviga in arenti solo, tam portentosis erat viribus corporis. Caeterum et hic et ille non adepti
sunt suam mortem, ambo scilicet interfecti. Verm duo alii Yu scilicet, et cie nullo corporis
robore vel opulenti conspicui, cum suis ipsis manibus agris colerent, et vitam humilem,
pauperemque viverent; tamen obtinuerunt Sinarum Imperium, Yu quidem Imperatori Xun
succedens, adeoque familiae Hia primae ipse conditor: cie vero, quatens ex stirpe hujus
(licet mille ac trecentis circiter pst annis) prognatus fuit magnus ille Vu vam, tertiae
familiae Cheu fundator. Sed unde hoc tandem? Confucius tunc quidem non respondit.
Discipulo ver Nan cum quo mox egresso, exclamans Confucius dixit: O qum praestans hic
vir est! O quanti facit, et suo ver aestimat pretio virtutem hic vir Nan cum quo!

The disciple Nan Gongkuo, also known as Nan Rong, asked Confucius: 850 In the
past, Hou Yi, the strongman of the kingdom of Youqiong, and a grand secretary under
Zhong Kang, the fourth emperor of the Xia dynasty (approximately 1,700 years
before Confucius),851 was exceptionally strong and skilled in shooting. One of his
contemporaries, Ao, the son of Han Zhuo, could sail boats everywhere, without any
difficulty, and bring them to dry land thanks to his prodigious strength. However,
none of them died a natural death; both of them were killed. On the contrary, two
others, Yu and Ji, were not remarkable for their physical strength or wealth; they
cultivated their fields with their own hands and led modest and humble lives. Yet they
ruled the Chinese Empire: Yu succeeded Emperor Shun, and thus became the founder
of the Xia dynasty; and from Ji [Houji] descended, approximately 1,300 years later,
the great Wu Wang, the founder of the third dynasty, the Zhou. 852 What can be
deduced from this? Confucius said nothing in response, but when the disciple Nan
Gongkuo had left, Confucius said: Oh, what an excellent man he is! Nan Gongkuo
has done a lot, and he himself rightly values the price of virtue!

[14.7 ]

Fol. 11, p. 1, 1. Gin nativa cordis virtus est, nec aliud fer, qum perpetua quaedam animi
conformatio cum lege caelesti. Quoniam vero cor ipsum vald inconstans est ac mobile; hinc
fit, ut (nobis etiam non advertentibus) virtus illa, si non penits amittatur, cert quidem ceu
nebulis quibusdam identidem intercipiatur. Quocirca rect Confucius ait: Vir et probus et
sapiens, et tamen quandoque [99] expers purissimae illius tenerrimae virtutis plan datur.
Verbo: levis error, peccatum leve, cadit in sapientem. Caeterum necdum extitit, nec ver
potest existere simul improbus et simul virtute ill Gin instructus: esset enim conformis cum
caelo, et non esset.

Ren is the innate virtue of the heart, not unlike the souls constant conformity with the
heavenly law. Since the heart is very unstable and constantly changing, without
paying attention to it, this virtue may be interrupted from time to time, like by clouds,
though never completely lost.853 For this reason, Confucius rightly said: It is possible

850 This identification of Nan Gongkuo is given both by Zhu and Zhang.
851 Zhang (216) only gives the name of Hou Yis country as Youqiong. The Jesuits took the
information concerning Hou Yis association with the ruler of Xia from somewhere else.
852 Since it is not obvious in the Lunyu how Houji could be said to have ruled the empire, Zhu (150)
and Zhang (217) comment that Houjis descendant was Wu Wang. The Jesuits added an element of
chronology for the European reader.
853 This description of Ren is drawn from Zhangs comment on the heart of a junzi (

297
that a wise and honest man may lack this purest and most gentle virtue, since it is said
that a wise man may commit a slight error and mistake. However, it has never
happened, and cannot happen that a wicked man would be endowed with the virtue of
Ren, because this would mean that such a man would be simultaneously akin and not
akin to heaven.854

[14.8 ]

2. Confucius ait: Quisquis amat, potestne non exercere duris eum quem amat? Rursus,
quisquis fidelis est, verusque Minister sui Principis postne non monere eum officii sui?

Confucius said: If someone loves, how could he not be harsh on his loved ones?
Similarly, if someone is a loyal minister to his prince, how could he not admonish him
from his duty?

[14.9
]

3. Regnum Chim san modicum, et inter praepotentia duo Regna in et u medio situm loco,
virtus ac prudentia Principis sui Hien cum dicti, cum fide, concordi, solertique Ministrorum
feliciter conjuncta, non invictum mod praestabat adverss ambitionem, potentiamque vicinorum;
sed etiam pace opulentique florens ac beatum. Concordis ergo solertiae, fideique servientis
Principi specimen aliquid hc daturus Confucius, et ex digito robur et elegantiam totius
corporis aestimaturus, sic ait: Quotiescumque Principis nomine nuntiandum quid erat
finitimis Regulis; primum quidem Pi xin Praefectus prob cognitam Principis mentem
prima manu styloque rudiori exponere ordiebatur; mox deinde xi xo scriptionem
examinabat, et appositis rationibus et exemplis Priscorum confirmabat. Tertius Hin gin
(officii nomen est) cu yu dictus praecisis iis, quae superflua videbantur et additis quae
desiderari iudicabat cultiori stylo et ordine disponebat omnia et exornabat. Quartus denique
territorio Tum li oriundus, cui nomen cu chan propriam quoque gratiam et venustatem
addebat operi, tollens si quid irrepserat iam antiquati. Porr quod quatuor viris
illustribus, et tam concordi opere perficiebatur, an exitum sortiri poterat non optatum?

The kingdom of Zheng was relatively small and located between the two powerful
kingdoms of Jin and Chu. Thanks to the virtue and prudence of its ruler, Xian Gong,
who was strongly supported by the trust, collaboration, and cleverness of his
ministers, not only did this kingdom remain unconquered, prevailing against the
power and ambition of its neighbors, but it also flourished in peace and prosperity,
and enjoyed happiness. Therefore, Confucius wanted to mention here this example of
clever collaboration and trust in serving a ruler. Assessing the strength and beauty of
the whole from a small part, he said: Whenever something was to be announced in
the name of the prince to the neighboring small kingdoms, the prefect Pi Chen, who
was well acquainted with the princes way of thinking, would first describe it like a
sketch, with his superb hand and style. Right after, the text was examined by Shishu, a
scribe who confirmed it with the rules and examples taken from the ancient times.
Third, Ziyu, acting as a xingren (the name of a position held in office), disposed and
embellished everything with proper order, crossing out all that seemed to him

, 217). We can see here that the Jesuits had no reticence in using the Neo-Confucian notion of tianli,
translated as heavenly law (lex caelestis). Also, while Zhu and Zhang talk only about temporary lapses
(), the Jesuits draw here a general law about the heart being unstable by nature.
854 Zhang mentions that the heart-mind of the junzi is purely united to the heavenly principle (
, 217).

298
unnecessary, and adding what, in his opinion, would improve the style. Fourth,
Zichan, who came from the Dongli territory, would add proper charm and grace to the
text, removing all the outdated words that may have crept into the text. Therefore,
could the collaboration of these four illustrious men not give the best results?

[14.10 ]

p. 2, 1. Exponit Confucius hoc paragrapho et duobus sequentibus, quid censeat de

quibusdam viris et Ministris variorum principum. Quodam igitur sciscitante de u chan
quid sentiret. Confucius respondet: Beneficus est, et talis habetur ab omnibus, quamvis idem
severus sit et censor et judex.

In this paragraph and the next two, Confucius expounded his opinion about a number
of men and ministers to various princes. Someone asked what he thought about
Zichan. Confucius responded: He is generous, and all know it, though he can also be
a strict magistrate and judge.855

[ ]

2. Interrogatus de u si quid sentiret, aspernantis in morem sic respondet: Vir iste, iste?
Favebat scilicet dynastae Regni u legitimo illi quidem, sed qui contra ius Regis titulum sibi
vendicaret.

Upon being asked what he thought of Zixi, he [Confucius] said in disdain: That
man? Him? He supported the ruler of the kingdom of Chu as being legitimate, even
though this ruler had claimed the title of king against the law.856

[ ]

3. Interrogatus de Quon Chum Praefecto Regni i, qui Huon Cum Regulorum tunc facile
Principi, consiliis olim fuerat; respondit: Hic vir hic erat Huon cum. Cert cum privasset
unum praefectorum (cui nomen Pe xi) reum certi criminis, e qu ipsum quondam
donaverat Pien ditione trecentarum familiarum; cumque hanc ad Quon chum transtulisset,
Pe xi deinde redactus ad egestatem, adeoque vescens oriza viliori, tamen ad extremum usque
aetatis suae non protulit [100] unquam iniquioris vel indignantis animi verbum. Reputabat
enim assidu, et quid ab se peccatum fuisset; et quae quantaque essent alterius qui sibi in e
ditione successerat, merita.

When asked about Guan Zhong, a prefect of Qi, who was in the counsel of Huan
Gong, the leader among other princes, [Confucius] responded: In fact, the man
belonged to Huan Gong, who gave the district of Pian, a district of three hundred
families, to the prefect Bo, but since he had been guilty of a certain crime, Huan Gong
transferred it to Guan Zhong instead. Though Bo was driven into poverty, eating
cheap rice until the very end of his life, he never said a single word that would be
unkind or unjust, but was continually thinking about his crime and about the many
merits of the man who had succeeded him in office.857

[14.11 ]

855 The comment on the magistrate being strict comes from Zhang (219).
856 The explanation is given by Zhu (150) and Zhang (219).
857 The last sentence comes from Zhang (219).

299
Fol. 12, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Versari in paupertate, et tamen non odisse illam, perquam
difficile est. Esse divitem et tamen esse sine fastu vel superbi, facile est.

Confucius said: To live in poverty and not to hate it is extremely difficult. To be rich
without pride and arrogance is much easier.858

[14.12 ]

2. Confucius ait: Regni Lu quondam Praefectus Mem Cumcho, is ut agat quidem, Chao et
Guei duarum familiarum in Regno cin, quamvis admodm illustres et copiosae sint,
supremum oeconomum; utique habet affatim facultatis et industriae: At non potest agere ne
minimae quidem dynastiae Tem vel Sie Praefectum.

Confucius said: Meng Gongchuo, a prefect of Lu, would be a perfect steward for
Zhao and Wei, the two families of Jin, regardless of how rich and distinguished they
may be, since he himself is surely very able and diligent. Yet he cannot be the prefect
of the very small courts of Teng or Xie.

[14.13
]

p. 2, 1. ulu percontatur quaenam maxim res numeris omnibus absolutum reddat

hominem? Confucius respondet: Si quidem Praefecti Regni Lu, Cam Vuchum dicti
scientiam et prudentiam; Item modo memorati Mem Cumcho moderationem animi
cupiditatis et avaritiae expertem: Insuper Praefecti ditionis Pien, Chuamcu dicti robur tam
animi qum corporis: Denique condiscipuli tui Gen keu industriam peritiamque artium
liberalium, has, inquam, dotes ac laudes si exornaverit quis, et temperaverit quodammodo
officiis ritibusque civilibus, et music mutuae concordiae morumque optimorum blanda
magistr, equidem poterit hujusmodi censeri vir numeris omnibus absolutus.

Zilu asked: What makes a man complete in every aspect? 859 Confucius responded:
He has to be knowledgeable and prudent, like Zang Wuzhong, the prefect of Lu;
also, to have moderate desires and be free of greed, like the well-remembered Meng
Gongchuo; furthermore, to be strong and courageous, like Zhuangzi, the prefect of
Bian; finally, to be diligent and well versed in liberal arts, like your fellow disciple
Ran Qiu. If a man can develop all of these qualities and merits, combining them with
public and civil rites,860 with music as a gentle teacher of mutual harmony and of good
habits, then such a man could indeed be truly considered complete in every aspect.

[
]

2. At haec omnia unus qu complectatur? Concipere animo perfectionem tantam possumus;

invenire qui ill praeditus sit, aegr possumus, attamen, aetatis hujus nostrae perfectos viros
quid magnopere necesse est esse tales? Cert si quis videns lucrum, protins meditetur
iustitiam, item videns discrimen Reipublicae vel Principis, alacriter exponat offeratque
vitam; In veteribus autem pactis et promissis non obliviscatur, nec inficietur suos universae

858 This saying of Confucius is similar to Lunyu 1.15.

859 The character cheng means to become. Zhu (151) and Zhang (221) understand this to mean
a complete man (quan ). The Latin translation changed this for to return (reddere), perhaps an
echo to the Christian emphasis on returning to the original stage, before the Fall.
860 The translation of li, as public and civil rites, carefully avoids any religious connotation.

300
vitae sermones et fidem semel datam nunquam fallat. Hujusmodi qui sit, etiam poterit suo
modo censeri vir perfectus.

But is there such a man who could fulfill all of these things? We may conceive such
perfection, but we can hardly find someone endowed with it. Nonetheless, why should
we require the perfect men in our own era to be like this? Surely, if someone sees an
opportunity of profit and yet immediately thinks about justice, if he sees the country
or the prince in danger and eagerly exposes and offers his life, or if he remembers the
old promises and obligations, does not deny his words in his whole life, and never
betrays the trust put in him, then it is enough to hold him a perfect man.

[14.14 ]

Fol. 13, p. 1, 1. Confucius percontans de Regni Guei Praefecto cum xo ven cu ab indigen
quopiam, cui nomem cum mim kia sic ait: An est credibile, quod vulgo dicitur, Dominum tuum
non loqui, non ridere, non admittere quidpiam?

In the Wei Kingdom, Confucius asked a local, Gongming Jia, a local, about the
prefect Gongshu Wenzi of the Wei Kingdom: Is it true, as people say, that your
master does not speak, does not laugh, and does not accept gifts?

[
]

p. 2, 1. Cummin Kia respondit: Qui haec narrant, excedunt ii limites veritatis. Dominus
meus, si adest tempus loquendi, si locus et ratio id postulat; tum deinde loquitur: atque ita
homines non fastidiunt eius sermones. Si laetandum est, ubi iusta datur risus et hilaritatis
causa; tum deinde ridet; homines itaque non fastidiunt ipsius risum. Denique si ius et equum
patitur; tum deinde, quae offeruntur admittit: hoc pacto homines nec fastidiunt in ipso
acceptationem munerum. Moderatio autem eiusmodi, quia non vulgaris est [101] aetate
nostr; idcirco Dominus meus vulgo nec loqui dicitur, nec ridere, nec quidquam admittere.
Audiens haec Confucius, admirabundus, ac subdubitantis instar, ait: Erit ita ut narris.
Miranda res quidem et rarae laudis: sed quomodo, tamen ita prorsus est?

Gongming Jia responded: Those who say this go beyond the limits of truth. When it
is time for my master to speak and when the place and circumstances require him to
speak, he does so, so others do not scorn his words. When it is time to laugh, and if
there is a just reason for laughing and teasing, then he laughs and others do not scorn
his laughter. Finally, if it is just and fair, then he accepts what it is given to him and
others do not scorn him for accepting gifts. His self-control is uncommon in our
times.861 Therefore, it is generally said that my master neither speaks, nor laughs, nor
accepts gifts. Hearing this, Confucius was astonished: May it be as you say? This
indeed is very astonishing and worthy of a rare praise, but can it be absolutely like
this?

[14.15 ]

2. am Vuchum Regni Lu praefectus, graviter deliquerat in Principem, quo poenam metuens,

profugerat in finitimam dynastiam Chu dictam; sed hinc non mult pst reversus in Patriam, et

861 According to Zhang (222), people believed that Gongshu Wenzi was without feeling (wuqing ),
but in fact, by his correct appreciation of the situations, he can be said to have feelings beyond
measure (guoqing ). This is the last idea that the Jesuits translated.

301
sitam in e ditionem juris quondam sui, incolas rogitat ut pristinam eius possessionem uni saltem
posterorum suorum Principe exorarent. Sed Confucius ambages istas haudquaquam probans, sic
ait: am Vuchum super pristin ditione su Fan procurat ac petit pro posteris suis apud Regni Lu
Principem. Sed ego timeo, ne sint armatae preces istae, et quamvis ipse dicat, nihil ego per dolum
aut vim volo Rege; ego tamen non credo. Crederem ver si rect ad Principem et non ad suos
quondam subditos se contulisset.

Zang Wuzhong, a prefect of Lu, seriously offended his ruler and, fearing his
punishment, he escaped to the neighboring court of Zhu. From there, he soon returned
to his native land, a territory once under his own jurisdiction. He urged the inhabitants
of the land to persuade the ruler to transfer the property right to one of his own
descendants.862 Confucius did not approve of his plot, saying: Zang Wuzhong has
regained his former territory of the Fang Kingdom and is asking the king of Lu to give
it to his own descendants. I am afraid that his request is backed by military force;
although he may say that he did not use deceit and military violence to get the landit
from the king, I do not believe it. I could believe it if his request was directly
delivered from the ruler, and not from his former subordinates.

[14.16 ]

Fol. 14, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Regni in Regulus Ven Cum in iis quas suscipiebat,
expeditionibus fictus erat subdoleque industrius, et non rectus et syncerus. E contrario
Regni i Regulus Huon cum syncerus, et qui praestabat cum fide quidquid promiserat, et
minim fictus erat; ex hoc scilicet capite long illi anteponendus.

Confucius said: Wen Gong, the prince of Jin, was insincere and cunning in all his
undertakings, never upright and genuine. On the contrary, Huan Gong, the prince of
Qi, was sincere: if he promised something, he always fulfilled his promise and he was
not at all deceitfulfeigned. Therefore, Huan Gong, as a leader, should be placed far
ahead of Wen Gong.863

[14.17
]

2. Mortuo Siam Cum Regni Regulo gravis inter indigenas exorta seditio est, aliis
maiorem natu deposcentibus ad Regnum, minorem aliis, idque non sine vi et armis. Fugit
interim maior natu Huon cum una cum Pao xo ya cliente suo et consiliario in Regnum Kiu,
ibidem milites comparaturus. Minor ver, (cui nomen Cumu Kieu) in Regnum Lu sese
contulit cum duobus item clientibus Chao ho et Quon chum. Victo tandem minore natu,
maior ingressus Regnum Lu, terrefactos indigenas ad caedem compulit profugi Principis;
ambos autem fugae socios detrudi iussit in carcerem. Non sustinuit horum alter chao ho
superstes esse Domino; sed morte spontane vinculorum opprobrium antevertit. Quon chum
fortunae cedens admisit vincula: sed his deinde solutus iussu victoris, etiam supremus
eiusdem Consiliarius et administer, adnitente Pao xo ya creatus est. Vicit rei successus
omnium spes ac vota; cum enim finitimi Barbarorum invasissent Regnum ci, brevi novus
administer consilio, prudentique su perfecit non mod ut Regnum ci victis ac fugatis
Barbaris pristinam quietem ac libertatem recuperaret; sed Imperatoriae quoque domui
cheu, quae tunc temporis iacebat ingloria; multi Regulorum denu parerent, et clientelare
obsequium persolverent. Discipuli itaque cu lu, ac cu cum, magistri sui exquirentes
sententiam, ulu quidem sic ait: Huon cum Regulus occdit Cumu Kieu fratrem suum. Chao

862 The historical background is given by Zhang (223).

863 The last line translates the commentary of Zhang (223).

302
ho pariter occubuit cum Domino fugae necisque fidus comes. Quon chum san diversus ab
hoc non occubuit, sed rebellis instar ac transfugae secutus est victorem. Itaque diceturne hic
non fuisse pius?

After the death of Xiang Gong, the prince of Qi, serious riots broke out among his
subjects: some wanted the older son to succeed the throne, others wanted the younger
one, and they fought violently with weapons. At one point, the older one, Huan Gong,
escaped with his vassal and counselor Bao Shuya, to the kingdom of Jiu, to raise an
army. The younger son, named Gongzi Jiu, conquered Lu together with his two vassal
rulers, Shao Hu and Guan Zhong. However, the older son defeated the younger and
returned to Lu. Then, he forced the terrified local people to kill the prince who was
fleeing. He also ordered the two companions of the fugitive brother to be put in jail.
One of them, Shao Hu, avoided the ignominy of being placed in shackles due to his
sudden death. Guan Zhong entrusted his life to fate and accepted the shackles.
Following the advice of Bao Shuya, he was freed by the order of Huan Gong, who
made him his highest advisor and assistant. He succeeded in meeting the new rulers
expectations. When barbarians invaded the neighboring Qi Kingdom and he was still
new to the assistants office, he excelled with his wisdom in such a way that the
barbarians were defeated and chased away, and the kingdom regained its original
peace and freedom. Then many kings wanted to submit again and became vassals to
the imperial house of Zhou, which was until that time quite undistinguished. 864 Two
disciples, Zilu and Zigong, asked the Masters opinion about this:865 The prince Huan
Gong killed his brother Gongzi Jiu. Shao Hu also died, faithfully accompanying his
master in his escape and in death. However, Guan Zhong did not die, but, like a traitor
and a deserter, he followed the victor. Therefore tell us, which of them was not
loyal?866

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius, inquit, Huon Cum, uti scitis, congregavit, studiisque et armis sociavit
varios dynastas ac Regulos, quorum scilicet oper Barbaros sic expulit, ut Imperatioriae
quoque doms honori pariter et incolumitati consuluerit. Nec adhibuit tamen suae ditionis
arma vel currus bellicos ad tantam rem perficiendam; unius potissimm Quon chum vis ista
fuit ac virtus prudenti su industrique perficientis omnia. Quod si ita est, eccujus pietas
conferri poterit cum hujus pietate? Ecquis aequ ut iste Quon chum rectus ac pius esse
censebitur?

Confucius said: As you know, Huan Gong gathered and united many rulers and kings
with stratagem deception and military force. Thanks to their help, he drove the
barbarians out. He also worked for the safety and honor of the imperial house, but he
did not accomplish this by using the army under his control, nor the war chariots. The
greatest strength and virtue of Guan Zhong was to accomplish everything with
prudence and diligence. And if it is so, then whose loyalty can be compared with his?
Who can be judged as equally loyal and righteous as this Guan Zhong?

[14.18 ]

864 Zhu (153 ) and Zhang (224) provide some historical background, but the Jesuits searched also in
other documents. The story is related in the Chunqiu.
865 Zilu and Zigong are successively going to ask Confucius about Guan Zhong, but here only Zilu
asked the question.
866 Ren is translated here with loyal (pius).

303
2. Instat ucum alter discipulorum, et ait: Nonne tamen iste Quon Chum rever fuit non
pius? Regulo namque Huon cum interficiente Dominum ipsius cum cu kieu non sustinuit ipse
pariter mori, uti decebat tamen facere fidum clientem. Quin etiam ad partes fratricidae transiit,
ipsumque adiuvit.

The second disciple, Zigong, pursued, asking this issue further: Is it not the case that
it was Wasnt in fact this Guan Zhong who was disloyal? As a matter of fact, after his
master was killed by the prince Huan Gong, he did not follow his master into death as
would be fitting for a faithful vassal, but he instead shifted to the side of the brother
who had committed fratricide and helped him.

[
]

3. Confucius respondit: Quon chum Consilio et oper juvit Regem Huon Cum, (per annos 40) sic
ut is dominaretur ipsismet Regulis non ut Imperator, sed velut primus ac praeses reliquorum. Qui
ade ex quo tempore renovavit ac erexit quod jacebat Imperium; populus usque ad hunc diem
suscipit ac conservat ipsius tam praeclaram navantis operam beneficium. Si non extitisset Quon
Chum, ego vobiscum jam servirem barbaris. Rituque barbarorum hanc solutam haberem
Caesariem, et non more nostro collectam, ritu etiam barbarico ad laevum latus, et non ad dextrum,
vestem fibula adstringerem.

Confucius responded: For forty years,867 Guan Zhong helped Huan Gong with his
advice and skill so that he could dominate over the princes, not as the emperor, but as
the chief and protector of all the other princes. He was the one who at that time
restored and renovated the failing empire. With such magnificent and zealous work,
he has saved and supported the people for generations, right up to the present day.
Without Guan Zhong, all of us would now be serving barbarians. 868 We would be
wearing our hair in a barbaric manner, loose, and not collected, as in our custom, and
we would fasten our clothes with a buckle, not at the right side, but at the left, like
barbarians.

[]

Fol. 15, p. 1. Quorsum igitur instar abjecti cujusdam hominis, vilisve mulierculae praestiturus
nescio quam fidelitatem san perexiguam, semetipse laqueo peremisset in foss qupiam seu
flumine, sic ut nemine fuisset deinde cognitus?

Why How would he have excelled by demonstrating his loyaltyin a kind of fidelity,
but a very narrow one, like an abject man or a weak woman? Whaty would he have
gained from killinged himself with a ropestring in some ditch or river, being known
by no one?

[14.19 ]

p. 2, 1. Celebris cujusdam praefecti in Regno Guei, cui nomen erat Cumxo Venu subditus ac
Minister domesticus, Siven dictus, et ob egregias dotes ad eandem, qu Dominus suus potiebatur,

867 Neither Zhu nor Zhang mention the number of years. This is probably the result of the computation
of Couplet as he was working on the chronological tables of China.
868 Zhang (224) states that without Guan Zhong the Chinese land would have fallen to the foreign
tribes (yidi ), translated by the Jesuits with barbarians.

304
dignitatem, adnitente ipso Domino, evectus, jam una cum ipso Venu Domino suo pariter
ascendebat in aulam Regiam negotia tractaturus.

Zhuan was a subject and a domestic helper for the famous prefect Gongshu Wenzi, in
the Wei Kingdom. Because of his exceptional merits in helping his master obtain
office, and also because he was his faithful supporter, he was called, together with his
master Wenzi, to ascend into the royal hall to deal with public affairs.

[ ]

2. Confucius id audiens, ac meritam viri laudem ex nomine ejusdem petens; rever, inquit,
vel ex hoc uno capite dignus est illustri nomine, quod ei Rex quondam honoris grati tribuit,
dignus est, inquam, qui censeatur ac praedicetur vir prorsus obsecundans recte rationi, et
ornatissimus virtutum laude. Suspicit enim Philosophus raram viri virtutem, apud quem
tantum valuerit utilitas publica, ut sui quodammodo oblitus, non dubitrit hominem usque
adeo humilem ad eundem cum suo gradum promovere.

Hearing this, Confucius searched for a name for this man of well-deserved fame,
saying: Truly, from this one example I see that he is worthy of this illustrious name
[wenzi], given by his king in his honor. Worthy is a man who is judged and
proclaimed according to his obedience to correct reason, and he is adorned with the
praise of virtue. The Philosopher admired the exceptional virtue of this man,
especially his selfless engagement in public office up to the point of forgetting
himself. Therefore, Confucius did not doubt until thenhave any hesitation that such a
humble man so humble should be promoted to that position.869

[14.20 ]

3. Confucius degens in Lu Regno patrio, cum diceret Regni Guei Principem Lim Cum sine
more modoque boni Principis vivere: Camcu Regni L Praefectus ait: Hoc si ita est,
quomodo non perit Regnum Guei?

When Confucius spent some time in his native Lu, it was said that Ling Gong, the
ruler of Wei, was living without the morals and good manners fit for a prince. Then,
Kangzi [Ji Kangzi], a prefect of Lu, said: If this is so, how come the kingdom of Wei
has not yet perished?

[
]

4. Confucius respondit: Chumxo Yu munus gerit excipiendorum legatorum et hospitum. Cho To

praepositus est gentilitiis majorum aulis. Vansun Kia Praefectus est castrorum, et hi tres scilicet
magn cum prudenti solertiaque res sibi commissas feliciter administrant. Haec si ita sint, si
nitatur Regnum viris talibus tantisque, quomodo illud pereat, quantumvis ipse Princeps
officii vivat immemor?

Confucius responded: Zhongshu Yu is in charge of receiving all envoys and visitors.

Zhu Tuo is overseeing the clan halls of the ancestors. Wangsun Jia is the prefect for
military defense. These three men administer with great prudence and skill all that is

869 This comment mixes elements from the commentary by Zhu (like forgetting oneself, 154) and
elements from the commentary by Zhang (like the reasons for the promotion, 225).

305
entrusted to them. If things are like this, if the kingdom relies on such men, how could
it perish, even though this prince lives heedless of his duties?

[14.21 ]

Fol. 16, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Quotiescumque hominis cujuspiam sermones imbuuntur

verecundi qudam seu modesti, et moderatione; sed cum temeritate jactantique
proferuntur; tunc cert rebus factisque explere illos perquam difficile est. Nactus ergo
loquentem grandia, quid is agat, observa; memor, inopiam factorum cum verborum copi non raro
conjungi.

Confucius said: Often a man imbues his sermons with modesty, restraint, and
moderation, but when [his sermons] are rash and ostentatious, then surely
transforming his words into deeds and facts is difficult. Therefore, when you notice
someone who talks of grand schemes, observe what he does, and be mindful that a
shortage of action is often connected with an excess of words.870

[14.22 ]

2. Moliebatur clandestinam rebellionem Chin Chimu Praefectus Regni i; de qu jam

suspectum oderat Regulus suus, et ab homine fido, cui Han Chi nomen, diligenter observari
jusserat: Verm perduellis rem subodoratus occidit primm quidem exploratorem suum; deinde
etiam Regulum ipsum Kie cum.

Chen Chengzi [Chen Heng], a prefect of Qi, was planning a secret rebellion. His
prince already hated him, suspecting him of such a thing, and he ordered a trusted
man, whose name was Han Zhi, to observe him carefully. But the rebel came to know
about this, killed the spy, and subsequently killed the prince himself, Jian Gong.

[ ]

3. Confucius, qui paul ant gravum Magistratum gesserat, tam nefariae caedis atrocitate
commotus, pris de more lavit corpus, et ita mox ad aulam perrexit certiorem facturus Ngai cum
Regulum; in cujus ubi conspectum pervenit, Praefectus, inquit, Chin hem (alterum parricide
nomen est) interfecit suum Regem: Rogo te ut misso milite perduellem comprehensum punias; et
quando finitimum est tuo Regnum, primus sis, qui de facinore, quod coelum ipsum haudquaquam
tolerat, expetas ultionem.

Confucius, who had held an important magistracy shortly before this event, was
moved by the atrocity of this hideous murder. He first washed his body as usual, and
right after went to the hall to inform the prince, Ai Gong. Appearing before the prince,
he said: The prefect Cheng Heng (this is another name of the murderer) has killed his
king; I ask you to send soldiers to catch and punish the traitor, and since your
kingdom is the closest, you should be the first to avenge a crime that even heaven
cannot bear to endure.

[ ]

4. Regulus ut erat jam senex, ac prop inutilis ad res gerendas, ad haec modicae authoritatis,

870 This is again a piece of advice given by Zhang (226) to Wanli about the way to deal with the
ministers.

306
tribus scilicet familiis authoritate tantm non regi dominantibus, Confucio respondit: Vade, et
nuncia rem istam meis tribus clientibus Mem Sun, Xo Sun, et Ki Sun.

The prince was old and helpless in administering his office, and also of small
authority since he was dominated by there were three families without royal dignity
which were dominating. He responded to Confucius: Go to my three vassals, Meng
Sun, Shu Sun, and Ji Sun, and tell them about it.

[ ]

5. Confucius priusquam discederet, Rex, inquit, ego tamensi nunc Magistratum non
geram; quoniam tamen gessi aliquando, et nunc ego praefectis tuis sum proximus;
equidem non ausus fui non certiorem te facere de re tanti momenti. Rex iterm vade, inquit,
et nuntia rem tribus meis clientibus.

Before leaving, Confucius said: My king, even though I no longer hold the
magistracy, I did before and I am now next to your prefects in rank. Therefore, I did
not dare to notfelt it was vital that I inform you of this important matter. But the king
said once more: Go and tell it to my three vassals.871

[ ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius Regulo morem gerens, pergit ad tres illos clientes, rem exponit; at illi haud
convenit nec possumus, inquiunt, iniuriam istam persequi. Quo audito Confucius, quasi officio
suo sat [104] superque jam perfunctus iisdem, quibus supra, verbis: Proceres, inquit,
quoniam ego praefectis proximus sum dignitate; non ausus fui non certiores vos facere de
re tanti momenti. Referuntur haec discipulis, ut constaret posteris de calamitoso statu
regnorum istorum; finitimi quidem, in quo tam dira caedes patrata, patrii ver quod
ultionem patricidii non suscipiebant.

Confucius carried out the order of the prince and visited the three vassals, explaining
the matter. They said: It is not appropriate for us to avenge this crime. After having
heard this, Confucius said, acting as if he still held the office and having already
performed enough speechespassed the information: My lords, since my rank places
me right below the prefects, I did not dare to notcould not but inform you of this
important matter. These things are reported by the disciples to show to posterity the
disastrous state in which all kingdoms were at that time, since indeed, when this awful
murder occurred, no neighboring state avenged itthe regicide.872

[14.23 ]

2. ulu quaerit Magistro, qu ratione serviendum sit Principi. Confucius respondet: Ne

fallas; ac tum fidenter adversare vel erranti vel peccanti Principi.

Zilu asked the Master how to serve a prince. Confucius responded: Dont deceive
him and firmly oppose his mistakes and errors.

[14.24 ]

871 According to Zhu (155) and Zhang (277), the king did not state his order to Confucius a second
time, but in fact, Confucius left the place and repeated to himself the order of the king, expressing his
disappointment that the king did not decide on the spot to launch a punitive expedition.
872 This last sentence comes from a comment by Zhang (227).

307
Fol. 17, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Vir probus ac sapiens assidu sursum provehitur ac penetrat:
stultus ac improbus assidu deorsum labitur ac penetrat: Et hic quidem (ait Interpres) prorsus ad
instar fodientis et aperientis sibi puteum; qu tandem in profundo cupiditatum suarum coeno,
pecudi similior qum homini, demergatur.

Confucius said: A wise and honest man constantly progresses and penetrates higher.
A stupid and shameless man slips further and further down. As the interpreter [Zhang
Juzheng] says, the latter is like someone who digs or uncovers a well; he is
submerged in the deep filth of his lust, more like a beast than a human being.873

[14.25 ]

2. Confucius ait: Prisci studebant literis optimisque disciplinis primm ac potissimum

propter se, fructum virtutis ac sapientiae inde petentes. Homines ver aetatis nostrae student
literis propter alios, quibus scilicet vel inanem plausum expectant, vel honoris ac rei
familiaris amplificationem.

Confucius said: The ancients studied letters and the good arts, most of all for
themselves, looking for the reward of virtue and wisdom. However, people today
study letters for others, from whom they expect either vain approval, or an increase in
esteem and wealth.

[14.26 ]

3. Kiu Peyo Praefectus Regni Guei misit salutandi grati hominem ad Confucium hospitem
quondam suum.

Qu Boyu, a prefect of Wei, sent a man to Confucius to greet him.

[
]

4. Confucius honoraturus Dominum in ipso famulo admisit ipsum ad consessum, ac deinde

sciscitabundus ait: Dominus tuus ecquid potissimum agit? Respondit: Dominus meus desiderat
imprimis emendare et imminuere sua peccata, sed necdum potest compos votorum fieri. Eo
qui missus fuerat paul pst egresso, Confucius exclamans ait: egregium Ministrum!
egregium Ministrum! Qui videlicet tam paucis verbis tam uberes amplasque laudes heri sui
complexus est!

In order to honor his master, Confucius invited the man into his house, invited him to
sit, and asked: What is your lord doing? [The man] responded: My lord wishes
most of all to diminish and amend his mistakes, but he has not yet accomplished this
wish. Soon after the departure of the messenger, Confucius exclaimed: Oh,
excellent minister! Oh, excellent minister! As it can clearly be seen, he has summed
up with a few words the great and important merits of his master.

[ 14.27 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Quando non versaris in hoc vel illo munere; ne tractandam suscipias

873 Zhang (228) has:

308
illius administrationem.

Confucius said: If you do not participate in the government, you should not discuss
how to deal with it.874

[14.28 ]

2. emcu utens assidu sententia, quam deprompserat ex Ye Kim dicebat: Vir sapiens dum
publico munere perfungitur, etiam in iis quae cogitat, non evagatur extra suum illus munus.

Zengzi was constantly using a phrase which he learned from the Yijing: Even when a
wise man is discharged from office, he does not wander off from his duty, not even in
his thoughts.

[14.29 ]

3. Confucius ait: Sapiens erubescit sua ipsius verba, si quando vincant seu excedant sua
ipsius facta.

Confucius said: A wise man blushes at his own words if they exceed his actions.

[14.30
]

Fol. 18, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Laus veri sapientis et via seu norma triplex est. At ego proh
dolor! Nullam adhuc teneo. Innocenti vitae praeditus rationi ac coelo constanter
obtemperat; adeoque non turbatur, quamcumque tandem subeat fortunae vicissitudinem.
Prudenti instructus syncerum pravo, falsum vero solerter discernit; adeoque non
haesitat, nec anceps distrahitur. Denique fortis ac sine metu, et singulari quodam praeditus
sobore excelsi invictique animi, non pertimescit aut pavet.

Confucius said: The merit of the truly wise man, as well as his way and norm,
resides in three qualities. Shame on me, for until now I hold to none! Endowed with
innocence, he constantly obeys reason and heaven,875 and therefore he is not troubled,
because he is beyond the change of fortune. 876 Instructed in wisdom, he can easily
discern good from evil and right from wrong, and therefore he doesnt hesitate and is
not pullednagged by doubts. Finally, strong, without fear, and gifted with an
exceptional and invincible spirit, he cannot be frightened or terrified.

[ ]

2. ucum discipulus haec audiens, sic quidem, inquid, tu, Magister, pro singulari tu
modesti de te ipso et sentis et loqueris.

Hearing this, the disciple Zigong said: But Master, you think and talk about yourself

874 Zhangs edition omitted this passage because it is a repetition of Lunyu 8.14. Zhu (156) maintained
the passage, noting it as a repetition.
875 Zhang explains Ren in the classical text as mind and virtue being complete (xinde hunquan
, 230), and he does not associate Ren with the notion of heavenly principle. However, in other
passages like Lunyu 12.1 and 13.27, Zhang made this association, and this may explain its presence
here.
876 This translates the comment by Zhang: , 230.

309
according to your great modesty.

[14.31 ]

3. ucum totus erat in comparandis inter se hominum moribus. Confucius eum

redarguens, tune, inquit, mi discipule Su, an es vir sapiens. Mihi ecquidem non est sat otii
ne ad res quidem curasque meas; quanto minus, ut inquiram curiosus in mores et vitam
aliorum.

Zigong was engrossed inobsessed with comparing peoples habits. Confucius proved
him wrong, saying: And you, my disciple Ci, are you a wise man? Indeed, I do not
have enough time to take care of my own business, and certainly even less to
examine, out of curiosity, the lives and habits of others.

[14.32 ]

4. Confucius ait: Ne angaris animo vel te discrucies qud homines non te noverint: Angere
potis ac discruciare de ist impotenti et imbecillitate tu; qua fit scilicet ut necdum
perspecta habere, et multo minus perficere valeas quae sunt officii tui.

Confucius said: Do not distress your spirit or torment yourself because people do not
recognize you. Rather, be distressed and tormented about your own weakness and
frailty, which are real although unnoticed, and make you perform very poorly in your
official duties.

[14.33 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Si quis non antevertit sollicita suspicione et cura procul adhuc remotam
deceptionem ac fraudem; nec sit ex eorum numero qui omnia, quamvis sint tutissima timent
assidu: Si quis item non diu ante statuit apud animum suum, non datum iri fidem sibi dicturo
quidpiam vel facturo: Si quis, inquam, homo sit hujusmodi, ut nunquam curis istis ac
suspicionibus, quae hominum societati, commerciisque mutuis tam inimicae sunt, implicetur;
idem tamen si polleat eximia quadam solertia, perspicaciaque vel hominum vel rerum; atque ade
statim odoretur ac praesentiat quidquid fort latet fraudis ac fallaciae; is sane vir est perspicax ac
prudens.

Confucius said: A man can truly be called attentive and prudent if he does not
prevent by anxiety and mistrust the remote possibility of deception and fraud, and if
he is not among those who constantly fear everything, even the safest things; also if
he does not establish anything in his mind beforehand, and if he is not overconfident
about what to do or to say; if he is not entangled by worries and suspicions, so
harmful to social bonds and mutual relationships; if he can exert outstanding skills
and intelligence toward people and affairs, so that he can immediately smell, feel, or
perceive any hidden fraud or deceit.

[14.34 ]

2. Unus numero sapientum, sed qui uni sibi vacabat, Visem Mu nomine, alloquens Confucium
sic ait: Kieu (lege meu) quid agis dum sic anxi vagaris ac sine intermissione percurris, uti video,
terras omnes Imperii: Modo versaris in Regno i, mod in Regno Lu: Venditas ubique doctrinam
tuam; sed nusquam invenis qui emant; nonne est hoc circumforanei prorsus instar esse loquacem
et garrulum, et inanem captare plausum imperitae multitudinis; fortasse et dignitatem quampiam

310
emendicare?

Weisheng Mu, a wise man who was taking care of only himself, talked to Confucius:
Qiu (to be read as Mou),877 why do you need to wander and travel continuously from
place to place without pause through all the lands of the empire? Today you are in the
kingdom of Qi, tomorrow in Lu. Everywhere you try to sell your doctrine, but you
have not found a buyer anywhere.878 Is all of this traveling not just to prove you are
loquacious and foolish [in wishing] to captivate the hearts of an ignorant mob, or
maybe even to obtain a position?

[ ]

3. Confucius ut fastum hominis aliquantum retundat, in hunc modum respondet: Non

ausim ego nugas et verba vendere, et agere loquacem. Caeterum odi etiam ac damno
pertinacem unique rei et sententiae affixum, et qui ad primos impetus aut minas publicae
calamitatis illic latibulum quaeritet, et ne cogitare quidem sustineat de restaurandis
legibus, moribusque depravatis hominum corrigendis.

Confucius was filled with contempt for this man and answered: It is not my intent to
sell trifles and empty words and to be loquacious. Besides, I hate and condemn the
people who obstinately hold to one thing and have fixed opinions, those who are the
first to look for a safe hiding place when there is an attack or a threat of public
misfortune, as well as those who never think about re-establishing the laws and about
correcting the corrupted customs.879

[14.35 ]

4. Confucius aiebat: In raro et praestanti equo non tam laudatur ipsius robur, qum
laudatur ipsius virtus, id est, docilitas, mansuetudo, facilitas.

Confucius said: An exceptional and excellent horse is not praised for its strength;
rather it is praised for its virtue, that is, its docility, gentleness, and readiness.880

[14.36 ]

Fol. 19, p. 1, 1. Fort quispiam dixit: Beneficiis compensare odia et injurias, de hoc quid
videtur tibi?

Someone said: To return hate and harm with kindnesswhat are your thoughts about
it?

[ ]

[106] 2. Confucius respondit: Qui sic agat; ecqu re tandem compensabit benefacta? Dispar

877 Zhu (157) mentions that it would be too arrogant for someone to call Confucius or Kong Qiu by his
personal name qiu , unless Weisheng Mu were in fact older than Confucius. Zhang did not mention
this. To express the respect due to Confucius, the Jesuits noticed that the character qiu should be
read mou . The complete name Kong Qiu should thus be changed into Kong Mou .
878 This expression does not seem Chinese but Western.
879 The last sentence corresponds to Zhangs commentary.
880 The classical text does not explain the meaning of de . Both Zhu (151) and Zhang (232)
explained it as a capacity to be trained.

311
enim debet esse merces ac ratio eius, qui bene meretur, et illius qui mal.

Confucius responded: How will one return kindness this way? The one who has
well deserved and the one who has ill deserved should be rewarded and reckoned with
differently.881

[]

3. Mea igitur haec est sententia: eo, quod rectum justumque est, compensato injurias et odia;
benefactis compensato benefacta. Quae verba sic exponit Interpres. Injuriam quis intulisse mihi
visus est; non illam ego recordabor, nec considerabo, ut mihi est illata; sed aequ rationis trutin
expendam singula ejusdem momenta, ut queam statuere; quid hc odio, quid amore, quid fug,
quid prosecutione dignum sit. Expensis omnibus si comperiam, eum qui me laesit, aliis tandem
ex capitibus et simpliciter amore dignum esse; ego cert ob privatam offensionem nullas
invidus offundam tenebras ipsius laudi ac virtuti: At si multa sint, quae odiosum reddant, ac
merit exterminandum; parebo tunc rationi, quae improbitatem aliaque vitia odio prosequi
et exterminare nos docet. Atque hoc est eo, quod rectum justumque est, odia rependere.

Here is my opinion: I respond to harm and hate with righteousness and justice; I
respond to kindness with kindness. The interpreter [i.e. Zhang Juzheng] further
explains this: When it seems that someone has harmed me, I will not remember or
think about the harm inflicted upon me. But through the right balance of reason, I
shall judge his true character so that I can decide whether he deserves hate, love,
avoidance, and pursuit under these circumstances. If I discover that the one who has
harmed me is worthy of respect on some other accounts, I myself, though being ill
disposed toward him, will surely not darken his reputation and virtue because of a
personal offense. But, if there are many things that make him odious, then this
situation should end. I shall comply with the principle that teaches us to chase and
destroy dishonesty and vice everywhere. This is to return hate with righteousness and
justice.882

Habes hc, Christiane Lector, Ethnici Philosophi de re tam ardu sententiam: sed et
Interpretis similiter ethnici dignam Philosopho exclamationem; quae ut non attingat Evangelicam
sanctitatem; quanto tamen mitior hic sermo est, quanto humanior Pharisaico illo crudoque
axiomate, odio habebis inimicum tuum: Quamquam nec ab Evangelic Luce, si fas est ita
loqui, procul abfuisse videtur Confucius, cum uti refertur in lib. Offic. 9. Fol. 38. Y te pao Yven,
ce quon xin chi gin ye, hoc est, Beneficiis compensare odia, hoc enimver est perampli pectoris
virtus ac pietas.

Christian reader, you have here an opinion of a pagan philosopher on a very

difficult matter. However, this comment by a pagan interpreter [i.e., Zhang Juzheng]
is also worthy of a philosopher. It does not coincide with the holiness of the Gospel,
yet how much more humane and mild is this speech compared to the cruel principle of
the Pharisees according to which You will hate your enemy. 883 In fact, it seems that
Confucius was not far away from the truth of the Gospel, if it is proper to talk this
way, since it is said in the Book of Ceremonies [Liji], book 9, folio 38: yidebaoyuan,

881 The explanation follows the comments by Zhu (151) and Zhang (233).
882 This commentary was translated by the French historian Jean Lvesque de Burigny [AQ: Who is
he? Dates please](16921785) in his Thologie payenne, vol. 2 (Paris: De Bure, 1754), 199200.
883 The Latin text corresponds to the Gospel according to Matthew 5:43 in the Vulgate. Commenting
on this passage, Legge would gave a much more negative judgment: How far the ethics of Confucius
fall below our Christian standard is evident from this chapter (Legge, Confucius, 288). See also Lunyu
4.3 and 17.24, as well as the section The Question of the Legitimacy of Hatred in my introduction.

312
ze kuanshen zhi ren ye, that is, To return hate with kindness, this indeed is the
virtue and piety of a very generous heart.884

[14.37 ]

4. Confucius ut provocet discipulum ucum ad percontandum quidpiam, suspirans ait:

Nemo est omnium qui me nrit.

In order to provoke his disciple Zigong to say something, 885 Confucius sighed and
saidwas sighing: There is no one who has truly understood me.

[
]

5. Audens ucum, Magister, inquit, quomodo fit hoc ut nemo sit qui nrit te? Confucius
respondit: Primm quidem non ego indignor coelo, non etiam culpo mortales: orsus ab
inferioribus non sine labore et constanti res disco, et sic palatim gradum faciens ad
sublimiora evado ac penetro. Interim quod perspectum habet me, ipsum est coelum.

Hearing this, Zigong said: Master, how could it be that no one has understood you?
Confucius answered: First, I do not blame heaven and do not accuse human beings.
Starting from the basics, I learn things not without effort and perseverance. Then,
progressing step by step, I reach and penetrate more sublime things. Meanwhile,
heaven pays attention to me.

Ego (exponit Colaus) quamvis humilis sim ac tenuis, nec coram illam Coeli munificentiam,
quae vulg tanti fit, expertus; haudquaquam tamen indignor coelo, vel obmurmuro: Sed nec
homines in crimen voco, quod oper me non utantur: Unum hoc ago, ut excolam me ipse, et
orsus iter meum radice montis, ad culmen ejusdem pedetentim contendo: Regiam tero viam;
fugio nova et inusitata. Latere ergo me et ignorari, non est quod mireris. Non erubesco interim
oculos attollere, et fidenter intueri coelum, quamdiu ab eo quod dixi studio conservandae
mentis meae non absisto. Est enim credibile, quod supremum coelum in medio arcanae illius
abditaeque caliginis me contempletur, et perspectum habeat. Quod si ita est; [107] quid obsecro
tum refert, videri me ab hominibus, cognosci, et celebrari?

The grand secretary explains it as: Though I am insignificant, unimportant, and

not knowledgeable before the immense munificence of heaven, by no means do I
blame heaven, nor do I protest. I do not call criminals, those who do not enjoy my
works, but one thing I do is improve myself. As I begin my journey from the foot of the
mountain, I make an effort to walk in order to reach the peak. I follow the royal road
and avoid new and unfamiliar things. So it is not surprising that I go unnoticed and
ignored. Meanwhile, I am not ashamed to raise my eyes and look with confidence at
heaven, as long as I do not withdraw from the pursuit of preserving my mind. For it is
believable that the highest heaven, in the midst of his hidden and secret mystery, looks
at me and pays attention to me. If indeed it is like this, I ask you, does it matter

884 The Chinese text of the quote is from the chapter Biaoji of the Liji :
. With this quote attributed to Confucius, the Jesuits succeeded in overturning completely the
initial meaning of the words of Confucius in the Lunyu. As mentioned in the introduction above, the
author of La Morale de Confucius, Philosophe de la Chine (1688), reinterprets the Evangelical precept
in the light of the words of Confucius.
885 This preliminary comment is made by Zhu (157), and not by Zhang.

313
whether or not I am recognized or esteemed by people?886

Hactenus paraphrasis Colai, qui proprio illam epiphonemate concludens; sic omnino res
habet, inquit, Sancti postquam labore suo et constantia id assecuti sunt, ut supremam coeli de
se dispositionem habeant perspectam; conjungunt tandem ac sociant ipso cum coelo, quem in
se clam continent, virtutum splendorem. At res ista qum est perspecta coelo, tam est obscura
plerique mortalium.

So far we have a paraphrase of the grand secretary who concludes by summing it

up in his own words as: This way, after their labors and perseverance, the saints
obtain the knowledge that the supreme providence of heaven pays attention to them.
Eventually they join and unite with heaven the splendid virtue which they were
unknowingly carrying in themselves. This thing is seen by heaven, but remains
obscure for most human beings.887

[14.38
]

p. 2. Vir Regni Lu, Cumpe Leao obtrectabat discipulo ulu apud Ki Sun, cujus tunc erat
Mandarinus et assecla. ufo Kipe ejusdem Regni Praefectus offensus ill petulanti et
temeritate obtrectatoris, rem significavit Confucio dicens: Dominus meus Ki Sun plan
sinistri quid suspicatur ac mal vult discipulo tuo propter Cumpe Leao, quo in suspicionem
et crimen vocatus est. Si quidem per te licet, ego pro authoritate me et potestate etiam
possum castigare et medio tollere et abjicere in forum publicum tam improbum
obtrectatorem.

Gongbo Liao, of Lu, at that time a mandarin at the court, disparaged the disciple Zilu
before Ji Sun.888 Zifu Jingbo, a prefect of that kingdom, offended by the insolence and
rash behavior of this disparager, presented the matter to Confucius, saying: My
master Ji Sun is suspicious of taken aback and fixed against your disciple because he
was influenced by Gongbo Liao to be suspicious of him. But if you wish, I can use
my authority and power to punish this wicked disparager, execute him, and expose
[his corpse] in a public place.

[ ]

Fol. 20, p. 1, 1. Confucius, ut Praefectum avertat proposito necis inferendae, sic ait: Rectam
administrationem Regni cujuspiam feliciter procedere, decreti coelestis est. Rectam
administrationem Regni cujuspiam negligi ac perire, est item decreti coelestis. Cumpe Leao igitur
ecquid ipsi tandem cum hoc coeli decreto? An valeat fortassis cum perdere quem coelum protegat?
Aut tueri atque protegere cui infestum sit coelum?

Confucius rejected this plan of capital punishment and said: So that the proper
management of a country moves smoothly, this belongs to the decree of heaven. So
that the proper management of a country is ignored and dies out, this also belongs to

886 This is an accurate translation of Zhang (233). The mention of looking at heaven without feeling
ashamed can be traced back to Jinxin A , Mencius: .
887 According to Zhu (157), only Zigong understood that Confucius had obtained excellence from
heaven. Zhang (233) has: .
After having explained the special relationship between heaven and Confucius, Zhang has expanded
this to the special relationship between heaven and the saints. This suggests a parallel with the unique
relationship in Christianity between God and every human, a relationship that no one else knows.
888 Ji Sun can also be understood as meaning the sons of Ji.

314
the decree of heaven. What can Gongbo Liao do against the decree of heaven? How
could something protected by heaven possibly die out? How could we protect
something heaven wishes to destroy?

Interpres noster, postquam exposuit hoc responsum Philosophi, eo fere modo, quasi
inevitabili fatorum lege tenerentur humana omnia: Tandem tamen declaraturus mentem
Philosophi, suamque ipsius sententiam, plan negat esse sapientis, quando liber esse possit, ac
sequi in omnibus rationem ac naturam ducem; ultr se constringere vinculis fatalibus tam durae
necessitatis. Confucium interim prudenter accommodantem sese tempori ingenioque hominum;
sic locutum esse, tum ut solaretur ac placaret offensum discipulum; tum ut alteri cogitatam
ultionem tamquam supervacaneam dissuaderet; tum denique ut castigaret hac ratione
obtrectatorem ipsum.

Our interpreter [i.e., Zhang Juzheng] explained this response of the Philosopher
in such a way that it seems that an inescapable fate directs all human affairs.
However, he eventually declared the intention of the Philosopher and his own
opinion; he plainly denied being wise, even though he may be free to do so, but in all
things, he followed reason and nature as guides. He voluntarily constrained himself
by the shackles of hard necessity. At the same time, Confucius wisely adapted himself
to the human nature of his time. He talked this way, not only to console and placate
his disciple [Zilu], but also to advise against any unnecessary revenge planned
against someone, and finally to punish the disparager this way.889

[14.39 ]

2. Confucius ait: Sapientes quandoque fugiunt saeculum, sic ut penitus respuant honores
omnes et curas publicas.

Confucius said: Whenever wise men want to flee the world, they thoroughly reject
all honors and public responsibilities.

[]

3. Ab his proximi fugiunt quandoque regionem ubi degunt, quod perturbatam esse videant;
et migrant in aliam, quae recte administratur.

Those ranking just after the wise men, they flee the region they live in because they
see it perturbed, and so migrate to well-ruled lands.

[]

4. Ab his rursum secundi fugiunt conspectum sui Principis, quando vident illum inconditis esse
moribus.

Those ranking next, when they see that their prince has crude manners, escape from
his sight.

[]

889 For Zhu, a shengren does not depend on external fate, but on the inner mind gaining peace (
, 158). Zhang (234) says the same
verbatim.

315
5. Denique et ab his secundi fugiunt sermonem, seu colloquium hujusmodi Principis.

The last ones flee the sermons and talks of such a prince.

[14.40 ]

6. Confucius suspirans aiebat: Qui sic profugerunt curis [108] publicis periculisve ad
privatum otium et quietem, septem numero fuerunt homines. (non extant eorum nomina)

Confucius, sighing, said: There are seven men who are counted for having fled from
public responsibilities and dangers and for going about their private leisure and
peace. Their names are not recorded.890

[14.41
]

7. Olim ulu, dum Magistrum sequitur ex aliis in alia migrantem regna, fort pernoctavit in loco
quodam Xemuen dicto. Custos portae, qui et ipse erat ex occultis sapientibus unus, sciscitatur
ab eo, quem tu sequeris? ulu respondet: Sequor Confucium. Tum alter ait: An est vir ille,
qui intelligens quidpiam non convenire, tamen agit idipsum quod non convenit; dum frustra
scilicet opitulari vult laboranti Imperio?

While Zilu followed his Master in his travels from one region to another, he stopped
one night at a place called Shimen. The guard, who was himself one of the recluse
sages, asked him: Whom do you follow? Zilu answered: I follow Confucius.
Then the man said: Is he not the one who, knowing that something cannot be done,
tries to do it anyway; that is, in vain he wants to bring relief to a troubled empire?891

[14. 42 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius quo moerorem animi calamitate publica tam afflicti leniret, fort pulsabat
instrumentum musicum lapideum, sed suis fidibus constans, quo tempore versabatur in Regno
Guei. Fuit unus itaque ex illo latitantium sapientum numero, qui bajulans stramineos corbes
transiret ante Confucii januam. Cumque ex ipso genere musices, quae tota lamentabilis erat,
sensum Philosophi deplorantis calamitatem publicam solerter cognovisset; admirabundus,
ac stomachanti similis; fierine hoc potest? inquit, rever habet ille quidem, ut video, sensum
calamitatis publicae, quem et nos habemus, quem etiam satis prodit pulsato hic instrumento.

While in the kingdom of Wei, Confucius was playing stone chimes but accompanied
by stringed instruments so he could alleviate his spirit, which was afflicted by a public
calamity. One of those recluse sages was passing before Confuciuss doorstep,
carrying a basket made of straw. When he heard such sad music, he knew that the
Philosopher was grieving the public calamity. Then, astonished and almost angry, he
said: How can it be like this? Truly, just like us, this man has the sense of a public
calamity, but his way of playing seems to make it even worse.

[ ]

2. Exinde, cm aliquantisper substitisset, rursus audiens canentem, dixit: O vilem hominem et

890 Both Zhu (158) and Zhang (235) state that there is no way to know their name.
891 Zhu (158) and Zhang (235) connect this verse with the previous one, considering that the guard of
the gates of Shimen was one of the seven recluse sages.

316
pertinacem! Nemo prorsus est qui ipsum nrit, aut certe nosse velit, ejusque uti oper.
Desistat igitur studio tam importuno! Tamque inutili. Jam, plusqum satis est, tentatum et
concursatum. Meminisse te oportebat Proverbium Regni nostri: Si profundum est flumen;
quod transire vis pedibus; tum nostro Priscorum more amictus transito: Si vadosum est,
modicaeque profunditatis; tum vestes succingito. Quasi diceret: Cur explorato jam statu
nostrorum temporum, Confucius eidem non accommodat sese, prudensque abstinet tam
inutili cura et concursatione?

Sometime after, while he was still standing there and listening to the music, he said:
Oh, the vile and obstinate man! No one has noticed him; no one wants to notice him
or hire him. He should give up this annoying pursuit! Its useless. Your attempts and
efforts are more than enough. You should remember a proverb of our kingdom: If a
river is deep, cross it on foot with your clothes on, as our ancestors used to do; but if
the river is full of shallows which are not too deep, then gather up your garments.
This means: After having checked the condition of our times, why did Confucius not
adapt himself to it, and prudently refrain from useless responsibilities and travels?892

[ ]

Fol. 21, p. 1, 1. Confucius audito sermone tristis ac severi Philosophi suspirans ait: O virum
nimis tenacem propositi: Nihil equidem difficultatis habet agere quod agit iste, et labori sese
periculoque subducere: At meus cert non sustinet animus sic agere.

After having heard the speech of this sad and strict Philosopher, Confucius sighed and
said: Oh great is the man who is tenacious in his purpose. 893 Indeed, the person who
acts as you say has no difficulties in removing himself from labor and danger, but I
myself cannot act this way.

Accinens huic dicto Philosophi propri quoque sententi Interpretes noster, Sanctorum,
inquit, animus coelo terraeque similis est. Coelum et terra, quantumvis obsessa sint nebulis,
sentiantque procellas ventorum ac tempestatum; nunquam tamen desistunt ab officio suo
procreandarum et fovendarum rerum per influxus suos. Similiter et sapiens, quantumvis
aspera sint, calamitosaque tempora, semper tamen hoc agit, ut ben mereatur de humano
genere: Infr quidem semper miseretur consortes sibi mortales; supr ver constanter veretur
inviolabilem coeli nutum ac voluntatem.

In consonance with the words of the Philosopher, our interpreter [i.e., Zhang
Juzheng] expresses his own opinion in such words: The spirits of the saints are
similar to heaven and earth. Even though heaven and earth are obscured by clouds
and affected by gales, winds, and storms, they never give up their duty in creating and
maintaining all things under their influence. Similarly, a wise man, no matter how
rough and miserable are his times, always acts in such a way that he will benefit
humankind. He always feels pity in himself for his fellow humans below him; and he
constantly reveres the imperishable will and command of heavens.894

[14.43 ]

892 The quote comes from Shijing 34.

893 The Latin words are the first line of the famous poem by Horace: Iustum et tenacem propositi
virum/non civium ardor prava iubentium,/non vultus instantis tyranni, mente quatit solida neque
Auster (Odes, book III.iii).
894 These last words translate Zhangs comment about tianming (, 237).

317
2. Discipulus ucham percontans ait: In Xukim annalibus Priscorum Regum narratur.
Quod Imperator Cao um (alias Vu Tim) delitescens in Leam ngan (nomen est sepulchralis
horti lucive Regii, in quo pater ejus Siao ye tumulatus fuerat) per tres annos, pio luctui sic
dederit sese, ut non sit locutus. Quid hoc significat? Nam id quidem intellectu difficile est.

The disciple Zizhang said: In the Shujing, the annals of the ancient kings, it is said:
Emperor Gaozong, alias Wu Ding, went into seclusion for three years at Liangan
(this is the name of the cemetery, or royal grove, where his father Xiao Yi was
buried).895 He devoted himself to a pious mourning, up to the point that he was not
speaking. What does it mean? For iIt is difficult to understand.

[ ]

3. Confucius ait: Quorum obsecro, vis fiat in uno Cao um? Prisci Reges ad unum fer
omnes erant hujuscemodi. Officiorum libros consule, ubi docetur quod Principe Regni vel
Imperii demortuo, successor ejus idemque filius per annos omnino tres luctui se dabat:
Universi interim Praefecti atque Magistratus fungebantur suo quisque officio; quia mandata
excipiebant ab supremo administro, qui vices gerebat lugentis Principis; idque per
triennium.

Confucius said: Do you think that Gaozong was unique? In fact, almost all the
ancient kings acted this way. Check the Book of Ceremonies [Liji], where it is said
that, after the death of a ruler of a kingdom or of an empire, his heir and son should go
into mourning for a period of three years. During this period, all the prefects and
magistrates should perform the offices to which they are commissioned by the
supreme minister, who acts in the place of the mourning ruler.

Cao um seu Vu Tim familiae Imperialis secundae Xam dictae fuit Imperator vigensimus,
qui Imperare coepit anno ante Christum 1324. De hoc Principe religiosissimo refertur in libro 5.
xukim fol. 28. Quod, cum in horto sepulchrali Siao ye patris sui delitescens de renovando
Imperio, secum ipse sollicit meditaretur, oblata ei fuerit Xamti supremo coeli Imperatore (seu
Deo) per somnium species ignoti viri, quem, prout ipse Cao um coram Senatu suo depingebat
verbis, coloribus expressum et undique conquisitum, ac demum inter coementarios inventum in
loco Fu yen (nunc oppido Pimlo dicto in prov. Xansi) luto suo ad supremam consiliarii
dignitatem evexit.

Gaozong, also known as Wu Ding, was the twentieth emperor of second dynasty,
the Shang, and he began to rule in the year 1324 BC. The Shujing, in book 5, fol. 28,
refers to this very religious king: While he was in seclusion in the cemetery where
his father Xiao Yi was buried, he was anxiously thinking about the renewal of the
empire. Then, the heavenly emperor Shangdi, or God, sent him a dream with the
vision of an unknown man. Gaozong himself described the person before his council.
They drew his portrait, looked for him everywhere, and finally found him among the
stone-cutters, in a place called Fuyan, now known as Pinglu, in the province of
Shanxi. He was elevated from his dirty work into the highest dignity of counselor.896

895 Zhang (237) states that the place mentioned as Liangyin in the Shujing was later called
Liangan .
896 Original from the Charge to Yue , Shujing:

. This story was already

briefly mentioned in the preface of the Sinarum Philosophus, xvii. See Meynard, 100. The Jesuits
understood the dream of Gaozong as being given by God.

318
 Hic Fu yve vulgo nominabatur; cujus extant in libro Xukim tribus contenta capitibus
praeclara monita, quibus Imperator Vu tim (alias Cao um) adeo perfecit, ut per annos 59
pietate et religione feliciter ac pacific administravit Imperium.

This man was called Fu Yue. His precious advice is found in three chapters of the
Shujing. Emperor Wu Ding, alias Gaozong, used his advice and he successfully and
peacefully ruled his empire for fifty-nine years, with great piety and respect for
religion.

Hic ver plan jucundum est videre, quomodo Interpres primi nominis Chu hi dictus
posteriorum temporum atheopoliticorum antesignamus secum ipse luctetur; nec tamen miser
eluctari valeat: hinc enim Prisci texts authoritate (quae apud Sinas sacra est) prohibetur negare
rei gestae veritatem: inde ver quamcunque in partem se vertat supremi cujusdam Numinis
praesenti et majestate expedire se nequit. Sic igitur in majoribus suis commentariis ait:

It is quite amusing to see how Zhu Xi, as an interpreter of the first authority and
whom we call a late atheo-politician, struggles with this passage;897 he was very
unhappy in not being able to surmount the difficulty. Because of the authority of
ancient texts, which are sacred among the Chinese, it is forbidden to undermine the
veracity of past events. From there, in whatever direction he moved, he could not
escape the presence and power of the divine Being. Therefore, it is said in his most
important commentary:

Quando Imperator Cao um somniavit de Fu yve, distinct et manifest fuit aliquis Fu yve
qui existeret illic: Cao um rever non eum cognoscebat cujus species in somnis offerebatur:
Neque enim hominem hujusmodi unquam ipse viderat. Cao um somniavit de Fu yve quod
existeret illic: Hoc igitur cm ita sit, ver fuit aliquis Coeli Imperator, qui coram Cao um
diceret, ego assigno tibi fidelem adjutorem: Nunc autem homines per vocem Ti non aliud quam
Dominum et gubernatorem intellegi dicunt; eumdemque dicunt expertem corporis et figurae: Sed
puto quod ita res non habuerit. [110] (nimirum non capiebat hic Scriptor quo pacto expers
corporis, assumpt tamen figur conspicuus homini redderetur) Quod attinet (prosequitur
Interpres) ad eum, qui hac aetate nostra vocatur Yo hoam-ta-ti, id est Yo hoam magnus (coeli)
Imperator, puto equidem nec de hoc id dici posse. (utique dici nequit: Quomodo enim homo ille Yo
hoam apparuerit, quem aliquot post Cao um saeculis natum et deinde nonnisi exactis aliis
aliquot saeculis per insanam superstitionem Imperatoris, Hoei cum dicti, 19 famili Sum
numero, supremi numinis titulo donatum?) Rursus (prosequitur Interpres) quam non inane et
fortuitum fuerit illud somnium, successus ipse docuit: Rex enim Cao cum cum somniavit caeli
Imperatore assignari sibi fidelem adjutorem, ei procul dubio in somnis adfuit coeli Imperator qui
illum indicaret; nec ullo modo dici potest rem ita non habuisse: nec item hic dici potest fuisse
caelestem illam rationem, quam Li dicimus. (Et hactenus quidem Interpres Chu hi quo se vertat
ignorans; caeterm ignoranti ill et perplexitate su Veritati Providentiaeque Numinis vel
invitus favens. Li hoc atheopoliticorum figmentum quodpiam post 40 saecula inventum
novatoribus interpretibus. Intelligunt autem per Li virtutem quamdam seu influxum naturalem
mente et voluntate destitutum sed principium rerum omnium, ad quod omnia conantur referre,
totius retro antiquitatis monumenta et sensum in suam detorquentes sententiam.)

When Emperor Gaozong dreamed about Fu Yue, this man was clearly
manifested to him as if he were really present. However, Gaozong did not recognize
the man who appeared to him in his dreams, since he had never seen such a person
before. Gaozong dreamed about Fu Yue, because this man was really there. In reality,
it was the heavenly emperor himself who was speaking to Gaozong: I am giving you

897 By atheo-politician, the Jesuits design Chinese philosophers who promote religion as a political
tool while being in fact atheist.

319
a faithful servant. Today, people say that the word Di means the lord and ruler; they
say that he has neither body nor shape [of his own]. But I think there cannot be such
a thing. (Evidently, this commentator [Zhu Xi] could not grasp how it is possible
that, not having a body, he could assume a visible shape.) 898 The interpreter
continues: Concerning the one we call now Yuhuang Dadi, or the great heavenly
emperor Yuhuang, I think that nothing can be said about him. (Certainly, it cannot
be said how this man Yuhuang appeared, how he could be born centuries after
Gaozong, and how he could receive the title of the Supreme Being centuries later
according to the insane belief of the emperor Huizong, the nineteenth ruler of the
Song dynasty.)899 The interpreter continues: On the other hand, the dream was not
meaningless and accidental, but it taught how to gain success. For the king Gaozong
dreamed that the heavenly emperor was assigning the most faithful helper to him.
Without a doubt, it was the heavenly emperor who came in dreams and showed him
the person. Yet it is impossible to say anything about it, as it is also impossible to say
anything about what we call the heavenly reason, or Li. (By this, the interpreter Zhu
Xi shows himself to be ignorant; or because of his ignorance of so many things and
because of his own confusion, he was unwilling to support the idea of Truth and
Divine Providence. In fact, the Li is a fiction of the atheo-politicians, invented by the
new interpreters some four thousand years later. They understand Li as a kind of
power or natural influence, devoid of mind and will. And yet, they make it the
principle of all things, to which all things should return, distorting all the wisdom and
records of the whole antiquity with their opinion.)900

[14.44 ]

4. Confucius ait: Qui praepositus est aliis, si quidem gaudet officiorum contemperatione
debita, discrimen aequum semper faciens inter humiles, et honoratos inter summos et imos:
tum populo facil imperabit.

Confucius said: If the one who is in charge of others rejoices in the correct timing of
the ceremonies and always makes a fair distinction among the lowly, and also
between the most respected and the lowly, then he will easily rule people.

[14.45

]

p. 2, 1. ulu sciscitatur de viro sapiente, et qui long supr vulgus emineat; Confucius respondit:

898 See Zhu:

[AU: Please review and revise use of single/double quote
marks here] (Shangshu , 2nd section, Zhuzi yulei , vol. 79). The Jesuits did not share
the reserves of Zhu about the materiality of the apparition, since they themselves believed that the
immaterial God could appear physically.
899 Zhu: [AU:
Review use of quote marks here please] Here the Jesuits are in agreement with Zhu in dismissing the
connection between the dream and Yuhuang Dadi, since the latter is seen by the Jesuits as a Daoist idol.
There is mention of this in the preface, xxvi (see Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 115). The Chinese
name of this emperor is Song Huizong .
900 Zhu:
Here is expressed in a nutshell
the difference between the Neo-Confucian tianli and Christian providence.

320
Excolat sese, ut hoc pacto rectus evadat per assiduam suiipsius vigilantiam et attentionem. Quaerit
cu lu: Ubi sic egerit, num sufficiet? Respondit: Excolat ergo sese, atque ita excolat, ut explear vota
aliorum, sicut optat expleri sua ipsius. Instat discipulus: Ubi se res sic habuerit, nihilne
requiretur praeterea? Respondeat: Excolat sese, et partas virtutis industriaeque opes tam
larg diffundat, ut procuret pacem, expleatque vota universi populi. Sed enim ardua res
haec est, et in hoc excolendi sui ipsius studio, sic ut explerent vota universi populi, Yao et
Xun viri Principes tales ac tanti, tamen ipsi quoque vehementer laborabant et quasi
perpetu qudam tenebantur aegritudine animi et cur, ne fort vel unus esset ex omnibus,
cujus amorem et benevolentiam non obtinerent: Usque ade suos haud secs ac seipsos
diligebant.

Zilu asked how to be a wise man standing above the common people. Confucius
responded: He should improve himself in a way in which, by the constant vigilance
and attention paid to himself, he will remain uncorrupted. Zilu asked: If he does
that, will it be enough? Confucius responded: He should improve himself further in
such a way that he would fulfill the wishes of others as he chooses to fulfill his own.
The disciple pressed Confucius further: And if he does all this, is anything more
required? Confucius answered: He should improve himself, and so widely expand
the power of virtue and diligence that he can procure peace and fulfill the wishes of
all the people. But it is a hard task and needs a great deal of effort is needed toin
improveing oneself. In order to fulfill the wishes of all the people, even the great
princes Yao and Shun worked so hard and were always anxious and worried that
everyone obtain favor and protection. They went as far as loving others as they loved
themselves.901

[14.46
]

Fol. 12, p. 1, 1. Yven jam sectator quidem Philosophi Lao Kiun; sed vir inconditis
corruptisque moribus, quodam die decussatis cruribus sedens (quem situm Sine indecorum
esse censent) expectabat [111] Confucium jam olim sibi notum. Confucius tam agrestes
hominis mores, aliaque totius vitae vitia animo damnans, sic ait: Olim quidem tu adolescens
cm esses, non fuisti submisso animo et observans natu majorum: Grandior factus nihil
habuisti virtutis ac laudis, quod praedicaretur: Senior ver jam siquidem non moriaris
ocys, hoc enim ver erit esse damno quamplurimis pravo exemplo et moribus. Hoc dicto,
scipione leviter percussit ipsius crura, sic quoque debitae gravitatis ac decori moniturus agrestem
hominem.

Yuan Rang was a follower of the philosopher Lao Jun [Laozi]. However, he had crude
and corrupted customs.902 One day, while he waited for Confucius, whom he had met
before, he sat with his legs crossed (the Chinese consider this way of sitting very
impolite).903 Confucius condemned the rude habits of this man and all the other vices
of his life, saying: When you were young, you were not quiet and did not respect
your elder brothers. Grown up, there is nothing virtuous or worthy of praise in you.

901 The extension of the cultivation of oneself to all people is expressed here in the Christian language
of loving others as oneself.
902 This is mentioned both by Zhu (160) and Zhang (239).
903 Zhu (160) and Zhang (239) interpret the character yi as meaning dunju , to squat on ones
heels, which is indeed considered impolite. The Westerners rarely used this position, and therefore the
Jesuits did not translate literally but used instead a cultural equivalent: being seated on a chair with the
legs crossed.

321
Already old, even though you have not long to live,904 you still hurt many by your
wicked example and manners. Having said this, Confucius hit the mans legs with
his cane in order to remind this rude man about proper behavior and politeness.

[14.47 ]

2. Ex ditione Kive Tam dict pueri aliquot indigenae Confucio in disciplinam recens traditi
deferebant Magistri mandata ad hospites, et horum vicissim responsa ad Magistrum. Aliquis fort
sciscitatus ait: Proficiuntne illi pueri?

Some native boys from the district of Que Dang had recently started receiving
instruction, and they were delivering messages from Confucius to the guests, back and
forth.905 Someone then asked: Are these boys making some progress?

[
]

3. Confucius respondit: Oporteret quidem illos non in medio sedere, sed latere; et dum
sequuntur majorem natu, pone sequi: nunc autem ego video ipsos temer considere in loco
honorato. Video illos cum Magistro suo sine ullo intervallo pariter incedere; adeoque non
observare, quae sunt propria aetatis sue. Quocirc judico quod non sunt studiosi profects sui.
Caeterm ego sumam mihi hanc Provinciam: Desidero quamprimm sublat ruditate ill, bonis
moribus ac disciplinis excolere illos ac perficere; Verumtamen sic, ut facillimis infimisque
ordiar; et eos ipsa cum aetate ad majora pedetentim manuducam.

Confucius answered: It would be proper for them not to sit in the middle, but at the
side; while they follow an elder, they should follow behind. But now I see them rashly
seated at the honorary place. I see them walking together with their master, without
keeping any distance from him. They do not respect the rules proper to their age.
From this I can see they are not eager to make progress. 906 I should take this duty
myself. Once their coarseness is gone, I shall teach them and improve their manners
and discipline. Indeed, I shall start from the very beginning and with the basics, and I
shall bring them, by hand and step by step, to adulthood.907

904 According to the classical text, Confucius means literally: I wish you dead. Zhang (239) adopts a
milder expression which is reflected here in the Jesuit translation.
905 The classical text does not suggest a plural for tongzi ; therefore it should be boy in the
singular.
906 It seems that the Jesuits omitted the translation of (they wish to become men quickly).
907 The final comments translate the words of Zhang (239).

322
 Libri tertii pars octava
Eight Part of the Third Book

[Chapter 15]

[15.1
]

Fol. 1, p. 1, paragraph 1. Regni Guei Princeps Lim cum dictus belli magis quam virtutis
cupidus percontatus est de instruend acie ad praelium, Confucio. Confucius respondit: u
& teu vasorum sacrorum res ego quidem assidu audivi: Castrenses res necdum didici. Quare
illuscescente die statim profectus est, quod videret operam perdi.

Ling Gong, the ruler of Wei, was more eager for war than for virtue, 908 and he asked
Confucius about military instruction for the battle. Confucius answered: I myself
have heard a lot about the sacrificial vases zu and dou, but I have not learned about
military strategy. Since Confucius knew that he was losing wasting his time, he left
the next morning.

[]

2. Existente Confucio in Regno Chin defecit victus: Sectatores ipsius languebant, nec poterant
iter prosequi fame scilicet debilitati.

When Confucius was in the kingdom of Chen, there was a severe lack of food. His
followers were ill and crippled with hunger, up to the point that they could not
continue walk along the road.909

[ ]

3. Discipulus u lu molestiam animi prodens ait: Inter viros probos ac sapientes etiamne
dantur egentissimi? Confucius ait: Vir probus [112] ac sapiens durat in egestate gravi:
Stultus & improbus in egestate gravi constitutus hoc ipso dissolvitur animo.

The disciple Zilu showed his annoyance and said: How can honest and wise people
become so destitute? Confucius said: An honest and wise man endures grave
hardship, but a stupid and dishonest man who finds himself in a grave serious
hardship is engulfed by it.

[15.2 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Discipule mi Su, (alis u cum) tunc sic de me censes, operos me
multa didicisse ac mandasse memoriae, atque ideo tam prompt meminisse?

Confucius said: My dear disciple Ci (or Zigong), do you think that I have
painstakingly learned a lot of things and entrusted them to memory to remember them

908 This descriptive comment on Lin Gong can be found in Zhu (161) and Zhang (240).
909 Both Zhu (161) and Zhang (240) read xing as meaning to rise (qi ). The Jesuits may have
viewed this as an exaggeration and hence translated it as to continue the road.

323
at will?910

[ ]

2. Respondet discipulus: Utique. Sic mihi persuasi semper. Num aliter fort res habet?

The disciple answered: Certainly. I was always convinced by it. Could it not be like
this?

[ ]

3. Erras, inquit Confucius: aliter se res habet. Ego dumtaxat per unum res penetro.

Confucius said: You are mistaken; the reality is different. I myself penetrate
everything only through one single [idea].911

[15.3 ]

Fol. 2, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Mi discipule Yeu, (alis u lu) qui perspectam habeant
virtutem, pauci sunt.

Confucius said: My dear disciple You (or Zilu), those who pay attention to virtue are
indeed very few.

[15.4 ]

2. Confucius ait: Nihil agens & tamen imperans nonne is fuit Xun? Hic quid agebat? Totus
spirans virtutem rect austrum spectabat (Quo situ Imperatores ac Magistratus hc jus dicunt) &
aliud nil agebat: Omnia scilicet cursu suo, quem optimum tenebant, ire sinens.

Confucius said: Was not Shun doing nothing and yet ruling? What did he do?
Completely breathing the spirit of virtue, he was directly facing the south (this is
where the emperors and magistrates pronounce justice) and he did nothing else. He
was allowing all things to run the course they held best.912

[15.5 ]

3. Discipulus u cham quaerit Magistro suo modum gerendi res cum utilitate & profectu
aliorum.

The disciple Zizhang asked the Master about his method for managing things for the
usefulness and advantages of others.913

910 According to Zhu, Zigong was mostly concerned with multiple skills, and Confucius wanted to
show him that the origin of knowledge (, 161) does not lie in memory.
911 The Latin translation stays close to the Lunyu and does not precisely state what the one is. For
Zhang (241), one refers to the personal mind (wuxin ). See above Lunyu 4.15.
912 This translation of wuwei as doing nothing may seem quite negative, but the last gloss
gives a more positive meaning, suggesting a principle by which things tend to follow their best course
spontaneously. Zhu was more specifically talking about people accomplishing their official duties
(, 162).
913 This translates the explanation by Zhang of xing (, 242).

324
[
]

4. Confucius respondet: Loquere simpliciter, candid, cum fide: Age constanter, graviter, matur:
etiam in Australium vel Borealium Barbarorum Regno constitutus proficies. Contr ver si
loquaris haud simpliciter, candid, & cum fide: Si agas haud solide, graviter, ac matur;
quamvis in coetu familiarum 2500, vel in coetu familiarum 25. verseris ecquid tandem
proficies?

Confucius answered: Speak openly, frankly, and with trust. Act loyally, seriously,
and in a timely way; even if you are in the kingdom of the southern or northern
barbarians, act in this wayyou can make it. But on the contrary, if you do not speak
openly, frankly, and with trust, and if you do not act loyally, seriously, and in a timely
way, regardless of whether you dwell in the company of 2,500 or twenty-five family
members, could you achieve anything?914

[]

p. 2, 1. Si consistis rectus: protinus contemplare ista velut ordine posita coram te. Si existis
in curru; protinus contemplare ista velut innixa jugo currs: hoc modo demm, ubicumque
fueris, res geres.

When you stand straight, you should observe immediately these things, as if they
were set orderly in front of you. When you are on a chariot, you should immediately
observe these things just as if they were placed on the yoke of the chariot. Finally,
with this method, wherever you will be, you will be good at managing affairs.

[]

2. Discipulus u cham adnotavit haec praecepta in cingulo, id est, in anteriori sinu cinguli sui
descripsit, ut ostenderet, quanti faceret Magistri sui documenta.

The disciple Zizhang noted down these lessons on his girdle, that is, he transcribed
them on the first fold of his girdle, to show how much attention he paid to the lessons
of his Master.

[15.6 ]

3. Confucius ait: O qum rectus est Su yu (Praefectus is erat Regni Guei) Regno pacato
instar sagittae est. Regno turbato instar sagittae est. Verbis scilicet factisque constans, rectus,
integer.

Confucius said: How honest is Shiyu, the prefect of Wei! He is like an arrow in a
pacified kingdom. He is like an arrow in a disturbed kingdom. Certainly, he is steady,
honest, and pure in words and in actions.

914 Zhu (162) has a zhou being made of 2,500 families. Zhang (242) mentions the same and completes
by saying that a li is made of twenty-five families. The classical text can be understood as saying that
even the barbarian tribes can speak frankly and act loyally. This is also the sense given by Zhang (242).
The Jesuits seem to have failed to notice the true universalism of this statement, affirming the existence
of morality among people outside China.

325
[]

Fol. 3, p. 1, 1. O virum praestantem Kiu pe yo ejusdem Regni Praefectum: Regno pacato protinus
administrat Rempublicam; Regno turbato, protins novit subducere sese & latitare.

How outstanding is Qu Boyu, a prefect of this same kingdom [Wei]! In a pacified

kingdom, he manages at once the common good, but in a disturbed kingdom, he
knows how to cover himself and hide.

[15.7
]

2. Confucius ait: Dignus est quispiam qui cum instituas sermonem, & tamen si cum eo non
instituis sermonem; perdis hominem: indignus est quispiam qui cum instituas sermonem, &
tamen si cum ipso instituis; perdis verba. Prudens nec perdit hominem, nec perdit verba.

Confucius said: If someone is worthy of being spoken to and you do not speak to
him, you lose a man. If someone is unworthy of being spoken to and you still speak to
him, you lose your words. A wise man neither loses a man nor loses his words.

[15.8 ]

3. Confucius ait: Vir excelsi magnique animi, idemque vir virtutis [113] solidae, non flagitat
vivere sic ut damno sit virtuti suae: im datur qui prodigat vitam ut consummet virtutem.

Confucius said: A man of lofty and mighty mind, and also of strong character,
doesnt seek life at the expense of his own virtue; on the contrary, he is dedicated in
sacrificing his life in order to perfect virtue.915

[15.9
]

p. 2, 1. u cum discipulus percontatur qu arte quis evadat probus? Confucius respondit:

Artifex volens perficere suum opus, haud dubi pris acuit sua instrumenta. Commorans in
aliquo regno fac servias ejusdem praefectorum sapientioribus: amicitiam contrahe cum
ejusdem Regni literatorum probioribus.

The disciple Zigong was inquiring through which art someone could become good.
Confucius answered: Surely a craftsman willing to accomplish his work first
sharpens his tools. So when you reside in any kingdom, you should serve the wisest
prefects there and make friends with the most honest literati of this kingdom.

[15.10 ]

2. Discipulus Yen yven consulit Magistrum de administrando bene Regno.

915 The classical text has: to kill oneself in order to achieve Ren. Since Christianity forbids suicide,
the Jesuits translated with the more general expression of sacrificing ones life (prodigare vitam suam).
Similarly, in their translations of Lunyu 16.12 and 18.8, the Jesuits attempt to hide any references to
suicide.

326
The disciple Yan Yuan [Yan Hui] asked the Teacher how to oversee a kingdom well.

[ ]

3. Confucius haud ignarus, quanta, quamque eximia discipuli facultas esset, sic ait: Age res &
exige juxta familiae Hia temporum rationem.

Confucius, completely aware how great and extraordinary the disciples talents were,
said: You should use a calendar similar to the one of the Xia dynasty.

Hac imperante famili novilunium illud, quod ab ingressu solis in gradum 15. Aquarii
proxim aberat, anni cujusque constituebat exordium quae ratio temporis quoniam ad
Agriculturam, aliosque usus vitae humanae hc valde erat accommodata; Confucio magnoper
probabatur: et ver perseverat eadem hodieque tametsi sub familiis aliquot Imperatoriis subinde
fuerit immutata.

During this dynasty, the new moon, which is separated from the point of entry of
the sun and is positioned in the fifteenth degree of Aquarius, constituted the beginning
of the year. This calendar was very well adapted to agriculture and many other uses
of human life. It was greatly approved of by Confucius, and has remained unchanged
until today, even though many dynasties came after.916

[]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. Conscende familiae Yn currum. Fac imiteris, inquam, secundae hujus familiae
mores antiquos, id est, simplices, rectos, aequabiles, & constantes: quos ade prodebat cultus ille
vulgaris & simplex; & firmitas rhedarum & curruum, quibus Reges, absque pompae apparatu tunc
utebantur.

You should ride the chariot of the Yin dynasty and imitate the ancient customs of the
second dynasty, which are simple, correct, fair, and constant. Their ordinary and
simple styles shaped those customs indeed. The coaches and chariots were used at that
time by the kings, without ostentatious trappings, and were very robust.917

[]

2. Dum sacris das operam, induere familiae Cheu nunc imperantis tiar.

While offering sacrifices, you should wear the hat of the ruling dynasty, the Zhou.

[]

3. Musica ver sit ea quae Xao dicitur cum choris tripudiantium.

The music should be that of the Shao, accompanied bywith dancers performance.

916 This comment comes from Zhu: Heaven starts in the first branch; earth in the second branch;
humans in the third branch; therefore, the handle of the dipper positioned in the fifteenth degree can be
considered the beginning of the year
, 246.
917 Zhu (164) and Zhang (246) both comment about the simplicity of the chariots of the Shang
dynasty.

327
[]

4. Missas facito Regni Chim cantiones. Procul amanda loquaces: Regni Chim cantiones, turpes,
loquaces, periculosi.

You should dismiss the songs of the kingdom of Zheng, and send away people who
are talkative, for the songs of Zheng are disgraceful, and loquacious people are
dangerous.

[15.11 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Non eminus ac long res & negotia praemeditans, procul dubio
habebit propinquum sibi moerorem.

Confucius said: The one who does not foresee problems and difficulties from afar
will surely be met with sorrow.

Exponunt Sinae hanc Philosophi sententiam alio proverbio: Liu pu ai ien li chi vai, e hoan
ai ki sie chi hia praemeditatio nisi sit ultra mille stadia, tum calamitas est sub ips mens et
strato.

Chinese people explain the words of the Philosopher with a proverb: L bu zai
qianli zhiwai, ze huan zai jixi zhixia, which means: Unless you foresee things
beyond one thousand miles, misfortune is under your table and bed.918

[15.12 ]

2. Confucius ait: Proh dolor! Actum est: ego nondum vidi qui gauderet virtute sicut quis
gaudet eleganti form corporis.

Confucius said: What a shame! It is hopeless. I have not yet seen anyone who would
rejoice in virtue as much as in the elegant shape of a body.

[15.13 ]

3. Confucius ait: Regni Lu Praefectus am ven chum nonne ipse furtim & fraudulenter
Magistratum gerit; ac tuetur suam dignitatem. Hic enim cum perspectam habeat Lieu hia huei viri
nobilissimi sapientiam & virtutem, & quanto is emolumento possit esse Reipublicae; Regi tamen
eum non commendat aut proponit ut promoveatur.

Confucius said: Zang Wenzhong, a prefect of Lu, insidiously and fraudulently held
civil office and protected his title, did he not? Even though he noticed the wisdom and
virtue of the good Liu Xiahui and the great benefit he could bring for the country,
nevertheless, he did not recommend or propose his promotion to the king.

[15.14 ]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: In seipsum graviter, at leviter animum [114] advertere in alios,

918 Zhu quoted this from Master Su () in his commentary (,

164).Zhang (246) has the same meaning, but with a different wording.

328
utique procul amovet odia.

Confucius said: Pay much attention to yourself and little to others; this way, one
removes hatred far away.

[15.15 ]

2. Confucius: Qui non dicit; hoc quomodo? Illud quomodo? Ego nescio hujusmodi homine
quid faciam. Actum est.

Confucius: Some never ask: How is this? How is that? I do not know what to do
with these kind of people. It is hopeless.

[15.16 ]

3. Confucius ait: Plures simul commorantes per totum diem, si in colloquiis inter se non attingant
virtutem; sed gaudeant proferre in medium privatam prudentiam, quantum laborabunt!

Confucius said: If several people staying together during a full day do not achieve
virtue through their conversations, but rejoice at discussing the individual prudence of
doing things, oh, how much they will toil!919

[15.17
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Vir ver praestans ex convenienti cujusque rei statuit rei
fundamentum: Debito cum ritu modoque exercet illam: cum animi modestia demissioneque
palm facit illam: cum fide perficit illam. O virum hujusmodi ver praestantem!

Confucius said: A truly outstanding man establishes the basis of something on its
suitability; he puts it into practice in an appropriate way and with due rituals; he
makes it public, with dejection and modesty in spirit; and he accomplishes it with
trust. Oh, such a man is truly outstanding!920

[15.18 ]

2. Confucius ait: Philosophum affligit impotentia sua, non affligit ab homnibus se nesciri.

Confucius said: A philosopher is worried about his own incapability, but not about
the fact that people do not know him.921

[15.19 ]

919 Zhu understands small intelligence (xiaohui) as meaning an intelligence for ones own affairs
(sizhi ). It is aptly translated into Latin with individual prudence (privata prudentia), a concept
introduced by Aristotle in his Nicomacheam ethics (book VI, viii) and distinguished from the prudence
concerning common affairs. Also, Zhu understands that people who do not enter the way of virtue will
suffer (, 165). Our Latin text is a literal translation of this.
Zhang has a different interpretation: To wish to obtain virtue and avoid suffering, is this not very
difficult? (, 248).
920 We have here another translation of junzi as outstanding man.
921 Junzi is translated here as philosopher.

329
3. Confucius ait: Philosophum affligit occidere sibi vitam, & nomen suum nondum celebrari, aut
nihil dignum fam peregisse.

Confucius said: A philosopher worries about leaving his life while his name is not
yet honored, when he has not yet obtained anything worthy of reputation.922

[15.20 ]

4. Confucius ait: Sapiens causam peccati dataeque offensionis, exquirit ab se: stultus exquirit ab
aliis.

Confucius said: A wise man seeks within himself the cause for his mistake and for
any setback; the fool seeks it within others.923

[15.21 ]

Fol. 6, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Philosophus est quidem sever retinens gravitatis, at non asper
& intractabilis: Socialis est, at non qui temer abripiatur impetu multitudinis.

Confucius said: A philosopher strictly upholds his dignity, but without being rude or
intractable. He is sociable, but without being rashly seized by the fury of the
crowd.924

[15.22 ]

2. Confucius ait: Sapiens nec ob sermonem evehit hominem; nec ob hominem (qualiscumque is
sit) aspernatur ac negligit sermonem.

Confucius said: A wise man does not exalt a person on account of his speech, nor
does he reject and disregard a mans speech on account of the person, whoever he
may be.

[15.23
]

3. u cum sciscitando ait: Num fort extat unum aliquod vocabulum, secundm quod velut
normam quampiam possit quis per omnem vitam operari? Confucius respondit: Nonne istud
vocabulum est, Xu? Scilicet, tibi quod non vis, ne facias erga alios?

Zigong asked: Is there by any chance one single word, like a kind of rule, which
someone could follow during all his life? Confucius answered: Is there not this
word of shu, meaning: What you do not wish for yourself, do not wish unto
others?925

922 This saying clearly contradicts the previous one, but the Sinarum Philosophus does not attempt to
reconcile them. Zhu (165) and Zhang (249) offer an explanation: though the junzi does not look for
reputation, his inner virtue is necessarily known.
923 The classical text has: A junzi seeks everything within himself; a xiaoren within others. The
Jesuit translation mentions only mistake and setback, probably under the influence of Zhang
commenting about the fear of committing mistakes (kong queshi zaiji , 249).
924 Zhang mentions that the junzi associates with everyone not based on feelings but on the Dao (250).
925 As many translators do today, the Sinarum Philosophus refrains from translating shu. Others

330
[15.24 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait, Ego agens cum homnibus, cuinam obtrecto? Quemnam depraedico?
Si datur quod depraedicandum sit; idipsum habet quod prius discutiatur.

Confucius said: In my dealing with people, who did I disparage? Who did I praise? If
there is something to be praised, that very thing first needs to be assessed.

[]

2. Moderni, seu hujus aetatis homines, etiamnum gradiuntur rect, qu tres familiae
incedebant, vi.

Our contemporaries, the men of this generation, are still following the straight path
on which the three dynasties were walking.926

[15.25 ]

3. Confucius ait: Ego adhuc attigi Historiographorum succinctum stylum. Tunc habens equum,
alteri dabat commodat, ut conscenderet; At nunc ista obsoleverunt.

Confucius said: I still belong to the succinct style of history writers. At that time,
someone with a horse would have lent it to someone else to mount. But nowadays,
such things are forgotten.

[15.26 ]

Fol. 7, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Fucati sermones perturbant virtutem; modica impatientia

utique perturbat maxima consilia.

Confucius said: Counterfeited False talks confuses virtue; a small impatience ruins
the greatest plans.

[15.27 ]

2. Confucius ait: Multitudo odit quempiam? omnino examinetur. Multitudo gaudet quopiam?
omnino examinetur.

Confucius said: Does everyone dislike someone? This should be examined

thoroughly. Does everyone like someone? This should be examined thoroughly.

[15.28 ]

3. Confucius ait: Homo potest illustrem reddere & magnificare normam rationis: Non autem citr
conatum arbitriumque hominis norma rationis per se valet magnificare hominem.

Confucius said: Man is able to make the rule of reason bright again and make it
great. But without human effort and free will, the rule of reason alone cannot make a

translate shu with reciprocity, empathy, or altruism, and make it an equivalent to the silver rule.
926 Both Zhu (166) and Zhang (251) understand that simin () refers to the present generation, at
the time of Confucius.

331
man great.927

[15.29 ]

[115] 4. Confucius ait: Peccare nec emendare, hoc ipsum dicitur peccare.

Confucius said: To make a mistake and not make any corrections, this can truly be
called a mistake.

[15.30 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Ego plerumque totos dies non manducem: totas noctes non decumbam, ut
vacem i: & tamen nullum prop referam fructum: Non est quid melius qum operam dare
monumentis literarum, in usum scilicet exercitiumque, quae didiceris, traducere.

Confucius said: I did not eat for days and I stayed awake at night to meditate, but
without result. There is nothing better than dedicating oneself to the records of
literature and bringing into practice and training what one has learned.

[15.31
]

2. Confucius ait: Philosophus laborat de virtute; non laborat de cibo; & ver ipsam Agriculturam,
fames subinde sequitur & insperata sterilitas: at in virtutis studio, census & fructus nunquam
deficiunt. Quare Philosophus angitur de virtute; non angitur de paupertate.

Confucius said: A philosopher worries about virtue, but not about food. Indeed,
hunger and unforeseen barrenness may come immediately after cultivating the land.
But in the pursuit of virtue, wealth and profit never fail. Therefore, a philosopher is
distressed about virtue, but not about poverty.928

[15.32 ]

3. Confucius ait: Prudenti assecutus quidpiam, nisi virtute interiori valeas idem conservare, licet
fort adeptus sis, procul dubio amittes.

Confucius said: If you have gained something through intelligence, you will surely
lose it unless you can keep it and make it secure through inner virtue.929

[]

4. Prudenti quidpiam assecutus, & virtute interiori valens conservare; nisi quoque adhibeas
morum gravitatem & authoritatem ad rect gubernandum; tum subditi non te verebuntur.

If you have gained something through intelligence and keep it through inner virtue,
your subjects will not respect you unless you keep the weight and authority of the

927 The translation of Dao is quite rationalistic. Also, human effort and free will (conatus
arbitriumque hominis) translates Zhangs wuyou erzijian (253).
928 Junzi is again translated here as philosopher, like the Stoics in the ancient times, not affected by
poverty.
929 Zhi is translated as intelligence (prudentia); Ren is translated as inner virtue (interiora virtus).

332
customs for good governance.

[]

Fol. 8, p. 1, 1. Prudenti quidpiam assecutus, & virtute interiore valens conservare, exteriorem
item morum gravitatem & authoritatem adhibens ad rect gubernandum; nisi moveris subditos
convenienti ac debito modo; nondum perfecta res est.

If you have gained something by intelligence, keep it through inner virtue, and use
the gravity of the customs and the authority for good governance. Unless you have
stirred up your subjects toward so they behave with an appropriate and fair manner,
the affair is not yet perfect.

[15.33
]

2. Confucius ait: Vir eximius non potest parvis ex rebus, quamvis eas praeclar gesserit,
illic sciri seu statui etiam potens esse seu idoneus ad res magnas suscipiendas & tractandas.
Contr ver vulgari homine & modicis naturae dotibus instructo, non debent exigi res
magnae, nedum suscipi; & quid possit ipse in modicis vulgaribusque rebus, cognosci debet,
alioqui.

Confucius said: Even though an extraordinary man may manage small things very
successfully, it cannot be immediately known and determined if he is able and suitable
to undertake and handle great things. However, a common man, equipped with small
talents, surely cannot accomplish great things, not to mention undertake them. In
general, what he can accomplish in simple and small matters should be
consideredreckoned.

[15.34
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Populo in virtute plus est qum in aqu & igne. Aquam & ignem ego
vidi qui calcaret & periret: nondum vidi qui insisteret virtuti & peritet.

Confucius said: To people, virtue is more important than water and fire. I saw some
who would tread upon water and fire and die; but I have not yet seen anyone who
would tread upon virtue and die.

[15.35 ]

2. Confucius ait: Suscipiens excolendum virtutibus animum, non cedat Magistro, primasve in
virtutis studio deferri patiatur.

Confucius said: When one works on his moral improvement, he should not yield to
his teacher, that is, he should not allow the most important merits for the pursuit of
virtue to be given to his teacher.930

[15.36 ]
930 The classical text only states that one should not yield to his master. Our translation follows the
meaning given by Zhu (168) and Zhang (256), insisting on the individual responsibility in cultivating
Ren.

333
3. Confucius ait: Vir perfectus rectus & constans est, at non pervicax.

Confucius said: A perfect man is honest and constant, but not stubborn.

[15.37 ]

4. Confucius ait: Serviens uti servire par est, Regi, ante omnia & prae omnibus cordi habet
quae sui muneris officiique sunt; ac postponit his censum suum, suaque stipendia.

Confucius said: In serving the king, one holds in his heart his function and duty
before everything else, and puts his own salary and rewards after.

[15.38 ]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Sit institutio sine discrimine.

Confucius said: Education should be without class distinction.

[15.39 ]

2. Confucius ait: Vi discrepantes, haudquaquam inter se convenient ad consultandum

quidpiam.

Confucius said: Those following different paths will never meet to discuss
something together.

[15.40 ]

3. Confucius ait: Verba percipiantur (seu verborum nuda veritas absque fuco et aetatis
nostrae luxuriosa eleganti) & hoc sufficiat.

Confucius said: The words should be understood (or there should be the bare truth
of the words without the disguise and the luxuriant elegance of our era) and it is
sufficient.931

[15.41
]

[116] 4. Magister musices, Mien nomine, Confucii visendi grati venerat. Accedenti itaque
ad gradum quempiam, hospiti (quippe qui caecus erat) Confucius admonens illic dicebat;
hc gradus est: Eidem ver jam progresso in aulam excipiendis hospitibus destinatam, &
accedenti ad stoream. Confucius iterum dicebat: Hc storea est. Mox inde Magistro illo
musices, caeterisque hospitibus pariter considentibus, Confucius eundem commonefaciebat
dicens: Titus existit sive considet ab hac parte: Sempronius existit ab illa parte; ut aptius
scilicet fungeretur debito cuique salutationis & honoris officio.

The music master Mian came to visit Confucius, and when he came near a step,
Confucius immediately warned the guest (who was completely blind), saying: There
is a step. Also, when he entered into the guest hall and came near the mat, Confucius

931 The comment in italics comes from Zhang (258).

334
said again: There is a mat. Later, while the music master was seated with the other
guests, Confucius told him: Titus has arrived and he is seated here. Sempronius is
over there, so that he could more easily pay the due salutations and honor to
anyone.932

[ ]

5. Magistro Mien jam egresso, discipulorum unus cui u cham nomen erat, quaesivit ex
Confucio dicens: Cum Magistro musices sic loquendi & agendi an etiam datur regula ex
principiis nimirum Philosophiae suae?

After the master Mian had left, the disciple Zizhang asked Confucius: Can it be that
there is a rule for talking and interacting with a music master, in the principles of your
philosophy?

[ ]

6. Confucius respondit: Est haec san juvandi caecos Magistros regula, olim scilicet instituta.

Confucius answered: There is certainly a rule for helping blind teachers, and it was
surely established in the past.

932 The Jesuits use the Western names of Titus and Sempronius so that the readers could connect easily
with the story.

335
 [Chapter 16]

[16.1 ]

p. 2, 1. In Regno Lu tres erant praepotentes ac nobiles familiae, quae tantum non rebellantes
contra suum Regem, quatuor Regni ditiones inter se partitae fuerant. Earum unam Mem sun
invaserat, alteram Xo sun; tertiam ver quartamv Regni Praefectus Ki potentior utrisque sibi
vindicarat. Quibus haud contentus, (ut est insatiabilis dominandi libido) aliam quoque dynastiam
in ejusdem Regni meditullio sitam, & clientelari jure eidem obnoxiam meditabatur invadere. Hic
itaque Ki xi seu Ki sun erat in procinctu ut bello peteret dynastiam chuen yu.

In the kingdom of Lu, there were three powerful and noble families who rebelled
against their king and divided the territories of the kingdom between themselves.
Meng Sun took one part; Shu Sun, another part; and the prefect Ji, more powerful
than the others, claimed for himself the third and fourth parts. As the lust for power
was insatiable, Ji was unsatisfied and planned to invade a vassal principality located
in the middle of kingdom.933 Thus, Ji, or Ji Sun, prepared to take over the principality
of Zhuanyu through military action.934

[ ]

2. Gen yeu & Ki lu adstantes coram Confucio dicunt: Ki xi Domino nostro proxim futura est res
cum chuen yu Dynast: Ambo erant discipuli Confucii, & tunc fort Magistratum gerebant; nec
probabant hujusmodi invasionem.

Ran You [Ran Qiu] and Jilu approached Confucius and told him: Our master Ji is
soon to do something to Zhuanyu. The two were disciples of Confucius and
happened to hold office at that time. However, they did not approve of this invasion.935

[ ]

3. Confucius ait: Kieu, nonne est tuum quoque hoc crimen?

Confucius said: Qiu [Ran Qiu], is this not also your mistake?

[
]

Fol. 10, p. 1, 1. Belli porr arguens injustitiam, ex tribus maxim capitibus eam probat. Hanc
(inquit) dynastiam chuen yu, olim prisci Imperatores familiae Cheu fecerunt montis mum cum in
eadem dominam, ubi dynastae curam habent sacrificiorum, quae spiritui montis praesidi rite fiunt.
Deinde sita est in medio terminorum Regni. Est denique regiae domui familiaeque subjecta
& clientelaris, quo pacto igitur, & quo jure illam sibi vindicet improbus, & invadat?

He went on to condemn the injustice of the planned invasion war and argued under
933 Except for the mention about the insatiability of lust for power, this translates the comments by
Zhang (259).
934 Zhu segments Lunyu 16.1 into fifteen sections, while Zhang has only four sections.
935 In fact, the position of the two disciples is more complex. As Zhang mentions, they participated in
the plot, but their conscience was not at peace, and so they went to tell Confucius in order to investigate
if it was permissible or not (,
259).

336
three headings: In the past, the ancient emperors of the Zhou dynasty granted the
mountain Dongmeng, situated within their territory, to the principality of Zhuanyu,
which took care of the worship to the spirit protecting the mountain. 936 Second, the
principality is located within the territory of the kingdom. Finally, it is a subject and
vassal to the royal house and family. Therefore, by what kind of reason and law does
this dishonest man claim it for himself and invade it?

[ ]

2. Discipulus Gen yeu hc oratione Magistri sui jam doctior, sic ait: Ki xi Dominus noster
vehementer expetit illam ditionem: Nos quidem ambo ejusdem Ministri ac subditi pariter
haud desideramus aut approbamus.

Thanks to the speech of his Teacher, the disciple Ran You became more
knowledgeable and said: Our master, the head of the Ji family, wants this territory
very much, but both of us, being his ministers and subjects, do not wish for this and
do not approve of it.937

[
]

3. Confucius ut doceat oportere eos, quod animo damnent, verbis quoque [117] factisque
arguere & damnare, & si quidem monendo arguendoque non proficiant, muneri suo
renunciare, sic ait: mi discipule Kieu, antiqui illius & celebris Historiographi Cheu gin extat
sententia per quam apposita ad rem nostram: Si cuipiam, inquit, suppetunt vires ac
facultates ad gerendam Rempublicam, adeat san munus publicum: non autem valens
praestare quae sunt officii sui, sistat, & gradu, si quem fort obtinet, sese abdicet: Is etenim
praecipitio proximus periclitatur, & tamen non manu tenetur, seu non monetur, quia moneri
scilicet impatiens est: Prolabitur, & tamen jam labens non manu fulcitur: quia nimirum non
est qui audeat manum admovere, constatque praecipitem abire velle. Hujusmodi ergo caeco
vel amenti veris, cui tandem sit usui iste adjutor vel ductor?

Confucius taught these two disciples that they should courageously condemn, reveal,
and denounce the planned invasion by words and deeds, and if their warnings and
complaints proved useless, then they should renounce their positions: My disciple
Qiu, here are the words of Zhou Ren, the ancient and famous historian, which are very
relevant to our affair: If someone has enough force and talents to manage a country,
he should certainly undertake a public career; 938 but if he is unable to fulfill his
function, he should stop, and when he has the opportunity, he should resign. Indeed,
it is like someone who does not suffer accept being warned, and while he is going to
fall into a cliff, yet nobody helps him or warns him. Unless a hand is held out to
prevent him, he shall certainly fall. Without anyone daring to move a finger, he will

936 Zhu (169) and Zhang (260) comment that the mountain was given to perform sacrifices (
). The Jesuits did not shy away from mentioning here a religious worship (sacrificia). In contrast to
the rituals to the spirits of mountains and rivers, the rituals to the ancestors are explained by the
Sinarum Philosophus in non-religious terms.
937 According to Zhu (170), Ran You was part of the plot but attributed it to Ji. Zhang is more vague
here, mentioning that Ran justified himself (zijie , 260).
938 The classical text has: If someone can display his force in the army, then he steps into the ranks.
The Jesuits did not translate the military metaphor present in the classical text, but the explanation by
Zhang (, 260).

337
surely go into to the abyss.939 Therefore, what is the need of an assistant or guide to
such a blind man, or more exactly, an insane man?

[]

p. 2, 1. Atque adeo tu quod dicebas modo, invitis vobis & improbantibus parari bellum, sic ut
crimen omne in praefectum derivaretur; hoc ipsum alterum est crimen tuum; & eo quidem turpius,
qu turpiori cum errore conjunctum. Quaero enim abs te, tigris quaepiam, aut bubalus sylvestris
evasit extra septa, repagulaque sua; testudo item rarae artis, aliave pretioso lapide supellex si
damnum passa periit, quamvis in arcae medio reposita: Fuga haec, & damnum hoc cujus tandem
erit crimen? Numquid ejus cujus fidei & curae commissa tam septa, qum supellex fuerat?

Even though you are against waging war and have disapproved of it, so that all the
blame would fall on the prefect [Ji] alone, what you have just said is another crime,
and indeed a very shameful crime, joined to a mistake even more shameful. 940 Indeed,
I ask you, if a tiger or a wild buffalo escapes from its cage and enclosure, or if a
precious tortoise941 or gem, though stored in a box, suffers damage and is destroyed,
who is responsible for the loss or the damage? Could the cage and the object be
entrusted to your watch and care?

[ ]

2. Discipulus Gen yeu intelligens hoc argumento agi se reum, suam pariter ac Domini sui
causam specioso necessitatis ac justitiae nomine tuendam suscipiens, sic ait: Nunc ditio haec
chuen yu fortis ac munita est, & fieri potest ut munitior evadat in dies: Nunc illa vicinis suis
non est infesta, sed ecquis spondeat nullo unquam tempore futuram? Porr eadem vicina est
finitimaque Pi avitae ditioni & patrimonio Ki xi Domini mei. Quocirca si nunc eam, quando
potest, tempusque & fortuna favet, non occupat ac facit juris sui; olim procul dubio erit illa
filiorum eius ac nepotum acerbus dolor ac sera poenitendi materia.

From this argument, the disciple Ran You [Ran Qiu] understood that Confucius
considered him guilty and so he tried to defend his case and that of his master [Ji] for
the sake of necessity and justice:942 This territory of Zhuanyu is already quite strong
and fortified, and it may become more and more fortified in the future. Right now, it
is not hostile to its neighbors, but who can guarantee that it will never be hostile in the
future? Also, it is very close to and bordering the ancestral territory of Bi which my
master Ji inherited. So, since time and opportunity allow it, why should Ji not occupy
Zhuanyu, right now, and make it submit to his law? Surely, in the future, Zhuanyu
may become a bitter pain for the descendants of Ji, and then it will be too late to be
sorry.

[ ]

3. Confucius patefacto hunc in modum ulcere tam discipuli qum praefecti; verus, inquit, Kieu,
Philosophus odit & execratur ejusmodi hominem tergiversantem ac nolentem candid profiteri
cupiditatem suam, aliosque morbos animi occultantem sollicit, & interim violenter praetexentem

939 The metaphor of the blind man is not in the classical text, but was mentioned by Zhu (170) and
Zhang (260).
940 Zhu (170) mentions that the two disciples have a responsibility in the crime intended by the prefect
Ji. Zhang (260) also mentions their responsibility.
941 This may be understood as tortoise shell, and not necessarily as a living tortoise.
942 This translates a comment of Zhang (261).

338
verba, seu verborum ambages, quibus veritatem eludit.

Having exposed the sore points of both the disciple and the master, 943 Confucius said:
My Qiu [Ran Qiu], a true philosopher, hates and abominates people who waffle and
are unwilling to admit their greed, hiding carefully the illnesses of their soul, and at
the same time, cloaking their words and ways of speaking with things by which they
elude the truth.944

[
]

4. Audi nunc igitur, quid ego sentiam. Ego sic audivi semper eos qui habent Regnum vel
dynastiam; vel, qui habent amplam splendidamque familiam, si quidem probi sint ac sapientes,
non solere angi animo & discruciari paucitate subditorum, quibus imperitant; sed discuciari & angi
quod non obtingat suum cuique [118] prout jus & ratio postulat; audivi item non angi illos, quod,
penuri rerum laboret sua ditio sed angi & affligi qud non fruatur optat pace & concordi. Et
merit san, quippe si tollantur expensae inutiles, si luxus immodici prohibeantur, & cuique
tribuatur quod aequitas postulat; quamvis alii aliis opulentiores futuri sint, non erunt tamen
inopi vel mendicitate laborantes: Ubi item viget concordia, ibi nulla est paucitas, ibi vastitas
nulla: Quamdiu ver fruentur concordi, fruentur & pace, quae ex illa nascitur: At vigente
pace & tranquillitate, nullus erit ruinae locus, vel gravioris cujusque calamitatis periculum.

Now, please listen to what I think. About those who have a kingdom and a dynasty,
or those who have a large and brilliant family, I have always heard that, if indeed they
are honest and wise, they usually do not worry and agonize about the scarcity of the
subjects they govern, but they worry and agonize whether each one obtains what is
due to him, as law and reason require. 945 Similarly, they do not worry that the country
suffers from a penury of things, but they worry and fear that the country does not
enjoy a much-desired peace and harmony. Indeed, if all useless expenses are
eliminated, if immoderate luxury is forbidden, and if everyone receives what equality
requires, even though there may be some people more affluent than others in the
future, no one will suffer from destitution or will be reduced to beggary. 946 Where
there is harmony, there is no poverty, no destitution. Then the people can enjoy
harmony and the peace which goes along with it for a long time. With peace and
tranquility flourishing, there will be no place for disaster, and no danger of more
serious calamities.

[]

943 The metaphor of the sore or ulcer seems to have been introduced by the Jesuits, perhaps influenced
by the word ji as illness and hate, in the speech of Confucius.
944 For Zhu, Ran You and Zilu were involved in the plan of Ji to invade Zhuanyu because of their
common greed. Therefore, the character for yu is interpreted by Zhu as greed (,
170). Zhang (261) follows the same reading.
945 For Confucius, what matters is not so much wealth but equality ( jun). Zhu understands equality
as meaning everyone obtaining his proper social status ( , 170). Zhang explains it in
terms of proper social divisions ( , 261). There is a similarity here with the definition of
justice in the Republic of Plato.
946 This sentence is not in the classical text, but seems to have been inspired by a comment from
Zhang: Scarcity comes out of social disharmony, but if there is a proper social division, this means
there is already harmony, and thus the zhuhou govern their own territory, the officers govern their own
house, and the social status of each follows the principle. Since there is no need to increase ones profit,
how could scarcity happen? (
, 261).

339
Fol. 11, p. 1, 1. Tria haec, justitia, concordia, tranquillitas, si eo modo, quo dixi, se habeant,
ac vigeant: Tametsi fort remotiores populi jugo tam suavi non se subjiciant; tum quidem
hoc erit agendum, ut perficiantur magis ac magis, & perpoliantur quodammodo virtutes
Regiae, ut sic adveniant tandem exteri non dolo victi, non armis, sed fam virtutum. Ubi ver
sic advenerint, & in jus ditionemque tuam transierint; tum commodis eorum quietique amanter
consulas.

These three things, justice, harmony, and peace, should exist and flourish, as I have
said. But if more remote populations do not subject themselves to this gentle yoke,
then something should be done in order to perfect and further refine the virtues of
your nation, so that foreigners come, not because they are vanquished by trick or
weapons but by the reputation of your virtue. Whenever they come and place
themselves under your law and authority, then you should lovingly pay attention to
their welfare and peace.

[]

2. Nunc autem, discipuli mei Yeu, & Kieu, adjutores estis vos quidem, & consiliarii Ki xi
Domini vestri. Sed quo tandem operae pretio, quo fructu? Alienigenae non mod non parent
vobis: sed quoniam apud vos desideratur vera virtus, neque possunt imperare sibi ut ad vos
migrent. Regnum Lu miserabiliter divisum concidit, distractumque in partes, & factiones,
tantum non periit fundits, atque adeo non potest ipsum iam diutis conservari.

But now my dear disciples You and Qiu, you are indeed the assistants and counselors
of your master Ji. But for what profit and result? Foreigners do not obey you, and
since you lack true virtue, they cannot convince themselves to come closer to you.
The kingdom of Lu is unfortunately divided and split into parts and factions. Though
it has not completely perished, it cannot maintain itself for very long.

[]

p. 2, 1. Et quasi haec non sufficiant ad calamitatem, interitumque publicum; nunc etiam molitur
Praefectus ille nova movere arma; & quidem sic, ut in ipsis Regni visceribus atrox bellum
exardescat. Sed ego san vereor ne familiae Ki nepotum dolor, seu ruina, non existat seu
inferatur finitim ditione Chuen yu; Sed existat ex ipsorummet domesticorum parietum
visceribus, suoque ipsa tandem consumatur incendio.

And as if these things were not enough for public disaster and ruin, now the prefect
even plans to carry out a new military expedition which will provoke a horrible war in
the heart of the country. I am afraid that the trouble and destruction of the Ji clan do
not come from the neighboring country of Zhuanyu, but in fact come from within the
heart of their own inner walls, and this clan will be consumed by its own fire.

[16.2

2. Confucius ait: Imperio pacat & cum authoritate administrato protinus oratio officiorum
musicae & bellicae expeditionis ab Imperatore procedunt: Imperio perturbato, jam ratio officiorum
musicaeque & bellicae expeditionis Regulis procedunt, Regulis si procedunt, tum quidem
decem aetatum spatio, paucissimi ex his erunt qui non amittent Regnum suum. A Praefectis si

340
procedunt, quinque aetatum spatio paucissimi erunt qui non amittent. Domestici clientes si
usurprint regni dominatum, trium aetatum spatio paucissimi erunt qui non amittent mal
parta.

Confucius said: In a pacified empire, when orders are immediately executed,

speeches for ceremonial music and military expeditions are delivered by the emperor.
In a perturbed empire, the arrangements of ceremonial music and military expeditions
are done by the princes. If the speeches come from the princes, only a few of them
will not lose their kingdom in a span of ten generations. And if the speeches proceed
from the prefects, only a very few of them will not lose [their position] in the span of
five generations. If the court officials usurp the control of the kingdom, only a few of
them will not lose what they have badly acquired in the space of three generations.947

[]

Fol. 12, p. 1, 1. In Imperio si vigeat lex, tum absoluta administratio non erit pens Praefectos:
quippe quae nec pens ipsos Regulos sit futura.

When the laws of the empire are strong, then the higher administration is not
controlled by the prefects. Of course, nor is it controlled by the princes.

[]

[119] 2. In Imperio si vigeat lex, tum populus non immittet se in consilia publica: Quippe subditi
omnes lubenter ac certatim cum e conformabunt sese administrandi norm, quam intelligent ad
normam caeli, rectaeque rationis esse exactam.

When the laws are strong in the empire, then the people do not invite involve
themselves in governmental discussions. All the subjects willingly and surely
conform themselves to an administrative rule they know to be adjusted to the rule of
heaven and to reason.948

[16.3
]

3. Confucius ait: Vectigalia abscesserunt Regi domo per quinque generationes: Administratio
pervenit ad praefectos per quatuor generationes: Ide isti tres Regis Von cum posteri attenuati sunt.
Confirmare videtur hic Confucius ea quae dixerat, exemplo domestico Lu Regni patrii, in quo
Reges ordine duodecim imperitrunt. Etenim post obitum sexti Regis Ven cum occiso ejusdem
filiolo & haerede legitimo, evectus est ad Regnum frater occisi Siven dictus. Ex illo tempore Regni
istius administratio coepit concidere, & vectigalia transierunt domo Regi ad privatas
Praefectorum familias; qui freti nobilitate su, quod ex stirpe Von cum secundi Regis oriundi
essent; Regium jus paulatim sibi vindicrunt.

Confucius said: Taxes have left the royal court for five generations and the
administration has gone to the prefect for four generations. Therefore, the three
descendants of the king Huan Gong are very weak. Confucius confirmed here what
he had just said before, taking the example of his native country of Lu where twelve
kings had governed. And indeed, after the death of the sixth ruler Wen Gong, his
947 The Latin word oratio (speech) translates a term which is not present in the original Lunyu, but
which is present in Zhangs commentary as quan (power, authority, 262).
948 Zhang talks in his comment of every affair conforming to tianli (, 263).

341
young son and legitimate heir was killed, and Xuan Gong, the brother of the murdered
son, was raised to take the throne. From then on, the administration of the empire
started to decline and taxes were transferred from the royal court to the private
families of the prefects. These prefects relied on their pedigrees, since they descended
from the second ruler, Huan Gong, and progressively claimed for themselves the
rights of the kings.949

[16.4
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Utiles sunt tres amici: Perniciosi tres item amici. Amicus rectus;
amicus fidelis; amicus multa audiens, utiles sunt. Amicus exterius solm compositus &
gravis: Amicus blandus ac mollis; amicus loquax & garrulus, perniciosi sunt.

Confucius said: Three kinds of friends are helpful, but three are dangerous. An
honest friend, a loyal friend, and a friend who listens are all helpful. A friend who is
only composed and serious externally, a friend who is soft and weak, and a friend who
is talkative and loquacious are all dangerous.

[16.5
]

2. Confucius ait: Utilia sunt tria gaudia: Perniciosa, tria gaudia. Gaudere debito usu
officiorum musicaeque: gaudere proloqui aliorum rect dicta & facta: gaudere multorum
sapientum amiciti, utilia sunt. Gaudere superbiae vanitate: gaudere otio vitaeque licentia:
Gaudere epularibus jocis ac voluptatibus, perniciosa sunt gaudia.

Confucius said: Three joys are helpful and three dangerous. To rejoice in the
appropriate use of ceremonies and music, to rejoice at speaking the right words and
the deeds done by others, and to rejoice in the friendship of many wise people, these
are helpful. But to rejoice in the vanity of pride, to rejoice in leisure and a permissive
life, and to rejoice in table jokes and pleasures, are all dangerous joys.

[16.6
]

Fol. 13, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Assistentium Principi dantur tria peccata. Verba sciscitantis
principis si nondum pertigerint, seu referantur ad te solum, & tamen loqueris, dicitur
praecipitantia: si verba pertigerint, & tamen non loqueris dicitur morosa & inutilis
taciturnitas, si praevi nondum observaveris faciem, & tamen loqueris, dicitur caecitas.

Confucius said: People can make three mistakes in attending to the ruler. If the ruler
has not yet asked you anything or referred to you, and yet you speak, this can be
called hurriedness. If the ruler asked you, yet you do not talk, this can be called a
morose and useless silence. If you have not yet scrutinized his face, and yet you talk,
this can be called blindness.

[16.7

949 These comments come from Zhang (26364). The Latin text mistakenly states that Xuan Gong was
the second king of Lu, while in fact he was the twenty-first ruler of Lu and his father was the twentieth.

342
]

2. Confucius ait: Sectator virtutis habet tria sibi cavenda. Adolescentiae tempore, sanguine
& spiritibus necdum consistentibus, quod cavendum, est res venerea. Provectus ad suam
maturam aetatem, sanguine spiritibusque jam corroboratis, quod caveat, sunt rixae. Provectus ad
suam senectutem, sanguine spiritibusque jam languentibus, quod caveat, est cupiditas habendi.

Confucius said: The one who pursues virtue has three things to beware of. In his
youth, when his blood and breadth spirits are not yet settled, he should beware of sex.
In his mature age, when the blood and breadth have been strengthened, he should
beware of brawls. In his old age, when the blood and breadth are sluggish, he should
beware of greed.

[16.8 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Sapiens ac probus habet tres timores: Timet Caeli mandatum, timet
magnos viros: Timet Sanctorum verba.

Confucius said: A wise and honest person fears three things: he fears the mandate of
heaven, great men, and the words of the saints.

[]

2. Improbus ac stultus non agnoscit Caeli mandatum, adeoque nec veretur. Aspernatur
magnos viros: Explodit Sanctorum verba.

A dishonest and stupid man does not acknowledge the mandate of heaven and he
does not fear it; he despises great men; he rejects the words of the saints.950

[120] Colaus sententi vere Christian longam explanationem concludens docet, timores
mod memoratos ad unum maxim timorem reduci omnes; eum scilicet, quo revereamur caelum,
& non amplius: Kim tien lh y. Confirmat hoc autem exemplis Priscorum, qui omni cum reverenti
& tremore, cur item vigilantique prorsus singulari gerebant sese adverss caelum, & quidquid
eis caelo conferebatur.

The grand secretary concludes a long explanation with an opinion which is

indeed very Christian, teaching that the fears mentioned above can all be reduced to
one fear, that is, the one by which we honor heaven, and nothing else, or in Chinese:

950 The translation of tianming as mandate of heaven is unproblematic. Daren is interpreted by Zhang
as meaning people who were virtuous and also holding power ( , 266). In the context of the
full sentence, the Latin translation as magni viri follows this line of interpretation. Shengren is
translated here as saints (Sancti). Zhang understood the shengren as being those virtuous people
mentioned in the ancient records (jiance ). It seems therefore that the canonicity of these people
suggested to the Jesuits the equivalent term in the West: the saints canonized by the Church. The
canons of China and of the Church do not match, but some may have read here a true equivalence, as if
the Jesuits had implied that the Chinese shengren were true saints in the Christian sense. The claim that
true saints may have existed outside the Church was highly controversial in Europe at that time , and
was condemned a few years after the publication of the Sinarum Philosophus.

343
Jingtian eryi.951 This is confirmed by the examples of the ancients who behaved with
reverence and quivering in front of heaven, with a special worry and vigilance,
assigning everything to heaven.

[16.9
]

3. Confucius ait: Qui nascuntur & hoc ipso scientes sunt, haud secus ac si cum ips vitali
aur & spiritu scientias rerum hausissent, supremi ordinis sunt censendi sapientes. Qui
discunt autem, & operam dant Magistro, & hoc pacto evadunt scientes, primis illis secundi
sunt. At qui hebetiores sunt, & tamen discunt improbo labore & constanti, hi rursus ab eis,
quos proxim memoravi, secundi sunt. Jam ver qui hebetes sunt, & tamen non discunt, in
vulgo hi censentur infimi & inutiles; quamvis alioqui sint homines integri & innocentes.

Confucius said: The wise men of the highest rank are those born with knowledge, as
if they drew the knowledge of things through a living breadth and spirit. 952 Next to the
first ones are those who study, follow their teacher, and through this method become
knowledgeable. Next are those who are more blunt and who learn through a shameful
and patient labor. Finally, those who are stupid and do not learn, even though they
may be honest and virtuous, can generally be considered to be of no importance and
value.953

[16.10
]

Fol. 14, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Virtutis ac sapientiae studiosus adhibet novem considerationes.
Dum conspicatur quidpiam, seu lustrat oculis; meditatur perspicaciam, id est clar, probque
percipiendum sibi esse, quod oculis objicitur. Audiens quidpiam, meditatur acutam vim
audiendi; probeque percipiendi voces, & vocum significationes. Ad speciem habitumque oris
quod attinet, meditatur serenam quandam placiditatem; qu non alius color est, qui animos
sibi potentius suaviusque conciliet. Quod attinet ad statum & conformationem totius corporis,
meditatur gravitatem cum reverentia conjunctam. Ubi loquendum est, meditatur fidem ac
veracitatem; qu lingua scilicet cordi respondeat. Dum agit quidpiam ac molitur, meditatur
sedulitatem. In rebus dubiis ac perplexis, secum meditatur ipse, quem consulat potissimm,
& qu ratione sibi lumen petat in illa caligine. Concitari sentiens animum iracundi, &
studio contentionis ac vindictae, matur secum ipse reputat incommoda, damnaque nasci
solita. Videns offerri copiam rei familiaris augendae, protins ob oculos sibi ponit jus &
aequum.

Confucius said: Someone eager for virtue and wisdom applies nine considerations.
Whenever he envisions or inspects something, he considers what he sees. This means,
everything set before his eyes should be clearly and honestly examined. Whenever he

951 This is stated as such by Zhang (267). The Jesuits did not miss here the opportunity to mention the
expression of Jingtian as found in Zhangs commentary. The emperor Kangxi offered in 1675 to the
Jesuits an inscription with these two words. Couplet added to the preface a reference to this event. See
Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 231.
952 Zhang has a literal understanding of the text, believing that a shengren is morally pure in himself
and with a will similar to a spirit (, 267). Apparently, the Jesuits based
their translation-comment on this explanation by Zhang.
953 This last sentence can be found in Zhang (267). This stresses that honesty and virtue are not the
only criteria, and intellectual capacity is also crucial. In his Tianzhu shiyi (434), and against the
spontaneist morality of the School of Mind, Ricci quotes this passage about the importance of a
continuous process of study through different stages.

344
hears something, he acutely scrutinizes what he is hearing, the sounds that have been
honestly perceived, and their meanings. Concerning the form and expression of the
face, he considers a serene peace by which there is no other color which can attract
more effectively and more gently the souls. Concerning the position and expression of
the whole body, he considers the seriousness joined to reverence. When he should
speak, he considers trust and truthfulness, by which the tongue corresponds to the
heart. Whenever he plans and performs something, he considers assiduity. In things
which are dubious and confused, he considers with whom to consult, how to find
clarity amid the fog. Feeling his soul enflamed with rage and with a spirit for
competition and vengeance, he quickly thinks about the inconveniences and damages
which usually arise from this. Seeing an opportunity to increase wealth, he
immediately puts justice and fairness in front of him.

[16.11
]

2. Confucius ait: Contemplare alterius quod bonum est, tanquam e nondum perveneris:
Contemplare alterius, quod malum est, tanquam si contingeres bullientem aquam. Ego vidi
ejusmodi hominem: Ego audivi ejusmodi proverbium.

Confucius said: On the one hand, you should look at the good as if you had not yet
reached it. On the other hand, you should look at evil as if you were touching boiling
water. I myself have seen these kinds of people and I have heard this kind of saying.

[]

p. 2, 1. Privatus adhuc degens, tum praeparat suas rect gubernandi rationes & industrias: Post
ver publico fungens officio fidelis administri, tum scilicet exercitat suas, quas praemeditatus
fuerat, rationes & industrias. Ego audivi hoc proverbium: at necdum vidi ejusmodi hominem.

As a private person, one prepares his methods and plans for a correct government;
after he receives the duty of a faithful officer, he executes the methods and plans that
he had considered in advance. I myself have heard such a proverb, but I have not yet
seen such a man.

[16.12
]

2. Regni i Regulus Kim cum habuit equorum mille quadrigas, & tamen mortis, qu violenter
sublatus est, die, populus non invenit [121] in eo virtutem, quam in eo celebraret. Pe y & Xo ci
inedi consumpti fuerunt ad montis Xeu yam radicem; populus usque mod illos celebrat.

Jing Gong, the prince of Qi, had one thousand chariots of four horses each, but when
he died a violent death, people could not find any virtue to celebrate in him. Boyi and
Shuqi died of hunger at the feet of the Shouyang Mountain, but are still celebrated
today.954

[]

954 In fact, Boyi and Shuqi committed suicide by refusing to eat. The Jesuits are cautious to eliminate
any reference to suicide, like in Lunyu 15.8 and 18.8.

345
3. Quod igitur alii sint in oblivione, uti Regulus Kim cum; aliorum ver memoriam, uti duorum,
quos dixi, fratrum, posteritas omnis conservet, nonne hoc ipsum est quod dicebam?

Some like the prince Jing Gong are forgotten, and others like the two brothers I just
mentioned are remembered forever. Is this not like what I said?

[16.13 ]

4. Chin cam discipulus Confucii quod putaret plura & secretiora cum filio communicaret
pater, qum cum reliquis discipulorum; adit explorandae rei grati filium ejusdem unicum,
idque sciscitaturus ab ipso Pe yu (nomen est filii) sic ait: Condiscipule etiamne fortassis
habes arcanum quodpiam & extraordinarium documentum, clam nobis scilicet, uni tibi
suggestum patre?

The disciple Chen Kang [Ziqin] thought that a father would communicate more
secrets to his son than to the rest of his disciples. In order to investigate the issue, he
approached the unique only son of Confucius, Boyu, and asked him: My dear fellow
student, do you have any secret and extraordinary instruction from your father, hidden
from us and only given to you?

[
]

Fol. 15, p. 1, 1. Pe yu respondit: Adhuc quidem non audivi ex patre meo arcani quidpiam:
nec enim mihi propriam impertit vel operam vel doctrinam. Semel dumtaxat, cum domi
solus consisteret, me nescio qu pergente properantius ac fort transeunte per aulam, ubi
pater consistebat, percontatus est ipse, studesne, fili, libris Odarum. Respondi ego candid;
necdum me studere. Tum pater, si nunc, fili, non das operam libris Odarum pervolvendis;
non habebis quidpiam facultatis aut copiae quo instituas sermonem viro gravi & Philosopho
dignum. Quod audiens ego protinus abii, & operam dedi libris Odarum ediscendis.

Boyu answered: I have not heard any secrets from my father, and he did not
communicate any specific work or teaching to me. Once, I was at home, and I do not
remember why, but I walked in haste and went to the room where my father lived. He
asked me: My son, did you study the Book of Odes [Shijing]? I frankly responded
that I had not yet studied it. Then, my father said: My dear son, if you do not
carefully read the Book of Odes, you will not have the capacity and resources
necessary to be a serious man and philosopher in delivering a speech. 955 Hearing this,
I immediately left and devoted myself to the study of the Book of Odes.

[
]

2. Alio die pater meus rursum solus cm consisteret, & ego fort properarem ac transirem per
aulam, percontatus est; fili studesne libris officiorum, rituumque civilium? Respondi: Necdum
me studere. Hic itaque rursus pater: Nisi des operam libris istis; non habebis quo vir evadas,
& inter cives tuos emineas. Quod ego audiens, nihil cunctatus, abii, & operam dedi libris
Officiorum.

955 The term of Philosopher translates the expressions of understanding the principles of things (
) or reach the principles of things () in Zhangs commentary (270).

346
Another day, while my father was again alone, I happened to hurry and go through
his room. He asked me: Son, did you study the Book of Ceremonies and Civil Rituals
[Liji]?956 I responded that I had not yet studied it. Then, my father said: If you do not
pay attention to this book, you will not have anything through which you can become
a man and excel among your fellow citizens. Hearing this, I did not ask anything, but
left and studied the Book of Ceremonies.

[]

3. Audivi haec duo patre; nec quidquam praeterea diversi ab iis, quae palm vos docet.

I have heard these two things from my father and nothing else that he has not openly
taught you.

[ ]

4. Discipulus Chin cam his auditis abiit, ac laetus, sibique ipse gratulatus ait: Quaesivi de re
una, & assecutus sum tres. Audivi quippe de libris Odarum: audivi de libris Officiorum &
rituum, praeterea didici exemplo Confucii nostri, viros ver praestantes removere ab se, seu
ab sensu, fructuque privatae dilectionis ipsum quoque filium: non ei plus impertiendo vel
operae, vel doctrinae, quam caeteris discipulorum.

Having heard this, the disciple Chen Kang left happily and congratulated himself: I
have asked one thing and I have obtained three. Indeed, I have heard about the Book
of Odes. I have heard about the Book of Ceremonies and Rituals. Besides this, I got to
know through the example of our Confucius that truly outstanding men should keep
away even their own son from themselves, from their senses, and from the enjoyment
of a special love, since a son should not receive more instruction or teaching than the
rest of the disciples.

[16.14
]

Miratur Interpres V, & secum ipse disquirit causas, cur hic paragraphus, aliique non
absimiles parvi san momenti proferantur in medium: ideone fortassis, quod extent in codicibus
authenticis, maximequo vetustis? An quod revera Confucius, dum Priscorum ritus & officia suis
exponebat, minutissima quaeque soleret persequi; sicut in hoc quidem paragrapho [122] dici
potest persecutus esse, ubi sic ait: Ejus qui amplioris cujusdam ditionis est Princeps, ex. gr.
Reguli, Satrapae, dynastae uxorem, Princeps maritus suus compellans vocat consortem,
conjugem, seu adjutorium. Haec autem Principis conjux seipsam coram marito suo
nominans, debitae submissionis, modestiaeque memor dicit: Ego rudis puella. Jam ver
ditionis hujus homines ac subditi compellantes eam, vocant Reginam conjugem, sive
Principis adjutorium; quia nimirum Palatii domestici, familiaeque regiae gubernatrix est.
Sicut ipse princeps, totius gubernator est ditionis. Rursus haec ipsa Princeps foemina sese
nominans coram exteris ditionibus, id est, legatis earum, vel etiam Principibus, dicit: Ego
modicae virtutis parvula Princeps. Exterarum ver ditionum homines ac legati nominantes
eam sic etiam, ut ipsimet subiditi, vocant Reginam conjugem, sive, Principis adjutorium.

The interpreter Wu, surprised, asks why this paragraph as well as other

956 The translation of the title of the Liji is translated here as Book of Ceremonies and Rituals.

347
paragraphs which similarly appear of little importance are mentioned in the middle
[of the text]: is it because these paragraphs are extant in authentic and ancient
codices? Or is it because, when Confucius explained the rituals and duties of the
ancients, he used to pay attention to many details. 957 In this paragraph, it can be said
that he was pursuing many details, stating: The prince, the person of the highest
authority in his own domain, may be a prince, a satrap, or a powerful man, but, being
a husband to his wife, when he addresses his consort, he calls her wife or support.
Also, when the wife of the prince names herself in the presence of her husband, she is
mindful of her due submission and modesty, and she says: I am an uneducated girl.
Yet, when the men and subjects under this dominion address her, they call her the
queen consort, or the support of the ruler, since she evidently governs over the
domestic court and the royal family, just as the ruler governs over the whole territory.
Again, when this princess names herself in the presence of foreign authorities,
ambassadors, or even leaders, she says: I am a princess of little virtue. But when the
men and legates of foreign powers address her, they call her, as if they were her
subjects, the queen consort, or the support of the prince.

Fuit ab omni retro memori, estque hc etiam aetate prop incredibilis apud Sinas &
varietas, & copia nominum, quae pro ips varietate vel loci, vel temporis, vel conditionis; item
pro arbitrio Principis tunc imperantis, alia tribuuntur atque alia, unis & eisdem non hominibus
mod, sed etiam familiis, ditionibus, urbibus, muneribus publicis, dictisque ipsis hominum &
factis. Nec minor etiam modestia est, gravitas, & reverentia, quae copi illa & varietate
continetur: quodque magis est mirandum, nullus ordo vel sexus est hominum, aetas prop
nulla, nec inter sylvas ac montes tam rudis & agrestis quidpiam, qui non ipso prop cum lacte
nutricis, usum aliquem varietatis hujus copiaeque perceperit.

From ancient memory there has always been and still is today an incredible
diversity and quantity of names in China, on account of the diversity of places, times,
and social statuses. Likewise, on account of the will of the ruling monarch, different
names are assigned not only to some individual people but also to some families,
territories, cities, public functions, as well as words and deeds. The seriousness and
respect associated with this quantity and diversity [of names] are not miniscule
affairs. Even more surprisingly, there is no status, no sex, no age, nothing among
forests and mountains, whatever is undeveloped and rustic, which does not receive
this diversity and quantity [of names], like with a mothers milk.

Quod etsi videri possit haud necessarium pluribus exemplis declarari, quando nobis hi
libri, quos habemus in manibus, non pauca suppeditant: juverit tamen vel oblectandi Lectoris
grati brevibus exponere, quid nos ipsos, qui ex Europ in Chinam venimus, discere cogerit,
& exercitare cogat usu prop quotidiano Sinensis illa comitas, elegantiaque civilis.

While the books we have in our hands supply many examples, it does not seem
necessary to show this through many examples. But perhaps in order to please the
reader, it may be helpful to explain briefly why this Chinese politeness and civil
courtesy has compelled us, we who came from Europe to China, to learn these things,
and still compels us to practice it almost daily.

957 This comment comes from the interpreter Wu. It is very unlikely that the Jesuits directly consulted
the commentary of this minor commentator, but in all likelihood, they found it in Zhus edition (
, 174). This is another
indication that the Jesuits were simultaneously using the commentary of Zhang and the commentary of
Zhu.

348
 Quotiescumque ergo contingit sociorum aliquem cum ipso gentis Imperatore loqui, non aliter
fer quam Yven chin vel simpliciter Chin, id est, advenam remotis terris subditum sese nominat.
Ipse ver Princeps nos alloquens vel pronomine tu; vel nomine vulgari nostro. Imperatorem
nos, uti Sinae omnes, Van sui compellamus, quibus vocibus acceptissimum, long aetatis
votum, annorum scilicet myrias continetur. Jam si cum Regulis, aut Colais Imperii, qui
summus est Magistratus, sermonem habemus, pari fer modesti, nobis quidem Liu gin,
peregrinorum nomen tribuimus; Regulis ver titulum Vam ye, Principis ac Domini; necnon
ien sui, quo ipsis mille annos vitae precamur: Colais autem Lao ye, Dominorum honorificum
damus nomen; & vicissim ab his quidem Sien Sem, id est, seniorum; sive Magistrorum nomine
plerumque honoramur: Regulis interim edem, qu ipsemet Imperator ratione nos
compellantitibus.

Therefore, every time it happens that one of the [Jesuit] companions talks to the
Chinese emperor, he calls himself nothing else but yuanchen, or shorter, chen, which
means a foreigner coming from far away and submitting himself. When speaking to
us, the ruler uses the pronoun you, or our personal name. Also, like the Chinese,
we address the emperor with wWansui, expressing the most auspicious wish that he
may live ten thousand years. When we talk to the princes and to the grand secretary
of the empire, which is the highest position, we also humbly identify ourselves as
liuren, or stranger. We call the princes wWangye, meaning prince and master,
wishing them qiansui, that is, one thousand years of life. To the grand secretary, we
give the honorific name of lLaoye, or master, and in turn, they call us Xiansheng, or
senior, by which most of the magistrates honor us. Since the emperor himself refers
to us this way, the princes also call us by this title.958

Quoniam ver caeteri Magistratuum, quibus administrantur Imperii partes omnes, alii
censentur literarii, militares alii; hos quidem non alio fer nomine qum Lao ye, Dominorum
nuncupamus: Illis autem vel hoc ipsum, vel cert Lao sien sem, id est, Seniorum Magistrorum
grave imprimis & honorificum tribuimus. De nobis ver ipsis loquentes, non alio fer qum Hio
sem, id est, Discipulorum, & si quando major usus & familiaritas intercesserit; Siao ti, fratrum
natu minorum nomine utimur: Ipsis vicissim pari cum significatione & modestiae & honoris
Magistrorum nobis, discipulorum sibi, fratrumve nomen dantibus. Nec absimilis comitatis ratio
observatur cum quovis homine, qui vulgo sit honoratus; tametsi publico munere non fungatur.
Quamquam non desunt etiam, qui nos aliquanto familiarius nomine Siam cum, quod
Baccalaureorum est proprium, & hodie quidem perquam vulgare. Neophyti denique, si quidem
literati sunt, Lao su, seniores Magistros nos vocant: si de vulgo Dominos.

Since the other magistrates who administrate all the parts of the empire are
supposed to be either civil or military, we call them by the name Laoye, or master.
In fact, we call them either with this name, or with this very imposing and honorific
name of Lao Xiansheng, or senior magistrate. When we refer to ourselves, we use
hHousheng, or disciples, and in a more common and familiar way, Xiaodi, or
younger brother. In turn, in order to show a similar meaning of humility and honor,
the magistrates refer to us as teachers, and they call themselves disciples or brothers.
A similar way of politeness is observed with any man who is respected by the common
people, even if he does not hold public office. There are many who call us with the
more familiar name of Xianggong, which is characteristic of the bachelor degree
holders, and which is today very common. Finally, the new converts, if they are
literati, call us lLaoshi, or senior teachers, and if they are common people, call

958 The corresponding Chinese characters are: yuanchen , wansui , liuren , wangye
, qiansui , laoye , xiansheng .

349
us masters.959

Ubi ver ad poenitentiae tribunal acceditur, Xin fu, spirituales Patres & hoc quidem loco
omnes omnino, (multi etiam quovis loco & tempore) ui gin, id est, peccatores se nominant:
Plerumque tamen Neophyti literati Muen sem, discipulorum; famuli vero, aliique infimae plebis,
humillimo Siao tie, homuncionum vocabulo coram nobis utuntur; sic ut praeter Imperatorem ac
Regulos nemo fer sit omnium, qui pro nominibus Ngo, ni, id est, ego, tu, uti sustineat. Porr
eadem est ipsorum inter se, quae nobiscum comitatis officiorumque ratio: Nisi quod hominibus
exteris plus honoris & primum locum largiri soleant.

But when they approach the confessional they call us shenfu, spiritual fathers,
and in this place everyone, whoever they are, call themselves zuiren, that is,
sinners, and many do so also in other places.960 Most of the newly converted literati
call themselves mensheng, or disciples. The servants and common people use in
front of us the humble word of xiaozhe, or little man. In front of the emperor and
princes, almost no one uses the pronouns wo and ni, that is, I and you.
Moreover, there is this same rule of courtesy and respect that they have toward us
among them, except that more honor and priority should be granted to foreigners.961

Universim autem, quotiescumque de rebus ad se pertinentibus sermonem faciunt, non modo

perquam modest loquuntur; sed vocabulum fer adnectunt humulitatis ac modestiae
significatissimum, sic Pi que, humile Regnum suum patrium: ien u vile nomen: Siao lh, parvum
filium; ipsum quoque morbum, si de valetudine quaesitum fuerit ien yam, vilem abjectumque
nuncupant. Hospitis vero patriam honorificam, un que vel quie que: nomen sublime, cao sim:
sobolem ingeniosam, Lim lam: morbum denique ipsum, quantumvis teter foetidusque fuerit, modo
quei yam pretiosum, modo un yam, honorandum vocant. Quoties patrem suum aut matrem quis
coram aliis nominat Kia fu, Kia mu, id est, familiae patrem, & matrem nominat. Hospitis vero
pater Lim un vester honor, mater vero Lim tam vestra aula (domestica scilicet): propria ver
domus aut familia Han kia frigida seu pauper domus alterius quei kia honorata nuncupatur, & sic
de caeteris, quae tam in familiari sermone, quam in epistolari stylo, qui quovis alio multum
differt, ubique passim observantur.

Everywhere and whenever they speak about matters relating to themselves, not
only do they speak with a lot of humility but they also attach the most meaningful
words of humility and modesty: biguo means my humble country; jianzi means
my vile name; xiaoer means little son of me. If they want to ask about health, they
talk about illness as qianyang, meaning vile and abject. To their hosts they talk
about their honorable country (zunguo or guiguo), about their sublime name, or
gaoxing, and about their clever offspring, or linglang. Also, they call an illness,
no matter how ugly and stinking, either your precious illness (guiyang) or your
honorable illness (zunyang). Every time one talks about his father or mother, he
calls them the father (jiafu) or mother of the family (jiamu). They refer to the
father or mother of their guest respectively as your honor (lingzun) and your
domestic hall (lingtang). Ones own house or family is called cold or poor house
(hanjia), but the house of someone else is called your honorable house (guijia),
etc. All these things are observed everywhere both in familiar speech and in written

959 Housheng , xiaodi , xianggong .

960 Xingfu , zuiren .
961 Mensheng , xiaozhe .

350
style, though they differ a lot from one another.962

962 Biguo , jianzi , xiaoer , jianyang , zunguo , guiguo , gaoxing ,

linglang , guiyang , zunyang , jiafu , jiamu , lingzun , lingtang ,
hanjia , guijia .

351
 [124] Libri tertii pars nona
Ninth Part of the Third Book

[Chapter 17]

[17.1
]

Fol. 1, paragraph 1, 1. Yam ho (Praefecti Ki, subditus ac minister) desiderabat prior visitari
Confucio: Sed Confucius, quod intelligeret hominem esse turbulentum, & familia illius, qui jus
& authoritatem Principis legitimi per vim sibi vindicabat, eum non visit. Interim Yam ho munus
epulare misit ad Confucium, porcellum scilicet, more gentis tunc usitato. Obstrictus hoc
munusculo Confucius, cum non posset salva lege humanitatis non adire hominem, gratias
acturus; de industri captavit tempus quo ipse non esset domi, eoque tunc perrexit
salutaturus: Quando ecce occurrunt sibi mutu in ipsa via.

Yang Huo, a retainer of the prefect Ji, wanted to receive the visit of Confucius.
However, Confucius himself did not want to see that man because he knew he was
violent and belonged to the Ji clan, which had usurped by military force the right and
power of a legitimate prince. Yang Huo sent to Confucius a suckling pig so that he
could feast, as was customary at that time. Obligated by this small present and to be
polite, Confucius had to visit him in order to thank him.963 Confucius purposely seized
an opportunity to visit him when Yang Huo was not at home. However, they happened
to meet on the road.

[

]

2. Yam ho protinus alloquens Confucium ait: Veni, obsecro; nam ego tecum sermonem habeo,
quem conferam. Mox ait: Si quis recondat in sinu suo, servetque sollicit suam quampiam
gemmam pretiosam, & interim perturbatum sit afflictumque patrium ipsius Regnum; nec velit
tamen eam venundare, quo medeatur publicae calamitati. Hujusmodi qui sit, an poterit dici
pius? Respondet Confucius: non poterit, ejusmodi qui sit, dici pius. Instat alter: si quis
gaudeat ac vehementer optet agere semper aliquid ac moliri quod prosit Reipublicae, &
interim oblatam saepius negligat ac perdat occasionem. Hujusmodi qui sit, an poterit dici
prudens? Respondet Confucius: Non poterit dici prudens. Hic alter concludens, dies, inquit,
& menses torrentis instar praeterfluunt; & tamen de annis tuis nihil mihi nec flagitanti
tribuis? Quin expergisceris, & tui studioso, tibique ipsi, & patriae tuae consulens,
Magistratu fungeris? Ad haec, ut expediret se ab importuno hortatore Confucius ait: Bene habet;
ego suscepturus sum Magistratum.

Yang Huo immediately said to Confucius: Please come; I need to talk to you. He
continued: If someone hides and anxiously and carefully keeps a precious gem in his
bosom when at the same time his native land is in trouble and shattered, and yet he
does not want to sell it in order to remedy tofix a public calamity, could such a person
be called loyal?964 Confucius answered: Such a person could not be called loyal.
Yang Huo continued: If someone always likes and wishes to do something for the

963 These explanations are given by Zhu (175) and Zhang (272).
964 Ren is translated here as righteous (pius).

352
good of the country, but yet repeatedly neglects and misses these opportunities, could
such a person be called wise? Confucius answered: He could not be called wise.
The other concluded by saying: Days and months flow past, like a torrent, but you
have not granted me any year of your life, even though I was asking you. Why not
awaken yourself, be more demanding to yourself, and accept a position in which you
would look after your country? In order to disengage himself from this ruthless
exhorter,965 Confucius said: I understand you; I shall accept an office.

[17.2 ]

p. 2. Confucius ait: Homines natura & rationis lumine inter se mutu proxim conjuncti,
studiis saepe moribusque inter se longissim distant.

Confucius said: Human beings are closely united with each other by nature and the
light of reason, but they often separate themselves through their pursuits and
customs.966

[17.3 ]

Fol. 2, p. 1, 1. Confucius ait: Soli illi qui ipsa cum sapientia & probitate nati sunt: Sicut &
illi qui ipsa cum ruditate & improbitate nati sunt, per mutuum commercium haud facil
mutantur.

Confucius said: Only those born with prudence and honesty and those born with
coarseness and dishonesty cannot easily change their minds through mutual
interaction.967

[17.4 ]

[125] 2. Confucius die quodam perveniens in oppidulum Vuchim, quod uyeu discipulus ejusdem
gubernabat; fort audivit oppidanorum perquam operos fidibus canentium symphoniam prorsus
ad normam & gravitatem illam Priscorum institutam.

One day, Confucius arrived at a city, Wucheng, which was governed by his disciple

965 Zhu (175) and Zhang (273) explain the hidden motivation of Confucius: he did want to take an
office, but not an office offered by Yang Huo. He apparently accepted the request of Yang in order to
end the conversation.
966 In this passage, Zhu (175) read nature (xing) as representing the psychophysical endowment, or
qizhi. Human beings have different combinations, yet are similar, and even identical, regarding their
fundamental nature. This is the same line of interpretation followed by Zhang (273). Since Ricci, most
of the Jesuits in China rejected Zhus anthropology and his concept of qi which was believed to be
purely material and of failing to take into account the spiritual dimension of human nature. See chapter
four of the Tianzhu shiyi by Ricci. Therefore, the Jesuits interpreted xing as the fundamental and
rational nature of human beings, as expressed here in their translation.
967 According to the classical text, most people can change but there are two categories of people who
absolutely cannot change. According to Zhu (176) and Zhang (273), their qi is so fixed in the bad or in
the good that it cannot be changed by practice. However, the Jesuit translation does not express an
absolute impossibility of change, but only that those two categories of people cannot easily change. As
we know, the Catholic Church has traditionally rejected the theory of a strict predestination, like in
Calvinism, but held the possibility that every human being can decide in his own life for his salvation
or damnation.

353
Ziyou.968 He came to hear music played by the local people, who would sing while
playing stringed instruments, in complete accordance with the standard and with the
dignity established by the ancients.

[ ]

3. Confucius, quasi miraretur institui musicam tam gravem, tamque operosam in tam ignobili
oppido; leniter tunc subridens, utensque vulgari proverbio, ait: Jugulaturus gallinam, quorsum
utaris bovis cultro? Quasi dicat: non capiunt angustiae loci hujus tantum musices apparatum &
majestatem.

Confucius was surprised that this dignified and sophisticated music was played in
such an obscure city. Smiling gently, he recited a common proverb: Why use a
butchers knife to kill a chicken? As if he was saying, the decorum and dignity of
this music does not fit the meanness nature of this place.

[
]

p.2, 1. Loci Praefectus, idemque musicae exercitationis author uyeu, cum existimaret illam
serio improbari Magistro, Respondit in hunc modum: Olim ego audivi saepe numero ex te
Magistro meo, cm diceres: Praefectus aliorum, si quidem studiosus sit virtutis ac sapientiae:
utique amat suos, erudit, tuetur, ac fovet. Plebs vicissim exemplo studioque Praefecti sui
provocata, pro suo quoque modulo & ipsa studiosa sit virtutis ac sapientiae; utique facillimum erit
ei imperare & in officio continere omnes.

Ziyou, as the local prefect, was the organizer of this musical show. He realized that
Confucius seriously disapproved of it and replied:969 I myself have often heard my
Master saying: If a magistrate in charge of others is zealous for virtue and wisdom,
then he certainly loves, teaches, and protects his people. In turn, the common people
will be moved by the example and zeal of the prefect, in their own measure, and they
will be zealous for virtue and wisdom. It will be very easy for him to govern and to
have them all fulfill their duties.970

[ ]

2. Confucius advocatis discipulis suis ait: O vos duo tresve quotquot estis, discipuli mei!
hujus condiscipuli vestri yeu oratio vera est, & rationi consentanea. Quod ego paul ante sic
locutus sum joci cert & animi gratia scilicet, ac tentaturus ipsum feci: neque enim sum
ignarus; vigorem illum legum, ad oppida quoque pertinere.

Confucius called his students and told them: My two or three disciples, regardless
how many you are right now, what your classmate said is true and coincides with
reason. What I said just before was only a joke and I tested him humorously. Indeed,

968 Both Zhu (176) and Zhang (274) mention that Ziyou was teaching rituals and music (liyue ) to
the people of Wucheng.
969 According to Zhang (274), Ziyou did not understand what Confucius meant.
970 Junzi and xiaoren are not used in the moral sense, According to Zhu (176) and Zhang (274), the
terms are used in a political sense: junzi for people in charge, translated with a magistrate in charge of
others (praefectus aliorum) and xiaoren for people being administered, translated with common
people (plebs).

354
I am aware that the force of the laws has also reached the smaller cities.971

[17.5 ]

3. Alter ejusdem familiae ki Regium jus affectantis assecla & Minister Cum xan foe jao dictus,
cm in Pi oppido Regni L rebellio exorta esset, accivit Confucium Regno i, misso ad eundem
munusculo. Confucius desiderabat e pergere, qud speraret adventu suo opitulari s posse
periclitanti patriae.

Gongshan Furao was another retainer of the Ji clan, which was aspiring to royal
power. When a rebellion broke out in the city of Bi, in the kingdom of Lu, he called
upon Confucius from the kingdom of Qi, sending him a small present. Confucius
wanted to proceed there because he was hoping that, by going there, he could help his
country in a time of danger.972

[ ]

4. E contrario discipulus u lu non gaudens Confucium e pergere; Magister, inquit, non est
qud pergas, quae, obsecro, necessitas est hominis istius Cum xan familiam adeundi?

On the contrary, the disciple Zilu was not happy that Confucius planned to go there:
Master, there is no reason to go there. I beg you, is there any necessity in visiting the
clan of this Gongshan?

[ ]

Fol. 3, p. 1, 1. Confucius quod sciret memoratum Cum xan movere arma contra Ki xi, suum
ipsius Dominum; non autem contra legitimum Regulum Regni Lu, respondit: quod hic ultro vocet
me, & tanta cum significatione honoris, quomodo sine caus faciat? Si datur in quo utatur me,
quorsum occasionem hanc de afflict patri merendi ben elabi sinam? Quid si ego ex hoc
Regno Lu efficiam atque erigam Orientalem, id est, novam, familiam Cheu ad normam
scilicet Occidentalis?

Confucius knew that Gongshan intended to take up arms against Ji, his own master,
but not against the legitimate ruler of Lu, 973 and so he answered: Since he calls upon
me with such a mark of honor, how could he do this without a purpose? If it happens
that he uses me, why should I reject this chance to serve my shattered country? What
if, out of the kingdom of Lu, I establish the New Orient of Zhou, back to the standard
of the Occidental [Zhou]?

[17.6

]

2. u cham discipulus percontatus est de ver germanque virtute Gin dict ex Confucio.
Confucius respondit: Quisquis novit ac valet perficere ac servare quinque in ordine ad

971 This last sentence is a comment drawn from Zhang (274).

972 Some Chinese editions consider this an independent verse, distinguished from what follows.
973 This comment is mentioned by Zhang (275). Most probably Confucius knew that Gongshan Furao
sought to topple the regime, and the answer of Confucius shows precisely that he had envisioned
joining Gongshan in this restoration project through a revolution.

355
Imperium, is procul dubio praeditus est virtute, de qu quaeritur. Hc rursum discipulus
rogavit, quaenam essent illa quinque. Sunt, inquit, Confucius, vigilans observatio suiipsius;
amplitudo clementiaque animi; fides atque veracitas; assiduitas ac diligentia; amor ac
beneficentia: Quippe si geras te graviter ac matur semper & ubique, jam non erit qui te
negligat aut contemnat; contra verebuntur omnes & colent. Si magni, liberalis, clementisque
animi fueris; jam obtinebis omnes, omnium, inquam, studia, amores, voluntates. In verbis
factisve fidem si praestiteris, jam homines omnes tibi nitentur securi, tuaeque fidei se pariter
ac sua committent. Si velox, impiger, & alacriter sedulus fueris in tractandis negotiis, jam
habebis res perfectas; & ad exitum perduces optatum. Denique si fueris beneficus & amans
tuorum, jam certe sufficiet haec, ut imperes tuis felicissim.

The disciple Zizhang asked Confucius about the true and genuine virtue called Ren.
Confucius answered: The one who knows and is good at practicing and following the
five things for the sake of the empire is surely endowed with the virtue you are asking
about. The disciple asked what these five things were. Confucius replied: Vigilant
behavior of the person, broadness and clemency of heart, trustfulness and veracity,
perseverance and diligence, and affection and benevolence.974 Indeed, if you always
behave with dignity and maturity, there will be no one to ignore and despise you, but
all will respect and honor you. If you have a great, generous, and merciful heart, you
will win everyone, by which I mean, the endeavors, wishes, and wills of all. If you are
outstanding in trustfulness, both in words and deeds, then all will depend on you for
their security, and they will entrust themselves and their affairs to you. If you are very
swift, energetic, and diligent in dealing with affairs, then you will accomplish
everything and reach the desired outcome. Finally, if you are good and affectionate to
the people around you, then this will surely be enough to command them
successfully.

[17.7 ]

p. 2, 1. Regnum in sex primoribus administrabant non sine magn rerum perturbatione: Duo
quippe illorum Fan chum, & Kien u non mod consiliis animisque dissidebant; sed etiam copiis
& armis; sub hoc autem magistratum gerens Pie hie accivit Confucium; Confucius desiderabat ire.

Six nobles oversaw the kingdom of Jin, but not without great commotion. Two of
them, Fan Zhong and Jianzi, were split apart, not only in intention and mind, but also
in armies. Bi Xi was holding office under Jianzi. He and invited Confucius to the
kingdom and Confucius agreedwho accepted to go.

[
]

2. Discipulus u lu dissuasurus Magistro suo profectionem, sic aiebat: quondam Yeu, id est,
ego, audivi ex te Magistro meo, cum diceres: In su ipsius person agentem improb vir
probus non adit. Veretur enim, ne ex consuetudine ipsius, damnum pariter ac probrum
accersat sibi: Nunc vero qui te invitat Pie hie un cum ditione Chum meu dict molitur
rebellionem: quorsum obsecro, tu Magister pergas ad hominem ejusmodi?

In order to dissuade his teacher from departing, the disciple Zilu said: I myself, You,

974 Gong is translated as vigilant behavior of the person (vigilans observatio suiipsius); Kuan
as broadness and clemency of heart (amplitudo clementiaque animi); Xin as trustfulness and
veracity (fides atque veracitas); Min as perseverance and diligence (assiduitas ac diligentia), Hui
as affection and benevolence (amor ac beneficentia).

356
heard my Master say: An honest man does not approach someone who acts
dishonestly, because he fears that this relationship may bring him harm and
disgrace.975 Now, this Bi Xi who invites you, together with the territory of Zhongmou,
plans a rebellion. Master, why should you visit such a man?

[ ]

3. Confucius respondit: Sic est, fuit hic mihi quondam sermo tecum. Sed nonne dixi quoque
aliquando rem durissimam, eam quidem raro teri nec tamen frangi, atteri & consumi? non
item dixi persaepe de re in se candidiffim, atro colore tingi quidem; intrinsec tamen non
nigrescere, nec amittere unquam nativum candorem.

Confucius answered: Indeed, these are the words I told you once. But, did I not also
say that even the hardest object, when it is rubbed and worn out, can be ground and
destroyed? Again, did I not often say that while the whitest object can be dyed with
black, it does not blacken inside and will never lose its original whiteness?

[]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. Ego qu cessare queam inutilis ac iners? Ego quomodo sim magna quaedam &
amari saporis cucurbita? Qu, inquam, possim, vel sustineam animo cucurbitae illius instar manere
suspensus & immotus, & qui non manducer, pascam neminem, prosim nulli? caeterm non adivit
hominem Philosophus, quod postea intelligeret hominem esse ejusmodi, cui mederi non posset.

Why should I wish to be idle, useless, and inactive? Am I some kind of big and bitter
gourd? How could I remain, even in spirit, hanging and not moving, like a gourd
which no one eats, feeds no one, and is useful to no one? In fact, the Philosopher did
not approach the man [Bi Xi], because he understood afterwards what kind of man he
was and that he could not cure him.976

[17.8 ]

2. Ad latus Magistri sui fort consederat discipulus u lu, studiosior ille quidem laudis
bellicae, quam literariae. Confucius ait: Discipule mi, Yeu: Num tu audivisti aliquando sex
virtutum magis illustrium, nomina? Sex item vitiantia seu obscurantia ipsas virtutes? Discipulus
assurgens respondit: nondum audivi.

Seated next to his Teacher was the disciple Zilu, who pursued military fame more than
literary fame.977 Confucius thus said: My dear You, have you heard about the names
of the six most illustrious powers and of the six powers spoiling and obscuring
things? The disciple stood and said: I have not yet heard about them.

[]

3. Tu ergo paulisper hc consiste, inquit Confucius, quoad ego exponam tibi.

975 The reason given here is not part of the classical text, but a comment by Zhu (177) and Zhang
(276).
976 Zhang did not mention that Confucius abandoned his initial plan. The comment comes from Zhu
(177).
977 Zhang (277) makes this comment.

357
Confucius said: Please keep seated so that I can explain them to you.

[
]

[127] 4. Qui gaudet amplissimo charitatis sinu complecti omnes, & de nullo non mereri bene, nec
gaudet interim discere, quis esse debeat charitatis istius usus ac modus: hominis hujuscemodi
vitium, in quod scilicet ipsa virtus degenerabit, erit ruditas, caecitasque, dum scilicet caeco impetu
benevolentiae, ceu vento incitatus, sine judicio vel modo beneficia delaturus sit. Qui gaudet
prudenti, seu veri perspicientia; nec gaudet interim discere, & indagare atque consulere;
hominis hujuscemodi vitium erit perpetua quaedam ambiguitas & incertitudo fluctuantis
animi. Qui gaudet fide, seu dictorum conventorumque constanti & veritate; nec gaudet
interim discere, tempus & modum scilicet: hominis hujuscemodi vitium erit crebra & gravis
offensio, cum damno vel suo vel aliorum. Qui gaudet rectitudine & candore, dolos autem &
ambages, & quidquid fictum est ac simulatum, odit; nec gaudet interim discere, quis hc
quoque modus servari debeat; hominis hujuscemodi vitium erunt angustiae coarctati animi
& tricae perquam difficiles, in quas eum nimis candidum & dissimulare nescium, tum
simplicitas sua, tum fraus aliena conjiciet. Qui gaudet generos ac fortiter quidlibet agere &
pati; nec gaudet interim discere, quis virtutis hujus sit usus ac modus: hominis hujuscemodi
vitium erit insolentia, Reipublicae perturbatio ac rebellio. Qui gaudet adamantino quodam
robore animi atque constanti; nec gaudet interim discere, ubi, quando, quant cum
moderatione sit adhibenda: hominis hujuscemodi vitium erit stultitia & amentia.

One may rejoice at embracing everyone in the widest bosom of charity and being
good to everyone, and yet at the same time not enjoy studying the correct use and
approach to charity. The shortcoming of such a person is coarseness and blindness,
and his virtue will surely degenerate: whenever he is aroused by a blind urge of
benevolence, like the wind, he shall be without judgment or measure, and he shall
spoil the benefits. One may rejoice in prudence, or in the complete knowledge of
truth, and yet at the same time not enjoy studying, searching, and asking for
information. The defect of such a person is this constant ambiguity and incertitude of
a wavering soul. One may rejoice in trust, or in the consistency and truth of maxims
and conventions, and yet at the same time not enjoy studying the proper time and
measure. The defect of such a person is a frequent and serious offense, harming him
and others. One may rejoice in rightness and innocence, hate tricks and lies, and
everything which is feigned and simulated, and yet at the same time not enjoy
studying what measure should be kept. The defect of such a person is a narrow mind,
so that his simplicity of mind and the tricks of others will throw him in very difficult
situations from which he does not know how to escape. One may rejoice at boldly and
bravely doing whatever he likes, but at the same time not enjoy studying the correct
use and measure of virtue. The defect of such a person will be insolence, disturbance,
and rebellion against the commonwealth. One may rejoice in an unwavering
determination and perseverance of the soul and yet at the same time not enjoy
studying where, when, and how much he should use them. The defect of such a
person is folly and madness.978

[17.9 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius adhortans discipulos suos ad studium Priscorum Pomatum, , inquit, filioli,

978 Zhi is translated as prudence (prudentia); xin as trust (fides); zhi as rigthness (rectitudo);
yong as boldly and bravely doing whatever he likes (generos ac fortiter quidlibet agere); gang
as incorruptible determination and perseverance of the soul (robor animi atque constantia).

358
quare non studetis istis Odarum libris?

Confucius pressed his disciple to study the ancient poems, saying: My little sons,
why are you not studying the Book of Odes [Shijing]?

[]

2. Etenim si humi repimus, si jacemus inutiles atque inglorii, per odarum documenta, possumus
erigi quodammodo, & assurgere ad verum decus.

Indeed, if we crawl on the ground, or if we become useless and undistinguished, we

can somehow be raised through the lessons of the Odes and climb to true honor.979

[]

3. In odis, velut in speculo, possumus contemplari, quid nos maxim deceat; quod rursum
dedeceat: haec autem contemplando permoveri salubriter.

In the Odes, we can contemplate, like in a mirror,980 what suits us the most, and also
what does not suit us, and by examining it, we can stir it up with profit.

[]

4. Odarum praesidio possumus sociales evadere, & affabiles, & jucundi. Ut enim musica sonos
apt temperat: sic & Posis ista motus & appetitus nostros.

Under the guidance of the Odes, we can become social, affable, and joyful. As music
fittingly tempers the sounds, this poetry fittingly tempers our motions and desires.981

[]

5. Possumus odisse sine iracundi vel alterum quemcumque naturae motum sentire, & tamen
citra vitium sequi.

We can hate without anger or we can experience one or more natural emotions, but
without vice.982

[]

6. Eaedem nos docent, quo pacto domi sorviamus patri, absentes ver & procul domo
serviamus & Principi.

The Odes teach us these things by which we serve our father at home and our prince
outside of home.

[]

979 Both Zhu (178) and Zhang (278) mention the psychological use of the Odes to strengthen the
resolve of the will, but they do not mention their social use.
980 The mention of the mirror seems to be a Jesuit addition.
981 Zhang (278) makes mention of music and its function of social regulation.
982 Zhu (178) and Zhang (278) mention that hate (yuan) is without anger (nu).

359
7. Ad extremum, beneficio illarum, plenam voluptatis, & uberem imprimis notitiam acquirimus
de propriis avium, quadrupedum, herbarum, arborumque nominibus, ac naturis.

Finally, thanks to the Odes, we have a rich and pleasant knowledge of the names and
characteristics of birds, quadrupeds, plants, and trees.

[17.10
]

[128] 8. Confucius alloquens Pe yu filium suum ait: Num tu te exercitas in primis odarum
capitibus Cheu nan & chao nan dictis, quisquis haud exercitat sese in capitibus cheu nan & chao
nam (inquit) hic similis est hominis directa ad parietem facie consistentis, id est, inutilis ad omnia,
utpote qui nec uno passu queat progredi, nec quidquam rerum contemplari.

Confucius spoke to his son Boyu: You should indeed verse yourself in the first
chapters of the Book of Odes [Shijing], the Zhounan and the Shaonan. Whoever
does not verse himself in the Zhounan and Shaonan chapters, he will be like a man
seated with his face against a wall, that is, useful for nothing, in as much as he is
unable to advance one step and he can examine nothing.

Continetur istis odis epithalamium Reguli Ven vam, sponsaeque ejusdem Tai gin virginis
prudentia et virtute celebratissimae, quae mater deinde fuit Vu vam conditoris tertiae familiae
Cheu, qui imperare coepit anno ante Christum 1122. Porr celebrantur laudes utriusque conjugis,
quod primm quidem de suo ipsorum animo virtutibus excolendo sapienter laboraverint; tum de
famili rect instituend; ac denique de Regni totius ad Septentrionem siti administratione: cujus
praeclaram normam ad australia quoque regna deinde traduxerint.

These poems contain the nuptial song of Prince Wen Wang, and his spouse, Tairen,
a young woman very famous for her prudence and virtue, who later became the
mother of Wu Wang, the founder of the third dynasty, the Zhou, which started to rule
in the year 1122 before Christ. The merits of the two spouses are celebrated, because
they would have wisely worked first in cultivating their own souls through virtues,
second, in correctly educating the families, and finally, in locating the administration
of the whole kingdom to the north and in bringing its splendid standard to the
kingdoms of the south.983

[17.11 ]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. Confucius, priscorum textuum buccinatores hypocritas non sine quodam sarcasmo
ferens, quorsum, inquit, illae tot citationes & mera verba liber Officiorum ac rituum ait: Liber
Officiorum ac rituum ait? Num fortasse vasa ista pretiosa variaque insignia dignitatum, & vestes
sericae vobis aiunt quidpiam? Rursum Musicorum liber ait, Musicorum liber ait; ecquis tandem
liber? Num aera campana, num tympana quid officii vestri sit, vobis aiunt? Pulcherrima interim
documenta, quorum maxim caus majores nostri ritus & musicam instituerunt, vit cert,
moribusque non exprimitis.

Not without some sarcasm, Confucius spoke about those hypocrites who trumpeters
ofalways have the ancient texts in their mouth, and not without some sarcasm: So
many quotes and empty words: The Book of Duties and Rituals says, The Book of

983 Those explanations are given by Zhang (279).

360
Duties and Rituals says. Do the precious vases, the various emblems of ranks, and
the silk garments, say anything to you? Again, The Book of Music says, The Book
of Music says, but what kind of book it is? Do the bronze bells and the drums which
pertain to your office say anything to you? In fact, you do not imitate by your life and
customs the most beautiful lessons according to which our ancestors established
rituals and music.984

[17.12 ]

2. Confucius ait: Qui oris externa specie graves, constantes, severi sunt, & tamen intus, in animo,
inquam, suo mobiles & flaccidi, ii rect comparantur cum abjectis & improbis quibusdam
hominibus, qui cm rever nocturni fures sint, de die tamen gravis honestique viri personam
gerunt: Sic & isti sunt prorsus ad instar quorumdam vel perforantium, vel transilientium parietem
nocturnis horis latronum.

Confucius said: Those who are serious, obstinate, strict in their external appearance,
but who are fickle and flabby inside and in their hearts, they can rightly be compared
to these mean and dishonest people. During the day, they act as serious and honest
people, but at night they become thieves. These people are indeed like thieves
breaking and crossing over during the hours of the night.

[17.13 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Ejusdem farinae sunt cum his, quos dicebam modo, latrunculis nocturnis, ii
qui vulgo habentur ab hominibus ruri degentibus probi, ingenui, comes officiosi: & specie quidem
tenus sunt tales, re autem ver fallaces, malitiosi, callidi, veteratores, vafri, veri denique virtutum
latrones, seu pestis atque pernicies.

Confucius said: People of this kind are those nocturnal thieves I have spoken about.
They are generally considered to be honest people living in the countryside and
dutiful folks. They look like this, but in fact they are deceitful, wicked, cunning,
crafty, sly, and the true thieves of virtues, like a plague or a disaster.985

[17.14 ]

2. Confucius ait: Ben beatque vivendi rationes ac praecepta de vi fort audita, protins de vi
proloqui, & auribus vixdum percepta, per os illic profundere; neque hoc agere, ut ea tibi ipse
primm applices, quam impertias aliis, virtutis quaedam projectio est, contemptus, ac repudiatio.

Confucius said: After having heard the method and precepts for living a good and
happy life along the way and by chance, to speak out immediately and utter without
delay the precepts which have just been heardjust learnt, not to act in order to apply
them first to yourself but communicate them to others, indeed, to throw away virtue
like this way amounts to disrespect and rejection.

[17.15 ]

984 Zhu did not mention here the ancestors, but the reference to the ancient rulers (xianwang ) was
made by Zhang (279).
985 The expressions of plague and disaster come from the Jesuits. Zhang talks about corrupted morality
(huaifengsu , 280).

361
3. Confucius ait: Iis, qui conditione & moribus viles & abjecti homines [129] quomodo possunt
hi servire Principiae Reipublicae, quamvis etiam afferant raras facultates ingenii & industriae.

Confucius said: How could we serve the head of the country along with these people,
vile and abject in condition and customs, even though they may bring some rare
qualities and zeal?

[]

4. Omnin non possunt: quippe homines hujuscemodi & priusqum obtineant quod expetunt,
anguntur intimis sensibus, donec per fas & nefas id obtineant. Ubi vero jam obtinuerunt; rursus
tamen anguntur & discruciantur ne amittant.

This is impossible. Before these people obtain what they want, they are deeply
distressed until they finally obtain it, rightly or wrongly. When they have obtained it,
they are still distressed and tortured by the idea of losing it.

[]

5. Atqui ubi timetur amitti, quod sic acquisitum est opum & dignitatum, jam nihil est qu non
pertingatur. Nihil, inquam, est tam abjectum, tam turpe, tam iniquum, quod non agant & patiantur.

Since they fear losing the wealth and honors they have obtained, they can do
anything. As I say, there is nothing abject, shameful, and unjust that they would not do
and allow.

[17.16 ]

Fol. 6, p. 1, 1. Confucius ingravescentem vitiis morbisque animi aetatem suam deplorans, sic ait:
Prisci quidem habuerunt tres maxim morbos, quibus tunc quoque laborabantur; at sic, ut neque
graviter, nec multis: At nunc dici fortasse queat, qud hi ne existunt quidem; usque ade scilicet
vis mali crevit, ut in naturam videatur transisse.

Confucius was complaining about his era, which was growing heavy with defects and
illnesses of the soul: The ancients had three main illnesses which troubled them, but
they were not very serious and the illnesses were not many. Today, we can say that
these illnesses do not exist anymore, but the force of evil has increased to the point
that it seems to have passed into nature.986

[
]

2. Priscorum morbus erat appetitus quidam immodicus honoris & gloriae, & ex hoc nata
dissolutio quaedam, seu neglectus rerum saltem humiliorum, minorisque momenti; & non
amplis. At hoc tempore appetitus iste, ita vehemens quaedam dissolutio est animi, ut fas & jus
omne temer proculcent. Priscorum morbus alter severitas, gravis illa quidem & inexorabilis; non
ea tamen, quae solo timore contenta, amorem prop omnem excluderet. Verum aetatis nostrae
severitas, rixosa est; nihil fer praeter odium, rixas, acerbitatem, desperationem, aliasque ex aliis
perturbationes parit. Priscorum simplicitas ac ruditas, candida, aperta, & recta: Aetatis nostrae

986 Zhang (282) comments that, despite some defects in the ancients, their psychophysical endowment
still functioned naturally and was not fundamentally destroyed.

362
ruditas ac simplicitas, meri fuci, merae fraudes atque fallaciae, & praeterea nihil.

The illness of the ancients was the immoderate desire for honor and glory, and the
loosening born out of it, that is, the neglect of things humble and of minor importance,
and it was nothing more. But today, the desire and loosening of the soul are so strong
that they rashly trample every right and law. The second illness of the ancients was
this heavy and stern severity which was satisfied only by fear and excluded nearly any
affection. But the severity of our age today is quarrelsome: it produces nothing but
hate, quarrels, bitterness, despair, and disturbances, one after the other. Finally, the
simplicity and rusticity of the ancients was genuine, frank, and honest. However, the
rusticity and simplicity of our time is pure disguise, pure cheating and lies, and it is
nothing else.

[17.17 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Affectati sermonis & facundiae, necnon blandiusculi oris homines, pauci
verae virtutis sunt.

Confucius said: Very few people with artificial speech, eloquence, and flattering
mouths, are truly virtuous.987

[17.18 ]

2. Confucius inductione quadam similium declaraturus quant sit damno, & quam digna odiis
omnium species oris simulata & assentatricis mendacisque linguae facundia, sic inquit: Odi
colores inter, colorem violaceum, quatenus tollit ac suffuratur quodammodo purpureum qui
nativus est; imminuto scilicet ejusdem pretio & amore. Odi similiter Regni Chim musicam:
perturbat enim & deliciis enervat, Priscorum eam, quae Ya dicitur, musicam, verecundiae,
modestiae, gravitatis magistram. Odi denique acutum illud & mal disertum os, mille fingendi
adulandique artibus, instructum. Pessumdat enim, ac funditus pervertit regias domos,
nobilissimasque familias.

In order to express the harm associated with the use of comparisons, and how much
everyone should hate the fake beauty of the speech and eloquence of a flattering and
deceitful tongue, Confucius said: Among colors, I hate violet, in so far as it takes and
steals from the original purple by diminishing its value and worth. Also, I hate the
music of the kingdom of Zheng, since it spoils and takes away the Ancient Ya music,
which teaches respect, modesty, and severity. Finally, I hate a sharp and eloquent
mouth, endowed with one thousand arts of flattery and pretense, since it completely
destroys and perverts the royal houses and the noblest families.

[17.19 ]

3. Confucius hortaturus suos ad studium taciturnitatis, & ut rebus, factisque potis qum copiosis
ornatisque sermonibus [130] instituant alios; posthc, inquit, ego velim nihil fari amplis.

In order to encourage his disciples to practice silence, so that they would teach others

987 Zhang omits this passage which is a repetition of Lunyu 1.3, but the Jesuits, following Zhus
edition, kept it.

363
more by deeds than by copious and ornate discourses, 988 Confucius said: From now
on, I no longer wish to speak anymore.

[ ]

4. Miratus hanc Magistri vocem u cum discipulus ait: Magister, si quidem posthc nihil profaris;
tum nos discipuli quid discemus, & consequenter aliis referemus? quid posteris impartiemur
quando nihil ipsi accipimus?

The disciple Zigong was astonished by the words of the Teacher and said: Master, if
you are not speaking anymore, then what are we, the disciples, going to learn and, as a
result, what are we going to report to others? What are we going to communicate to
the followers if we learn nothing?

[ ]

5. Confucius ait: Caelum quomodo fatur? qu voce, qu ratione nos docet ac instituit? Ecce quatuor anni
tempestates, ut peragunt cursum suum: ut item universae res felicissim procreantur. Declarant haec scilicet &
silentio maxim facundo depraedicant arcanum illud principium suum, in quo uno vertuntur omnia. Caelum igitur,
quod rem tam arcanam tam disert loquitur, quo tandem modo loquitur?

Confucius said: How does heaven speak? By what voice and method does it teach
and instruct us? See how the four seasons complete their course, so that all the things
in the universe are successfully brought to existence. With the most eloquent silence,
they declare and proclaim their mysterious principle in which everything is
transformed.989 Since heaven does speak such a great mystery and with so much
eloquence, why should it talk?

[17.20 ]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. Ju poi vir literatus, quem jussu Regis Ngai cum (fuit hic duodecimus Regni Lu)
Confucius edocebat ritus funebres, quodam die desiderabat visere Confucium: Confucius excusavit
se, causatus invaletudinem: Dumque jam famulus qui exceperat heri sui mandatum, egreditur
cubiculi foribus. Id hospiti renuntiaturus: Philosophus sumpsit in manus instrumentum musicum,
& cecinit data opera, ut hospes audiret canentem, atque intelligeret, se non ideo quod mal haberet
Philosophus, non admitti, sed quod ipsemet nescio quid peccavisset, cujus meritas poenas
hujusmodi repulsa daret.

Confucius received an instruction from Ai Gong (the twelfth king of Lu) to teach
funeral rites to Ru Bei. One day this literatus wanted to visit Confucius, who excused

988 For Zhu (180), the scholars observe the shengren by their words, but they do not observe the reality
of their practice according to the heavenly principle. Zhang explains that Confucius wanted to teach his
disciples not to look for the Dao of the shengren in their words, but to realize the Dao in the reality of
their own body and mind (, 283).
989 As Zhang says, the changes in the transformation of all things are already achieved between
heaven and earth, why should we wait for words? (
, 283). Notice here the use of the oxymoron eloquent silence, reminiscent of Saint
Augustines words: the melodious and eloquent silence of truth (canorum et facundum silentium
veritatis, De libero arbitrio II.13.35). From the Jesuit point of view, Confucius was able to listen to the
immanent truth contained in the cosmos, in human history, and in individual conscience. The Jesuits
certainly agreed with Confucius that heaven did not address any message by words to the Chinese
people, but the Jesuits believed that heaven, or God, did communicate by words to Ancient Israel. See
in my introduction the section Confucius as a Saint.

364
himself due to an illness. When the servant who had received the command from his
Master was leaving the bedroom in order to report it to the visitor outside [i.e., Ru
Bei], the Philosopher took a musical n instrument of music in his hands and chanted
some pieces so that the visitor could hear him singing and understand that he had not
been received because the Philosopher was feeling unwell, but because he had
committed a some mistake deserving of this kind of rebuke.

[17.21 ]

2. ai ngo discipulus Magistrum suum consulit de trium annorum luctu in obitu parentum, quid
censeat? Quod enim, inquit, unicus annus, & non amplius, tribuatur luctui, jam diu est.

The disciple Zai Wo consulted his Teacher about the three years of mourning
[observed] after the death of the parents, and said what he thought about it: It is
already enough to designate a single year for mourning, and no more.

[]

3. Et meo quidem judico plan sufficit: etenim si vir gravis ac probus domestico luctu occupatus
totos tres annos non fungitur ullis officiis civilibus; officia procul dubio vel ips desuetudine
paulatim obliterabuntur ac peribunt. Idem rursus si per tres annos non adhibeat exercitationem
musicam; musica procul dubio corruet.

According to my own judgment, it is clear that, if a serious and honest man, being
busy with his family mourning, accomplishes no civil duties during three years, then,
because of their discontinuance, those rituals will progressively but surely disappear
into oblivion. Also, if he does not practice music for three years, then music will
surely fall downbe destroyed.

[]

p. 2, 1. Quid quod ipsa rerum natura docere nos videtur Luctum, qui major annuo sit,
haudquaquam requiri: Plurimarum quippe rerum principium & finis, & ortus & interitus, unius
anni spatio definitur. Videmus cert, qud adulta maturaque seges ubi demessa est, & in horreum
collecta vivere quodammodo jam desiit; nova, quae succedit, seges herbescentem protins ostendit
viriditatem, quae nixa fibris stirpium, sensimque coalescens culmo jam erigitur geniculato, &
vaginis suis quasi pubescens includitur: quin etiam, prout singulis fer anni tempestatibus diversa
quaedam ratio est plantarum & arborum: Ita qui elicitur terebrando lignum per quatuor
tempestatum singulas, & ipse mutatur, ignis: Prorsus itaque annuum spatium ad luctum potest
sufficere.

It seems that the very nature of things teaches us that mourning for more than one
year is not required at all. The beginning and end, the birth and death of most of the
things, are delineated within one single year. We certainly see that the fully grown and
mature crop which was reaped is not present anymore in the storehouse; the new crop
which follows immediately grows into blades and shows its youthful vigor, depending
on the strand of the plant. The new crop slowly joins together, with stems full of
knots, and thus is raised. As it reaches maturity, it includes its sheaths.990 Moreover,
since the nature of plants and trees varies in each season of the year, the fire is drawn

990 While Zhu and Zhang understood sheng as meaning deng , that is, the ascending of the level
of the crop in the storehouse, the Latin text keeps the meaning of vegetative growth.

365
out and changed by drillingmade with a different wood in each season. In short, one
year of mourning is enough.

[ ]

[131] 2. Confucius respondit in hunc modum: Veteres quidem officiorum libri ac rituum
praescribunt filiis, ut in funere parentum per tres annos vescantur oriza admodm vulgari & mal
purgat; potent aquam; cannabin veste, asper scilicet, humilique utantur. Tu nunc unico igitur
exacto anno, quando jam luctum abjeceris, vescens denu ali ill puriore oriz, denuo indutus
aliam illam vestem sericam & pretiosam, an tu tranquillo eris animo? non te cruciabit conscientia
neglectae pietatis? Respondet discipulus minim ver cruciabit: Tranquillo sum futurus animo.

Confucius answered like this: The ancient Book of Ceremonies and Rituals
prescribed to the sons that they should eat ordinary and raw rice during the three-year
period of mourning for their parents, and they should drink only water and wear a
coarse and simple garment. Now you want to finish in one year, so you can discard
the mourning and eat more refined rice again, and wear precious vestments of silk, but
would your mind be at peace? Would not your conscience torment you for having
neglected filial piety?991 The disciple responded that this would not torment him at
all: I shall be in peace.

[
]

3. Tu, inquit Confucius, si quidem haec faciens tranquillo futurus es animo: fac san quod libitum
fuerit. Viro quidem probo ac sapienti versanti in luctu ac sordibus propter amissos parentes
vescenti licet opiparis ac deliciosis dapibus, non tamen eae dulcescunt ac sapiunt. Idem audiens
fort concentum musicum sic eo non delectatur, atque si non audiret. Idem quamvis molliter ac
delicios cubans, non tamen ullam capit quietem: tanta pii moeroris vis est; tantum, tamque
perenne optimorum parentum desiderium. Quocirca nunquam committet, ut contrahat lugendi
spatium majoribus constitutum: nunc autem tu quando sustines id facere, fac san, quod lubitum
fuerit.

Confucius said: If indeed you can be at peace, then do as you wish. Certainly, an
honest and wise man who is mourning and in sorrow for lost parents may eat
sumptuous and delicious meals, but these meals are not sweet and are tasteless to him.
He may listen to music, yet he does not enjoy it, as if he was not listening to it. He
may lie on soft and fine beds, yet he cannot sleep. His pious grief is so strong that the
longing for his good parents is endless. He never engages in anything which is not
allowed during the period of mourning as established by the ancestors. But, if you can
stand it, then do as you wish.

[
]

Fol. 8, p. 1, 1. Discipulo ai ngo foras egresso Confucius ad reliquos conversus; discipulus,

inquit, Yu (idem est qui ai ngo) non est ver germanque virtute praeditus, quando statuit tam
facil mores antiquos negligi posse & instituta majorum violari, quae tamen videntur consentanea
naturae legibus atque rationi. Etenim proles nata & fota jam tres annos, deinceps eximitur patris

991 In our translation, the word conscience (conscientia) translates the expression the goodness of the
original heart-mind (benxinliang ) in Zhang (285).

366
matrisque sinu: Quid ergo justius, qum ut amori trium annorum totidem quoque annorum pietate
luctuque liberi respondeant? Hic cert trium annorum luctus & maxim vetustus est, & per
Imperium totum vulgatus & usitatus luctus: An fort Yu discipulus perceperit etiam trium annorum
curam & amorem ab suis parentibus, uti reliqui mortalium, quod ade patrocinetur huic novitati &
errores tueatur aetatis nostrae?

After the disciple Zai Wo had left, Confucius turned to the rest of his disciples and
said: Yu (or Zai Wo) is not endowed with true and genuine virtue when he thinks that
he can so easily neglect the ancient customs and violate the instructions of the
ancients, which agree with the laws and principles of nature. Indeed, the offspring is
produced and fostered for three years before it is released from the bosom of the
parents. What is more just than that the children should reciprocate these three years
of love with a pious mourning of the same number of years? Certainly, mourning for
three years is long-established and commonly practiced in all of the empire. 992 Can it
be that the disciple Yu has received the care and love of three years from his parents,
as everyone else, and yet defends and promotes this novelty and error of our era?

[17.22
]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Qui ingurgitant sese cibo potuque per totum diem, nec habent quidquam
seriae rei, quo occupent animum, proh quantum hi laborabunt, ut praestent quidpiam homine
dignum! At enim nonne datur ludus scacchorum quo se occupent? At saltem qui dant operam istis
ludis, ut otium fugiant, vel in hoc uno prae illis cert sapiunt.

Confucius said: Some eat ngulf food and drink all day and do not do anything
serious to occupy their minds. How much they will toil to produce anything worthy of
man! Is there not the game of the chess by which they could occupy themselves? They
could at least make some effort to play this game so that they may avoid flee idleness,
and even taste the chess more than food and drink.

[17.23
]

2. u lu, ut erat animosus, quaerens ait: Vir gravis & eminens supr vulgus hominum, nonne
plerumque primas defert fortitudini? Confucius respondet in hunc modum: Eminens vir ejusmodi
non fortitudini, sed aequitati justitiaeque primas defert. Cert vir gravis [132] ac praestans, si
quidem sit instructus robore illo animi corporisque, & interim non instructus sit temperamento
rationis & aequitatis; facil causam praebebit gravissimis Imperii perturbationibus: Uti & plebeii
homines habentes simile robur, & carentes moderatrice ill sui roboris aequitate, nullo negotio
rapinas & latrocinia exercebunt.

Being courageous, Zilu asked: Should not a serious and superior man who is above
the common people value courage first? Confucius answered like this: A superior
man of this kind does not honor courage, but fairness above all. If indeed a serious
and outstanding man is endowed with the courage of the soul and the body, but not
endowed with the moderation of reason and fairness, then he will easily cause the
most serious distresses of the empire. And when common people display a similar

992 The translation of tianxia as empire is problematic since there was no empire in the time of
Confucius, not even an effective high king. In this period, tianxia means the whole world, at least the
civilized world, and in many cases the whole known world. Later, the Chinese and Jesuit commentators
projected their own political situation into the past.

367
courage and lack the fairness enabling them to moderate courage, they will commit
robberies and plunders without any hesitationtrouble.

[17.24
]

3. Disciplus u cum aliam instituens quaestionem, sic ait: Vir praestans atque Philosophus, si
quidem tenetur studio de omnibus ben merendi; an nihilominus etiam tenetur odio quorumdam?
Confucius respondet: Tenetur odio. Odit imprimis eos qui vulgant hominum vitia & peccata. Odit
eos qui viles & abjecti cm sint, tamen impudenter ac temer obtrectant obmurmurantque iis qui
superiorem locum & dignitatem obtinent. Odit praeterea fortes & animosos, at sine more
modoque. Odit item certum quoddam genus hominum sibi stult placentium, qui perquam tenaces
sententiae suae, pervicaces, obstinati, quidlibet temer aggrediuntur, nec rationi dant locum.

The disciple Zigong asks another question: If indeed an outstanding man, a

philosopher, seeks to beis possessed with the pursuit of being good to all, can it be
that he could be possessed with the hate of some? Confucius said: Yes, he can be
possessed by hate. Above all, he hates those who spread human vices and sins. He
hates those who are vile and abject, shamefully and harshly disparaging and belittling
those who have obtained a higher position and rank. In addition, he hates the people
who are strong and courageous, but without manner and measure. He also hates
people who are foolishly complacent with themselves, those who are extremely
tenacious, stubborn, and obstinate in their own opinion, who rashly attack everything
and do not leave room for reason.993

[
]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. His dictis, quaero nunc abs te vicissim, inquit Confucius, mi discipule Su num
praeter eos, quos dixi, & tu habes quos oderis? Ait ille: Habeo, suntque triplicis generis: Odi eos
qui parm perspicaces cm sint, ac intelligentes rerum, tamen acres censores sunt aliorum, idque
putantes esse prudentiae. Odi homines non submissos, & ob superbiam contentiosos, idque
reputantes esse fortis ac generosi animi. Denique odi homines qui imprudenter & importun &
exprobrantis in morem alios reprehendunt de vitiis clam cognitis; idque reputant esse candidi,
synceri, rectique animi.

Confucius continued: Having said this, I would like now to ask you in turn, my dear
disciple Ci [Zigong], besides those I just mentioned, do you hate some people? He
said: I hate three kinds of people: I hate those who are not intelligent and
knowledgeable about things, and yet are the stern censors of others, thinking it is out
of prudence. I hate the people who are not submissive, but quarrelsome because of
their arrogance, thinking it is due to strength and nobility of the soul. Finally, I hate
the people who impudently and inconveniently reprehend others in the manner ofby
making publically known their defects someone reproaching some defects which have
been known in secret, thinking it is innocence, sincerity, and rightness of the soul.

[17.25 ]

2. Confucius ait: Solas fer mulierculas & infimae conditionis homines, cujusmodi sunt, qui

993 See Lunyu 4.3 and 14.36, as well as the section The Question of the Legitimacy of Hatred in my
introduction.

368
nobis famulantur, perquam difficile est sic tractare, ut tamen contentos habeas. Etenim si propior
illis fias per indulgentiam quandam & facilitatem; jam non submisse se gerent, sed insolescent,
nec te (uti par erit) colent ac verebuntur. Si te removeas ab eis, nec nisi perrar cum ipsis agas,
idque cum authoritate qudam & severitate; jam querentur; & odio habeberis uti austerus,
illiberalis, inhumanus.

Confucius said: Only women and people of the lowest condition, like servants, are
extremely difficult to deal with and to satisfy. If indeed you draw them closer by
indulgence and familiarity, then they will not obey, but will grow proud, instead of
honoring and fearing you. If you keep them far away and deal with them with
authority and severity, even if only rarely, they will complain and hate you for being
austere, ungenerous, and inhuman.

[17.26 ]

p. 2, 1. Confucius ait: Quadragenarius qui sit, & tamen propter improbitatem suam, stultitiamque
etiamnum appareat habeaturque gravis ac invisus omnibus; hujuscemodi desperata emendatio est,
ad finem usque sic perseverabit.

Confucius said: To correct someone who is forty years old, and is considered by all
to be oppressive and hateful because of his dishonesty and foolishness, is useless. He
will remain the same until the end.

369
 [Chapter 18]

[18.1 ]

2. Tres hoc paragrapho recensentur Heros illustres: quorum primus Viu frater impii Cheu (fuit
hic vigesimus octavus et ultimus imperator secundae familiae Xam et Yn dictae) cm saepis, at
nullo profectu, monuisset fratrem, veritus ne si monere perseveraret [133], acceleraret ruinam
imperii, et tyranni furentis rabie in caput suum concitat, labentis familiae spes ac reliquiae
penits extinguerentur; tempori paulisper cedendum ratus, discessit ab aul. Alter Kiu dictus, et
eiusdem tyranni patruus, quod eum crebr quoque monuisset officii sui, in carcerem
detrusus est, et redactus in servitutem. Qui cm metueret, ne gravius quid de se statueretur;
amentiam callid simulavit; itaque vir tantus petulanti multitudini amentis instar ludibrio
aliquamdiu fuit. Pi Can denique alter tyranni patruus eundem reprehendit et objurgavit, sed
et periit.

There are mentioned three famous heroes are mentioned in this paragraph.994 The first
of them is Weizi, the brother of the impious Zhou [Zhou Xin], who was the twenty-
eighth and last emperor of the second dynasty, called Shang or Yin. He often warned
his brother, even though his warnings were rarely heededwith no result, fearing that, if
he did not continue warning him, this would hasten the ruin of the empire. The wild
madness of the tyrant [Zhou Xin] rushed to the head of the empire, and all the hope
and vestiges of this decaying dynasty could have been completely destroyed. At that
time, Weizi understood that he should withdraw for a short time, and so he left the
court. The second hero is called Jizi, uncle of the emperor [Zhou Xin]. Because he
frequently warned him about his office, he was put in jail and forced into slavery.
When he feared that he would face an even more severe punishmentsomething more
serious was to be decided about him, he cunningly simulated madness. Thus, an
insolentthe mistaken crowd saw him as a mockery, like someone insane. The third
was Bi Gan: he blamed and scolded his uncle, the tyrant [Zhou Xin], and was
murdered.

Hic enim, cum nepotis insolentiam atque crudelitacem ferre diutius non posset, ac videret
jam pessum ire omnia; paulisper secum ipse deliberans tandem; satius est, inquit, mori, qum
diutius dissimulando et in Regem et in patriam peccare: Omnino dicenda veritas est, licet odium
atque exitium paritura. Non audiet tyrannus? At audiet patria, audiet posteritas omnis. Hoc dicto
progressus in conclave Regium, patri cum authoritate nepotem admonet; resipiscat tandem
aliquando; sibi consulat, suisque. Minas addit, procul dubio futurum ut, expetente poenas ipsomet
coelo, amittat Imperium caelits collatum. Quocirca expurget animum flagitiis inquinatum;
revocet abjectum pudorem; revocet jura atque leges; sic enim placari caelum posse, atque
decretum, quod in ipsum jam sanciverit, revocari. Haec ille. Sed tyrannus veritatis impatiens,
atque monitione ipsa jam efferatior, innocentem atque patruum, atque tunc maxim utilia
suadentem; non sine probro ludibrioque perempturus, ad circumstantes proceres convertens
sese; Pi can iste; si nescitis, inquit, sanctum se esse arbitratur; Ego autem audire me nemini,
quod cordi cujusque viri sancti foramina sint omnino septem: explorare nunc juvat, an ita res
habeat. Haec effatus, in ipso vestigio contrucidari patruum jussit, atque adhuc spiranti cor
extrahi.

This one [Bi Gan] could not bear the extravagance and cruelty of his nephew any
longer, and he thought that everything was becoming worse. He deliberated with
himself for a while and said: It is better to die than to sin against the king and the

994 Zhang (288) calls them three men of Ren (sanrenzhe ).

370
country, by concealing any further. The full truth should be said, although it may
bring hatred and death. Will the tyrant not listen? The country will listen, the whole
posterity will listen. After saying this, he entered the royal hall and, with paternal
authority, he warned his nephew that he should repent, that he should deliberate with
himself and with his people. He also added a threat, that heaven itself would ask for
punishments, and that he may lose the empire given to him by heaven. For this
reason, he should cleanse his soul stained by shameful deeds. He should recall the
modesty which had been lost. He should regain the right and the laws. Thus, heaven
could be appeased and the mandate of heaven could be reclaimed. He said all of
these things. But the tyrant refused to hear the truth. As a result of this admonition, he
became fiercer and he was about to kill shamefully and mockingly his virtuous uncle
who was advising him with such useful advice. Then, he turned to his courtiers who
were standing there and he told them: This Bi Gan, if you do not know, he considers
himself a saint. I have heard that the heart of a saint has seven holes altogether.
Please help me now to investigate if it is so. After having said this, he ordered them
to follow him in having the uncle slaughtered, and having his beating heart
removed.995

[ ]

3. Agens porto de tribus hisce. Confucius dicebat: Familia In seu Xam, habuit omnio tres rarae
fidei, constantiae, pietatis viros.

Speaking of the example of these three people, Confucius said: the dynasty Yin-
Shang had three people of rare trust, perseverance, and faithfulness.

[18.2
]

4. Eximius ille vir Lieu Hia Hoei agens in Regno Lu judicem causarum criminalium iterum ac
tertio dejectus fuit de ill dignitate. Quodam igitur sic dicente: In hc perturbatione tant rerum,
bone vir, an necdum jure possis renunciare tuo muneri, et hinc ali migrare? Respondit ipse: Ego
rectam viam normamque teneo, et secundm hanc servio Regi et hominibus: Sed enim qu
tandem commigrabo infelix, ubi fides, integritasque non sentiat horum temporum calamitatem?
Atque ade ubi non terti ac saepis me dignitate priver? Quod si induxero in animum,
turpiter servire tempori, si pervers qudam ratione ac vi serviam hominibus; quorsum
opus est, obsecro, discedere ex patrio regno?

There was an outstanding man called Liuxia Hui who was in charge of justice for
criminal cases in the kingdom of Lu. He was discharged from his office three times.
Someone said to him: In such a commotion of affairs, good man, does not the law
allow you to renounce office and move somewhere else? But he answered: I myself
hold to the right way and standard and I serve my king and people according to this.
But I am unfortunate, since where should I move? Where do faith and honesty not
experience the disaster of this era? And where could I not be deprived three times of
my function? Even if I decide to serve this era shamefully, serving the people in a

995 This story about the sacrifice of Bi Gan is found in Yinbenji , Shiji:
. Zhang mentions
briefly the death of Bi Gan: He was killed by Zhou who opened his heart (288), but unlike Sima Qian
in the Shiji, Zhang does not mention the famous seven holes in the heart of a holy person. It seems that
the Jesuits were translating either from the Shiji, or from a book quoting the Shiji.

371
perverse method and way, why should I need, I beg you, to leave my native land?

[18.3
]

Fol. 10, p. 1. Regni i Princeps Kim Cum nomine excepturus Confucium, deliberans cum suis
quo maxim ritu exciperet, sic ait: Quod [134] attinet ad Praefectum Ki Xi, id est, ad apparatum,
quo hunc Regni Lu Princeps nuper excepit, utique ego non possum imperare mihi ut pari utar.
Medio quodam ritu inter dictos Ki et Mem excipiatur. Quod attinet interim ad doctrinam ipsius,
inquit, et instituta; ego jam consenui, non possum illis uti. Confucius ubi hoc cognovit, desperans
aliquod operae suae pretium, insalutato Rege protins discessit.

Jing Gong, the ruler of the kingdom of Qi, was to receive Confucius and deliberated
with his people about the ritual he would receive him with, saying: What about the
ritual used for the prefect Ji, by which the ruler of the kingdom of Lu has recently
received him? However, I myself cannot decide to use the same one. He should be
received with an intermediary ritual, between Ji and Meng. But concerning his
teaching and plan, I am getting old and I cannot use them. When Confucius knew
about this, after giving up any hope of reward for his efforts, he immediately left
without greeting the king.

[18.4 ]

p. 2, 1. Regni i homines dono miserunt Regi Lu puellas cantatrices, Ki Huonu Regni

Praefectus admisit. Triduo Rex non prodiit in conspectum. Confucius discessit. Praetoris
officio fungebatur Philosophus in patrio Regno anno 14 Tim Cum Regis undecimi; eo quidem
successu, ut exactis vix tribus mensibus, jam novus esset legum vigor et observantia. Atque
ita factum est ut Regnum Lu aemulo finitimoque i Regno formidabile jam redderetur. At
Rex et proceres Regni hujus nova illa ditionis aemulae firmamenta per insidias et quasi
cuniculos subruturi. Puellas octoginta formae perelegantis, omnique luxu et opulentia
conspicuas; equos item centum et viginti, cum variis instrumentis musicis. Regni Lu Principi
dona mittunt. Captus est insidiis tam illecebrosis, Regni Praefectus; et in easdem protins
conjecit incautum Principem. At hunc usque ade puellarum istarum forma, vox, gratia
cepit ac dementavit, ut sui immemor, Regnique tertium jam diem conspectu suorum, et
jure dicundo abstineret. Quod ubi Confucius animadvertit, certus non servire Principi, qui
tot illecebris serviret; abscessit indignabundus.

The people of Qi sent to the king of Lu some female singers as a gift. Ji Huanzi, a
prefect of this kingdom, received them. For three days, the king did not appear in
public. Confucius then left.996 The Philosopher had taken the office of judge in his
native land, in the fourteenth year of Ding Gong, the eleventh ruler. Because of his
success, in almost three months, there was a new vigor in the observance of the laws.
And so, Lu became a threat for the rival neighbor, Qi. The king and the nobility of this
kingdom wanted to undermine, through traps and secret devices, the new foundation
of their rival country. They sent eighty very beautiful girls, with luxuriousy and
opulenexpensivece attire, as well as 120 horses and various musical instruments. They
sent these gifts to the ruler of the kingdom of Lu. The prefect of the kingdom was
fascinated by these seductive traps and he immediately threw the incautious ruler
amid them. From then on, the beauty, voice, and grace of the girls seized the rulers

996 The three sentences correspond to the classical text, but all that follows corresponds to the details
given in the Kongzi shijia, which is also repeated by the Jesuits in their Life of Confucius.

372
mind and drove him mad, so much so that he would forget himself and the kingdom,
disappearing on the third day from the watch of his people, and leaving justice to be
given by delegation. When Confucius saw this, he decided not to serve a ruler who
was serving so many allurements. Furious, he left.997

[18.5
]

2. Litera Fum avem solis denotat, nos hic vocabimus aquilam Sinicam; auspicatissima
quidem, uti ferunt, avis est et jam ab ipsis Monarchiae exordiis habita fuit venturae
felicitatis nuntia. Homo quidam Regni u, quo Confucius diverterat, specie quidem mentis
inops (ut enim lateret felicis, amentis prope ritu in plate quandoque cantillabat) re autem
ver Philosophus, cui ie Yu nomen erat, cantillans et praeteriens Confucium, qui curru suo
tunc fort vehebatur, sic ait: O aquila! O Aquila (vox est vehementer exoptantis id, cujus
nuntia solet esse aquila.) Ah quantus hoc tempore virtutis languor est! errata praeterita non
possumus redarguere et corrigere; ex praeteritis autem futura adhuc possumus per
conjecturam attingere, Desiste, si sapis, o Confuci, desiste; Hoc tempore qui administrant
Rempublicam, periclitantur.

The Chinese character Feng signifies the bird of the sun; we shall call it here the
Chinese eagle. As it is said, this bird is the most auspicious and, from the beginnings
of the monarchy, was considered to be the messenger of fortune to come. Jie Yu was a
man of the kingdom of Chu. Confucius distanced himself from him because he had a
mental disability. Indeed, he used to sing in the street like someone insane, in order to
escape notice more easily.998 However, he was a true philosopher. He was singing
while he passed by Confucius who happened to be riding his carriage. He said: Oh
the eagle, Oh the eagle. Here, eagle means a messenger of something strongly hoped
for. Virtue today has declined so much. We cannot deny and correct the errors of the
past. But, out of the past things and through conjuncture, we can still know the future.
Confucius, leave off; if you understand, leave off. Those who hold public office are
now at risk.

[]

Fol. 11, p. 1, 1. Cognovit illico personatae stultitiae sapientiam Confucius: nec mora,
desilit de curru, vehementer desiderans cum eo colloqui. At profugit ille et subduxit se
Confucii oculis; qui ade non potuit cum eo loqui.

997 The account drawn from Sima Qian fails to explain why Confucius had a strained relationship with
Ji Huanzi, the chief counsellor of the king of Lu, up to the point of choosing exile. The main reason
was a failed attempt by Confucius in eliminating the political power of the Jisun clan, as the Zuozhuan
shows. See Annping Chin, Confucius, A Life of Thought and Politics (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2008), 2731.
998 The apparent craziness of Jie Yu and the reasons for it are mentioned by Zhu (184) and Zhang
(290).

373
Confucius immediately knew the wisdom of this apparent craziness.999 Without delay,
he jumped out of his carriage and wanted very much to talk to him. However, the man
fled and disappeared out of the sight of Confucius who had no chance to talk to him.

[18.6 ]

2. Revertebatur olim Confucius regno u in Regnum ai: [135] dumque veheretur curru un
cum discipulo suo ulu, qui et ipse currs erat auriga, fort obvios habuerunt duos Philosophos ex
Regno item u oriundos, et eodem, quo superior ille, consilio taedioque miserrimorum temporum
latitantes, Chamciu et Kienie, illis nomen erat: Agriculturae dabant operam, et desertos nescio
quos agros simul tunc arabant. Confucius aliquantulum illos praetervectus jussit discipulum
ulu exquirere ab eis vadum proximi fluminis, quod transeundum erat.

One day, Confucius was returning from the kingdom of Chu to the kingdom of Cai.
He was in a cart with his disciple Zilu who was driving. By chance, they met two
philosophers native to the kingdom of Chu, a kingdom north of the kingdom of Cai.
They were living as recluses because of a resolution they had made and because of the
weariness of this wretched era.1000 They were called Changju and Jieni. They were
famers, cultivating some deserted lands at that time. Confucius, who was passing
nearby, ordered his disciple Zilu to ask them where the channel of the next river was
in order to cross over.

[
]

3. Alter illorum Chamqiu percontans ulu ait: iste qui regit ibi currum ecquis est? ulu
respondit: est Cumkieu. Num est, inquit, iste Regno Lu oriundus Cumkieu, seu, Confucius?
Respondet: est ipse. Ait philosophus: ipse novit vadum fluminis, qui viam hanc itque
reditque toties: Quorsum percontari te jubet?

Changju, one of the two, asked Zilu: Who runs this carriage? Zilu answered: This
is Kongqiu. He said: Is he the Kongqiu, or Confucius, from the kingdom of Lu?
The other answered: Yes, he is. Then the pPhilosopher said: Having gone back and
forth many times, he surely knows the channel of the river. Why does he order you to
ask?1001

999 The same story is narrated by Zhuangzi, but praising the right attitude of Jie Yu. The Confucian
tradition has usually regarded Jie as a wise person, but not perfect because he had escaped society. For
Zhu, Confucius got off his cart to challenge Jie. In the mid-Qing period, the interpreter Huang Shisan
(17891862) [AQ: Who was he?] stated that Jie was not an ordinary man, but virtuous, since
his true motivation was to save Confucius. See Lunyu houan , Lunyu zhijie, ed. Lai
Kehong (Shanghai: Fudan University Press , 1996), 510. Zhang (290)
considered him wise, and the Jesuits adopted his interpretation, making him a true philosopher.
Because of the Christian message and because of their own identity as religious, the Jesuits were
inclined towards Jies attitude of renouncing the world.
1000 Zhang (291) considers the two hermits as sages. Our text here suggests a kind of religious
resolution (consilium) to leave the world, like in the religious life.
1001 These two hermits, as with Jie Yu above, are said to be philosophers. This means they have
reached the truth and expressed it in their way of life. They are philosophers just as the Epicurians
were, leaving the world of politics to focus on their search for the authentic life.

374
 ]

4. Discipulus accepto responso tam mordaci percontatur ab altero Kienie nominato, qu

parte sit vadum fluminis. Kienie vicissim percontans ait: fili, tu quis es? Respondit: Ego sum
Chumyeu (nomen alterum ipsius ulu). Philosophus, tum an tu, inquit, es fortasse oriundi e
Regno Lu philosophi, cui nomen est Cumkieu, discipulus? Hic intellexit ulu virum esse
sapientem qui cum loquebatur. Itaque respondens ait: Sum plan. At ille damnaturus
studium magistri pariter ac discipuli, sic ait: Torrentis in morem praecipites sic ruunt
Imperii res pariter omnes: Et quisnam afferat mutationem, et quasi refluxum in statum
pristinum? Enimver prae hoc quod agis, sectari scilicet fugientem homines magistrum
fugientis enim ritu sedem mutat assidu quant satius foret te sectari fugientes
saeculum philosophos? Haec fatus occabat semen, nec cessabat ab isto opere: Transitum autem
fluminis nec ipse indicavit.

After having received such a harshbiting remark, the disciple then asked the other,
called Jieni, where the channel in the river was. In his turn, Jieni asked: But you,
who are you? He answered: I am Zhongyou, which is another name for Zilu. The
philosopher said: Are you by chance the disciple of the philosopher Kongqiu from
the kingdom of Lu? Zilu understood that he was talking to a wise man and said:
Surely I am. Jieni then said something to condemn the efforts of both the Teacher
and the disciple: The people in a hurry are like a torrent, damaging the affairs of the
empire altogether. Who can change this and bring it back to its previous state? You,
instead of what you are doing, that is, following a teacher who flees people (he was
constantly changing places like someone fleeing), how much better it would be for
you to follow the philosophers who are leaving the world! While saying this, he was
sowing seeds and was not interrupting his work. He did not show him how to cross
over the river.1002

[
]

p. 2. ulu discessit de his. Certiorem facturus magistrum suum. Confucius alt suspirans ait:
Aves et quadrupedia non possunt in eodem simul loco congregari. Sed ego si non his aetatis
meae hominibus me sociem; cum quibus tandem me sociabo? Imperio pacato ego non ero
necessarius ut afferam mutationem.

Zilu left them and went to inform the Teacher. Confucius sighed and said: The birds
and four-footed animals cannot abide in the same place. But, if I cannot unite with the
people of my time, with whom shall I unite? In an empire already at peace, it will not
be necessary for me to bring changes.

Plan sic res habet (verba Colai sunt suo ipsius, non jam philosophi nomine loquentis)
viros sanctos ac sapientes Caelum procreat, eo maxim consilio, ut quamplurimis emolumento
sint ac saluti. Sic olim magni illi reges ac Fundatures Imperii nostri communem populi
calamitatem suam esse reputabant: fames enim, et inopia, qu subditi quandoque laborabant,
nullos aequ ut ipsos cruciabat; qu ardentiori etiam studio contendebant nervos omnes ingenii
industriaeque suae, ut publicae calamitati qum citissim possent, mederentur. Infelicem
patriam; miserum genus humanum; si doctrinam, seu veris desperationem ac socordiam istorum
philosophorum sequi par fuerit.

1002 In this passage, the text stresses that the two people are wise hermits. This is found in Zhang
(291).

375
 The following words are from the grand secretary, who no longer speaks in the
name of the Philosopher: One thing is quite clear; heaven creates holy and wise
men, according to its plan, for the advantage and salvation of the majority. When the
great kings and founders of our empire in the past knew that a great disaster
happened among the people, that they were struggling with famine and poverty, these
great kings were more concerned than anyone else, and with ardent zeal they exerted
all their intelligence and industry to remedy the public disaster as quickly as they
could. Unfortunate are the countries and miserable are the people if they follow the
teaching, or more correctly, the despair and inaction of these philosophers [Changju
and Jieni]!1003

[18.7
]

[136] fol. 12, p. 1, 1. ulu dum una cum magistro iter facit, eumque lentiori fort gradu
sequens aliquanto posteris, ac retro manet; evasit alter repent extra conspectum discipuli: Qui
dum haeret incertus, quam viam tenuerit; obvium habet senem suspensam ex baculo portantem
fiscinam; quem ulu percontans ait: Bone vir, num forte vidisti magistrum meum? Senex ad
quaesitum nihil respondens, sed eum gravi oratione castigaturus sic ait: Tu quidem, bone
juvenis, vagus et otio diffluens, uti video, corpus non habes duratum labore, dum ego interim
id aetatis homo agriculturae do operam: Qu tu neglect quinque frugum species quamvis
notissimas fortasse ne distinguis quidem, ignarus quid phaseolos inter et imlium,
triticumque discriminis sit. At tu quem Magistrum tuum mihi praedicas? Quis est ille
magister tuus? His dictis, humi defixit suum baculum, et agrum purgabat, herbas inutiles
eradicans.

When Zilu was traveling together with his Master, he used to follow him, at a slower
pace, staying behind. Once, Zilu suddenly lost sight of Confucius. While he was
hesitating, not knowing which road to take, he saw an old man carrying a basket with
a stick. Zilu asked him: Good man, did you see my Teacher by any chance? The old
man answered nothing, but said some heavy words to blame reprimand him: Young
man, it seems that you are idle and melting in laziness. Your body has not endured
hard work, but I myself, even though I am old, still work hard in agriculture. Since
you have neglected agriculture, you cannot distinguish among the five most common
species of crops and do not know the difference of grains, between the millet and the
wheat. And so, why do you mention your Teacher to me? What kind of teacher is he?
Having said this, he planted his stick in the ground and cleansed the soil, removing
the bad herbs.

[]

2. ulu, qui ex sermone illo habituque totius oris et corporis, occultam latentis philosophi
sapientiam cognoverat; non modo nullum suboffensi animi dedit indicium; sed curvatis in
arcum ante pectus manibus honorem exhibens (uti mos est gentis hujus) deinde cum insigni
quadam modestiae observantiaeque significatione constitit.

Through such speech and behavior, Zilu realized the hidden wisdom of this recluse
philosopher. Not only did he not show any signs of displeasure but he also showed his

1003 This is a translation from Zhang (292). In introducing this comment, our text suggests that this
may not reflect the true thought of Confucius, perhaps as a way to diminish the authority and value of
this comment. Yet, it is significant that the Jesuits have chosen to translate this comment which
condemns very clearly the fuga mundi.

376
respect by crossing his hands before his breast and bowing, according to the custom
of this nation. Finally, he stood there with a display of modesty and respect.1004

[]

3. Specimen hoc animi tam sedati, et indolis tam ingenuae admiratus est senex, atque adamavit.
Deduxit itaque domum suam ibique detinuit ipsum ulu ut pernoctaret: occidit gallinam, instruxit
caenulam, et inemptis dapibus refecit hospitem: Deinde produxit iu conspectum suos duos filios
majorem et minorem natu; qui pro suo quisque aetatis gradu comiter ac rit hospitem salutarent.

The old man was surprised by such a display of an untroubled mind and of a noble
character, and he came to like him. 1005 He led Zilu to his house and invited him to
spend the night there. He killed a chicken, ordered the dinner, and refreshed his guest
with the food from his garden. Then, he showed him his elder and younger sons who,
according to the rank of age, saluted the guest with courtesy and respect.

[ ]

4. Illucente postero die ulu discessit ut de omnibus certiorem faceret Confucium.

Confucius audit totius rei serie, procul dubio, inquit, unus est de numero sapientum, sed
occultus est sibique vacans. Jussit erg discipulum ulu reverti et revisere senem. Ivit, pervenit
ad eius domum: sed jam senex discesserat.

The second day, in the morning, Zilu left to tell Confucius about all these things. After
Confucius heard about the sequence of events, he said: Without any doubt, he is a
wise man, but hidden, taking care of himself. He ordered the disciple Zilu to go and
see the old man again. Zilu left and went to his house, but the old man had already
left.1006

[
]

5. ulu magistri sui mentem, et de occultis illis sapientibus sententiam posteris

expositurus, sic ait: Non gerere magistratum etiam hoc statu rerum, miserremoque tempore,
si mod sis idoneus ad gerendum, nec fas nec ratio sinat. Enimver si duorum fratrum
majoris ac minoris natu ordinem, mutuumque jus in fortuito nascendi tempore fundatum
nefas est violare (alludere videtur ad id, quod paulo ante spectaverat in domo senis
Philosophi) Regis ac subditi mutuum jus ac officium, quo tamen pacto id violabitur?
Desiderant quidem boni isti viri consulere integritati innocentiaeque suae personae, ut aiunt:
At non considerant interim quod perturbant [137] violantque magnum illum generis humani
ordinem arctissimumque vinculum, quo subditi suo Principi (maxim dum is periclitatur) et
cives laboranti patriae obstringuntur. Idcirco vir probus ac sapiens perturbatis quoque
rebus vel maxim rempublicam gerit, et explet suum probi civis munus; hoc ipso quod mos
patrius ac leges non vigent, jam intelligit hoc, quod mod dicebatur, civis probi ac sapientis
munus, quod scilicet est sucurrere patriae etiam cum capitis discrimine, nec senum istorum

1004 Zhu (185) only mentions that Zilu paid respect to him because he was a recluse, but for Zhang,
Zilu regarded the old man as a wise person, or xianren (292). As with Changju, Jieni, and Jie Yu,
the old man is said to be a philosopher.
1005 Zhang (292) mentions that the old man was moved by the attitude of respect of Zilu toward him.
1006 For Zhu, Confucius sent Zilu back to teach the old man about the righteousness between the ruler
and the minister (junchen zhi yi , 185), but the old man avoided the confrontation and left.
Zhang does not mention why Confucius sent Zilu back. Our text suggests that Confucius sent Zilu so
that he could acknowledge the old mans wisdom in the name of Confucius.

377
more sedere otiosos spectatores ruinae publicae.

In order to speak the mind and opinion of his Teacher about these recluse sages, Zilu
said: In the present situation and in this most unfortunate era, if you are able to hold
public office and yet do not do it, this goes against both justice and reason. Since it is
not allowed to violate the order between elder and younger brothers and the mutual
duty based on the accidental time of birth (this was clearly a reference to what Zilu
had seen just before in the house of the old philosopher), then how could the mutual
duty between a king and his subjects be violated? These so-called good men wish to
look after the integrity and innocence of their own person, as they say. But they do not
see that they disturb and violate the great ordinance of the whole human race and the
most fundamental relationship by which subjects obey their prince, especially when
this one is in danger, since the citizens have an obligation toward the country in
need.1007 Therefore, an honest and wise man engages himself in troubled public affairs
and fulfills his responsibility as an honest citizen. When the national character and the
laws are not strong, he already knows that his responsibility as an honest and wise
citizen is to help the nation in danger, and not to sit like these old men, as disengaged
spectators of public ruin.1008

[18.8 ]

Fol. 13, p. 3, 1. Recensentur hoc paragrapho septem occulti sapientes qui dignitate vel
amiss, vel ultr etiam abject, privatam vitam duxerunt; non omnes quidem eodem vel
modo, vel consilio; sapienter tamen et cum laude. Fuerunt autem Pey, Xoqi, Yuchum, Yye,
Chucham, Lieuhia Hoei, et Xaolien.

This paragraph mentions seven recluse sages who lived their lives having lost or
voluntarily abandoned their positions. Not all of them followed the same method and
path, but all acted with wisdom and merit. There were: Boyi, Shuqi, Yuzhong, Yiyi,
Zhuzhang, Liuxia Hui, and Shaolian.

[
]

2. Confucius ait: Qui neutiquam demiserunt suum liberae invictaeque mentis propositum,
qui neutiquam dedecorrunt suam personam, fuerunt duo fratres Pey, et Xoqi. Si loquamur
de Lieuhia Hoei et Xiaolien; demiserunt hi quadamtenus suam libertatem et arbitrium;
dedecorrunt (alien quidem injuri) personam suam. Verba tamen ipsorum responderunt
rationi: facta responderunt votis hominum: haec isti, et nil aliud.

Confucius said: The two brothers Boyi and Shuqi never abandoned their independent

1007 For Zhu (185), the dalun consists of the five relationships, but Zhang (293) mentions only
the rulerminister relationship, underlining the duty of the minister when his ruler is in difficulties.
Zhang clearly addressed those words to Wanli to show his absolute faithfulness. The Jesuits follow
closely the comment by Zhang.
1008 For Zhu and Zhang, the relationship between ruler and minister is fundamental and cannot be
violated. Also, for Zhang (293), Changju, Jieni, and the old man understand only how to protect
themselves and do not understand how to practice righteousness, and so they always follow their own
opinions; there are not holy people (shengren). The Jesuit translation-commentary adds a condition:
people should care for the political bond at times of public disorder. This suggests that in time of peace,
when public affairs are properly arranged, there is no need to engage in politics, and thus, at times of
peace, the life of the hermits is legitimate.

378
and unconquerable resolutions, and never disgraced themselves.1009 Concerning Liuxia
Hui and Shaolian, they abandoned their freedoms and free will to some extent, and
disgraced themselves, in fact because of an injustice done to himthem.1010 However,
their words were in conformity with reason and their deeds in conformity with the
wishes of men. They did this and nothing else.

[ ]

3. Rursus si loquamur de Yuchum, et Yye, occulti degebant hi quoque; liberis loquebantur:

persona tamen ipsorum attingebat puritatem, abjecti licet in speciem attingebant tamen cordis
aequilibrium.

In turn, Yuzhong and Yiyi also remained recluses. They spoke with more license, yet
achieved purity. Even though they were apparently thrown aside, they succeeded in
reaching the balance of the heart.

[]

4. Ego ver sum diversus ab his; quippe nil habeo quod semper probem, nil item quod semper
improbem. Horum omnium itaque finis erat idem; diversa media, idem terminus, viae
diversae. Non illos ego condemno: laudo potis, imitari tamen haudquaquam volo, servio
tamen et loco, et tempori, et populo, et principi; quatenus haec omnia, ubi quid aut agendum
est, aut omittendum, consulo, meque omnibus, ut bene merear de omnibus, quoad fieri
potest, accommodo.

However, I am different from them. Of course, for me, there is nothing that I approve
and nothing that I disapprove. Diverse are their methods, yet the purpose of all of
them is the same. Diverse are their ways, yet their end is the same. I do not condemn
these people, and, in fact, I praise them.1011 But I do not wish to follow them, and
instead, it is this place, this era, these people, and this ruler that I serve. And so, I
consider when every matter should be done and when it should be set aside. I adapt
myself to all, so that, as much as possible, I can do service to all.1012

[18.9 ]

1. Magnus Magister Musices, cui Chi nomen, migravit in Regnum i. Alibi jam diximus,
quantum politica haec Monarchia Priscis maxim temporibus, tribuerit musicae, seu verius, ei
doctrinae et institutioni, quae numeris illigatae musicis, temperata deinde varietate sonorum, ad
animos audientium penetrabat. Quid multa? Concidisse musicam, et concidisse jam Regnum,
idem prop erat. Hc cert, quo constaret omnibus Regnum Lu jam esse ruinae proximum;

1009 In fact, Boyi and Shuqi starved to death, a fact that the Jesuits chose not to mention because this
would be equivalent to suicide. See Lunyu 15.8 and 16.12.
1010 Concerning the wrong done to Liuxia Hui, see Lunyu 18.2.
1011 This sentence seems to be a Jesuit addition. Indeed, Confucius recognizes some moral worth in
those seven recluses, but he seems also to condemn their attitude of escaping political duties. Zhang
believes that the seven recluses were partial in their mind-heart, but a shengren has no partiality
(wusuoyi , 294). The Jesuits were sympathetic to the lifestyle of the recluses because it was
closer to the life of the religious and monks in Christianity, who had renounced the world.
1012 This last sentence is a Jesuit addition, reminiscent of Saint Pauls words; 1 Corinthians 9:19: I
have made myself a slave to all, so that I may win the many (omnibus omnium me servum feci ut
plures lucri facerem). The text suggests here a parallel between the adaptability of Confucius with the
adaptability of Saint Paul. This suggests further that the Jesuits in China accommodated themselves to
special circumstances as Saint Paul and Confucius did.

379
nihil aliud, quam cessatio musicae et fuga musicorum describitur; qui familiis potenti
insolescentibus exauthorati, et privati censu suo, alias alii ditiones et Regna petivre.

Zhi, the great master of music, moved to the kingdom of Qi. We have said elsewhere
how much this political monarchy, especially in ancient times, is credited with music,
or more exactly, with its science and education.1013 Music was played by a number of
musicians, and it was tempered with a diversity of melodies, so that it could enter into
the souls of the listeners. What more can I say? To fail in music means that one has
already failed the country. Because of their music, it was obvious to all that the
kingdom of Lu was nearing its collapse. No other reasons but the neglect of music
and the exile of musicians are mentioned. Other rulers, being stripped from their
power and from [the revenues of] their estates by some families proud of their own
influence, looked elsewhere for musicians.

[]

2. Qui secundae mensae seu refectionis Regiae musicam regebat, Gan nomine, migravit in
Regnum u. Qui tertiae refectionis, Leao nomine, migravit in satrapiam ai. Qui quartae
refectionis, nomine Kive, migravit in Regnum in.

Gan, the musician who managed the second table or meal of the ruler, moved to the
kingdom of Chu. Liao, in charge of the third meal, moved to the vice-kingdom of Cai.
Que, in charge of the fourth meal, moved to the kingdom of Qin.

[]

Fol. 14, p. 1, 1. Qui grande tympanum pulsabat Fan Xo nomine, ingressus est in ditionem ad
flumen Hoamho sitam.

Fang Shu, who used to beat the great drum, joined a dominion located near the River
Huanghe.

[]

2. Qui pulsabat parva tympana, Vu nomine, ingressus est in ditionem Hanchum.

Wu, who used to beat the small drum, joined the dominion Hanzhong.1014

[]

3. Secundus, seu minor Regiae musicae Praefectus, Yam nomine: item alter qui pulsabat
instrumenta lapidea, Siam nomine (eratque idem ipsiusmet Confucii Magister in musicis)
ingressus est in mare, id est, insulas vicini maris.

Yang, who was the second or minor prefect of royal music, as well as Xiang, who
used to beat the stone (he was also the teacher of Confucius in music), went overseas,
that is, to small islands in the neighboring sea.

1013 There is a reference to music in Lunyu 3.3.

1014 Hanzhong is a city in Shaanxi province, along the Han River.

380
[18.10
]

Cheucum inter Principes Sinicos fam sapientiae vix ulli secundus, alloquens filium suum Pekin
regni Lu satrapam jam creatum, eque propediem profecturum praeceptis maxim necessariis
praemuniens sic aiebat: Vir princeps ac sapiens non aspernatur abjicitve suos consanguineos et
affines; Non reddit idem praecipuos administros Regni sui alienos ab se, justae offensionis odiique
causam praebens, quod eis non utatur; repente scilicet eos privans dignitate su; vel ob exigua
quaepiam peccata, vel cert nulla eis facti sui, et poenae tam gravis dat ratione; offensiones,
inquam, hujusmodi vitat prudens: Intelligit enim mal consultum iri toti corpori, cujus capiti cum
membris suis haud conveniat. Familias nobiles ac pervetustas, nisi fuerit gravis et atrox causa,
cert non abjicit; sed quotquot ex illis ad gerendam Rempublicam sunt idonei, haud cunctanter
admovet Reipublicae; qui ver idonei non sunt; suo tamen censu propter majorum merita potiri
sinit. Sapiens Rex non hoc exigit, ut omnia praesto sint in uno eodemque homine; sed onera
cujusque viribus prudenter accommodans, suos haud secus ac vasa tractat, alios ex aliis usus
pro singulorum capacitate petens.

Among the Chinese rulers, Zhou Gong was second to no one in the fame of wisdom.
Talking to his son Boqin, who had been appointed as a governor for Lu, Zhou Gong
gave him, just before he departed, some much-needed advice: A wise ruler does not
despise and debase the people with whom he is related to by blood or marriage.
Similarly, he does not dismiss the most important ministers, making them hostile
toward him, and creating a case of a just offense and hate by not hiring them. This is
to say, the ruler does not suddenly strip ministers of their ranks, either because of a
small mistake, or without giving them any reason about his decision for such a harsh
punishment. A prudent man avoids such humiliations; he understands that it would be
bad to walk with a body whose head does not agree with its members. Except in the
case of a serious and terrible crime, he certainly does not debase the noble and ancient
families. But, when any of them are suited to the management of the public good, he
does not hesitate to promote them in the country. He allows those who are not suited
to exercise a certain power, taking into consideration the merits of their ancestors. The
wise king does not require the same qualities in every individual. He prudently adjusts
the burdens according to the talents of the individuals. He handles his people like
tools, investigating one after another for each mans specific ability.

Extant in annalibus alia ejusdem Principis praecepta, quibus instruit eundem filium suum; ut
ferat magno animo obmurmurationes suorum, et obtrectationes; et seri circumspiciat seipsum,
ac disquirat, an eis causam fort praebuerit; detque operam ut aequitate su, patientique, et
vitae imprimis innocenti, quamvis infestos animos mal de se loquentium mitiget, sibique
obstringat. Ut item constitutus in illo fastigio, summopere sibi caveat ab elatione animi, et fastu,
et vanitate; sibique ipse vigilanter attendat, non sui tantm caus, sed totius satrapiae, cujus
caput sit. Vehementiores denique stimulos suo ipsius exemplo subditurus; scis, inquit, fili mi,
quod ego Ven Vam Regis sum filius, quod idem Vu Vam Imperatoris frater, quod patruus ac tutor
Chimtam Imperatoris: et tamen cum talis sim ac tantus, non dubitavi ter uno die ex balneo, ubi
fort corpus curabam, prosilire, soluto etiamnum capillo, et inter eandem refectionem ter ad
signum quod dabatur, mensa surrexi, [139] non alia de causa, qum ut meorum vel querelis vel
postulatis aures praeberem.

In the annals of this prince, there are other precepts by which Zhou Gong was
preparing his son. He should pay attention to the murmurs in protest and the
disparagements of the people around him. He should examine himself and investigate
whether he provided them with such an occasion for them. He should make such

381
efforts that, by his fairness, patience, and, most importantly, by his innocence of life,
he could alleviate the hostile feelings of those who were talking badly about him, and
he could win them over. Being established on such a summit, he should especially
avoid exaltation, arrogance, and vanity. He should pay attention to himself, not only
because of himself but also because of the whole region of which he is the head.
Finally, by his own example, he should supply more efficient motivations. As he said:
You know, my son, that I am the son of Wen Wang, the brother of Emperor Wu Wang,
as well as the uncle and tutor of Cheng Wang.1015 Even though I am such a man, I did
not hesitate to leave the bathroom three times in a single day, with my hair still
untied, and also to leave the table three times, for no other reason than having
received a message that people wanted me to hear their complaints and requests.1016

[18.11 ]

p. 2, 1. Imperatoria domus familiaque Cheu, quo tempore potiebatur rerum, eratque

florentissima, habuit octo sapientes, omnes fratres, nec mod germanos, sed etiam gemellos,
quos mater quaterno scilicet partu, et eo ordine, quo hic geminis singuli literis nominantur,
enixa fuit: Quodque vehementer auget miraculi hujus raritatem; dicuntur omnes omnino iis
instructi fuisse naturae dotibus, e gravitate morum, et integritate vitae, ut inter sapientes
aetatis suae, facile censerentur Principes. Si nimirum res habet; quotiescumque caelum
pacandis et instaurandis Imperii rebus Reges submittit ac Principes; adjutores etiam
Principum, qui horum conatus, industri, virtute, sapientique juvent, benign submittit:
Nomina dictorum sapientum: Peta, Pequo, Chumto, Chumho, Xoye, Xohia, Kisui, Kiva.

When the imperial family and Zhou dominated at its peak and was very prosperous, it
had eight wise people, not only brothers but even twins. The mother had four
deliveries, giving birth in the same order that the twins are named. There is something
else which increases the rarity of the miracle: all of them are said to have been
equipped with gifts of nature, a high morality, and an irreproachable life, so that
among the wise people of their time they were easily considered to be the wisest. If it
works well, heaven at all times entrusts rulers and kings with the affairs of pacifying
and renewing the empire. Also, heaven kindly gives some assistants to the rulers who
support their efforts with diligence, virtue, and wisdom. The names of those
aforementioned wise people are: Boda and Boshi, Zhongtu and Zhonghu, Shuye and
Shuxia, Jisui and Jigua.1017

1015 The Latin text indicates wrongly Chengtang instead. I have made the correction.
1016 The quote comes from a passage of the Lu Zhou Gong shijia in the Shiji:

.
1017 Zhang asks rhetorically if it is by pure chance that those eight brothers were born. He states that
heaven produces talented people for the ruler, but it is the rulers responsibility to raise them in office
and to use them or not (, 296). The Jesuits were very
sensitive to this providence of heaven, or God, to support the political order.

382
 Libri tertii pars decima
Tenth Part of the Third Book

[Chapter 19]

[19.1 ]

Fol. 1, p. 1, paragraph 1. Discipulus u cham aiebat: Vir gravis ac sapiens videns grave periculum
regni, familiaeque Regiae, sine ulla cunctatione exponit vitam pro salute public Idem ver
videns lucri occasionem, secum prius ipse reputat, quid jus & aequitas sinat Idem sacris dans
operam, memor est venerationis ac reverentiae: denique in funere & exequiis memor est lucts &
commiserationis. Hujusmodi dignus est suo sapientis nomine, nec aliud requiritur.

The disciple Zizhang said: When a serious and wise man sees the kingdom or the
royal family in serious danger, he risks his own life without any hesitation, for the
sake of the public interest. Also, when he sees an occasion for profit, he first thinks
over what justice and fairness require. And when he makes ritual sacrifices, he is
mindful of respect and reverence. Finally, in funeral services, he is mindful of grief
and compassion. Such a man is worthy of being called wise, and nothing else is
required.1018

[19.2 ]

2. u cham aiebat: qui arripit quidem virtutem, eique dat operam, sed non ampl; sed carptim,
exili studio & conatu, exiguum (ut ita loquar) angusti pectoris vasculum afferens: Aures item, &
fidem qui praebet documentis ac disciplinis optimis; at non e cum firmitate vel constanti, qu
par erat, quolibet opinionum vento flatuve commotus vacillet ac fluctuet. Hujusmodi qui sit,
quomodo possit censeri, e quod existat ipse, accedere quidpiam huic mundo? & quomodo rursus
possit censeri, e quod non existat ipse, decedere quidpiam huic mundo?

Zizhang said: One may take hold of virtue and pay attention to it not in a broad way,
but selectively, with limited effort and enthusiasm, as if he carried the little vessel of
an anxious heart.1019 He gives his ears and trust to the best examples and instructions,
but without firmness and perseverance, as it should be, and, being moved by any wind
or breeze of opinions, he staggers and fluctuates. What has the world gained from his
mere existence? What would the world have lost if he had not existed at all?

[19.3

p. 2, 1. u hia & u cham ambo discipuli erant Confucii, celebres [140] imprimis;
opinionibus tamen & vivendi ratione discrepabant. u hia quidquid agebat, agebat perquam
seri, sedul, constanter; gradu suo, partisque opibus contentus. Contr u cham quietis &
mediocritatis impatiens ad altiora semper adspirabat. Illius ergo, cui u hia nomen erat,
discipuli quodam die instituerunt quaestionem de amiciti apud u cham. u cham
percontans ipsos ait: u hia Magister vester ecquid sentit, quid ait? Respondent illi; u hia

1018 All of this chapter is made up of sayings by the disciples of Confucius.

1019 The metaphor of the small recipient (, 297) is mentioned by Zhang.

383
Magister noster ait: Cum iis qui digni sunt amiciti, quia scilicet recti sint, synceri, amantes
discere, & tales vicissim, quibus ipse discas, conjungere qum volueris arctissimo vinculo
amicitiae: Eos ver qui non sunt digni ill, quod nec tibi possint, nec sibi velint esse utiles,
procul abs te remove. u cham haec audiens; miror, inquit, ea quae dicitis: vehementer enim
discrepant ab his, quae ipse quondam audivi; quod nempe vir sapiens studios colit
sapientes, & amplissimo quodam charitatis sinu admittit reliquos omnes, & benign
complectitur: exornat & extollit eos qui egregiis sunt instructi dotibus, & miseratur
imbecilles, quos erigit jacentes, & consilio opibusque sustentat ac roborat. Qualescumque
ergo sint alii, & qualiscumque sim ego ipse; neminem unquam velim repellere. Ego fort
sum magnus sapiens? De hominibus ecquis erit quem non admittam & complectar? Ego
contr non sum unus de sapientibus; sed vulgo homo rudis ac tenuis? tunc cert alii facil,
nec injuri repulsuri sunt me, & neglecturi: quorsum igitur illa repulsio mea aliorum
hominum? qu fronte, qui ipse despicabilis sim, despicatui quemquam habeam?

Both Zixia and Zizhang were Confuciuss disciples, and they were quite famous. Yet,
they diverged in their opinions and methods of conducting life. Whatever Zixia did,
he did so very seriously, carefully, and steadily. He was satisfied with his own position
and his share of wealth. On the contrary, Zizhang was impatient with immobility and
mediocrity, always aspiring for higher things. One day, the disciples of Zixia asked
Zizhang a question about friendship,1020 and so Zizhang inquired: What does your
own master think about it; what does he say? They answered: Our master Zixia
said: Come to know those who are worthy of friendship, since they are indeed
upright, sincere, and caring; form friendships with people you know like this, as much
as you want the bond of friendship to be the strongest. But those who are not worthy
of friendship, since they cannot be, or do not want to be of any good to you, keep
them away. After Zizhang heard this, he said: I am surprised by what you say since
this completely differs from what I heard before. Certainly, a wise man eagerly
cultivates wise people, yet he kindly receives and embraces all the others in the
broadest bosom of love.1021 He honors and promotes all those who are endowed with
remarkable qualities, yet he feels compassion for the weak people, lifting up those
who are laying down, sustaining and strengthening them with advice and resources.
Since others may be like this and I myself may be like this, I never wish to reject
anyone. Am I myself very wise? In that case, is there anyone who I shall not receive
and embrace? On the contrary, am I unwise, feeble, and rough? In that case, some
people will, very easily and without any difficulty, reject me and ignore me, and thus
what is the reason for me to reject others? If I am so despicable, how could I dare to
despise others?1022

[19.4 ]

2. u hia discipulus ait: Quamvis exilis ars atque ratio ad res maxim vulgares & exiles
ex.gr. Agriculturam & exercitationes mechanicas accommodata, omnino tamen habet
spectabile quid & dignum quod observes & discas. At si extendere volueris eamdem deinde
exilitatem & accommodare ad res sublimes & remotas vulgo, ex.gr. Administrationem
Imperii, familiaeque Regiae; vereor ne tunc protins velut in luto haereas, nec quidquam
proficias. Quocirca vir sapiens idemque gerendae Reipub. jam admotus non tractat res

1020 In fact, the word jiao is broader than friendship and means human relationships.
1021 The expression the broadest bosom of love in the Jesuit translation-commentary has no Chinese
equivalent in the Lunyu or the Chinese commentaries.
1022 In the text of the Lunyu as well as in Zhangs commentary, one asks himself if he is wise or not. In
the Jesuit text, the questioning has changed: one asks himself whether he may be unwise, feeble, rough,
and despicable. There is the overlay here of a the Christian self-accusationidea of human nature having
been spoiled following the original sin [AU: Please elaborate on previous sentence, I dont understand].

384
hujusmodi.

The disciple Zixia said: Even a simple technique and method for very common
things and lowly occupations, like agriculture or the discipline of engineering, 1023 has
something respectable and worthy for you to examine and study. But if you wish to
expand a narrow technique and adjust it to things more sublime and remote from the
masses, like the imperial administration and the royal court, then I fear that you may
be in trouble and will not make progress. Therefore, even if a wise man is promoted to
manage a country, he does not touch these kinds of occupations.

[19.5 ]

Fol. 2, p. 1, 1. u hia ait: Vir in dies diligenter exquirens, ac prob intelligens sibi quid desit:
Similiter singulis mensibus memoriam refricans eorum, quae didicit, adeoque nihil obliviscens
eorum quae ipse semel percepit, potest dici Philosophus: nec amplius requiritur.

Zixia said: A man diligently searching, day after day, and honestly understanding his
shortcomings by himself, similarly keeping in memory what he has learned month
after month, finally never forgetting the things that he once gained, he can be
considered a philosopher. Nothing else is required.1024

[19.6 ]

2. u hia ait: Improbo quodam discendi studio complecti scientias omnes, & firmam, synceram,
integramque voluntatem afferre: Ad haec, ubi dubii quid oritur, diligenter & accurat consulere
peritos, ac denique apud animum suum intim perpendere seu ruminari [141] arcanas solidasque
veritates: quis non videt quod ipsa virtus jam inest his ipsis exquirendae virtutis conatibus,
maxim cum quod exquiritur, exquirentis animo sit innatum, caelitusque impressum?

Zixia said: Embrace all the disciplines through a shameless pursuit of learning and
maintain a firm, sincere, and absolute will. Besides these, when something dubious
arises, consult the experts with diligence and care. Finally, carefully assess your own
soul and chew over hidden and solid truths. Who does not see that this virtue is
already present amid the efforts of searching for virtue? Who is blind to the fact that
what is strongly searched for is in fact innate and impressed from heaven onto the
soul of the one who searches?1025

[19.7 ]

3. u hia ait: Omnes artifices, & mechanici, degunt in suo quisque foro, ut hc ratione utiliter &
commod perficiant suum opus. Similiter Philosophus in virtutis ac sapientiae schol constitutus,
assidu studet ac discit, ut perficiat suam illam, cui totus vacat, virtutem; artifici quamvis ignobili
merit postponendus, si propter inconstantiam inertiamve non perficiat suum opus.

Zixia said: All the artisans and mechanics live in their workshops so they can

1023 Zhu (188) specifically mentions agriculture. Zhang has the more general expression of a hundred
of crafts (baigongjishu , 299).
1024 As in Lunyu 1.14 and 8.13, Philosopher translates quite adequately the Chinese term of haoxue,
love of study.
1025 The last sentence expresses Ren in Neo-Confucian terms. However, while Zhu (189) and Zhang
(300) insist on the quest of the Ren not being external to the mind-heart (xin ), the Jesuits added here
the idea that what is searched for is impressed from heaven.

385
accomplish their work with greater efficiency and easiness. Similarly, a philosopher,
settled in the school of virtue and wisdom, studies and learns constantly so that he can
accomplish his own virtue to which he devotes everything. If he does not accomplish
his work because of inconstancy and laziness, he should be rightly placed after an
artisan, regardless of that persons status.1026

[19.8 ]

p. 2, 1. u hia ait: Stulti improbique quod peccatum est, haud dubi recti
honestique fucata specie cohonestant; qu licentis scilicet, ac magis impun in
eodem persistant.

Zixia said: For sure, fFoolish and dishonest people turn something wrong into
something respectable under the paint of rightness and honesty. This way they persist
more freely and unpunished.

[19.9 ]

2. u hia ait: Vir probus ac sapiens, cum sui semper sit similis, habet tamen, seu veris, habere
aliis videtur tres mutationes. Eminus eum contemplantibus admodm gravis ac severi est
instar, sic ut arceat ipsos quodammodo species illa ab accessu propiori: Fidenter interim
propisque accedentibus talis apparet illic qualis rever est, facilis, affabilis, benignus;
audientibus ver deinde ipsius sermones, adeo rectos, & ab omni fuco, falsique specie tam
alienos, jam rursus severus, non nihil, rigidusque apparet.

Zixia said: Although an honest and wise man is always the same, he has, or more
exactly appears to others as having, three different aspects. For people observing him
from a distance, he looks serious and strict, so that his appearance prevents them from
coming closer. Meanwhile, for those who have confidence in approaching closer, he
immediately appears as he is, good natured, courteous, and kind. Finally, for those
who are listening to his speeches, which are indeed correct and without any faades
and lies, he again appears to be very strict and stern.

[19.10
]

3. u hia ait: Quisquis gerit Rempublicam & administer est Principis, vir sit spectatae fidei,
ac deinde fidenter quidvis oneris imponat ipsi populo. Quod si necdum vulgo famam
ejusmodi fidemque obtineat; tum si quid oneris imposuerit, populus hoc ipso censebit
divexari sese. Similiter notus jam fide tu, tum deinde fidenter moneto Principem: Audiet
is monentem, colet, diliget. At si necdum fidelis audias, quia rever talis non sis; tum
quamvis optima monentem, tamen aversabitur, & hoc ipso censebit non tam monere, qum
calumniari te illum.

Zixia said: Everyone who manages public affairs and assists the ruler should be a
man whose trust has been tested, and then afterwards he can confidently impose

1026 Both Zhu and Zhang mention that external distractions weaken the will. Here, the Sinarum
Philosophus suggests that man himself is inconstant and lazy. Also, Zhang (300) adds here the idea that
a true junzi is superior to the artisan, but may become inferior to him. It should be noted that the word
Philosopher here does not restrictively point out towardindicate Confucius [AU: Please clarify what is
mean by point out toward], but applies to a junzi in general.

386
burdens on the people. If he has not yet obtained this kind of reputation and trust from
the public, but has already imposed burdens on them, the people will think they have
been plundered. Similarly, if you are already known for your loyalty, you should
trustfully admonish the ruler. He will listen to, honor, and esteem an admonisher. But
if you are not yet seen as faithful, because in fact you are not so, then although you
would be advising the best, the ruler will turn away and think that you are not
advising him so much as rebuking him.

[19.11 ]

Fol. 3, p. 1, 1. u hia ait: In majoris momenti rebus, iis scilicet, quarum maxim praesidio
conservatur humana societas; & in quibus velut cardinibus officia quaeque majoris momenti
vertuntur, ex.gr. Filiorum officiis adversus parentes, subditorum adversus suum Principem,
neutiquam transiliamus limen, seu ordinem, modumque natur & legibus constitutum: At
in minoris momenti rebus, & quae majoribus illis famulantur quodammodo, consistere ultra
citraque limen quandoque: possumus in his, inquam, suus datur epikeiae indulgentiaeque
locus, tunc maxim, quando peccantis ruditas dissimulationem meretur ac veniam: Neque
enim hoc sensisse existimandus est discipulus, quod in eo, qui sapientis nomine glorietur,
tolerari vel naevus possit, aut ignorsse pervetustum illud aetatis priscae proverbium,
vitanda esse minima, ne maxima amittantur: cui etiam consonat praeclara libri Xu kim
sententia, [142] Pu kim si him, chum lui ta te, negligere minora tandem aliquando damno est
magni momenti rebus.

Zixia said: In matters of greater importance, that is, matters by which human society
is mostly preserved, and the axis upon which depend the most important obligations,
like the obligations of the sons towards parents, of the subordinates towards their
ruler, you should never, by any means, step over the limit or the principle established
by nature and law. But in matters of smaller importance, which are in a certain way
subordinate to greater ones, you can sometimes go beyond the limit. In those matters
we can give, I should say, room for epikeia and indulgence, especially when the
ignorance of the offender deserves covering-up and forgiveness. 1027 However, a
student should not think because of this that even a stain can be tolerated in a person
honored as wise, or that he could disregard the ancient proverb: The smallest
[mistakes] should be avoided, so that the greatest ones do not slip through. 1028 Some
famous words from the Shujing also agree with this: Bujin xixing, zhong lei dade,
which means: To disregard smaller matters may in the end harm matters of greater
importance.1029

[19.12
]

2. u yeu sugillans discipulos amici sui u hia quod minoris momenti rebus admodm intenti, de
cardine ipso rerum ac fundamento mins viderentur laborare, sic ait: u hia familiaris mei

1027 This sentence is in fact a commentary by the Jesuits, making a parallel with the Western notion of
epikeia. For Aristotle, epikeia involved a correction of the law in cases where circumstances were
different from those for which the law was written (see Nicomachean Ethics, 5, 10, 1137a). Following
Aristotle, Aquinas defined epikeia as a kind of higher rule for human actions (see Summa theologiae, Ia
IIae, q. 96, a. 6). On the basis of the notion of epikeia, Jesuits in Europe developed a very sophisticated
system of casuistry.
1028 The proverb in the text comes from Saint Gregory the Great: Minima peccata vitanda ne in
maiora labamur.
1029 Zhou shu, Shujing: . This quote is given by Zhang (302).

387
discipuli adolescentiores, cum officia obeunt propria suae aetatis, nempe aspergendi solum aqu,
verrendi, respondendi ultr citrque, ingrediendi, egrediendi; equidem satis ben obeunt. Sed enim
minoris momenti haec sunt, & foliorum instar, ac flosculorum: radix ver & fundamentum deest.
Qu hoc?

Ziyou blamed the disciples of his friend Zixia because they seemed to pay attention to
things of smaller importance and less to their basis and foundation: When the
younger disciples of my friend Zixia attend to the duties particular to their age, like
sprinkling water on the ground and sweeping, responding here and there, coming in
and out, certainly they do it well enough. However, these are things of smaller
importance, like leaves or little flowers. Certainly, the root and the base are missing.
Why it is like this?

[
]

3. u hia haec fort audiens ait: Proh quantum Yen Yeu (idem est qui u yeu) hc aberrat,
dum existimat me radice neglect de foliis dumtaxat laborare. Ab infimis, maximque
facilibus consult ordior; ad altiora deinde, magisque ardua facturus gradum. In sapientis
enim suos instituendi modo ac ratione ecquid deinde & secundo loco in modo dict institutione
operosis inculcetur? Omnino scilicet prudentis est Magistri diligenter exquirere, quid ferre
valeant discipulorum suorum humeri, quid ferre recusent: Quid aetas singulorum, quid
vires ingenii capiant; ac deinde singulorum facultati attemperare institutionem suam.
Quemadmodum varii generis herbae & plantae pro suis quaeque speciebus propriisque
virtutibus ab earum perito perquam apt varios ad usus distinguuntur; & deinde cum
insigni utilitate applicantur. Operam cert ludam; & me fallam, meosque, si non exploratis
primm cujusque viribus, temer quidvis docuero, & difficillima quaeque necdum maturis
importun obtrusero. Sapientis Magistri suos instituendi ratio qui potest sic ludi & illudere?
Simul complecti principium, & complecti finem seu radicem, & quidquid ex ea prognascitur,
id solius est Sancti proprium; cui scilicet un cum vitali spiritu sapientia caelits esset
infusa: cujusmodi quidem nec me in docendo, nec discipulos in discendo esse profiteor.

Zixia heard this by chance and said: How much Yan You (the same as Ziyou) is
wrong here, thinking that I take care of the leaves and neglect the root. I purposely
begin with the lowest and especially the easiest things and then I progress to higher
and more difficult things. In the way and method of a wise man educating his
disciples, what should be considered first and second? Of course, a prudent teacher
diligently seeks out what the shoulders of the disciples can carry and what they refuse
to carry, what their age is, and what mental capacities they have reached. Then he
adjusts his teaching to the abilities of each one. Similarly, various kinds of herbs and
plants are aptly differentiated according to their species and properties by an expert,
and then are used very efficiently. Certainly, I would mock my own work and deceive
myself and my disciples if I would not first check each ones ability but would
carelessly teach whatever and enforce the most difficult things to people who are
unprepared. Who can mock and ridicule in such a way the method of the wise teacher
in educating his disciples? To embrace the beginning and, at the same time, embrace
the end, or the root, and whatever is produced out of that, belongs only to a saint on

388
whom wisdom from heaven, together with a living spirit, was poured. 1030 I admit that
neither myself nor my disciples have obtained this wisdom.1031

[19.13 ]

Fol. 4, p. 1, 1. u hia ait: Admotus est quispiam rebus curisque publicis, & tamen inter has
habet affatim otii ac virium, ut studiis vacet, omnino vacet is sibi studiisque suis, & partas
opes ingenii ac prudentiae ex monumentis veterum optimisque disciplinis continenter
augeat. Rursum vacat studiis quispiam, & jam affatim facultatis ac virium adeptus est, ut
Magistratum gerat; tum nihil cunctatus Magistratum suscipiat, & privatas opes ingenii
industriaeque in communem patriae utilitatem expendat.

Zixia said: If someone has been promoted to public affairs, and yet amid these things
has enough leisure and forces himself to study, then he should absolutely devote time
to himself and to his studies and should continuously promote the works of mind and
wisdom which have been produced out of the records of the ancients and out of their
noblest disciplines. Conversely, if someone spends time studying and has already
obtained enough abilities and strengths in order to be a magistrate, then, without any
hesitation, he should hold office and use his personal resources of mind and diligence
for the common good of the country.1032

[19.14 ]

2. u yeu ait: Justa dum persolvuntur mortuis, maxim quidem parentibus; pius filiorum
luctus penitus exerat se in vehementi qudam commiseratione intimoque sensu animi
lugentis ac desiderantis [143] amissos parentes, & sistant hc filii, nec magnoper laborent,
tametsi ad luxum & apparatum aetatis nostrae, in quo saepe plus est vanitatis, qum
pietatis, copiae non suppetant.

Ziyou said: Proper funeral rituals are paid to the dead, especially to parents. The
pious grief of the sons completely expresses itself with the strong compassion and
deep feeling of a soul mourning and missing the lost parents. The sons should stop
there. They shouldnt take pains if they do not have the resources available for the
lavishness and splendor of our times, in which there is often more vanity than true
piety.1033

[19.15 ]

3. u yeu ait: Meus sodalis u cham ad perficiendas res arduas ac difficiles, habet ille
quidem & animos & facultatem; verumtamen necdum praeditus est interna solidque
virtute, ex qu tamen laus omnis veri roboris peti debet?

1030 This gloss comes from Zhang: An intelligent, wise, far-sighted, and heavenly inspired shengren
(, 303). Zhang affirmed more strongly than other commentators the influence of
heaven and so the Jesuits read in Zhangs gloss an affirmation of a divine influence upon certain
people. The Jesuits added also here the notion of a living spirit, something like the Holy Spirit. See also
Lunyu 16.9.
1031 This last sentence comes from Zhang, expressing the humility of Zixia who recognized that he
was not born with wisdom but had to practice in order to acquire it.
1032 The classical text is not very explicit, but Zhang stresses the need for officers to devote leisure
time to studies (303).
1033 The comment on refraining from lavish funerals was added by the Jesuits, who wanted to impress
the idea that the cult of the dead and of the ancestors in China was not idolatrous. See also Lunyu 3.4
and 11.10.

389
Ziyou said: My companion Zizhang has the courage and ability to accomplish
arduous and difficult things indeed. Nevertheless, he is not yet endowed with the
inner and solid virtue out of which any praise of real courage should be based.

[19.16 ]

4. em u ait: Qum magnific gravis est totius oris corporisque habitus amici mei u cham; sed
vel ide perquam difficile est un cum illo exercitare internam solidamque virtutem, sic ut vel ipse
ex aliis, vel alii vicissim ex ipso proficiant: quid enim adjumenti mutui ad interiorem animi cultum
speretur, quando magis videtur laborari de ostentatione qudam virtutis, qum de virtute ips.

Zengzi said: How noble and superb is the expression of the whole speech and body
of my friend Zizhang! However, for that reason, it is extremely difficult to practice
inner and solid virtue with him, so that he could gain something from others, or others
could gain something from him. In fact, he seems more concerned about showing off
his virtue than about true virtue itself. Therefore, what mutual help for the inner
cultivation of the mind could be hoped for?1034

[19.17 ]

p. 2, 1. em u ait: Ego quondam audivi ex Magistro meo, vulg quidem inter homines non
esse quemquam qui penits exhauriat vires animi sui in exercitio virtutis cujuspiam. Quod si
datur ejusmodi, rever datur in parentum luctu & funere.

Zengzi said: Once I heard my Master say that there is no one in the world who would
completely exhaust the powers of his mind in practicing virtue. But if this happens,
this would surely happen to someone mourning and burying his parents.

[19.18
]

2. em u ait: Ego quondam audivi ex Magistro meo, cm diceret: Mem chuam u Praefecti
Regni Lu praeclaram pietatem & obedientiam, quam in obitu parentis sui Hien u item Praefecti
luculenter est testatus, eam alius quispiam poterit etiam praestare & imitari! Hoc unum tamen
quod ipse non immutaverit patris sui Ministros ac subditos; quibus is pro officio usus fuerat; uti
etiam quod non immutaverit patris sui gubernandi rationem: Hoc, inquam, perquam difficile est
praestare.

Zengzi said: I once heard my master say: Someone may even excel and imitate this
splendid piety and obedience that Meng Zhuangzi, a prefect of Lu, has perfectly
shown at the death of his father [Meng] Xianzi, also a prefect. However, there is one
thing: he did not replace the servants and subordinates of his father, but maintained
them in their office, and he also did not change his fathers way of management. I
think this is extremely difficult to beat.

[19.19
]

1034 For Zhang, Zengzi said those words in order to correct the failure of Zizhang, wanting him to
apply his mind to the inside (, 304).

390
3. em u Confucii discipulo septem quoque fure discipuli; Mem xi Regni Lu Praefectus jusserat
unum illorum Yam fu dictum agere judicem criminum & Praefectum custodiae publicae: Consuluit
hic igitur Magistrum suum em u, qu ratione gereret injunctum sibi munus. em u respondit:
Hoc tempore superiores Magistratus, quos oporteret optimis exemplis praelucere caeteris, passim
deflexerunt propri ipsorum recte vivendi & gubernandi vi ac norm: Populus igitur quod item
aberret, quod dispergatur studiis sententiisque mal distractus, jam diu est. Si erg, dum causas &
crimina singulorum examinas, compereris ea hoc modo se habere, id est, si tibi constiterit de
natur causisque criminum, quae vulg committuntur; tum licet, qui rei sunt, non possint
non plecti, semper tamen utere commiseratione & clementi, & nequaquam laetare, quasi
placens tibi ipse (ut Colaus exponit) qui latentia miserorum crimina callid detexeris: Sed
memor esto, non omnem culpam penes ipsos esse, utpote quibus ignorantia sua, nec non
superiorum prava exempla fraudi fuerint.

Confuciuss disciple Zengzi had seven disciples. 1035 Meng, a prefect of Lu, appointed
one of them, Yang Fu, to be a judge of criminals and a prefect in charge of the
prison.1036 Therefore, this one consulted his teacher Zengzi on how to execute the duty
given to him. Zengzi answered: Today the higher magistrates, who should shine in
front of others with the noblest examples, deviate everywhere from the proper way
and norm of right living and governing. Because of this, people wandered for a long
time and, badly distracted, became scattered in their pursuits and opinions. Therefore,
when you examine the cases and crimes of individuals, you should find out real facts,
that is, you should determine the natures of and reasons for the crimes that are widely
committed. Then, you should surely punish the guilty, but always using compassion
and clemency, and by no means enjoying it. As the grand secretary explains, you
who are skillfully uncovering the hidden crimes of these wretched people, you should
not be satisfied with yourself and should remember that the entire blame does not fall
on them, but on their own ignorance as well as on the crooked examples of their
deceitful superiors.1037

Tria omnino millia criminum esse docet alibi Confucius; quibus sua pro cujusque
gravitate decreta sint supplicia. Celebris est Xun Imperatoris moderatio et clementia, qu
praesidibus populi alia atque alia dans praecepta, concludit identidem his verbis: Gue hm si
i, id est, eos, quibus poenas exigitis, miserari vos volo. De his vide postremum librum Xu
Kim sub titulo Liu hm, quem mille trecentis circiter post annis conscripsit Liu Regulus,
jussu Imperatoris Mo vam ex famili Cheu quinti, qui regnare coepit anno ante Christum
1001.

Elsewhere Confucius teaches that there are altogether three thousand crimes, and
for each of them punishments are determined according to their gravity. Emperor
Shun was famous for his moderation and clemency. When he was giving many
instructions to the governors of the nation, he repeatedly finished with these words:
Weixing xuzai, that is, I want you to pity those upon whom you enforce
punishments.1038 Please see the chapter entitled L Xing, in the last part of the
Shujing, written some 1,300 years later by the prince L, under the command of Mu
Wang, the fifth Zhou emperor, who began to rule in 1001 BC.1039

1035 This information is not given by Zhu or Zhang.

1036 This comes from Zhang (305).
1037 This translates Zhangs gloss:
, 306.
1038 Shundian, Shujing: .
1039 This refers to the chapter L Xing in the Shujing.

391
[19.20
]

Fol. 5, p. 1, 1. u cum ait: Cheu ultimi ex familia Xam Principis improbitas quamvis rever
crudelis ac libidinosi, haud fuit tamen usque ade gravis & inaudita, ut non persimilis & aliorum
extiterit: & tamen quotiescumque de graviori quopiam crimine sermo est, unus fer Cheu protins
in exemplum adducitur, & quasi reus omnium scelerum, linguis omnium hodieque vapulat, non
ali scilicet de caus, qum quod simul improbus & Imperator fuerit: hoc enim potentior fuit &
majori offendiculo ipsius improbitas, qu ipsemet sublimiori ex fastigio in vitiorum coenum se
abjecit. Idcirco vir Princeps horreat san, quamvis exiguo tempore degere in hujusmodi coeno &
sentin errorum ac pravitatum: Imperii namque totius peccata & mala, etiam illa, quorum
haudquaquam reus est, omnia tamen, non aliter ac foeces & aquae in sentinam sic in unum ipsum
conferentur & confluent; & brevissimi labem temporis, invidia saeculorum, & opprobrium
perenne (sicut isti Cheu contigit) consequetur.

Zigong said: Although Zhou [Zhou Xin], the last Shang ruler, was really cruel and
lustful, his wickedness was not serious and exceptional to the point of being different
from other rulers. Nevertheless, whenever there is a discussion about a serious crime,
Zhou is almost always given as an example, as if he was guilty of all crimes. Today,
he is denigrated inbeaten by the speeches of all, for the single reason that he was
wicked and an emperor at the same time. Indeed, he was very powerful, so his
wickedness was a greater crime, throwing him from a more elevated position into the
dirt of vices. Therefore, a ruler truly dreads living in the dirt and scum of mistakes and
vices, even for a short time, because all the evils and calamities of the empire, even
those for which he is not responsible, are brought together and attributed to him alone,
like sullied waters flowing into the scum. Indeed, even a very brief lapse can bring
about hate for ages to come and a perpetual disgrace, as happened to Zhou.

[19.21
]

2. u cum ait: Qui peccata sua emendare non laborant, ea tegere conantur, fucoque
inducere. Quocirca viri sapientis (maxim Principis) peccatum est instar solaris lunarisve
defectionis. Pecatum enim quod, nec celat ipse, & sua quoque peccantis celsitudo prodit ac
dignitas, homines universi spectant: Ejusdem similiter mutationem in melius, (quando
scilicet animadvertens ipse defectionem suam & peccatum, haud secs atque sol & luna ad
pristinum nitorem ac splendorem mox rediit) homines universi suspiciunt, & laeti
depraedicant.

Zigong said: Those who do not work on correcting their errors try to cover them by
putting dye on them.1040 A mistake by a wise man (especially by a ruler) is like a solar
or lunar eclipse. In fact, he cannot hide his mistake and, because of the height and
excellence of the one committing the mistake, all people see it. Similarly, everyone
can observe and joyfully praise a change for the better in him (when he turns away
from his defect and mistake, like the sun and moon return to their former brightness
and brilliance).1041

[19.22 ]

1040 Zhang uses the metaphor of the stain or dye, stating for example that a stain cannot be washed
away for ten thousand generations (, 306).
1041 The words in parenthesis translate Zhangs comment (307).

392
3. Regni Guei Praefectus, cui nomen Cum Sun Chao quaesivit ex u cum dicens: Chum nhi,
sive, Confucius Magister tuus, quomodo studuit?

A prefect of Wei, Gongsun Chao, asked Zigong: Zhongni or Confucius, your Master,
how did he study?

[
]

p.2, 1. u cum respondit: Ven & Vu Regum doctrina, leges, instituta, licet ipsi sexcentis fer
Annis vivere jam desierint, necdum tamen deciderunt in terram, necdum perierunt, penitusve
obliterata sunt. Etenim existunt & perseverant adhuc in homnibus, & sapientes quidem memori
retinent illorum praecipua quaeque capita. Rudiores vulgo hominum etiamnum meminerunt
illorum minutiora quaedam minorisque momenti: Sive autem magna consideres sive parva, nihil
est omnium quod non extet in conditorum nostrorum [145] Ven & Vu institutionibus. Confucius
erg quomodo non studuerit didiceritve, qui ab omnibus, ipsque ade rudi multitudine tam parva
qum magna semper discere conatus est? Item quomodo unum eundemque Magistrum
habuerit is, qui nullo non loco & tempore, & ex re qulibet fructum petiit doctrinae
sapientiaeque.

Zigong answered: Even though the kings Wen and Wu died almost six hundred years
ago,1042 their teachings, laws, and customs were not buried, have not disappeared, and
are not thoroughly forgotten. Indeed, they still exist and persist in everyone. The wise
men especially remember their most important lessons. Now, even the uneducated
masses remember some details of lesser importance. However, if you consider both
big and small affairs, there is nothing that is not recorded by the instructions of our
founders Wen and Wu. How could Confucius not study or learn, since he has always
tried to learn both great and small affairs from everyone, even from the uneducated
masses? Similarly, how would a man who has always and in every place been looking
for the fruit of learning and wisdom have only one teacher?

[19.23 ]

2. Regni Lu Praefectus Xo sun yu xo quodam die colloquens cum Praefectis aliis in aul regi,
aiebat: Confucii discipulus u cum meo quidem judicio sapientior est qum ipsemet Magister
Confucius.

Once, Shusun Wushu, a prefect of Lu, conversed with the other prefects in the royal
palace: The disciple Zigong is, in my humble opinion, wiser than his Master
Confucius himself.

[
]

3. u fo kim pe Prafectorum unus de his certiorem fecit ipsum u cum: Quibus auditis u cum
inquit, quod ad meam discipuli, & illam Magistri doctrinam sapientiamque attinet; illa plan habet
se sicut extimus aedium paries, qui totas ambitu suo complectitur: at meus quidem paries perquam
demissus altitudine su tantm pertingit ad humeros adstantium, forinsecus enim consistentibus
primo conjectu oculorum protins videntur totius doms, si quae sint, pretiosa & bona.

1042 Neither Zhu nor Zhang give the number of years. This is probably the result of Couplets work on
Chinese chronology.

393
Zifu Jingbo, one of the prefects, informed Zigong about this, who then said: Being a
student, my learning and wisdom differs from those of the Master. His teaching is like
the highest wall of a house, which includes everything. My own wall is extremely low
in height and reaches only to the shoulders of standing people: at the first glimpse,
one standing outside can immediately see the precious and pleasant things of the
entire house, if any exist.

[]

4. At ver Magistri mei paries, custos ille reconditarum opum Regiaeque Philosophiae, plurium
est orgyarum altitudine conspicuus. Si non obtineas ut illius portas ingrediaris; haud unquam
profecto videbis gentilitiae Regum aulae ornatum & venustatem, omniumque procerum &
Magistratuum splendorem, opulentiam, majestatem.

Truly, the wall of my Master, protecting those hidden riches and the royal
philosophy, is striking for his altitude of several orgyia.1043 If you do not succeed in
getting in through the door, you surely will not see the decoration and grace of the
clan hall of the ancestors, or the splendor, wealth, and majesty of all the aristocracy
and leading officials.

[]

Fol. 6, p. 1, 1. Quo mins mirandum est, qud ex hominibus aetatis nostrae, qui vel
pertingant ad ipsam portam, fort pauci sint. Praefecti igitur Vu xo sermo iste qui nihil nisi
extrinsecum in me videt, numquid quadamtenus rationi congruit?

How unsurprising that, among the people of our time, there are only a few who could
reach that gate. So, the words of the prefect Wushu, who saw nothing in me but the
outside, are they not making sense?

[19.24

2. Dictus Xo sun yu xo detrahebat Confucio: quod audiens u cum, nec ferens hominis
temeritatem, sic ait: Abstine, quaeso ab hujusmodi obtrectatione: Ne sic agas: Vincit communem
laudem sapientia Magistri nostri. Confucio nefas est obtrectare: Aliorum hominum sapientia,
collis aut mons est, qui licet ex plano contemplantibus videatur altus esse; adhuc tamen
potest transcendi. At ver Confucius, Confucii, inquam, doctrina & sapientia montes ipsos
transcendit, & propter sublimitatem suam sol est quodammodo & luna, nec est qui possit
eam transcendere vel superare. Degeneres, improbique homines licet cupiant ac nitantur
sese penits abscindere & longissim removere ab optim institutione & doctrin: ipsi tamen
quo pacto tandem damno erunt huic aetatis nostrae Soli & Lunae? Plan jam patet,
obtrectatores hujuscemodi non scire suam parvis ac magnis, imis & summis mensuram
tribuere.

1043 Zhang comments that the walls surrounding the teaching of Confucius are as high as the walls of
an imperial palace ( , 308). This is an allusion to the tradition which sees Confucius as a
hidden king, passing moral judgments on the actual kings. The Jesuits talk here about the royal
philosophy of Confucius. According to Zhu (192) and Zhang (308), seven che makes one ren .
With one che amounting to 23.1 cm, one ren amounts thus to 161.7 cm. The ancient European measure
of one orgya amounts to 185 cm.

394
Shusun Wushu continued disparaging Confucius. Zigong heard about this and could
not tolerate his harshness: Abstain, please, from such disparagements. Do not act like
that. The wisdom of our Master is winning general praise. It is wrong to belittle
Confucius. The wisdom of other peoples is like a hill or a mountain, which seems
high to people looking from a plain, yet it can be climbed over. On the contrary,
Confucius, or more exactly, his learning and wisdom, goes beyond mountains. On
account of their height, they are like the sun or the moon, and no one can reach the top
and go beyond. Although degenerate and wicked people wish and attempt to separate
themselves and move far away from the noblest instructions and education, how could
they harm the sun and moon of our times? Now it remains very clear that this kind of
disparager does not know how to distinguish small and big, the lowest and the highest
things.

[19.25 ]

3. Chin u kim quondam discipulorum Confucii, sed qui [146] doctrinae ejus sublimitatem
necdum aestimare noverat, interpellans u cum Magistri sui tantum encomiasten; equidem, inquit,
tu quando tam praeclar & sentis & loqueris de Confucio, nimi qupiam veneratione ductus
demittis te: Confucius enim quo pacto tandem te sit sapientior?

Chen Ziqin, a former disciple of Confucius who had not understood the greatness of
his teaching,1044 criticized Zigong for eulogizing his teacher: No doubt, when you
think and speak so splendidly about Confucius, you are led by an excessive
admiration and you lower yourself. In fact, how could Confucius be wiser than you?

[ ]

4. u cum hujus vel errorem vel adulationem, aequ ut alterius, contemnens; sic respondit:
Philosophus ex unico etiam verbo non raro statuitur pollere prudenti, & contrario ex unico
etiam verbo idem non rar statuitur laborare imprudenti. Omnino in verbis non oportet non esse
consideratum.

Zigong disregarded this as a mistake or flattery, or both, and answered as follows: A

philosopher can often be judged, out of a single word, as remarkable for his prudence.
Contrarily, one can often be judged, out of a single word, as lacking prudence.
Therefore, it is extremely important to be cautious with words.

[]

p. 2, 1. Sic igitur sentio, sic dico: Ad Magistrum meum (quod ad illius virtutem & doctrinam
attinet) non potest pertingi, non aliter fer ac coelum nequit per scalas conscendi, licet ejusdem
amplitudinem & ornatum suspicere possimus eminus, & cum voluptate qudam admirari.

I consider and claim that my Master (concerning his virtue and teaching) cannot be
reached, just as it is impossible to climb up to heaven with a ladder. It is only
possible to look from afar at his greatness and beauty and to admire him with some
pleasure.

1044 This remark is made by Zhu (193) and Zhang (309).

395
[
]

2. u cum jam declaraturus, non inanes fuisse laudes, quas in Confucium contulerat, ex. gr. unam
de multis, nempe suavem ejusdem efficacitatem brevibus hc expendens; Magister meus, inquit,
nactus aliquando magnam ditionem pro ipso ditionis Principe administrandam, numeros omnes
sapientis & benigni gubernatoris hoc ordine & modo explebat. Primum quidem quod vulgo dicitur
ac praecipitur gubernatoribus, erige & sustenta populum, aequa scilicet agrorum divisione, &
vigilanti industri, ne quid earum rerum quae ad victum cultumque corporis sunt necessariae,
desideretur. Confucio res administrante, protins erigebatur populus, & instar cultae segetis
succrescebat. Hunc ver in modum suppetente rerum copi, quod deinde praecipitur, verbis &
exemplis tuis ad omnem rect honestque vivendi rationem ac disciplinam manuducito & dirigito
rudem populum: Confucio dirigente idem protinus volens lubensque sequebatur, & viae quae
monstrata fuerant, constanter insistebat. Constitut ver hunc in modum optimis legibus ac
disciplinis Republic; quod deinde praecipitur, procura quietem populo; sic ut suo singuli
loco & conditione contenti, in natali solo velut in centro conquiescant: Procurabat hanc
quoque rara solertia prudentiaque Confucii. Protins itaque exteri complures finitimis
terris tam optatae quietis fam & desiderio impulsi, turmatim ventitabant. Part ver
tranquillitate public quod deinde praecipitur: permove & excita populum, & aliis industriis
aliisque studium virtutis, mutuaeque inter omnes charitatis & observantiae renova; erige
languentes, currentibus subde calcaria. Confucio quidem sic excitante suos protins vigebat
inter omnes concordia, & quae hanc comitantur, ritus, officiaque colentium amantiumque
inter se civium. Ad cumulum vero laudum istarum accedebat, quod tanti fierent animorum
motus [147] sine motu strepituve illius qui movebat; non aliter fer, qum tacita occultaque
coelorum virtus, cum plurima perficiat in terris, secretissima tamen est; & non oculos mod,
sed intellectum quoque mortalium fugit. His aliisque de causis, fuit omnino ipsius vita
perqum gloriosa; ejusdem vero mors perquam lachrymosa, communi diuturnoque luctu,
qui hanc consecutus est, restante, fuisse ipsum civibus suis haud secs ac patrem suis liberis
in honore; nec aliter fer, qum blanda mater esse solet in deliciis & amore. Quae cum ita
sint, quomodo tandem ad ipsum queat pertingi?

Next, Zigong came to declare that the praises he conferred to Confucius were not
empty. For example, among many things, he mentioned briefly here how incredibly
effective he was in public officehis wonderful effectiveness: My Master obtained a
great territory to be administered on behalf of the ruler and he fulfilled in an orderly
and methodical fashion all the aspects of a wise and benevolent administrator. First,
what is usually prescribed and entrusted to the administrators is to arouse and support
the nation, especially by the fair distribution of lands and vigilant efforts, so that the
necessary things for feeding and maintaining the body will not be lacking. While
Confucius governed, the nation immediately awoke and grew like well-cultivated
crops.1045 After material abundance had been secured through that method, Confucius
then prescribed the following. By words and deeds, you should lead and direct the
uneducated masses to the way and discipline of a good and honest life. Under the
leadership of Confucius, the people immediately followed, enthusiastic and cheerful,
and they steadily walked on the paths they had learned. After the country had been set
up in that way, by the best laws and education, this is what was instructed next.
Procure peace for the nation, so that, being satisfied with a singular place and social
status, people will only stay in their native places, as if it was the center. The
exceptional intelligence and wisdom of Confucius realized this. Soon, many
foreigners from neighboring countries, who longed for such a welcome peace, were

1045 In his comment, Zhang underlines the importance of land distribution and agriculture for
livelihood (310).

396
drawn by his success and they came one after another. After obtaining public security,
this is what was instructed next. Stir and awaken the nation, and renew the zeal for
virtue, mutual charity, and obedience through many efforts. Stimulate those who lack
vigor, and encourage those who continue to progress. When Confucius aroused his
own people, there was immediately harmony between all, and this was accompanied
by the rituals and ceremonies between citizens respecting and loving each other. The
summit of praises was reached, in that the minds [of the people] moved without the
movement or the sound of the one [Confucius] who moved [them]. This is not very
different from the silent and hidden host of heavens: while perfecting everything on
earth, it is the most secret, and this escapes not only the eyes but also the
understanding of mortal beings.1046 For these and other reasons, his whole life was
extremely glorious. His death was also extremely sorrowful, with a long period of
public mourning after his death. He has remained like a father honored by his citizens
and children, or like a good mother, delightful and loving. 1047 Because things are like
this, how could someone reach him?

Ecce quam non discessit procul terris hyperbolica laus illa et praedicatio, quae prima
fronte super nubes ac sidera videbatur efferre Confucium. Naturae limites excedere videbatur;
cum repent unius, exiguique populi, quem is sapienter ac placid gubernandum susceperat,
angustis sane terminis seipsa conclusit. Itaque nihil hc erit, opinor, quod Lectorem Europaeum,
utpote non minus candidum, quam benevolum suboffendat.

BeholdAt first glance, thisat hyperbolic praise appearsand proclamation at first

glance seemed to place Confucius above the clouds and stars, and going beyond the
limites of nature, but in fact those wordsthey do matchnot leave the earthreality,
because. wThough they seemed to go beyond natural limits, in fact, when Confucius
began to rule this unique and humble nation wisely and peacefully, the country was
enclosed into narrow boundaries. Therefore, there will be nothing here, as I suppose,
which would offend the candid and benevolent European reader.

1046 This sentence translates Zhangs comment:

,310. Host of heavens (coelorum virtus) translates tiandao
.
1047 The comparison of Confucius to a mother is not found in Zhu or Zhangs commentaries.

397
 [Chapter 20]

Fol. 7, p. 1, 1. Hoc et sequentibus paragraphis exponitur discipulis quod hi creberrim

audiverant magistro suo, quibus maxim usi sint artibus, industriisque primi Legislatores
gentis sinicae, primique conditores trium familiarum principum Hia, Xam, Cheu, quae item
voluerint esse principia et quasi fundamenta politices suae; dum alii aliis succedentes,
amplissimi res imperii non uno quidem tempore; norm tamen prop un, tam feliciter
administrrunt, et favore Caeli tam constante, ut solae tres familiae istae, cum duobus
legislatoribus Yao et Xun long diutius potitae fuerint rerum, qum novemdecim, quae
deinceps secutae sunt, usque ad annum hunc 1670. hae quippe simul omnes 1929. annos
numerant tres vero illae 2108.

The disciples explain in this paragraph and the following ones what they have
often heard from their Master, about the techniques and skills used by the first
legislators of the Chinese people, and the founders of the three dynasties of Xia,
Shang, and Zhou, since they wanted these techniques to serve as the founding
principles for and skills to be the principles and the quasi foundations of their rule.
While generations succeeded one another, they successfully managed the affairs of
this widely extended empire, for a long period of time, under one rule, and in the
constant favor of heaven. Indeed, these three dynasties alone, with the reigns of the
two legislators Yao and Shun, have been in power longer than the nineteen dynasties
which followed until this year of 1670indeed, the first three dynasties lasted for
2,108 years, and the others 1,929 years altogether.1048

Excerptae sunt, sed compendio, pleraeque harum sententiarum ex pervetusto, primaeque

authoritatis codice Xu Kim dicto, quod et styli simplicitas, propria istorum temporum satis prodit.
Xu Kim porr brevis Priscorum quorumdam Regum historia est, praeclaris eorumdem documentis
instructa. Nos autem claritatis grati exponemus ea, quae historici sunt generis, praeter morem
nostrum uberis aliquando, qum Colaus ipse, qui pleraque vel praeterivit hc tacitus, vel verbo
tantm attigit, quod intelligeret Lectori suo esse notissima.

Here, there are several excerpts from the Shujing, a very ancient book of the
highestfirst authority. The simplicity of its style, characteristic of this epoch, reveals
its antiquity. The Shujing is a short history of the ancient kings, arranged by their
famous teachings. By way of clarity, our explanations of things pertaining to history,
and contrary to our own custom, shall be more copious than those of the grand
secretary himself, who either silently omitted many things, or only said a word,
because he considered these things very well known to his readers.

Yao sinicae gentis Legislator (de quo supra saepius meminimus) et Imperator, si non
primus, cert quidem celeberrimus, coepit anno ante Christum 2357. et imperavit annis 100.
His igitur null filiorum suorum, domesticaeque gloriae habit ratione, sed unius dumtaxat
virtutis ac sapientiae, jam senior est resignaturus imperium in Xun, quem propter excellentem
pietatis, obedientiae, prudentiaeque laudem diu ant ab aratro et stiv, ad Imperii societatem
quondam evocarat, hac ipsum oratione cohortatus sic ait:

1048 On the manuscript of the BNF, it is originally written 1680, with a correction for 1670. This
shows that this part was corrected just before Couplets departure to Europe. During the final revision
in Paris, Couplet may have wished to revert to the year 1670 in order to maintain the 179 years
between the length of the first three dynasties and the length of the subsequent dynasties, since
updating the calculation would have decreased the difference and weakened somehow his argument. Or
perhaps Couplet wanted to indicate that the Jesuits had worked on this translation in 1670 while they
were in Guangzhou.

398
 As we have mentioned above many times, Yao, the legislator of the Chinese
nation, although not the first emperor, was certainly the most famous. He started to
rule in the year AD 2357, and his reign lasted for one hundred years. He did not take
into account his own sons and the prestige of the family, but the virtue and wisdom of
the person alone. Thus, he gave the empire to Shun, already advanced in age, because
of the excellence of his piety, obedience, and wisdom. Shun was summoned from the
plow handle to the possession of the empire, and admonished through the following
speech:

[20.1
]

O tu mi Xun, coelum decrevit Imperii successionem [148] existere in tu person. Cum fide fac
apprehendas teneasque ipsum medium. Quatuor maria si laborent egestate & inopia; coeli
census in perpetuum desinent.

My dear Shun, heaven decreed that the succession of the empire should reside in
your hands. With trust, hold onto it and keep to the middle. If the four seas suffer from
destitution and poverty, heavenly fortune will cease forever.

Mact animis, (verba sunt Interpretis) administer et socie laborum meorum et curarum.
Adest jam tempus, ut in te unum curas omnes simul et honores resignem. Ego hoc imperium
coelo quondam suscepi, et suum quoque Prisci Reges susceperunt. At nunc ejusdem nutu tibi
defero: coelo est obsequendum: Favebit hoc tibi, si tuis ipse faveris; si consulueris, inquam,
saluti, commodis, et tranquillitati tuorum. Pondus grav est, non inficior, res imperii; curaeque
sunt infinitae. Sua tamen singularum propria quaedam ratio et convenientia est, quam medium
vocamus, excesss omnis defectsque impatiens. Hoc igitur tene: Ad hujus trutinam expende,
et exige res omnes; si te tuosque vis esse beatos et florentes. Quod si neglexeris consilium
meum, et media, quam dixi, via discesseris; ingruent procul dubio calamitates aliae ex aliis;
et omnis haec regio, quae intra quatuor maria continetur, fame et inopia rerum divexata,
peccati tui poenas dabit. Verum jam nunc ego tibi denuntio, daturum te quoque, et quidem
gravissimas; atque adeo dignitate caelits collat in perpetuum spoliatum iri.

Here are the words of the interpreter [Zhang Juzheng]. [Yao would have said]:
Courage, [Shun], my assistant and collaborator in my works and responsibilities. It
is time now that I transmit to you alone all my responsibilities and functions. In the
past, I received power from heaven, as the ancient kings did. But now I am
transmitting the power to you. We should obey heaven. If you favor your people, if
you look after the prosperity, benefits, and peace of your people, then heaven shall
favor you. I do not deny that the burden is heavy, and that the affairs and
responsibilities of the state are endless. The proper principle and arrangement for
each single affair, which we call the middle, cannot accept any excess and defect.
Therefore, keep to the middle. If you want yourself and your people to be happy and
to flourish, weigh and examine everything in the balance. But, if you neglect my
counsel and deviate from the middle that I taught, disasters will certainly follow one
after another, and all the area contained within the four seas will be ravaged by
hunger and destitution in punishment for your sin. Now I am telling you that
something real, and even more terrible, will be sent to you, and that you would be

399
deprived forever of the dignity bestowed by heaven.1049

[]

Xun quoque verbis hujuscemodi ultima dedit praecepta Yu, successori suo, in quem similiter
resignavit Imperium, postquam id per annos quinquaginta feliciter solus administrrat.

After having successfully managed the empire alone for fifty years, Shun handed it
over to his successor Yu, and also gave some final lessons with similar words.1050

Erat et ipsi filius; neglexit tamen exemplo decessoris sui, et praecellenti sapientiae,
maximisque meritis ipsius Yu, qui ingentes aquarum eluviones derivrat in mare, Imperium
deberi censuit. Yu porr tametsi vestigiis amborum insistens, neglecto similiter filio, imperium
destinsset Regulo Ye, sapientiae fam tunc celeberrimo: quoniam tamen ad merita patris,
virtus quoque ipsius filii imperio rever digni accedebat; hunc, ubi vivere desiit pater, omnino
et populus et proceres imperare voluerunt: Ex quo cum dignitas Imperatoria ad filios deinde ac
nepotes transierit; ipsi Yu tribuitur conditoris nomen; conditoris, inquam, primae familiae
Imperialium Hia dictae: quae spatio annorum 458. numeravit Imperatores 17. ordine
succedentes:

Shun had a son, but he followed the example of his predecessor, disregarded his
son, and determined that the empire should be bestowed on Yu, a man of
extraordinary wisdom and great merits, who had diverted huge inundations floodings
into the sea. Yu also wanted to follow the steps of the two [Yao and Shun], and
similarly disregard his son to give the power to the prince Ye, who was at that time
very famous for his reputed wisdom. However, the son [of Yu] was worthy of the
empire and his virtue approached the merits of his father, and also, the people and the
court officials wanted him to rule after his father died. And so, from then on, the
imperial title has been transferred to sons and grandsons. Yu received the title of
founder of the Xia, the first imperial dynasty. In a period of 458 years, this dynasty
counted seventeen emperors:1051

Omnibus silentio praeteritis, agitur sequenti paragrapho de Chim tam, conditore ac Principe
familiae Xam, imperiales inter Familias secundae. Sed antequam textum prosequamur juvat hc
praemittere, quae de ultimo praecedentis familiae Imperatore Kie dicto in libro Regum seu Xu
Kim referuntur: sic enim ea quae in textu nostro afferentur, melius intelligentur. Maxim illustris
est locus de impio Kie Principe quem affert Imperii primas atque Vu vam Imperatoris frater
Cheu cum in oratione ad eundem habit ubi sic ait:

We pass many things silently, but in the following paragraph, there is the
question of Chengtang, the founder and ruler of the Shang dynasty, the second

1049 This translates the comment by Zhang: !

, 311. The source text is Yushu , Shujing.

1050 The Shujing did not preserve the words of the emperor Yao to Shun, but the tradition is that the
emperor Shun pronounced the same words to his successor Yu, as they are recorded in the Yushu.
See Zhang (311).
1051 Couplet mentioned in his chronological tables the same number of 458 years for the length of the
Xia dynasty.

400
imperial dynasty. Before we follow the text [of the Lunyu], it may be helpful here to
mention what the Book of Kings, or the Shujing, says about Jie, the last emperor of
the preceding dynasty [Xia].1052 If indeed these things are explained in our text, they
will be more easily understood. There is a very famous passage about the impious
ruler Jie that Zhou Gong, the brother of Emperor Wu Wang, used at the beginning of
the new dynasty in a speech addressed to Wu Wang:

Audivi priscorum effatum quod sic habet: supremus coeli Imperator, dum dirigit homines
placid & quiet, non facit hoc per receptionem alicujus corporeae, sed cor hominis recipit
quietam [149] illam placidamque directionem, adeoque ferventer & sine interruptione operatur.
Atque haec supremi coeli Imperatoris interna directio, cum sit coelitus & aequaliter omnibus
indita, quo pacto rex Kie ab e excipi poterat? Sed enim rex Kie sepeliverat, (hoc est
pessumdederat) naturalem illam cordis bonitatem, neque ipsemet per se voluit sequi tacitam illam
placidamque coelestis Imperatoris directionem, nihilominus supremus Imperator serio verque
illum dirigebat, sed Rex Kie ver constanterque illam subterfugiebat respuebatque: Attamen
supremus Imperator adhuc illum respiciebat & necdum illum se rejiciebat penits, sed in illum
calamitates immittebat & prodigia, ut suum illi manifestaret consilium & intentionem, sic quidem
ut fragore quodam & veluti tonitru percelleret Regem Kie (ut ita resipisceret) sed Rex Kie,
nequaquam noverat pertimescere aut percelli, neque voluit reverenter uti supremi Imperatoris
voluntate ac favore, sed in scelera & luxus effraenis ruebat: & quamvis subinde verba quaedam
insultantia & illusoria (aut ut alii) simulata aut resipiscentis instar verba depromeret; tamen
coelum hujusmodi verborum rationem nullam habuit, & audire, contempsit tandemque magnum
illius Imperium delevit, & ex alto demisit commeritas poenas: atque ita imperialis Hia familia
finem accepit.

I have heard the announcement of the ancients as such: When the supreme
emperor of heaven peacefully and quietly directs people, he does not do so by
receiving something material, but the human heart receives this peaceful and quiet
direction and functions actively, without interruption. Since this inner direction of the
supreme emperor of heaven is equally given to all, how could King Jie be detached
from it? Indeed, King Jie buried (meaning he destroyed) the natural goodness of the
heart and did not wish for himself to follow this peaceful and quiet direction of the
heavenly emperor. Even though the supreme emperor directed him truly and seriously,
King Jie constantly refused to followand rejected his guidance. Nevertheless, the
supreme emperor cared for him and did not reject him, sending disasters and omens
upon him in order to manifest his counsels and will. And so he struck King Jie with a
noise like thunder, in order for him to recover his senses, but King Jie did not want to
comply with the will and favor of the supreme emperor, so he ran uninhibited into
crime and debauchery. He uttered insulting and mocking words, like the words of
someone having lost his senses. He did not pay attention to the words coming from
heaven and disdained to hear them. In the end, he destroyed the empire and received a
well-deserved punishment from heaven. The Xia dynasty met its end that way.1053

1052 The Shujing is called here The Book of Kings, an explicit parallel with the Bible. Even before the
French Jesuit and missionary in China Joachim Bouvet (16561730)[AU: biographical information
and dates please], the China Jesuits attempted to make connections between the Bible and the
Confucian classics. Concerning the tyrant Jie, there is a detailed presentation of him in the section of
the Sinarum Philosophus dealing with the Daxue. See Meynard, Sinarum Philosophus, 385.
1053 This translates the announcement of Zhou Gong in Numerous Regions (Duofang ),
Shujing:

401
 Ita Cheu cum juxta Ethnicorum interpretum praecipu ai xin expositionem. Urgebatur
tamen in dies populo et regulis pius Princeps Tam octogenario major, ut se suosque tam acerbo
et diuturno jugo impiissimi Regis Kie tandem exsolveret: Ipse autem, ut erat timens A supremum
Numen ejusque mandatum adeoque non audens non eidem obtemperare haerebat perplexus et
incertus quid ageret. Quare Chum hoei, aliique qui Principi consiliis erant, eum de coeli
voluntate securum reddunt B: coelo nimirum procreari populum cum affectibus suis, quibus
si non sit qui dominetur, fore ut ruinam sibi et imperio per seditiones accersat: Et ratiocinandi
quidem vim, necnon judicii et ingenii C talenta in reliquis mortalibus coelo esse: ab hoc
insuper ei gratuito D concessam animi fortitudinem ac prudentiam, qua liberare possit
imperium periculo ruinae proximae jam imminentis: proinde obtemperet E coeli voluntati:
Scire se equidem, eos, qui impie tractant spiritus F, et crudeliter populum, coelo diu non
conservari; eos vero qui venerantur G coeli leges, aeternum conservare [150] propensam erga
se coeli voluntatem: cui equidem cum se H subjicere impius Kie detrectaverit, adeoque
sceleribus scelera accumulaverit, per insignem vesaniam I volens fallere coelum, cujus erga se
favorem non defecturum temer apud populum jactet; asseratque, se, tum demum cum sol in
coelo desineret, desiturum; procul dubio coeli vindicis decreto, et ipsum jam nunc et familiam
ipsius K exitio addictam videri. Nec ignorabat scilicet, coelum non ex privato L quodam erg
familiam Xam affectu et favore, M sed virtutis dumtaxat intuitu hoc suae Familiae imperium
contulisse: unicam scilicet purissimamque virtutem esse, quae coeli tam N propensam erga se
attraheret voluntatem. Exinde victrici vindicique Familiae de parta jam pace et accepta coelo
felicitate gratulantur omnes, sed et suis vicissim gratulatur ipsa domus Regia; prorsus enim ut
matre sua infantulus ita et coelo populus O benignis oculis et aspicitur et protegitur: diu
utique beandus nisi ipsemet per nova scelera P optatos vitae annos sibi abrumpat, et accersat
calamitates: quae non aliunde scilicet, qum ab hominum sceleribus solent existere; eas enim
coelum infligit, ut Q manifestentur scelera: adeoque cum difficulter effugere quis possit ea
mala quae per R scelera sibi ultro accersit, dedamus nos virtuti oportet, nec relabamur in
peccata, praecipu cum, ut ita nos S geramus, coelum ipsum novis identidem prodigiis nos
admoneat revocetque ad frugem.

Here are the words of Zhou Gong with the explanations by the Chinese
commentators, especially Cai Chen.1054 Day after day, the people and the princes
urged the pious prince Tang [Chengtang], already eighty years old, to release himself
and the people from the yoke of Jie, this most impious ruler. Because Chengtang
feared the supreme god A and his mandate, and also because he did not dare to obey
Jie, he hesitated, and was uncertain about what to do. Thus, Zhonghui and other
princes who advised him assured Tang about the will of heaven. B Surely, heaven
created the people along with their passions; if there is no one holding power in order
to control the passions, this would lead the people to ruin the empire through
rebellions. Heaven gave the power of reason and the talents of judgment and
intelligence to all mortal beings. In addition, it gratuitously granted courage and
prudence by which the ruler could save the empire from an imminent danger. Hence,
a ruler obeys the will of heaven E. He knows for his part that heaven does not protect
those who are not respectful toward the spirits for a long time F and are cruel to
people. Those who revere the laws of heaven G, the will of heaven is inclined towards
them and protects them forever. When the impious king Jie refused to submit himself
to it H, and moreover accumulated crime after crime, then, through an extraordinary
frenzy I, he attempted to cheat heaven and rashly boasted among the people that the
favor of heaven for him would not die out. He claimed that he would only stop when
the sun stopped shining in the sky. Surely, by a decree of the ruling heaven, it appears
now that he and his dynasty were bound for destruction K. He absolutely knew that

1054 The name ai xin could correspond in pinyin to Cai Shen or Zhai Shen. This may refer to the Song
interpreter Cai Shen (1167230) who wrote a commentary of the Shujing.

402
heaven had assigned the empire to his dynasty, not out of a private love and favor for
the Shang dynasty L but in consideration of its virtue M. He knew that a unique and
pure virtue would attract the will of heaven already so inclined towards it N. After
that, the conquerors and defenders of the dynasty congratulated everyone about the
peace already acquired and the happiness received from heaven, and in turn the royal
court congratulated all his people. In the same way as a mother cares for her baby,
heaven watches with benevolent eyes and protects his people O. They should be
blessed for a long time unless they remove years of their life by committing new
crimes and P inviting disasters. These disasters happen only because of human
crimes. Heaven punishes the crimes in order to make them known Q. Moreover, since
someone escapes the evils that he has provoked through his crimes with more
difficulty, it is necessary for us to devote ourselves to virtue and not fall back into sins
in our own life, since heaven warns us with new prodigies and calls us to good
results.1055

A: Ego timeo supremum coeli Imperatorem. I myself fear the supreme emperor of heaven.1056
B: Dumtaxat coelum creat populum cum passionibus suis. Heaven creates the people according to
his dispositions.
C: Dumtaxat coelum creat ingenii talenta. Heaven creates the talents of intelligence.
D: Coelum equidem impertitur Regibus fortitudinem & prudentiam. Truly, heaven bestows
courage and prudence upon rulers.
E: Venerabundus obtempera coeli mandato ac voluntati. Obey religiously the mandate and will of
heaven.
F: Eum, qui indign tractat spiritus & crudeliter populum Regale, coelum non conservat.
Heaven does not protect the one who is not respectful toward the spirits and is cruel to the people.
G: Qui adoraverit & coluerit coeli legem, aeternum conservabit coeli voluntatem erga se (ait ut
alii) coelitus collatum imperium. The one who would have honored and cherished the law of
heaven, he will conserve for himself and forever the will of heaven, and as others say, the empire
received from heaven.
H: Supremum coelum fideliter juvat subditum populum: impius ver homo ille (Rex Kie)
excussit se subjectionem. The supreme heaven faithfully helps his subjects. But this impious
man, the king Jie, rejected the subjection.
I: Familiae Hia sunt multa scelera. Coelum jubet ut extinguatur. There were many crimes of the
Xia dynasty. Heaven orders it to be destroyed.
K: Familiae Hia Rex Kie patravit scelera fraudulenter illudens supremo coelo. The king Jie of the
dynasty Xia committed crimes, dishonestly mocking the supreme heaven.
L: Dumtaxat coelum non amat privatim: at eos qui coelum debit colunt, dumtaxat amat. Heaven
has no personal affections, but he likes those who duly respect him.
M: Non est quod coelum privatim faverit huic meae familiae Xam: dumtaxat coelum adjuvat
habentes puram virtutem. This is not because heaven favored my own family, but because heaven
helps those with a pure virtue.
N: Qui possident unicam & puram virtutem, possunt in se recipere coeli cor ac voluntatem; &
obtinere coeli perspicuum mandatum. Whoever possess the unique and pure virtue can receive in
himself the heart and will of heaven, and obtain the bright mandate of heaven.
O: Regale coelum amanter aspicit ac protegit eos qui sunt Familiae Xam. A kingly heaven
watches and protects with love those who belong to the Shang dynasty.
P: Omnino coelum contemplatur subditum populum: ex iis quos indulget, annis, alii sunt aeterni,

1055 The original speech of Zhou Gong is found in Numerous Regions , Shujing:

.
1056 All these sentences are literal translations of the Chinese commentary, used as a support for the
quote from the Shujing.

403
alii sunt non aeterni; at non est quod coelum abbreviaverit annos populo, sed populum inter sunt
qui per sua scilicet scelera abruperunt sibi vitam. Heaven contemplates altogether his subjects.
Out of those whom he gratifies, some are eternal and others are not. But it is not that heaven has
shortened some years for the people, but that some have removed life from themselves by their
own crimes.
Q: Coeli ratio ac lex est beare probos pessumdare improbos: ideo immisit calamitates in familiam
Hia, ut palam Orbi faceret ejus scelera. The way and law of heaven are to bless the honest people
and to ruin the dishonest people. Heaven sent disasters upon the Xia dynasty so that their crime
may be known all over the earth.
R: Quas coelum infert calamitates potest quis effugere: at, quas per sua scelera sibi quis
fabricat calamitates, non potest evadere. Who can escape the disasters brought by heaven? The
one who provokes disasters through his own crimes cannot escape.
S: Si populus non sequatur virtutem; nec subjiciat se correctioni scelerum, coelum utique per
portenta eum rever admonet ut rectificet suum animum. If the people do not follow virtue, they
will not submit themselves to the punishment of crimes, and certainly heaven warns them through
signs in order for them to rectify their mind.

Tam ergo Princeps postquam debellavit impium Kie, postremum familiae Hia Imperatorem
profugum in Nanchao (ubi post triannium exul [151] obiit). Maximo consensu studioque populi et
satraparum coactus imperium suscipere; jamque rediens ad aulam Po in Ho nan Provinci sitam,
ibi frequentissimis in comitiis, maximeque celebribus Imperii totius et universo populo orationem
(Tam cao dicitur) sequentem pronunciavit, qu facti sui dans rationem coram supremo coelorum
Imperatore, sic primum orditur:

Then, Prince Tang [Chengtang] defeated the impious Jie, the last emperor of the
Xia dynasty, and he fled to Nanzhao (after three years of exile, he died there). Under
the general agreement of the people and the governors, Tang was pressed to take
power. Returning to his court Bo, in the province of Henan, he pronounced the
following discourse (called Tanggao), for the most important dignitaries of the whole
empire and for all the people. There, in front of the supreme emperor of heaven, he
gave the reason for his own action:

O vos omnium terrarum incolae universi clar audite, & intelligite meum unius hominis
monitum: Ex quo tandem fonte putatis profluxiffe mortalium naturam quinque virtutibus,
pietate, justitia, prudenti, fide, honestate instructam? A principio nimirum solus iste augustus
& supremus (coeli) Imperator dum procreare coepit humanum genus de caelo contulit naturam
istam, quae medii rectissima norma est, in subditum sibi populum: quod si populus suae
naturae tot donis instructae pareat, fiet ut, quae omnibus eadem indita est, perseveret
immutabilis natura: ut autem possit populus placid pacificeque vitam instituere ex ill caelesti
norma, dependet imprimis person regi quae suos assidu hortetur exemplo, doctrina,
rectaque administratione ad illius normae observationem, etc.

Inhabitants of all the lands, please listen and understand my warning. From
where, do you think, did human nature, endowed with the five virtues of piety, justice,
prudence, faith, and honesty, originate?1057 When the august and supreme emperor (of
heaven) started alone, at the beginning, to create the human race, he bestowed upon
his subjects this nature, which is the most right norm of the middle. Only if people
comply with their nature, which is endowed to all with so many gifts, then this nature
persists unchanged. But for people to be able to establish their lives quietly and
peacefully like this norm of heaven, this above all depends on the royal person who
constantly encourages his people to observe the norm, through his own example,

1057 This corresponds to the five virtues: ren , yi , zhi , xin , cheng .

404
teaching, and administrating.1058

[
]

Tandem coram coelo rationem facti sui reddens sic prosequitur: Ego parvulus Li (submissionis ac
modestiae grati infantem se dicit, annorum septem et octoginta senex; et humili domesticoque
nomine suo, Li scilicet, utitur) audeo adhibere nigri coloris hostiam taurum: (niger color proprius
erat imperatoriae hujus familiae) audeo etiam palam ac manifeste rationem dare facti mei coram
ter maximo & augustissimo caelorum Rege & Imperatore. (sive, uti Colai duo et dictionaria
Sinica exponunt) coram augustissimi caeli & complectentis omnia telluris spiritu. Graviter,
ac multis peccatum fuit contra caelum ab imperatore familiae Hia: Non ausus fui ego
condonare, seu non exigere justas poenas. Viros sapientes ac bene meritos; adeoque
caelorum supremi Imperatoris charos subditos & clientes non ausim ego occulere, & non
palm facere virtutes ipsorum ac merita; maxim quando ipsi singillatim conspicui sunt in
Imperatoris supremi corde (quae verba sit exponit Chu hi) bona & mala caelum omnia
novit, ac si ordine suo notata numerataque haberet singula peccata: prorsus sic videtur esse.
Tu si quid habes boni, jam est hoc positum in supremi imperatoris corde & animo: Ego si
quid commisero mali, hoc item residet in supremi imperatoris corde & animo.

Finally, he gave the reason for his action in front of heaven: I, the young Li (as a way
of submission and humility, he calls himself an infant of seven or eight years old and
he uses his ordinary family name), I do not dare to use a black bull as a sacrifice
(black was the color used by this dynasty). I do not dare to give a reason for my
action, publicly and openly, in front of the thrice-great and most august king and
emperor of heavens, or as two grand secretaries and one Chinese dictionary explain,
in front of the spirit of the most august heaven and of the all-encompassing earth. 1059
The emperor of the Xia dynasty committed several serious sins against heaven. I did
not dare to condemn [him] and request due punishments. 1060 But I also do not dare to
ignore wise and well-deserving men, the dear subjects and ministers of the supreme
emperor of heaven, and I should make their virtues and merits known, especially to be
seen, one by one, in the heart of the supreme emperor. 1061 As Zhu Xi explains, heaven
knows every good and evil, has every single crime recorded and counted according to
its ranking, appearing absolutely as they are. If you have something of goodness, this
is already placed in the heart and mind of the supreme emperor. If you engage in

1058 Tanggao, Shujing:

. The Latin text follows here a Song or Ming commentary, adding also the Christian
concept of creation (procreare).
1059 The Chinese text has: the twice august sovereign (Huanghuang houdi). Zhang identifies the
divinity as the heavenly emperor and the sovereign of the earth (Huangtian houtu , 311).
Here the Jesuits made an implicit reference to thrice august Hermes, or Trismegistus.
1060 In fact, the text says the opposite: I did not dare to pardon him. Perhaps the Jesuits felt that the
ultimate power of condemnation belongs to God alone, and thus they changed the meaning.
1061 Tanggao, Shujing:

405
something evil, this also settles in the heart and mind of the supreme emperor.1062

[]

(Prosequitur textus seu oratio Tam Regis) Quod si ego ipsemet, pro humana imbecillitate crimen
aliquod commiserim, jam nunc supplex obsecro & obtestor, ne fraudi sit damnove subditis; neque
habeant idcirc crimen omnes meae ditiones: Me unum scilicet, qui unus in culpa sum, supremus
Imperator plectat. Quod si quicumque ex omnibus meis ditionibus deliquerint aliquando, tum
plan haec delicta imputentur meae personae: Ea ego jam nunc unus expianda [152] suscipio: Nec
recuso poenas ullas, ut qui unus omnium maxim sum reus, quando pravo exemplo meo, & prava
administratione ansam peccandi omnibus praebui.

The text, or speech, of King Tang continues: If I commit a crime because of human
weakness, then, kneeling, I beg and implore that there may be no offense and damage
to the subjects, that all my territories be spared from the crime. The supreme emperor
should punish me, the only culprit. If anyone in all my territories commits offenses,
then the crimes should be imputed to me. Right now, I alone accept all that needs to
be atoned. I do not reject any punishment, so that a single person should surely be
liable for all, since I provided an opportunity of sinning through my bad example and
management to all.1063

Et hactenus quidem Chim tam Rex juxta Colai explanationem. Quantum vero fuerit
ejusdem Principis erga coelum seu supremum caeli Dominum religionis studium cum insigni
erga suos pietate conjunctum, hoc imprimis quod subjicere hic liceat ex annalibus exemplo
mirifice confirmavit, quod hodieque scriptis et sermonibus omnium celebrari solet, et nos
quoque voce et scriptis identidem afferimus ad politicae genti persuadendum, non indignum
fuisse divina et infinita majestate hominem fieri, et victimam spontaneam pro humani generis
salute aetern.

Up to this point, these were [the words of] King Chengtang with the explanation
of the grand secretary. How great was the religious zeal of this ruler towards heaven,
the supreme master of heaven, as well as his remarkable sense of responsibility
towards his people.1064 Please allow us here to mention other admirable examples
from the Annals, proving that Chengtang is still celebrated today by the writings and
the speeches of all. We also bring [this example] by voice and writing in order to

1062 The Lunyu mentions the heart of Di (Dixin ), which suggests that the supreme emperor has
will and feelings, and should not be reduced to an anonymous principle. The Sinarum Philosophus
explicitly selects this comment of Zhu: The examination is in the heart of Di who alone gives orders;
this means that at the beginning Chengtang asks for orders and then rejected the words of Jie (
, 193). While Zhu limits himself to this single case, the
Jesuits draw a general principle about the divinity who knows human actions and sends rewards and
punishments. This is a rare mention of Zhu in support of the Jesuit view.
1063 The Jesuits translate the text of the Lunyu with its commentary by Zhang:

, 311. Classical reference is: Tanggao,

Shujing:

.
1064 The word religion is used here.

406
convince people in politics that to become a man and a willing victim for the eternal
salvation of the human race was not unworthy of the divine and infinite majesty.1065

Per septem annos (inquit textus) praegrandis siccitas, exititit scilicet. (An fuerit fames
Aegyptiaca quam testantur sacrae litterae in universo orbe praevaluisse gen. 41. Chronologis
discutiendum relinquimus) Is qui Aftronomicae rei praefectus erat, significat Regi, non jam
vitulorum aut ovium sanguine (ut moris erat) sed humano dumtaxat placari caelum oportere, si
quidem tantis malis remedium ultimum quaereretur. Cui Rex: Ego, inquit, caelum deprecari volo
pro meorum salute & vita: Quod si hanc ipsis adimens humanum effundam sanguinem, utique jam
mihi ipse adversabor: Quin potis, ut saluti meorum consulatur, ego unus sim victima. Nec mora:
sacrificium sui caelo facturus pris in secretiorem locum, de more, sese abdens per triduum
jejunat; ac dein venerandam capitis sui canitiem nonagenario jam major, & una barbam radi,
atqui ungues praescindi jubet, summi scilicet lucts indicia: Ad currum deinde bigas albi coloris
(lugentium is est) jungi imperat: ipse ovinis indutus pellibus currum conscendit; totaque aula pari
cum luctu comitante ad locum Sam Lin (hoc est, mororum sylvam dictum) contendit: Hc pro
salute sui populi & imperii, coelo futurus victima, collem subit; subit autem, quo victimae
videatur similior, manibus pedibusque reptans (ut aliqui scribunt) hinc sublatis in caelum oculis
supplex idem precatur, ne ob suos unius in regendo defectus, populi totius salus & vita in
discrimen veniat: Exinde sibi uni quidquid fort peccatum fuerit adscripturus, & ad quasvis
paratus poenas, de sex rebus praecipu (quae 24. litteris continentur) ex caelo quaesivit. 1. An
fort sua gubernandi ratio careret debita moderatione & aequitate? 2. An suo deessent officio
subduti? 3. An sumptus in Palatium & rerum ad hoc spectantium essent immodici? 4. An
faeminis gynecaei sui luxu vestium & modestiae neglectu peccaretur? 5: An munera in judiciis,
an item fraus & avaritia in commerciis regnarent? 6. An in Festis & Cantibus detractioni cuipiam
aut morum corruptelae daretur ansa? Memorant autem Scriptores omnes rem san dignam
admiratione; fari scilicet vix desiisse pium Principem, [153] cm repente magnus coelo imber
decidit, qui quidquid erat Sinici Soli per aliquot leucarum millia (Sinicarum intellige) largissim
rigarit: quam pluviam magna deinde fertilitas mox consecuta sit. Porr de hoc tam memorabili &
optato successu musicam instituit ipse Rex Ta hoe dictam, quod idem sonat ac magna protectio,
seu magnum quid coelo videlicet obtentum.

There was an exceptional drought for seven years (we leave here the question of
whether the famine in Egypt, mentioned in the Scriptures, had prevailed all over the
world; this will be discussed on p. 41 of the Chronological Genealogies).1066 The
person in charge of astronomy told the king that heaven should be placated, not by
the blood of calves or sheep, as was the custom, but by human blood, if an absolute
remedy to so many evils was to be obtained. The king answered him: I myself want to
pray to heaven for the salvation and life of my people. If I take away life from them
and shed human blood, I shall be in complete opposition with myself. I myself would
rather be the only victim so that this may account for the salvation of my people. No
time to lose. In order for him to make a sacrifice in a secret place, he went into
hiding and fasted for three days according to custom. He was already ninety years old
and ordered that his respected white hairs, his beard, and his nails should be cut, as
evidence of his deepest grief. Then, he commanded that two white horses (this is the
color of people in grief) be attached together to a chariot. He climbed into the
chariot, clothed with sheepskins. With the whole court, like in a funeral procession, he
traveled to a place called Sanglin, the forest of mulberry. He was the victim to be
offered to heaven for the sake of the people and the empire. He climbed the mountain
and, as he was climbing, looked very similar to a victim, crawling on his hands and
feet. Kneeling with his eyes lifted to heaven, he prayed for his people that, since he

1065 The Latin text suggests a parallel between Chengtang, the good king sacrificing himself, and Jesus
Christ.
1066 This refers to the Chronological Tables added by Couplet at the end of the Sinarum
Philosophus.

407
alone had failed in his ruling, the salvation and life of the entire population may not
be in danger. Then, he requested that to himself alone should be ascribed whatever
sin there might perhaps be and that he was ready for any punishment from heaven for
six things in particular (each consisting of twenty-four letters): (1) Whether his way
of governing had lacked the due moderation and fairness; (2) Whether his subjects
had neglected their offices; (3) Whether the spending at the court and in the shows
was immoderate; (4) Whether the womens apartments had sinned by luxury in cloths
or neglected in modesty; (5) Whether the bribes had influenced court decisions, and
whether cheating and greed had influenced commercial transactions; (6) Whether
there was an occasion of slandering or moral perversion in the feasts and songs.
Here, all the writers record something worthy of admiration. Having barely finished
speaking, a heavy rain suddenly fell from the sky and irrigated everything on the
Chinese soil throughout one thousand li. After that rain, there was great fertility. 1067
The king created a piece of music called Taihuo about this memorable and welcomed
success, and this music appears like a great protection, something great obtained
from heaven.

Contigerunt haec cycli 16. Anno 38. hoc est, anno ante Christi aeram 1756. Imperantis ver
Chim tam anno septimo, aetatis ver suae 94. et ante obitum septimo. Bina haec oratio tam
clementis ac pii Principis, centum annis et amplius ante Moysen et legis tabulas; tot ver ante
Christum annis coram omni populo pronuntiata et conscripta, num parum clar testatur, qum
viguerit tunc temporis in hoc ultimo Oriente natura lex, et notitia veneratioque supremi
Numinis; de cujus justiti providentique delictorum quorumvis consci tam praeclar sentit ac
loquitur iste Princeps? Eant nunc, et nihil ipsum agnovisse dicant praeter inanem mutumque
aerem aut influxum inanimem, aut coelum illud quid conversione su diem noctemque conficit,
qui putant tantum fidei tribuendum esse Atheis quibusdam et ver caecis ac infidis
interpretibus, qui imperante famili Sum ordine decim non, adeoque septingentis circiter ac
bis mille post annis, qum pronuntiata ista fuerint, corruperunt impiissimis erroribus priscam
veritatem; et luci tam candidae avernales tenebras offuderunt. Sed ad textum, unde longius
digressi sumus redeamus.

These things happened in the thirty-eighth year of the sixteenth cycle, in the year
1756 before Christ. It was in the seventh year of the rule of Emperor Chengtang,
when he was ninety-four years old, and in the seventh year before his death. This
twofold oration by such a clement and conscientious king was more than one hundred
years before Moses and the tables of the Law. Indeed, this oration was pronounced
and written so many years before Christ and in front of all people. Does this not
somehow prove that the natural law and the notice and veneration of a supreme
divinity had acquired strength in the Far East at that time, and that this king felt and
talked about this justice and providence of God, which was so clearly conscious of
any crime? But now, the Chinese go beyond and they say that they have known
nothing except a hollow and mute flow of air, or a lifeless influx, or a heaven which
changes and makes day and night. This opinion should only be attributed to certain
atheists and to the blind and unfaithful interpreters under the rule of the nineteenth
dynasty of the Song. Truly, nearly some 2,700 years after the year in which these

1067 Zhang Juzheng, Dijian tushuo [Illustrated mirror for the emperor]

The original
elements of the story can be found in Yinbenji (Shiji), Shunmin (Chunqiu ) and
in Dalue (Xunzi)

408
things were pronounced, they corrupted the ancient truth with the most impious of
mistakes, and they poured over the genuine light the darkness of hell. But let us return
to the text, from which we have digressed far away.

[]

p. 2, 1. A secund famili descendit ad tertiam Cheu dictam cujus normam administrandi Imperii
copios depictam in libro Xu-Kim, paucissimis hc verbis attingit. Fundator hujus familiae suit
Vu Vam, qui imperare coepit anno ante Christum 1122. Non alia familiarum Imperialium
florentior ist fuit, sive cultum spectes, & majestatem, sive Principum & annorum numerum.
Annos cert numeravit 873. Imperatores vero 35. Princeps ergo, quem dixi, totius familiae, Vu
Vam, postquam debellato impio Cheu (cum quo tandem occidit secunda familia) suscepit
Imperium communibus populi procerumque suffragiis sibi delatum; item post vota, solemniaque
sacrificia Imperatori coelorum, reliquisque spiritibus terrarum praesidibus rite persoluta (uti
pluribus refertur in libro Xu Kim 6 & 7) Primm quidem arma omnia, machinasque bellicas
collegit ac reclusit: tum custodias & carceres pandi jussit, ac reos criminum dimitti: Omni
denique studio & industri conatus fuit opitulari populo, fame, inopia, variisque calamitatibus
laboranti: Eos interim quorum insignia quaedam extiterunt merita, maximis augens honoribus
opibusque; sic ut verissim dici queat, quod domus haec Imperatoria Cheu in exordio & fundatore
suo habuit quidem, exercuitque erga omnes omnium suarum ditionum homines magnam &
inusitatam liberalitatem & beneficentiam. At long tamen maximam [154] erga eos omnes, qui
fide, probitate, sapientiaque maxim commendabantur. Itaque optimus quisque tunc fuit
ditissimus; amplissimis, inquam, honoribus, amplissimoque censu instructus & ornatus.

After the second dynasty came the third one, the Zhou. Their norm for managing the
empire is described in detail in the Shujing, and here we shall mention it in a few
words. The founder of this dynasty, Wu Wang, began to rule in the year 1122 before
Christ. No other imperial dynasty has been more prosperous than this one in terms of
culture, political authority, or longevity. Indeed, the dynasty lasted for 873 years and
had thirty-five emperors. So Wu Wang, the first ruler as I just said, after having
defeated the impious Zhou (with him the second dynasty perished), received the
power which was bestowed on him by the common agreement of all the people and
the nobles. The prayers and solemn offerings to the heavenly emperor and to the other
spirits protecting the earth were duly performed (it is recorded in the Shujing several
times). After that, he first collected all the weapons and machines of war and
prohibited them. He ordered prisons and jails to be closed and criminals to be
released. Finally, he spent every effort and energy in bringing relief to people
suffering from hunger, destitution, and other calamities. At the same time, he exalted
the people who were outstanding because of their special merits with honors and
wealth.1068 It can be truly said that the imperial house of Zhou had and practiced, in its
beginning and through its founder, a great and uncommon generosity and kindness
towards all the people, in all the territories, and especially towards all those who were
recommended for their faith, probity, and wisdom. Thus the best man was the richest,
or as I could say, he was endowed and distinguished with the greatest honors and the
greatest wealth.

[ ]

2. Verba sunt Vu vam imperatoris: quamvis, inquit, dentur complures admodum propinqui
familiae Xam, quibus ade jure quodam stirpis Regiae, primaeque nobilitatis deberi videntur
praecipua quaeque munera & dignitates: quoniam tamen plerique eorum non sunt comparandi cum

1068 This presentation of the Zhou dynasty and of Wu Wang was written by the Jesuits.

409
aliis, iisque plurimis familia nostr Cheu spectatae fidei, probitatis, sapientiaeque viris; certum
mihi est hos, potis, quam illos adhibere consiliarios & administros rerum mearum. Instructus
autem praesidio tot optimatum, si nihilominus mihimetipse defuero, nec poenas expetivero de
impio Cheu, nec insolentiam asseclarum ejus, licentiamque, uti par est, compressero; tum cert
non unius tantm inertiae socordiaeque reus agar: Sed & multitudo subditorum meorum quicquid
peccaverit; tribuetur id uni mihi vel maxim; labesque & damna totius corporis, in meum unius
caput justissim recident.

These are the words of the emperor, Wu Wang: Several relatives of the Shang family
can be found, and it would seem that the most important functions and positions are
owed to them, by right of the royal dignity and first nobility. However, many of them
should not be treated on the same level as the people from our own Zhou family, who
are of a remarkable trust, honesty, and wisdom. I am certain it is better to employ
these [the Zhou family] and not those [the Shang family], as counselors and ministers
for my affairs. Receiving the help of the best people, if nonetheless I make a mistake,
if I do not punish the impious Zhou and do not crush the insolence and license of his
followers, then I alone shall be guilty of this failure and sluggishness. If my subjects,
many as there are, make any mistake, this should be attributed to me alone. The
disasters and injuries to the whole body should rightly fall on my head only.

[]

3. Is erg cm teneretur adeo salubri cur & metu; nec ignarus esset, quantum vitii irrepsisset in
Rempublicam; ante omnia plurimum studii vigilantiaeque posuit in ponderibus ac mensuris ad
aequitatem normamque pristinam revocandis. Examinavit item leges omnes & constitutiones,
tam eas quibus officia, ritusque & jura civium, qum quibus res, artesque Musicae
continebantur. Ad aulam quoque & dignitatem pristinam revocavit erexitque dejectos &
afflictos sub impio Cheu Praefectos Urbium & Provinciarum; atque ita renovatis &
constitutis praeclar rebus, quatuor regionum, id est, totius Imperii administratio
optatissimum cursum habuit.

Because Wu Wang was possessed by a salubrious concern and anxiety, and was not
ignorant of how much vice had crept into the commonwealth, he put great zeal and
vigilance into calling the weights and measures back to their original norm above all.
Likewise, he examined every law and constitution, not only the ones by which duties,
ceremonies, and civil laws are maintained but also the ones by which art and music
are maintained. He also called back to the court and raised the prefects of cities and
provinces who had been overthrown and deposed under the impious Zhou to their
former ranks. With the revival of the affairs, the administration of the four regions,
that is, of the whole empire, took a most welcomed direction.

[]

4. Idem restauravit extinctas ab impio Cheu satrapias, legitimisque Dominis restituit.

Revocavit ac perpetuare instituit per vetustas ac nobiles, sed jam succisas ac prop deletas
Priscorum Principium prosapias ex stirpe nobilissima Hoam ti conditoris Monarchiae
Sinicae; nec non Legistatorum, Yao scilicet, Xun & Yu, & Principibus familiae Xam proxim
praecedentis, oriundas. Quorum omnium posteros dynastiis ornatos, amplo quoque censu
locupletavit; revocatis etiam variis dignitatum titulis, Heu, Cum, Pe, Cu, Nan; hoc imprimis
agens, & vehementer optans; ut tam illustris maximorum hominum progenies non tantum
ipsa qum diutissim floreret; sed memoriam quoque majorum suorum maximo cum
splendore, & usitatis cum officiis muneribusque parentalibus rit pieque conservaret;
adeoque mortuis quoque parentibus, filiorum tamen pietas & observantia semper viveret ac

410
perennaret. Erexit praeterea admovitque gerendae Reipublicae jacentes ac latitantes viros
virtute ac [155] sapienti insignes; sed qui ultr dignitati suae renunciantes, ex superiore ill
tempestate perturbati Imperii, ad otium privatae vitae, ceu portum, cauti perfugerant. Hunc
autem in modum constitutis optim rebus Imperii totius, populus subdidit sese ultr, & ex
animo; eque promptis voluntates suas ac studia cum studiis optimi Principis omnes
conjunxere, qu felicis sibi cum illo jam convenire, ceu membris obsequentissimis cum
dilecto capite intelligebant.

Also, Wu Wang restored the protectorates destroyed by the impious Zhou, and he
gave them back to their legitimate governors and masters. He perpetually revived and
established the ancient and noble lineages of the ancient princes, coming out of the
most ancient root of Huangdi, the founder of the Chinese monarchythe lineage
which had been cut and almost destroyedand also the lineages of the legislators
Yao, Shun, and Yu, as well as the lineages descending from the princes of the
preceding dynasty. He distributed wealth to the distinguished descendants of all these
dynasties. Wu Wang also revived dignitary titles: Hou, Gong, Bo, Jue, and Nan. 1069 He
chose to conduct this vehemently so that the illustrious progeny of these men could
not only flourish as long as possible but could duly and piously conserve the memory
of their ancestors, and with the greatest splendor, obligations, and duties towards the
ancestors. Also, the piety and observances of the sons towards the dead parents could
always be maintained. Besides, he raised and moved some men remarkable for their
virtue and wisdom to the government, who had previously resigned from their
positions and cautiously fled from political uncertainty to the leisure of a private life,
like a haven. With everything in the whole empire being well established, the people
submitted themselves completely and heartily. They all quickly joined their own wills
and labors to the efforts of the best ruler. They understood they should harmonize with
him, like the most obedient members of a body harmonize with the head.1070

[ ]

Fol. 8, p. 1, 1. Ad extremum quae circa populi sui gubernationem valde cordi habuit memoratus
Imperator, & magni ponderis ac momenti esse duxit, tria fuerunt: Subditorum annona, ut semper
affatim esset earum rerum, quae vulgo sunt ad vitam sustentandam necessariae: funera &
exequiae, ut debito ritu modoque peragerentur: Parentalia denique, seu honores funebres &
solemnia quaedam fercula statis anni temporibus in memoriam defunctorum parentum ac majorum
offerri solita; quibus admonerentur filii gratae pietatis & observantiae erga parentes etiamnum
superstites, quando videbant eam erga progenitores jampridem demortuos tam accurate soliciteque
exerceri.

When the aforementioned emperor [Wu Wang] finally had the government of his
people in his heart, he concluded that there were three things of greater weight and
importance: the yearly output of the subjects in order to cover the basic necessities for
sustaining life; the funerals and obsequies to be performed according to the due rituals
and methods; and finally, the festivals and other banquets which are appointed at
different times of the year to honor deceased parents and ancestors. When the sons
watched these rituals being practiced with such precision and care towards ancestors
dead long ago, they were reminded of the piety and obedience they should show
towards their own parents who were still alive.

1069 In Chinese: . Neither Zhu nor Zhang mention those in their commentary.
1070 The metaphors of the body and the head are not Chinese, but come from the Western tradition:
Christ or the pope as being the head of the Church as a body.

411
[]

&.2 Exposit breviter e gubernandi methodo, quam tenuerant Yao & Xun duo gentis
Legislatores, necnon Yu, Tam, Vu, conditores trium familiarum Principum, penes quas per tot
saecula summum jus fuit; concludunt tandem, eos pro ratione quidem temporum aliquantulum
inter se mutuo discrepasse; verumtamen in studio et arte tuendi suos et conservandi
amplificandique Imperii, et in substanti ipsarum rerum, fuisse qum simillimos. Complectuntur
autem similitudinis hujus summam quatuor litteris, quibus totidem virtutes Regiae exprimuntur.
Sic aiunt igitur: Princeps si munificus erg suos, si magno liberalique animo fuerit, coeli instar
protegens, & complectens omnes, & telluris instar sustentans, nihil interim faciens inclementer,
avar, sordid: tum is obtinebit omnes; omnium scilicet admirationem, amores omnium, & studia,
& voluntates. Si fidem servet ac veritatem, ab omni fuco, mendacio, fraude semper alienus; tum
subditi sine ullo metu vel cunctatione innitentur ipsi, & se suaque incorruptae fidei Principis
committent. Si vigilans, impiger, sedulusque fuerit in avertendis damnis publicis, & commodis
suorum procurandis; nec quidquam unquam negligat aut contemnat; tum habebit felicem exitum &
perfectionem rerum, quascumque tandem suscipiet; amantissimis vicissim subditis, quidquid
operis publici fort Imperatum fuerit, impigr, sedul, constanter perficientibus. In exigendis
poenis & praemiis conferendis, si rectus, si aequus omnibus fuerit, nec quidquam tribuat privato
vel odio, vel amori, tum gaudebunt subditi, & aequissimo Principi omnibus in rebus alacriter ac
prompt morem gerent. Et hae quidem dictorum quinque Principum fuerunt artes, hi nervi, haec
firmamenta, quibus Imperii tanti molem tam feliciter ac diu sustentrunt. Quidquid autem folio
septimo huc usque commemoratum est discipulis Confucii, eo potissimum fine est
commemoratum, ut posteris constaret, doctrinam magistri sui, quam ipsi maxim
propagatam volebant, placitis & institutis priscorum Legislatorum Yao, Xun & Regum
minim discrepasse.

After having briefly explained the method of government used by Yao and Shun, the
two legislators of the people, and by Yu, Tang, and Wu, the founders of the first three
and long-lasting dynasties, it is said in conclusion that, 1071 even though there are
slight differences between them because of the passing of time, they were very similar
in the pursuit and art of protecting their people, and of preserving and expanding the
empire. They seize the essence of this resemblance in four sentences, expressing as
many royal virtues. And so they say: If the prince is munificent toward us, if he has a
great and generous soul, protecting and embracing everyone like heaven, supporting
like the earth, and at the same time doing nothing harshly, greedily, or stingily, then he
will obtain the admiration, affection, efforts, and wills of all. If he serves trust and
truth, always exempt from any disguise, lie, or cheating, then the subjects will lean on
him, without any fear or hesitation, and they will commit themselves and their
families to the uncorrupted trust of the prince. If he is vigilant, active, and painstaking
in diverting public harms and in providing advantages to his people, never neglecting
or despising anything, then he will obtain a happy outcome and the perfection of
whatever affair he undertakes. In turn, the most loving subjects will accomplish
actively, painstakingly, and constantly whatever public work was ordered. If the
prince is right and fair to everyone in distributing punishments and rewards, and does
not grant anything by way of personal hate or love, then the subjects will rejoice and
quickly obey the most just ruler in all things. These instructions of the five rulers are
the art, the nerves, and the foundation on which so many empires could endure so
successfully and for so long.1072 All this was reported by the disciples of Confucius
from folio n. 7 up to here [fol. 8], so that it would be clear for posterity that their
Masters teaching, which they were promoting, had diverged very little from the

1071 This translates the introductory remarks by Zhang (313).

1072 This comes from Zhangs commentary, talking about the important art (yaoshu , 313).

412
intentions and instructions of the ancient legislators Yao and Shun and of the kings.1073

[20.2

]

3. Discipulus u cham quaesivit ex Confucio dicens, qu ratione quispiam poterit rect

administrare Rempublicam, Confucius respondit: Qui magni facit quinque bona, & qui
removet quatuor mala, is poterit rect feliciterque administrare Rempublicam. u cham
rursus ait: Ecquae dicuntur illa quinque bona? Confucius respondet: Gubernator Reipublicae
beneficus sit, & tamen nihil expendat, absumatve. Subditi oneri sit, et tamen non sit odio:
Desideret, & tamen haud expetat cupid: sit magnus, sit beatus ac florens; & tamen non efferatur
superbi & fastu: severus & gravis sit; & tamen non sit asper & truculentus.

The disciple Zizhang asked Confucius how to rule a country correctly. Confucius
replied: Someone who promotes the five goods and removes the four evils could
correctly rule a country. Zizhang asked further: What are these five goods?
Confucius answered: The ruler should be generous without wasting and misusing
anything, he should impose burdens on the subjects without being hated, he should
have desires without being greedy, he should be mighty, wealthy, and prosperous, but
not carried by pride or arrogance, and he should be severe and strict without being
harsh or aggressive.

p. 2, 1. u cham Laconico Magistro responso non satis percepto; inquit, ecquid, obsecro,
significat illud, beneficus sit, & nihil expendat. Confucius respondet: Constanter obsecundare, &
favere iis rebus & artibus quae subditis lucro sint, commerciis & Agriculturae scilicet, aliisque
hujuscemodi, & sic eorum lucra procurare; solerter tuendo & conservando communia illa coeli
terraeque beneficia: quo tandem fiat, ut magna sit ubique annonae vilitas & rerum copia: Hoc
nonn rever est esse beneficum & tamen nihil expendere vel privatae rei vel publicae? Similiter
si habeas delectum eorum qui pares sunt ferendo labori & oneri; & oneres illos dumtaxat; si
habeas, inquam, justam & accuratam rationem loci, temporis, aetatis, & virium cujusque ac
facultatum, quotiescumque imperandum est aliquid oneris operisve publici; ecquis tunc oderit vel
imperata vel imperantem? Quae juris alieni sunt, appetere, nefas ac turpe est: At vero si desideres
expetasve veram virtutem, adeoque si tam laudabiliter expetitam, feliciter adipiscare veram illam
virtutem expleasque deinde numeros illius omnes; quomodo vitios cupidus sis, aut censeri talis
queas? Si princeps inter flatus illos tam secundos fortunae faventis constet sibi ipse, & non
attendat magnoper ad frequentiam suorum, vel paucitatem, ut hanc scilicet aspernetur, illi
defuerat aliquid: Rursus si non attendat magnoper gravisne sint momenti an parvi res eae quas
habet perficiendas; sed pari fer cura res aequ minimas atque maximas constanter tractet;
nullusque sit, quamvis humilis & abjectae conditionis homo, quem audeat habere despectui; qui
hoc modo sibi imperet, seseque contineat, nonne quamvis mult pace, opulenti, [157] glori
beatus ac florens sit; tamen haud efferetur superbi; Gravitas denique & severitas, si quidem modo
careat, facil degenerabit in odiosam asperitatem & truculentiam: At ver si Princeps alienus ab
omni affectatione hic fuerit mediocritate quadam contentus, ex.gr. Si graviter ac decenter
compositam gerat suam ipse vestem & pileum; si modesti qudam reverentique imbuat suum
ipse os oculosque; si in omni motu, gestu, statuque corporis decorum servet; procul dubio cum
reverenti plan singulari homines universi contuebuntur eum ac verebuntur: Hoc autem nonne est

1073 This comes from Zhu (194), stressing the continuity between the ancient rulers and Confucius.

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severum esse ac gravem, & tamen non esse asperum & truculentum?

Zizhang did not fully understand the answer of the laconic Teacher, and said: Please,
what does it mean that he should be generous without spending anything? Confucius
replied: Constantly to favor and promote useful affairs and techniques, like trade,
agriculture, etcetera, and to provide the benefits of those to the subjects by upholding
and skillfully preserving the general favors of heaven and earth, so that there is
enough and easy access to food and other goods everywhere. Indeed, is this not
generous, yet wasting nothing, either private or public? Similarly, if you fairly
distribute the work and burden to be carried out, assigning nothing more, if you have
a correct and exact assessment of place, time, season, and the forces and capacities of
each one, whenever a public work or labor is ordered, who then would hate the
commander or his orders? To seek the wrong is unlawful and shameful. But if you
desire and search for true virtue, and, moreover, if you finally succeed in fully
securing this true virtue, so longed for, how could you be greedy, or considered as
such? If the prince finds himself amid the favorable influences of good luck and yet
does not pay disproportionate attention to either the large or small numbers of his
people to the point of their resentment, what would he be lacking? Again, if he does
not pay too much attention to whether the current affairs are of great or small
importance, but constantly attends, with almost the same care, to the smallest and
biggest affairs, then no one, regardless of how humble and abject his condition, would
dare to despise him. Would someone ruling and restraining himself in this manner not
be blessed and shining with great peace, wealth, and glory, without being carried by
pride? If he lacks this, then dignity and severity may easily degenerate in a distasteful
strictness and aggressiveness. If the prince is free from any affection, he will be
content with the middle road. For example, when he has his own vest and hat
arranged seriously and properly, when he imbues his own face and eyes with modesty
and respect, when he follows the etiquette in any movement, gesture, and corporal
attitude, surely every single person will look up and respect him. Is this not being
strict and grave, without being harsh or aggressive?

[
]

2. u cham rursum quaerit: Ecquae dicantur quatuor mala, quae vitare debeat ac removere
ab se, quisquis administrat Rempublicam. Confucius respondet: Non docere subditos
accurat quaecumque sunt juris publici, & officii singulorum; & interim si fort die
quopiam deliquerint; illic punire miseros, & prorsus inclementer occidere: Hoc enimver
dicitur tyrannidem exercere. Ubi quid operis operaeque publicae exigendum est, non ante
praemonere subditos, & praeparare quodammodo, quo commodius ordinatiusque res fiant;
sed obruere miseros derepent, & in ictu oculi videre velle praescriptum opus perfectum &
absolutum; inclementer instando operis, & moras omnes sever castigando; Hoc enimver
dicitur crudelis violentia. Cunctanter frigidque imperare subditis opera publica; deinde
ver repentin acceleratione contrahere praestitutum antea temporis spatium, ferociter &
inexorabili cum severitate eadem exigendo: Hoc merit dicitur latrocinantis instar, & velut
ex insidiis opprimentis incautos, sic suis esse damno. Denique sordidum & illiberalem est
aliis, ex.gr. Certo quodam modo se gerere cum dandum quidpiam est aliis, ex.gr. cum sua
militibus persolvenda sunt stipendia, suum operariis operae pretium, sui census & honores
conferendi sunt aliis: Avar scilicet lentque & invit manu, nunc promentis & porrigentis
instar, nunc reposcentis ac retrahentis hoc ipso quo dat, sordes avaritiamque prodere;
tametsi detur tandem aliquando, quod jus cujusque postulat; quoniam tamen sic datur, ut
videatur extorqueri veris, qum dari; jam istud nec gratias quidem meretur, quod animo

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datum liberali, magni muneris fuisset instar; adeoque non est hoc agere Principem, sed
merito dicitur infimae cujusdam notae ministellum esse aerarii publici.

Zizhang asked again: What are the four evils that someone ruling a country should
avoid and keep away? Confucius replied: Not to teach the subjects meticulously the
public laws and the duties of each one, and to punish immediately unfortunate people
when one day they fail, and even to kill them without mercy, this can be truly called
enforcing tyranny. Whenever a labor or public work is requested, not to warn and
prepare the subjects ahead of time so that the affairs are executed more smoothly and
orderly, but suddenly to impose upon unfortunate people and to wish to see, in the
blink of an eye, the work assigned to be perfect and complete, by threatening without
mercy and punishing any delay severely, this can be called cruel violence. To
command public works to the subjects hesitantly and slowly, and finally to move the
job to an earlier date, by a sudden quickening, requesting it fiercely and with an
inexorable strictness, this is like robbing and oppressing unprepared people with traps,
or harming ones own people. Finally, when money and honors should be conferred to
others, for example stipends due to soldiers or salary due to workers, there is a way to
behave which is vulgar and ungenerous to others, to show stinginess and greed, with
an avaricious, sluggish, and unwilling hand, like someone when he gives, displays,
and extends, and holds back and withdraws at the same time. Even though justice
requires this, it seems that it is extorted more than given. What is given by a generous
soul, as if it was a great gift, does not deserve thanks. This is not to act like a prince,
but like a petty officer of the public treasury.

[20.3 ]

Fol. 9, p. 1, 1. Confucius aiebat: qui non sit, adeoque nec credit dari coeli mandatum &
providentiam, id est, qui non intelligit & credit prospera & adversa, vitam & mortem, &c.
coeli nutu consilioque pendere. (Vel, ut exponunt alii, qui non cognoscit [158] lumen rationis
coelits inditum esse mortalibus, ad quod vitae suae rationes omnes componat, & quae
prava sunt, fugiat, quae recta, prosequatur): Vir hujusmodi profecto non habebit quo evadat
probus ac sapiens: quin im multa committet homine indigna, dum quae illicita sunt, vel
supra vires suas, consectabitur, vel iis malis, quae frustra conabitur effugere, succumbet.

Confucius said: One who does not believe that the mandate of heaven and
providence exist, that is, one who does not understand and believe that favorable and
adverse affairs, life and death, etcetera, depend on the will and plan of heaven1074 (or
as others explain, one who does not know that the light of reason is endowed by
heaven to human beings in order to organize all the rules of life, to flee perversity, and
to pursue rightness),1075 such a man surely will not have the means to become honest
and wise.1076 Yes, he engages in many things which are unworthy of mankind and
unlawful. Either he will pursue things which are beyond his own forces, or he will
surrender to evils which he attempts to flee in vain.

[]

2. Quisquis ignorat decorum cujusque rei & modum, necnon ritus officiaque civilia, quae
societatis humanae vincula quaedam sunt, ac proprium cujusque hominis decus &
firmamentum, non habebit is, quo erigatur aut evadat vir gravis & constans, & sibi aliisque

1074 This explanation is found in Zhu (195) and Zhang (316).

1075 This explanation is characteristic of Neo-Confucianism.
1076 Honest and wise (probus ac sapiens) translate junzi.

415
utilis: Labetur enim assidu, fluctuabit incertus, & ipsius quoque virtutis, si quam fort
adeptus est, jacturam aliquando faciet.

Someone who ignores the decorum and manner of each affair, as well the civil rituals
and ceremonies, which are the bonds of human society and the proper splendor and
foundation for each man, will not have that by which he could be raised and become a
serious and resolute man, useful to himself and others. In fact, he will continuously
slide, fluctuate, be uncertain, and lose his virtue if by chance he had gained any.

[]

3. Lingua cordis index est; nec raro quidquid in toto latet homine, brevis ejusdem prodit oratio.
Quocirca quisquis non intelligit sermones hominum, sic ut apt discernat qum rect, qum
perperm quid dicatur, non habebit quo perspectos habeat ipsos homines; errores illorum scilicet,
indolem, consilia, facultates. Porr quisquis haec tria, caeli, inquam, providentiam, rerum modum,
ipsos denique homines prob cognoverit, itaque vixerit, ut huic cognitioni vit moribusque
respondeat; is omnino dici poterit partes omnes rari sapientis, & qui long supra vulgus emineat,
explevisse.

The tongue is an indicator of the heart. It is common for a few words to show
whatever lies in the whole man. One who does not understand human speech and how
to distinguish properly, whether what was said is right or wrong, he will not
understand men, their character, errors, plans, and capacities. So, one who knows
these three things correctly, that is, the providence of heaven, the way of things and
men, and moreover whose way of life agrees with this knowledge, such a man can
indeed be said to be a wise man in all respects, someone so accomplished that he
stands out, far above the common people.

Atque hic tandem finis est trium Scientiae Sinicae quorum explanationi sinico vertendae in
Latinam praecipuo quodam studio ac labore communi quatuor sociorum, otium ii fecerunt, qui
nos quartum jam annum ab anno 1686. detinuerunt in Cantoniesins Provinciae exilio, ac cessare
coegerunt maxim invitos propagand doctrin long sublimiori, quae quidem una lux mundi
est, et sine qu, scientia omnis et doctrina, mera caligo est et ignorantia. Author porr trium
librorum censetur Confucius, tametsi contineantur iisdem libris non pauca vel discipulis
ipsius effata, vel coateanis eisdem Philosophis; virique Princibus; vel primis etiam gentis
Regibus, priscisque sapientibus pronuntiata: quibus alii sexcentis vixerunt annis ante ipsum
Confucium, urbisque adeo Romana Principia; annis mille alii; quidam etiam annis circiter
mille septingentis, qu quidem dignos esse Sinas haud minus quam nationes alias, ii facil
judicabunt, qui expendent aequo animo gentis industriam, fidem, diligentiam, qu consuevit
res suas ab omni retr aetate literarum suarum monumentis commendare; et quidem per suos
60 annorum periodos, uti patebit ex tabul Chronologic quam huic operi placuit annectere
cum trium principum familiarum (quarum in praefatis libris iterata fit mentio) tabula quoque
genealogica. In versione autem nostr Scientiae Sinica consult multa contraximus; et quamvis
subinde videatur copiosior explanatio, sciat Lector nequaquam esse cum ipsius Interpretis [159]
Cham Colai, quem praecipu sequimur, ubertate copique comparanda. Et hujus quidem
vestigiis, sicut alibi jam significatum est, constanter insistimus: Itaque, si excipiantur ea quae
vel eruditionis grati vel claritatis ex aliis ejusdem gentis Authoribus interseruimus, reliqua
sunt Interpretis nostri; tota inquam paraphrasis unius Colai est, sententiae Colai omnes, quas
ade nemo suspicetur Europaei esse hominis, quamvis sint Europaeo sermone ac stylo, quin et
ipsis quandoque Europaeorum Philosophorum sententiis, verbisque expositae. Non inficior
tamen esse non paucae, quae merit censeantur esse vulgaria, ne dicam frivola; procul dubio
praetermitenda, si nos soli laboravissemus oblectationi Europaeorum. Sed enim jam satis
disert significavimus in ipso operis limine, iis potissimum haec scribi, quibus in hanc Christi
vineam concessuris, et, uti speramus, deinceps in e laboraturis. Quamquam par est etiam nos

416
meminisse, non ejusdem esse palati mortales omnes; et multa, quae Europaei fastidiant, huic
genti esse in deliciis. Quid insuavius homini Europaeo calid potione? Hc tamen sic
delectantur Sinae, ut per aestivos quoque dies haud abstineant. Sinensium musicam respuunt
fer aures nostrae: At illos vicissim in musica nostrate discors illa vocum concordia, si non
offendit, parm cert oblectat. Itaque pari fer modo, quod ad sermones sententiasque spectat,
habet leporem suum et gratiam in Chin, quod idem in Europa risum prop stomachumque
moveat. Utcumque tamen res habeat, non poterit non fateri aequus Lector, multa hic esse, quae
nunc quoque suum mereantur pretium vel in Europ: Nec dubitabit praeclaram fuisse
vetustissimae Monarchiae administrationem, quotiescumque illa, quae hc traduntur, sive pie
recteque vivendi, sive Regni prob administrandi praecepta, viguerunt.

Here at last we come to the end of the three books of the Chinese Learning, which
have been translated, with their commentary, from Chinese into Latin, thanks to the
joint effort and labor of four [Jesuit] companions [i.e., Intorcetta, Couplet, Herdtrich,
de Rougemont].1077 They did it in their leisure time, while being detained in exile in
the province of Guangdong for four years, starting in the year 1666.1078 They were
restricted, against their own will, from disseminating a teaching even more sublime,
the light of the world [i.e., the Gospel], without which any other learning and
teaching is only fog and ignorance. The author of the three books is considered to be
Confucius, even though they contain many things spoken by his disciples, as well as
words from the contemporaries of the Philosopher, from princes, from the first rulers
of the Chinese, and from ancient wise men. Some of them lived six hundred years
before Confucius himself, even before the beginnings of Rome; others lived one
thousand years before, and some lived 1,700 years before. Those who consider in
fairness the zeal, trust, and diligence by which the Chinese people from any age of the
past maintained their own literary records will easily judge the Chinese as no less
worthy than other nations. This will be obvious with the chronological table and their
periods of sixty years that we are pleased to put in annex of this book, with the
genealogical table of the three first dynasties (another mention of them will be done
there).1079 We have purposely dealt with a wide range of things in our translation of
the Chinese Learning. Even though the explanations seem quite prolific, the reader
should know that it cannot be compared, in abundance and volume, to that of the
interpreter and grand secretary Zhang, whom we mostly follow. As said elsewhere, we
constantly follow in his footsteps. With the exception of what we have inserted from
other Chinese writers for the sake of erudition and clarity, everything comes from our
interpreter. I can say that the whole commentary belongs to this grand secretary
alone. All the opinions also belong to the grand secretary. No one may suspect they
were written by a European, even though they are written in a European language
and style [i.e., Latin], and even explained with the opinions and words of the
European philosophers. I do not deny that a few things can be truly considered trivial
and even trifling. Surely, these things should have been omitted if we had only worked
to delight Europeans. In the introduction of this book, we have provided adequate
details to those for whom we chiefly write these things, those who are going to depart
for the vineyard of Christ [in China], and as we hope, are going to labor there. Yet, it
is fitting to remind them that not all human beings are wandering astray, and that

1077 This paragraph serves as a concluding comment, not only for the translation of the Lunyu, but for
the translation of the Three Books. Chinese Learning (Scientia Sinica) is the title given by the Jesuits to
the three books (Daxue, Zhongyong, Lunyu).
1078 The Latin text indicates 1686. This is clearly a mistake, and I have corrected this in the English
translation with 1666, the year the Jesuits entered house arrest in Guangzhou.
1079 See Praefatio ad tabulam Chronologicam Sinicae monarchiae, in Tabula Chronologica
Monarchiae Sinicae.

417
many things offensive to the Europeans delight the Chinese. What is more unpleasant
to a European than a warm drink? The Chinese find delight in it, and even during
summertime they do not abstain from it. Our ears generally reject Chinese music. In
turn, the discordant harmony of voices in our [European] music, if it does not offend
the Chinese, does not delight them at all. Similarly, the speeches and opinions that
have their charm and grace in China provoke ridicule and annoyance in Europe.
Whatever the matter in question, a fair reader cannot deny that many Chinese things
are valuable today, even in Europe. The European cannot doubt that this most ancient
monarchic rule was illustrious, and that all the precepts mentioned here, of a pious
and correct way of life, and of an honest management of the country, are very
relevant.

Sequitur nunc Scientiae Sinicae Liber quartus, sive Mem u dictus, Sinarum Philosophus
secundus qui uno pst Confucium saeculo vixit. Constat septem partibus seu capitibus ejusdem
opus, operi Confuciano molem si spectes, omnino par, superius etiam quodammodo, si
dumtaxat attendas ad ingenium et copiam, facundiamque auctoris: doctrinae tamen integritate,
et Prisc simplicitate ill, necnon arcan quadam sublimitate, quam in Confucio suo tantopere
mirantur Sinae ac depraedicant, merit postponendum. Mencium igitur, Deo favente, in lucem
Europaeam producemus, si quidem intelligamus, suum qualemcumque locum et
approbationem in hoc eruditissimo saeculo, et amplissimo omnium scientiarum theatro
obtinuisse Confucium.

The Mengzi [Mencius], the fourth book of the Chinese Learning, follows next.
Mengzi is the second philosopher, who lived one hundred years after Confucius. This
work is made of seven parts or chapters. In terms of volume, it is equal to the works
of Confucius [i.e., Daxue, Zhongyong, and Lunyu]. In terms of intelligence, resources,
and the clarity of the writer, the Mengzi is somewhat superior. Yet, in terms of
honesty, archaic candor, and mysterious sublimity of the teaching, which the Chinese
admire and praise so much in Confucius, the Mengzi should be put second. With
Gods help, we shall publish the Mengzi in Europe,1080 since we see that Confucius
has already obtained his own place and appraisal in this most learned century and in
the broadest theater of all learning [i.e., seventeenth-century Europe].

Finis Libri tertii Lun Yu.

End of the third book, Lunyu.

1080 Philippe Couplet did not manage to publish the Mencius. This was eventually completed by
Franois Nol.

418
 The Life of Confucius, Father of Chinese Philosophy1081

[For this part, please have the Latin text on the left and the corresponding
English translation on the right]

Kong Fuzi, or Confucius, whom the Chinese follow and revere as the father of their
philosophy, is also known by the more familiar and personal name of Qiu, with the
surname of Zhongni. He was born in the village of Zouyi, in the county of Changping,
belonging to the town of Qufu, attached to the city of Yanzhou, in the kingdom of Lu,
now known as the Shandong province.1082 This was in the twenty-first year of
Emperor Ling Wang, the twenty-third emperor of the Zhou dynasty, in the forty-
seventh year, called Gengxu, of the thirty-sixth cycle.1083 At that time, King Xiang
Gong had ruled over the Lu Kingdom for twenty-two years. 1084 It was the thirteenth
day of the eleventh moon, called Gengzi, in the second hour of the night, 551 years
before Christ.1085
His mother, Zheng, came from the noble family of Yan. His father was
Shulianghe,1086 famous not only for being an important magistrate in the kingdom of
Song but also for his noble ancestry, tracing back to the twenty-seventh and
penultimate emperor of the Shang dynasty, Diyi, as the annals of the Chinese bear
witness and as their genealogical tables show.1087 Confuciuss father was already
seventy years old when he was born, and died when Confucius was only three years
old.1088 His mother stayed with him for her remaining twenty-one years. Her husband
was buried on the mountain Dongfang in the kingdom of Lu.1089
More mature than others, at six years old, the child never played with his peers.
He did not touch food before he had sacrificially offered and presented it to heaven,
according to the ancient rite called zudou.1090 From the age of fifteen, he devoted
himself entirely to reading the most valuable ancient books, rejecting less useful

1081 In the Sapientia Sinica, the biography is entitled: Life of Confucius, Prince of the Chinese
Wisdom (Vita Confucii, principis sapientiae Sinicae). In the Politico-moralis, Intorcetta shortened it
to: Life of Confucius (Vita Confucii). In the Sinarum Philosophus, Couplet emphasizes the identity of
Confucius as a prince, or father, of Chinese philosophy.
1082 This first part of this biography is largely an abridged translation of the chapter Kongzi shijia
, from the Shiji by Sima Qian. The corresponding passage in Chinese is: .
1083 Each cycle lasts sixty years and the starting date of the first cycle is the beginning of Huangdis
reign, in 2697 BC. The thirty-sixth cycle started in 597 BC. See Couplets Chronological Table
(Tabula chronologica monarchiae Sinicae).
1084 Kongzi shijia: .
1085 This is the computation made by the Jesuits, already present in the Politico-moralis, and which is
followed in China and in the West.
1086 Kongzi shijia: []. The expression united in the wild (yehe )
suggests that Confucius was born from an illegitimate union.
1087 Confuciuss supposed nobility, tracing back to Diyi, is not recorded by Sima Qian. Intorcetta drew
it from some dubious records from the Jiayu. In his letter to Louis XIV, Couplet followed Intorcetta in
having Confucius coming from royal lineage.
1088 Sima Qian mentioned that the father died when Confucius was born: . Sima
suggested that Shulianghe married late, but he did not mention his precise age. According to the Jiayu,
Confucius lost his father when he was three years old.
1089 Kongzi shijia: .
The mountain Dongfang in the Jesuit translation refers, in fact, to the mountain Fang, at the east (dong)
of the country Lu.
1090 Sima mentioned that Confucius learned rituals but without mentioning his age:
.

419
things. He selected the best works, so that he could first exemplify them in his own
life and later propose them for others to imitate. 1091 Not much later, he discussed with
Meng Yizi and Nan Gongjing what civil rituals should be learned. 1092 At nineteen
years old, or as others say, twenty years old, he married a woman, very dear to him,
Qiguanshi.1093 The next year, he had a son, Boyu, who died at the age of fifty, when
Confucius himself was sixty-nine. He lost his wife three years earlier. But the stock
did not die out with his son, thanks to his grandson Zisi. 1094 Zisi, devoted to the
reputation of his grandfather and to philosophy, commented on his books, and
occupied important positions in the empire. His lineage continues to be wealthy and
honored today.1095
The Philosopher managed public affairs in different places and won great praise.
He accepted responsibilities and honors for the public good, with the hope of
disseminating his teachings. However, if he ever thought that his hopes were
deceived, he would renounce his position. He gave a remarkable example of this at
the age of fifty-five years old. Having taken office in the kingdom of Lu as a
mandarinwhich is what the Portuguese call a Chinese person who manages public
affairs1096laws, customs, and morals were smoothly observed in the space of three
months.1097 The neighboring kings and competitors felt envious and fearful since they
knew that nothing better preserves and strengthens a country than discipline and
observance of the laws. The king of the neighboring country Qi and its aristocrats
devised a plan to trap the king and his way of government which stood out among the
competing states. They disguised the trap with gifts, sending to the king of Lu some

1091 This is not mentioned by Sima.

1092 Kongzi shijia: []. The rituals are said to be civil, in opposition
to religious. Santa Maria held that the Confucian worship has never been political, but absolutely
superstitious. See Trait sur quelques points importants de la Mission de la Chine (Paris, 1701), 53.
[AU: Biographical information, dates, and full details for the title please]
1093 The name of Confuciuss wife, Qiguanshi , is not mentioned by Sima.
1094 Information about Confuciuss son and grandson are not given by Sima at the beginning like here,
but at the end of the biography:
.
1095 From Intorcettas text of the Politico-moralis, Couplet deletes a passage, probably judged
unnecessary: Concerning the point that his antiquity is older than any noble family of Africa or
Europe. Fr. Adam Schall, a Jesuit priest and an outstanding expert in Chinese things, did not hesitate to
affirm that a descendant of the Philosopher came to Beijing and approached him with all the respects
commonly shown by this nation. If we recall correctly, the origin of the Confucian lineage should be
sought from Chim-tam-yu-hoam-ti, the most ancient emperors of the Chinese race who commanded to
the Chinese more than four thousand years ago. Indeed we have no doubt at all about such antiquity,
since the Chinese Annals are trustworthy. (nulli fortasse familiarum, quas vel in Africa, vel in
Europa nobilitatis antiquas commendat, postponenda. Sic quidem affirmare non dubitavit P.
Ioannes Adamus Schall, Soc. Iesu Sacerdos, vir Sinarum rerum peritus in primis, cum forte is,
qui hac aetate Philosophi nomen, ac stirpem tuetur, eum Pekini visendi grati, nec sine
muneribus qui mos est gentis adivusset: quod si meminerimus primam Confucianae stirpis
originem ab antiquissimis peti Sinicae gentis Imperatoribus Chim-tam-yu-hoam-ti; hunc autem
iam ante annos 4. Mille & amplius Sinis imperavisse, nullus utique de tant nobilitate dubitandi
locus nobis erit, si modo Sinarum chronicis fidem quam merentur dare placuerit.)
1096 The word mandarinus in Latin comes from madarim in Portuguese, a word itself derived from
mantri in Malay or from mantri in Hindi, with the meaning of minister. [AU: This has already been
discussed; can it be deleted?]
1097 Sima gave more details about the success of Confucius:
. Such quick achievements
in the space of three months seem to be an exaggeration on Simas part. Our text omits some important
events in the career of Confucius in Lu, such as his appointment as justice minister.

420
beautiful girls who could sing superbly and were equipped with other talents. 1098 The
king, unaware of the cunning trap, accepted the gifts and became captivated by the
charm of the foolish girls. Then, the leading persons at the court also became
captivated. During the three months in which the king was busy with these new
pleasures, there was no way to approach him and public affairs came to a halt.1099
Confucius could not bear it, renounced his office, and left the court.1100
He went of his own accord into exile to the kingdoms of Qi, Wei, and Chu. But
these kingdoms did not know how to enjoy the benefits that others had envied. The
Philosopher was not accepted and he was forced to go to the kingdom of Chen, where
he was reduced to living in extreme poverty. Not much later, he moved to the
kingdom of Song. There, a very powerful but also extraordinarily dishonest man,
Heng Tui, attempted more than once to track him down and kill him. 1101 Amid so
many hardships, Confucius kept the same invincible spirit, ready to lay down his life
for a just cause. He relied on his conscience for his actions, as well as on heavenly
protection. Indeed, he thought that nothing could harm someone equipped with a
virtue supported by heaven itself. He was passionate and, until the end of his life, he
never relaxed his efforts in propagating a more healthy teaching to the whole empire.
The passion of such a man could hardly be constrained within the borders of his
ancestors, and he thought several times about traveling by sea and going to more
remote lands.1102
Confucius had about three thousand disciples. Of these, five hundred in all, who
occupied offices in different provinces, are remembered. They excelled over others in
virtue and education. There are seventy-two whose names, surnames, and places of
birth are recorded. Confucius established four grades of doctrine as well as the same
number of classes of disciples.1103 The highest class strove to develop moral faculties,
and in this class were Min Ziyan, Ran Boniu, Zhonggong, and also Yan Yuan, the
disciple cherished above all, whose untimely death at the age of thirty-one the Master
constantly lamented. The next class improved their faculty of reasoning and
eloquence, with Zai Wo and Zigong as experts. The third class engaged in politics and
the honest management of public duties, in which Ran You and Jilu excelled. The task
and occupation of the fourth and final class consisted of expressing, in a suitable and
graceful style, matters concerning morality, in which Ziyou and Zixia stood out for
special praise. These ten disciples were the best among the seventy-two, the flowers
of the Confucian School.1104
The whole effort and teaching of the Philosopher was first directed towards
having human nature, obscured by the darkness of ignorance and corrupted by vices,
return to its original brightness and vigor, becoming intact again, as it had been when

1098 Kongzi shijia:

.
1099 Kongzi shijia:
. See Lunyu 18.4.
1100 Kongzi shijia:
.
1101 This comes from Lunyu 7.22.
1102 Confucius wandered for fourteen years (49784 BC) and, according to Sima, he stayed in seven
different kingdoms. See Annping Chin, Confucius, A Life of Thought and Politics (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 2008), 86.
1103 Sima mentions in one instance that Confucius had seventy-two disciples, and in another that he
had seventy-seven disciples, giving a full list of names.
1104 The list of the ten disciples comes from the Lunyu 11.3. Notice here a very early use of the term
Confucian school (Schola Confuciana) in a Western language.

421
it was created by heaven. Thus, a moderate, fair, and fruitful government, and above
all, peace for the country, could follow. To reach the aim more surely, he wanted
everyone to obey, fear, and cherish heaven, to love their neighbors as themselves, to
vanquish master themselves, to master desires through reason, and to do, say, and
even think about nothing else. He taught this by writing, speech, and, most
importantly, by his own morals and life.1105
A great number of illustrious men were trained in this school and have recorded
in detail for posterity, as eyewitnesses, what Confucius said and did. 1106 Also, the
constant favor of so many rulers and the honor of centuriesabout which we shall
talk soonproves that the Philosopher had true virtue, and not a mere appearance, or
mask, of virtue. Why? Because, in our present time, there is no lack of people among
the literati who, either having already converted to Christianity, or at least having
honestly understood its soundness and holiness, do not hesitate to affirm that, if their
Philosopher had lived until today, he would certainly be the first to want to cross over
to the Christian faith.
Clearly, his followers reported that Confucius was a man of remarkable gravity,
possessing self-control over his body and soul, and uniquely trustworthy, fair, and
gentle. He was a strict and vigilant observer and censor of himself. Despising wealth
and honors, he was unwearied in his efforts to communicate his teachings to the
greatest number of people. What Europeans greatly admire in him, and what is
lacking in our own ancient philosophers, was his humility. Not only could he speak
mildly about his own accomplishments, but even more, he was able to scold himself
publicly for not being active enough in learning, for not being persistent enough in
teaching, and for not making enough effort in the vigilant correction of his own vices
and in the practice of virtues. He gave the clearest evidence of a modest and sincere
soul when he publicly and honestly proclaimed that his teaching was not in fact his,
but that of the ancient kings and legislators Yao and Shun, who preceded him by more
than 1,500 years. Though many people thought and proclaimed that he was born wise,
he could not support this, and he expressly denied that he could reach perfect virtue
and complete holiness.1107 According to some Chinese, he always used to say:
Xifang, you shengren, meaning that there is a saint in the West, but it is not clear to
whom it refers and what this meant.1108
Yet, what is certain is that, in AD 65, Mingdi, the seventeenth emperor of the Han
dynasty, was moved by the words of the Philosopher, and even more by an
announcement in a dream, under the appearance of a holy hero from the West. Since it
was not safe for him to go, he sent Caiqing and Qinjing as his legates, in the direction
of the sunset, to look for this holy man and his holy teaching. Landing on an island
not very far away from the Red Sea, and not daring to advance further, they brought
back to China a certain idol and a figure of a man called Fo, who had lived in India
some five hundred years before Confucius, as well as his detestable teaching. They

1105 This is a free translation of the beginning of the Daxue.

1106 The Jesuits do not translate here a Chinese text, but give an argumentation in favor of Confucius.
1107 The Sinarum Philosophus does not mythologize Confucius. By his birth, limited achievements,
and own limitations, he was a man, yet an oracle and prophet of a future reality.
1108 This is a reference to a chapter devoted to Confucius in the Liezi:

This reference is problematic since the Liezi does not belong to the Confucian
tradition and was mentioned as unorthodox in chapter 2 of the first part of the preface. See Meynard,
Sinarum Philosophus, 108. Scholars today consider the Liezi as a relatively late forgery, probably from
the fourth century. The Holy man in the West has been interpreted as either Laozi or Buddha. See in
my introduction the section Confucius as a Saint.

422
would have been more successful and forever worthy of their homeland if they had
brought, instead of this curse, the redeeming lessons of Christ that the Apostle
Thomas was propagating at that time in India.1109
Yet, I think that human happiness and the pride of this wealthy, powerful, and
very prosperous nation would have blocked the entrance of true joy. As the Chinese
began to worship even more idols, and with the example of kings who lavishly
followed the new superstition, they gradually departed from the authentic teaching of
their Master and from the remarkable decrees of the ancients. Scorning every religion,
they slipped into true atheism. The teaching of this Fo, or Shijia, who had already
proven to be a teacher of idolatry to the common people, also led the literati and more
intelligent people into atheism. Indeed, this most degenerate impostor and prince of
atheism handed over a double teaching. On one hand, he taught that nothing has a
beginning and an end. Those who follow this teaching are atheists and they call this
teaching secret and interior. On the other hand, on the exterior, is only an appearance
of teaching, adapted to the small intelligence and to the superstition of the common
people and of the uneducated. It cannot be doubted that Confucius was immune from
this curse. Even those who worship the idols in this corrupted time of ours do not dare
affirm that Confucius practiced any worship of idols. Not only was Confucius
preserved from atheism, but the whole ancient epoch was also, as we declare in our
explanation of the Zhongyong.
Confucius left this life at the age of seventy-three, during the fourth moon, called
Yichou, in the year Renxu, the fifty-ninth year of the thirty-seventh Chinese cycle.
This was the forty-first year of Jing Wang, the twenty-fifth ruler of the Zhou dynasty.
At this time, Prince Ai Gong had already ruled over Lu, the ancestral kingdom of the
Philosopher, for sixteen years.1110 Just before falling seriously ill, he had a fit, and he
was heard singing this verse with the voice of a swan, lamenting the troubles of his
time: Immense mountain (he meant here his own teaching) you have fallen to such a
low place! The supporting beams have collapsed. The wise and holy people have
dried up.1111 Feeling weak, seven days before dying, he faced his disciples: Last
night, he said, I saw in a dream my funeral taking place at the court. The rulers did
not follow my teachings. Who does follow and support my principles in our country?
I should die.1112 After having said this, he entered into a coma that lasted for seven
full days, as if he was asleep.
He was buried in his native kingdom of Lu, since he and his disciples had
gathered there, in his hometown, close to the city of Qufu, along the bank of the river
Xi, in the academy where he used to teach and which is distinct today, enclosed by
walls, like a city. There, the disciples grieved their Teacher with mourning clothes,
with long fasts, and with tears, as sons would have grieved the loss of their own
parent. The mourning lasted a year. Some persisted for three years, while Zigong kept
grieving for six years in the same spot.1113
The Philosopher was tall and, if the Chinese are to be believed, he was like a

1109 This was told by Ricci in chapter eight of the Tianzhu shiyi. The Jesuits did not express any doubt
on the veracity of Emperor Mings [AQ: Mingdi?] Mingdis dream. The Chinese people were expecting
a sage to come, but there was a mistake in identifying him. The story originates from the Houhanshu.
1110 Kongzi shijia: .
1111 Ibid.:
1112 Ibid.:
.
1113 Ibid.:
.

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giant.1114 Large shoulders and a wide breast made him look gracious and majestic.
There was a fair-sized protuberance on the top of his head. For this reason, he was
called by his father Qiu, or knoll.1115 This humble man also used to call himself by this
name. As the Chinese tell it, he had a wide face, dark skin, big black eyes, dark hair, a
long beard, a flat nose, and a deep voice like thunder.
For more than two thousand years, a grateful Chinese posterity has bestowed
much honor on its Master, and even more on his works and his teachings. Public
offices are arranged by the literati. It is not me who talks like this, but the whole
country, up to its elites, who profess themselves to be from the school of Confucius.
They are examined on his books in order to win promotions, obtain wealth, honors,
and titles. In every town and city, academies are erected and dedicated to Confucius.
Also, whenever those among the literati who hold public offices pass in front of the
gates, immediately they get off their splendid and majestic chairs, in which they are
carried according to custom, and continue their way, walking for a few steps, as a
form of reverence. Honorific titles, written with golden letters, are clearly seen on the
front door of the halls which we are talking about: To the Great Teacher, to the
Illustrious and Holy King of the literati, or To the one endowed with the Highest
Wisdom. The emperors of the dynasties Han, Sui, Tang, Song, Yuan, or Western
Tartars, have given almost divine praises to their national Teacher with similar
words.1116
However, the founder of the Ming dynasty, which preceded the present Qing
dynasty of the Eastern Tartars, forbade honors to be offered to Confucius during his
rule.1117 Only with his approval could the memory of the Xianshi, or Former
Teacher, be celebrated, and his disciples could not be remembered with any other
ceremony. The emperor also prohibited statues of Confucius or of his disciples from
being erected in the academies, since he said that, through this rite, the spirits of the
dead are worshipped like idols. He ordered that only tablets on which the titles and
names of individuals were written could be exposed. The funeral tablets are indeed
signs, purely commemorative, of their teachers (this is the reason for ancestor tablets),
so that, during the lifetime of those who served literature well, and among their
descendants, the faithful memory of the ancestral family should not perish.
These tablets are more correct than our lively, gracefully painted European
portraits of ancestors, to be shown to friends and guests, because we can say without
any doubt that our Teacher is more worthy of honor. We can observe without offense
the common practice among the Chinese of kneeling in front of these. We should be
no more offended by this than by seeing a European passing in front of a portrait of
his father or king and uncovering his head. We recently saw the ambassadors of the
king of Siam acting in a similar way. Whenever they passed in front of a painting of
Louis the Great, they immediately stopped walking and, with their hands joined in
high position, lowered them with a bending of the whole body, as if they were struck
by such majesty.1118

1114 Sima gave his precise height; Kongzi shijia: .

1115 Kongzi shijia: .
1116 The traditional Chinese titles of Confucius are wanshi shibiao and zhisheng xianshi
.
1117 A couple of lines from the Politico-moralis were deleted here. Couplet added a discussion about
the honors to Confucius. Zhu Yuanzhang, the founder of the Ming dynasty, claimed for himself the
monopoly of honoring Confucius in order to assert his own power, and not because he wanted to
suppress idolatry as Couplet suggests here.
1118 Couplet had himself witnessed the embassy from Siam (Thailand) at Versailles in 1686.

424
 Indeed, the honors and rites to Confucius are clearly civil. They are carried out,
not in a temple or in the sanctuary of some idols (something forbidden by imperial
law), but in an academy, a place very much open to the literati. There, the rites are
performed by the prefects of the literature department, among whom there are some
Muslims, who do not feel any religious scruples, even though they hate the
superstitions and idols of the pagansyet, I shall not expand upon the atheo-
politicians.1119 But, if we talk about the literati who have sucked from their youth the
poison of idolatrysuch men belong to a very small groupwhen the time has come
for them to pass the examination and obtain an academic grade, either they first
consult their domestic gods and implore their divinity and power, or, hoping for some
help for their success, they bring petitions to the public sanctuaries of the demons.
They do not think of going to the academy of Confucius, but they do go to the temple
of Pusa, a popular idol. Indeed, it is unheard of and an unfamiliar idea among the
Chinese to call, ask, or hope for something from Confucius.
This further confirms that the rites to Confucius are purely political. 1120
Accordingly, the larger tablet of Confucius is found in the academies, surrounded on
two sides by the smaller tablets of his seventy-two disciples. Other sages and worthy
individuals are also represented; their teaching, as well as their sound and honest
management of public functions, after having being established by many testimonies,
is made known to the emperor through provincial officials. A number of disciples of
Confucius have been added by public recommendation and royal favor. Their names,
inscribed on smaller tablets, are found with the others. Indeed, it brings the greatest
esteem to sons and grandsons when, at appointed times of the year, they follow the
officials of the cities, with many gifts, to the academy, and when a public sign of
honor, like kneeling and leaning their heads toward the earth, is conferred on their
ancestors and parents, in the presence of all, in accordance with their merit for the
country.
One likeness of the Philosopher remains in his native place, not merely lifelike,
but alive!1121 Obviously, I am talking about his descendant, mentioned before. Both
important and lowly people honor him in remembrance of his ancestor, though
distant, by a time span of more than 2,200 years and of more than sixty-eight
generations, so much so that, whenever he comes to the court, the founder of the
TartarChinese monarchy, Shunzhi, receives him respectfully, and the ruling emperor
Kangxi does the same. He enjoys the perpetual and hereditary title of duke or gong, as
well as the rare privilege, conceded only to princes of royal blood, of not paying tax to
the emperor. Every three years, those who are promoted to the grade of doctor
customarily pay a debt of gratitude, like a Minerval, and, since they cannot pay it to
him, they pay it to his descendant.1122
What we, Europeans, rightly praise and admire about this is while China surely
has not lacked a great diversity of fortunes, while it went through many wars and
disasters, for all that it has seen many dynasties holding political power rise and
perish, the honors that I have mentioned and the records of a grateful posterity toward
Confucius were never interrupted, if we exclude the few years, around three hundred
years after his death, during which Qin Sshi Huangdi, the second ruler of the fourth

1119 The mention atheo-politicians is an addition by Couplet.

1120 This paragraph is an addition by Couplet. In the Politico-moralis, Intorcetta had the Confucian
rites as civil. Couplet adds here that they are political.
1121 After this discussion about honoring the tablets of Confucius, Couplet goes back to Intorcettas
text.
1122 Concerning Minerval, see Lunyu 7.7.

425
dynasty, Qin, savagely and cruelly raged not only against books but also against the
literati.1123 However, after the death of Qin Sshi Huangdi, most of his books were
revived and the name and fame of Confucius reached the level of honor that we see
today under the Tartars.
The aim and intention of such honors and posthumous titles will appear clearer
than anywhere else in this unique example among many, by Yongle the third emperor
of the former Ming dynasty. Visiting an academy to pay homage to Confucius, he
published this decree:

I myself honor Confucius as the Teacher of emperors and kings. Emperors and
kings are the masters of the nations, but Confucius has proposed the correct
education for the nations: the three bonds, between the ruler and his subjects,
between parents and children, and between husband and wife; the norm of the
five universal virtues: benevolence, justice, wisdom, faithfulness, and
appropriateness; the great order and pattern for the Chinese empire. As I say,
Confucius has declared all these things in order to instruct all the ages. It is
appropriate therefore for me to proceed to the great academy and to offer tributes
to the foremost Teacher, for his life, intelligence, and purpose, just as he gave a
wonderful honor and teaching to the literati.1124

A careful reader will understand from all these things that the authority of this man
will be greatly useful to missionaries, since the Chinese are still devoted to their
Master and his books. It would be possible to use his authority to confirm the
Christian truth, in the same way as in the past we saw the Apostle of the Nations [St
Paul], using the authority of the Greek poets among the Athenians.
Here, the example of those who have left us this mission, established by their
great virtue and wisdom, strongly warns us, always keeping their example in mind,
that we should commend and praise Confucius in China in a restrained way, so that he
does not rise higher by our testimony and authority, especially among a naturally
proud populace that is generally disdainful of everything foreign. However, we should
more so be warned against condemning or attacking Confucius in speech or writing,
since the whole country cherishes and honors him, so that we, and also the one whom
we are preaching, Christ, should not become offensive to them. If we despise and
condemn one who has taught with such consistent reason, and who is credited for
having conformed his lifestyle to his teaching, we Europeans shall be considered, at
least by the Chinese, as attempting to fight, not so much against their Teacher, but
even more against reason itself, as attempting to extinguish not so much the name of
Confucius, but even more the light of reason itself.

1123 Qinshi Huangdi is not, in fact, the second but the first ruler of this dynasty.
1124 Couplet adds Yongles decree which can be found in Ming Taizong Wen Huangdi baoxun
[The precious instructions of the Ming emperors]:
.

426
 [Portrait of Confucius, preface of the Philosophus Sinarum, cxvi; illustration 9]

Kongfuzi or Confucius, also respectfully called Zhongni, the first Chinese Philosopher, was born in
the town of Qufu, in the province of Shandong. He had for father Shulianghe, the prefect of the village Zouyi, and
for mother Zheng, from the noble family of Yan. He was born in the twenty-first year of the rule of Emperor Ling
Wang, the twenty-third ruler of the third dynasty Zhou, or 551 BC. His disciples counted in the three thousand,
among whom seventy-two were prominent. Among those, ten were selected and have their names inscribed on the
tablets, as can be seen in the Imperial Academies. After some vain efforts and undertakings for the hopeless reform
of his times and of its rulers, he left this life at the age of seventy-three, in the forty-ninth year of twenty-fifth ruler
Jing Wang. His lineage has continued uninterrupted until this year of 1687. Separating him and his actual
descendant in the sixty-eighth generation, who resides today in the native place of Confucius with the title of duke,
there are a total of 2,238 years. Paris, Nolin publisher, Saint James Street, Square of Victories. With privilege of
the king.

[Original Latin text: CUM FU U sive CONFUCIUS, qui et honoris gratia CHUM NHIJ
dicitur, Philosophorum Sinensium Princeps; Oriundus fuit ex oppido KIO FEV Provinciae XAN TUM.
Patrem habuit XO LEAM HE Praefectum EV ditionis, matrem CHIM dictam e proenobili yen familia. Natus est
autem Imperantis LIM VAM (qui fuit e tertia CHEV domo Imperiali Princeps 23) anno primo et vigesimo,
et ante Christum 551, discipulos numeravit ter mille, quos inter eminebant duo et 70, et hos inter rursus
decem selectissimi, quorum nomina suis tabellis inscripta, Visuntur in Imperii gymnasiis. Post irritas
conatus et labores desperata temporum Suorum et principum reformatione, migravit e vita anno aet.73 et
KIM VAM Imperatoris 25. anno 49. huius prosapia non interrupta serie propagata, hoc anno 1687. quo
nepos ordine 68 in natali Confucii Sede cum Ducis titulo residet, computat annos 2238. A Paris. Chez Nolin,
Rue S. Iacques, A LEnseigne de la Place des Victoires. Avec Privilege du Roy.]

427
 [cxvii] Philosophorum Sinensium principis Confucii vita

Cum fu u, sive Confucius quem Sinenses uti Principem Philosophiae suae sequuntur, atque
colunt, vulgari vel domestico potius nomine Kieu dicto; cognomento Chum nhi, natalem
habuit sedem in Regno Lu, (quod Regnum hodie Xantum dicitur) in pago eu ye territorii
Cham pim, quod ad civitatem Kieo feu pertinet; haec autem civitas paret urbi Yen Cheu
dictae. Natus est anno 21. Imperatoris Lim vam. Fuit hic tertius et vigesimus tertia Famili,
seu domo Imperatoria, Cheu dicta, cycli 36 anno 47. Kem sio dicto; secundo item et vigesimo
anno Siam cum Regis, qui ea tempestate Regnum Lu obtinebat: die 13. undecimae lunae
Kem u dictae, sub horam noctis secundam, anno ante Christi ortum 551. Mater ei fuit
Chim, familia praenobili Yen oriunda; Pater Xo leam he, qui non solum primi ordinis
Magistratu, quem gessit in Regno Sum, sed generis quoque nobilitate fuit illustris; stirpem
quippe duxit (uti Chronica Sinensium restantur, et tabula genealogica, quae annalibus
inseritur, perspicu docet) ex 27. sive penultimo Imperatore Ti ye 2. Famili Xam. Porro
natus est Confucius Patre jam septuagenario, quem adeo triennis infans mox amisit; sed
Mater pupillo deinde superstes fuit per annos unum atque viginti, conjuge in monte Tum fan
Regni Lu sepulto. Puer jam sexennis praematura quadam maturitate, viro, quam puero
similior, cum aequalibus numquam visus est lusitare. Oblata edulia non ante delibabat,
quam prisco ritu, qui u teu nuncupatur, coelo venerabundus obtulisset. Annorum
quindecim adolescens totum se dedere coepit priscorum libris evolvendis, et rejectis iis, quae
minus utilia videbantur, optima quaeque [cxviii] documenta selegit, primum expressurus ea
suis ipse moribus, deinde aliis quoque ad imitandum propositurus. Non multo post, un cum
Mem y u et Nam cum kim xo ad ritus civiles addiscendos se contulit. Decimo nono aut, ut
alii, 20. aetatis anno duxit uxorem, quae unica illi fuit Kien quon xi, ex qua sequenti mox
anno suscepit filium Pe yu; sed hoc deinde jam quinquagenario, cum ipse 69. annos natus
esset, orbatus est, uxore tribus ante annis amiss: Haudquaquam tamen cum filio stirps
omnis extincta est, sed per nepotem u su, qui avitae laudis, ac Philosophiae studiosus, avi
sui libros commentatus est, et magnis in Imperio muneribus perfunctus, perpetua
posterorum series cum non vulgari tam opulenti, quam dignitate, ad haec usque tempora
perseverat.
Variis in locis Magistratum gessit Philosophus magna cum laude: curas vero hujusmodi
ac dignitates, non alio fere studio admittebat, quam publicae utilitatis, atque spe
propagandae doctrinae suae: qua quidem spe si forte falli se videret, ultro scilicet
Magistratu sese abdicabat. Hujus rei cum alis saepe, tum vero 55. aetatis suae anno illustre
testimonium dedit; cum enim in Regno Lu Mandarinum ageret (loquor hic more
Lusitanorum quibus in hoc Oriente Mandarini vocantur, qui publicas res inter Sinas
administrant) tanta legum observatio, rerumque, atque morum tam felix conversio trimestri
spatio mox consecuta est, ut jam vicini Reges, aemulique invidi, metuque aliquo tenerentur,
haud ignari, Respublicas non ali re felicius conservari, et crescere, quam disciplina,
legumque observatione: finitimi ergo Regni quod i dicebatur Rex atque optimates tam
praeclarae aemulorum gubernationi structuri insidias, donis eas, ut fit, tegunt: puellas
forma, canendi grati, aliisque dotibus praestantes dono mittunt Regni Lu Regi. Rex ignarus
insidiarum dolosum munus admittit, capitur illico muliercularum grati: capiuntur atque
proceres, sic prorsus, ut ad trimestre totum, dum novis illis deliciis indulgeretur, negotia
cessarint publica, atque Regis adeundi via praeclusa fuerit: Non tulit hoc Confucius:
Renuntiat muneri, relinquit aulam, atque ad Regna i, guei, et u spontaneus exul contendit:
verum nec hi bono, quod alii inviderant, frui noverunt: Non admittitur Philosophus, qui
adeo coactus petere Regnum Chim, hc ad extremum victs, quoque penuriam redigitur:
Nec multo post, dum Regnum Sum peragrat, quodam Huon tui praepotenti viro, sed
insigniter improbo non semel ad mortem conquisitus est, ipse interim tot aerumnas inter,
atque discrimina sui semper similis, invicto semper animo, atque pro causa tam bona, vitam
quoque ponere paratus: Quamquam fretus ipse rect factorum conscienti, praesidioque
coelesti, rursum negabat, quemquam sibi nocere posse, siquidem esset ea virtute instructus,
qua ipsi coelo inniteretur. Ardens, atque indefessum studium divulgandae per totum
Imperium sanioris doctrinae ad extremum usque spiritum non remisit; cumque viri ardor

428
patriis finibus aegre contineretur, non semel de navigando mari, terrisque remotioribus
adeundis cogitavit.
[cxix] Discipulos numeravit 3000. ex iis omnino quingentos extitisse memorant, qui
variis in Regnis Magistratus gesserint: qui prae ceteris autem virtute litterisque eminerent,
duos atque septuaginta fuisse, quorum adeo nomina, cognomenta, atque qua quisque patri
sit oriundus, memoriae proditur. Quatuor doctrinae suae ceu gradus, totidemque
discipulorum ordines, constituebat. Supremus ordo in excolendo virtutibus animo ponebat
studium; et in hoc quidem ordine primas ferebant Min u Kien, Gen Pe Nieu, Chum cum, ac
denique Yen yven charus prae omnibus Magistro discipulus, cujus immaturum funus (obiit
quippe primo et trigesimo aetatis anno) continenter lugebat. Proximus ordo ratiocinandi,
dicendique facultati dabat operam; hujus Principes erant ai ngo et u cum. Tertius agebat
de regimine politico et prob gerendis muneribus publicis; excellebant hic Gen yeu et Ki lu.
Quarti denique et postremi ordinis labor, atque occupatio haec erat, ut quae ad mores
spectabant, apto, venustoque stylo declararent, quod duo u yeu, et u hia praecipua cum
laude praestabant. Atque hi quidem inter duos et septuaginta, decem erant selectiores
discipuli, et flos scholae Confucianae. Omne studium ac doctrina Philosophi eo collimabat in
primis, ut naturam ignorantiae tenebris offusam, vitiisque depravatam revocaret ad
pristinam lucem atque integritatem, cum qu ab ipso coelo conditam asserebat: Ex quo
deinde clemens, et aequa rerum administratio, adeoque felix, et maxim pacatus Imperii
status consequeretur; qu autem certis attingeretur hic scopus, volebat omnes, obsequi
coelo; ipsumque timere, et colere; amare proximum sicut seipsum, vincere se, atque
appetitus suos subdere rationi, necquidpiam agere, dicere, vel etiam cogitare, quod ab hac
esset alienum. Porro quae scripto verboque praecipiebat, primus ipse moribus exprimebat,
ac vita, cujus rei testimonium satis luculentum praebere potest tantus tot illustrium virorum
numerus, qui in disciplinam ejus se contulerunt, et eorum qui quaecumque gessit, dixitque,
quamvis minutissima, ceu oculati testes, posteritati prodidere: ad haec conftans ille favor tot
Principum, tantus tot saeculorum honor (de quo mox agemus) argumento esse potest,
virtutem sane fuisse Philosopho, non meram speciem fucumque virtutis. Quid? Quod nostris
temporibus haud defuerint Litteratorum ordine, qui vel amplexi jam Religionem
Christianam, vel hujus integritate sanctitateque probe saltem perspect, non dubitanter
affirmarunt, sperari posse Philosophum suum, si quidem vixisset aetate nostra, primum
fuisse futurum, qui ad Christi legem transivisset. Cert quemadmodum sectatores ejus
tradunt, mira quaedam fuit viri gravitas, et corporis animique moderatio, fides, aequitas,
lenitas singularis. Severus erat ac pervigil sui ipsius observator, ac censor: Contemptor opum,
honorumque, hoc agens unum studio prorsus indefesso, ut doctrinam suam quamplurimis
mortalium impertiret. Quod autem in eo vel maxim suspicimus Europaei, et in nostratibus
quidem priscae aetatis Philosophis desideramus, tanta fuit animi demissione Confucius,
[cxx] ut non solum de se suisque rebus admodum modest loqueretur, sed ultro quoque et
palam argueret sese, quod nec in discendo (ut aiebat) esset impiger, nec constans in docendo,
neque e, qu par erat, vigilanti vitiorum suorum emendationi, et studio virtutum
exercitioque operam daret. Certissimum vero argumentum modesti, sincerique animi tum
dedit, cum palam ingenueque professus est doctrinam suam non esse suam, sed Priscorum,
in primis Yao et Xun Regum et Legislatorum, qui ipsum mille quingentis, eoque amplius
annis antecesserant. Cum itaque non deessent, qui cum sapientia natum esse opinarentur,
adeoque et praedicarent, peraegre id ferebat, et disert negabat, ad gradum perfectae
consummataeque virtutis, aut sanctitatis pervenire se posse. Dicere identidem solitus (ut
Sinensibus traditur) Si Fam, Yeu Xun gin, virum sanctum in Occidente existere, quod ipse de
quo, quove spiritu pronuntiarit, incertum est. Hoc certum anno post Christum natum 65.
Imperatorem Mimti (fuit is quinta Familia Han decimus septimus) motum verbis
Philosophi, magis etiam oblata sibi per somnum specie sancti ex occidente Herois; cum
ipsimet ire, non esset integrum, misisse ai cim et in kim legatos suo nomine occasum
versus, inibi virum sanctum et S. legem quaesituros; qui quidem cum ad insulam quandam
appulissent, quae non procul distabat rubro mari, non ausi longius procedere, idolum
quoddam, et statuam hominis Foe dicti (qui quingentis circiter annis ante Confucium in
India floruerat) necnon execrabilem ipsius legem in hoc Imperium retulerunt: felices,
aeternumque de patria sua bene merituri, si pro hac peste, salutarem Christi doctrinam,

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quam per eadem tempora Thomas Apostolus apud Indos propagabat, reportassent. Sed
enim felicitas humana, et quae hinc nascebatur superbia gentis opulentae, potentis, et
florentissimae; verae felicitati, tunc, ut opinor, aditum obstruxerat. Sinenses ergo, cum idola
jam magis magisqu venerarentur, nec sine exemplo quorumdam regum qui prorsus
impense novam superstitionem sectati sunt, paulatim scilicet discesserunt genuina Magistri
sui doctrina, et praeclaris institutis Priscorum; ac tandem in contemptum Religionis omnis,
verumque Atheismum sunt prolapsi: In hunc porro litteratos et acutiores quosque ceu
manuduxit doctrina illius ipsius Foe, seu Xe kia, qui rudi vulgo idololatriae Magister extitit:
Duplicem quippe perditissimus impostor iste atque Atheorum Princeps doctrinam reliquit;
alteram qua rerum omnium principium finemque nihil esse docet, quam qui sectantur, Athei
sunt et arcanam atque interiorem vocant; alteram quae exterior dicitur, atque illius
adumbratio quaedam est, ad vulgi et rudiorum fer captum et superstitionem accommodata.
De Confucio tamen dubitari non potest quin ab hac, et illa peste immunis fuerit; idolorum
cert cultorem fuisse, ne illi qui vitio temporis idola jam venerantur, affirmare ausint: ab
Atheismo ver qum fuerit alienus, non ipse tantum, sed prisca Sinarum aetas omnis in
explanatione lib. Chum yum declaramus. Migravit vita Confucius [cxxi] anno aetatis 73.
lun 4. Ki cheu vulgo dict, anno (cui gin sio nomen) quinquagesimo nono Sinensis cycli
trigesimi septimi. Erat hic annus primus et quadragesimus Imperii Kim vam, vigesimi quinti
Familia Cheu Imperatoris: quo etiam tempore Regulus Ngai cum patrium Philosophi
Regnum Lu dictum, annum jam decimum sextum moderabatur. Paul ant qum morbo,
qui supremus ei fuit, corriperetur, lugens suorum temporum perturbationes, hunc versum
cygnae voce concinere auditus est: Praegrandis mons (doctrinam suam intelligebat) quo
decidisti! Trabalis machina eversa est: sapientes, & sancti exaruere. Mox inde languere
incipiens, septimo die ante mortem, ad discipulos suos conversus: Superiori nocte, inquit, per
somnium visa mihi sunt in aula justa fieri. Reges, quae doceo, non observant: Ecquis horum
per Imperium nostrum instituti mei sectator & cultor est? Hoc unum superest, ut moriar. Haec
effatus lethargo corripitur, et cum totos septem dies dormientis instar perstitisset, tandem
vivere desiit. Sepultus est in Lu patrio Regno (domum quippe cum discipulis suis sese
contulerat) prope civitatem Kio feu, ad ripam fluminis Su in ipsa Academia sua, in qua
docere consueverat, quae hodie quidem muris, veluti civitas, cincta cernitur. Luxerunt inibi
Magistrum suum discipuli habitu lugubri, multaque cum inedia, et lachrymis, non secus ac
filii parentem; idque per annum totum; nec defuerunt qui ad annos omnino tres,
perstiterunt, u cum vero sex ipsos annos, in eodem loco, luctuque perstitit. Fuit admodum
procero corpore Philosophus, et si fas est Sinis credere, giganteo; et cui lati humeri,
pectusque amplum, decorem conciliabant, ac majestatem: In ipso vertice capitis
grandiusculus ei tuber erat, quare Patre suo Kieu, id est, colliculus, cujus speciem aliquam
praebebat tuber, nominatus est, quo ipso nomine vir modestus identidem quoque sese
compellabat. Facies ei lata, subfuscus oris color, oculi nigri ac praegrandes, capillus niger,
barba promissa, nasus simus, vox gravis, actonitrui instar, ut Sinae tradunt.
Porr quantum honoris per annos his mille eoque amplius, detulerit Magistro suo, aut
potius lucubrationibus ejus et doctrinae grata Sinarum posteritas, pro me loquantur
quotquot Imperio toto ad dignitates, et munia publica praesidio litterarum sunt evecti: qui
omnes utique fatentur Confucii in primis schol, et libris, quibus ad gradum
examinantur, opes, honores et illustre sibi nomen obvenisse. Loquantur item singulis in
oppidis, urbibusque erecta viro, ac dicata gymnasia, ante quorum fores quotiescumque
transeunt, qui litteratorum ordine publicos gerunt magistratus, protinus sublimi
augustaque sella, in qua more gentis gestantur, venerabundi descendunt, et passus aliquot
pedites viam suam prosequuntur. Loquantur denique tituli sane honorifici, qui in iis
gymnasiis, quae modo dicebamus, cernuntur trabalibus, auratisque litteris exarati, Magno
Magiftro, Illustri litterarum Regi, sancto, seu (quod apud [cxxii] ipsos idem est) eximia
quadam fapienti ornato, aliisque similibus, quibus hunc gentis suae Doctorem Imperatores
Familiarum Han, Sui, Tam, Sum, Yven (fuit haec Tartarorum occidentalium) tantum non
supra laudes humanas evexerunt. Quamquam illius familiae (quae hodiernam Tartarorum
orientalium im proxim antecessit) Mim dictae Fundator vetuit vitu Regio honores deferri
Confucio, in eo dumtaxat permisso, quo olim solebat memoria Sien su, hoc est, vita functi
Magistri celebrari; atque adeo non cum aliis muneribus, quam, quibus eos, dum viverent,

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discipuli sui prosequi consueverant: ad haec in Gymnasiis statuas Confucii, aut
discipulorum erigi vetat (neque enim, inquit; eodem ritu quo reliqui spiritus, aut idola,
honorandi sunt) sed soles tabellas, quibus tituli et nomina singulorum inscripta sint; mandat
exponi: sunt igitur tabellae funebres istae signa mere memorativa Magistrorum (et eadem
est ratio de tabellis majorum) ne vit functorum de litteris bene meritorum, aut parentalis
familiae pia memoria apud posteros intermoreretur: neque magis errori cuipiam gignendo
tabellae hujusinodi obnoxiae, quam nostrae Europeorum tabulae, quae nobis vivas avorum
effigies venustissim depingunt, quas amicis et hospitibus ostendentes hunc avum, illum
Doctorem nostrum, haud dubitanter et venerabundi quoque dicimus. Quocirca nec offendi
nos oportet, licet videamus Sinas ante tabellas istas curvare poplitem more inter Sinas
usitatissimo, non magis quam offendimur, si Europaeum quempiam, dum is fort ante patris
aut Regis sui effigiem transit, caput aperire videremus, quemadmodum nuper vidimus D. D.
Legatos Regni Siamensis, quotiescumque ante imaginem MAGNI LVDOVICI transibant,
gradum illic sistere, junctisque in altum manibus, eas cum totius corporis inclinatione
demittere veluti ad pedes tantae majestatis: Etenim plan civiles sunt honores ac ritus illi
Confuciani; qui adeo non in Templo, fanove idolorum (quod lege Imperatori vetitum est)
sed in gymnasio, qui locus tantum litteratis patet, exercentur, litterariae facultatis
prefectis, quos inter etiam sunt Mahometani (ut de atheopoliticis non loquar) qui nec divini
aliquid hc agnoscunt, et superstitiones Gentilium atque idola detestantur. Imo si loquamur
de litteratis idololatriae Toxico teneris jam afflatis (cujusmodi sunt infimae sortis homines)
cum jam tempus appetit examinis subeundi ad gradum aliquem obtinendum, vel ii
domesticos suos penates prius consulunt, et horum Numen et opem implorant, vel optati
successs grati publica demoniorum fana supplices adeunt, nequaquam ver cogitant de
adeundo gymnasio Confucii, quem uti Pu sa (nomen hoc est idolis commune) habere aut
nominare, aut ab eodem aliquid petere, aut sperare, apud ipsos inauditum est et inusitatum.
Quod vero magis confirmat ritus illos Confucianos mer esse politicos; ex eo patet, quod
non tantum in iisdem gymnasiis tabula Confucii oblongior (quam duorum et septuaginta
Discipulorum tabellae utrimque ambiunt) sit collocata, sed et alii Sapientes et probi (de
quorum doctrina, et [cxxiii] in gestis Magistratibus integritate et fide, multorum testimoniis
authentic probata per Praetores Provinciarum Imperatori constiterit) in album quoq;
numerum discipulorum Confucii publico diplomate et favore regio usque in hodiernam diem
accensentur; eorumque nomina tabellis inscripta, ibidem cum ceteris collocantur, quod
equidem maximo sibi ducunt honori filii et nepotes, quando ipsi praefectos urbium cum
muneribus ad gymnasium statis anni temporibus comitati, suis avis ac parentibus, tanquam
de imperio optime meritis, publicam honoris significationem, genibus flexis et capite in
terram inclinato coram omnibus exhiberi conspiciunt.
Una tamen extat in natali solo imago Philosophi, vivae ac spiranti non modo similis, sed
re ips spirans, ac viva; Nepos ille videlicet, cujus ante jam meminimus; quem adeo propter
avi quamvis intervallo bis mille ducentorum et amplius annorum, et octo supra 60.
generationibus jam remoti memoriam, summi pariter infimique colunt, sic prorsus, ut eum,
cum aulam de more adiisset, Xun chi Monarchiae Tartaro-Sinicae conditor perhonorific
exceperit, excipiatque, qui modo imperat Cam hi Imperator. Gaudet ipse perpetuo, et
hereditario cum, hoc eft, ducis titulo et dignitate, raro item privilegio, neque ullis
praeterquam Regii sanguinis Principibus concesso, ut Imperatori nullum vectigal pendat: ad
haec quotquot singulis trienniis ad Doctoris gradum evehuntur, pignus aliquod grati animi,
et quasi Minerval, quod avo non possunt, nepoti persolvere consueverunt. Quod autem
merito laudemus, ac suspiciamus etiam nos Europaei; cum China fortunae varietatem san
magnam sit experta, cumque tot bellorum casus, et calamitates subierit, tot ortus viderit,
interitusque familiarum, penes quas erat rerum summa; nunquam tamen honores quos
memoravi, grataeque posteritatis erga Confucium monumenta sunt interrupta; si tamen
paucos annos exceperimus, quibus tertio post saeculo qum Philosophus obiit, in xi hoam ti
secundus familia in quarta Imperator, non in libros tantum, sed etiam litteratos barbar,
crudeliterque saeviit. Caeterum cum hujus morte litterae mox revixerunt, et iis honorum
incrementis, quae sub Tarraris quoque spectamus hodie, Confucii nomen et fama crevit.
Quis vero in hujusmodi honoribus et titulis posthumis hc finis sit atque intentio non
alibi clarius, quam ex unico, inter caetera, testimonio constabit ipsius Mim famili

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praecedenti Imperatoris ordine tertii Yum lo dicti. Hic aditurus honoris grati Confucii
gymnasium, decretum edidit, quod sic habet: Ego veneror Confucium Imperatorum & Regum
Magiftrum. Imperatores & Reges Domini sunt Populorum. Confucius autem rectam
Populorum institutionem proposuit, tria illa (videlicet) vincula (quae sunt Regem inter et
subditos, parentes et filios, maritum et uxorem) normam item quinque universalium
virtutum (pietatis, justitiae, prudentiae, fidelitatis, civilitatis) & Sinensis Imperii magnam
symmetriam & formam: Omnia haec, [cxxiiii] inquam, Confucius declaravit, ut omnia
saecula erudiret. Convenit igitur personam meam pergere ad magnum gymnasium & munera
offerre vit functo Magistro, eo consilio & intentione, ut litteratos honorem & doctrinam
magnificiam.
Intelliget ex his omnibus prudens Lector, quam non inutilis futura sit Evangelico praeconi
viri hujus authoritas, siquidem ea apud hanc gentem quae Magistri sui, atque litterarum suarum
usque adeo studiosa est, uti quandoque possit (atque vero potest) ad Christianam veritatem
confirmandam; quemadmodum videmus Apostolum Gentium Poetarum Graecorum authoritate
olim apud Athenienses fuisse usum.
Unum tamen hic sollicit cavendum nobis, posito semper ante oculos eorum exemplo, qui
Missionem hanc cum singulari virtute prudentiaque fundatam nobis reliquere, ut apud Sinas
admodum moderat commendemus ac laudemus Confucium, ne testimonio nostro atque
authoritate, prorsus augescat, maxim apud gentem, natura sane superbam, et aliena fere prae suis
contemnentem. Multo magis tamen cavendum nobis erit, ne verbo scriptove damnemus, aut
laedemus eum, quem tota gens tantoper suscipit, ac veneratur, ne huic odiosi reddamur,
non nos ipsi tantm, sed ipsemet, quem praedicamus Christus; atque dum forte
contemnimus aut condemnamus eum, qui tam consentanea rationi docuit, quique vitam ac
mores cum doctrina sua conformasse creditur, videamur nos Europaei, Sinis saltem, non tam
cum Magistro ipsorum, quam cum ratione ipsa pugnare velle, atque hujus lumen, non autem
Confucii nomen extinguere.

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 Index of the Names in the Latin Translation of the Lunyu
Ai Gong , prince of Lu
Ao , son of Han Zhuo

Bao Shuya , counselor of Huan Gong of Qi

Bi Gan , uncle of the tyrant Zhou
Bi Xi , prefect of Jin
Bo , prefect of Qi
Boda , one of the eight twin brothers
Boniu (Ran Boniu), disciple
Boqin , son of Zhou Gong
Boshi , one the eight twin brothers
Boyi , minister of Emperor Shun
Boyi , son of King Guzhu and one of the seven recluses
Boyu , son of Confucius

Chen Heng (Chen Chengzi), prefect of Qi

Chen Wenzi , prefect of Qi
Chen Ziqin (Chen Kang), disciple
Cheng Wang , emperor of the Zhou dynasty
Chengtang , founder and emperor of the Shang dynasty
Cuizi , prefect of Qi

Fan Chi (Fan Xu), disciple

Fan Zhong , aristocrat of Jin
Fang Shu , court musician of Lu
Fu Yue , adviser of Gaozong

Gan , court officer of Lu

Gao Yao , minister of Emperor Shun
Gaozong (Wu Ding), emperor of the Shang dynasty
Gongbo Liao , prefect of Lu
Gongming Jia , prefect of Wei
Gongshang Furao , retainer of the prefect Ji
Gongshu Wenzi , prefect of Wei
Gongsun Chao , prefect of Wei
Gongye Chang , prefect of Lu
Gongzi Jing , prefect of Wei
Guan Zhong , prefect of Qi
Guzhu , king under the Shang dynasty

Han Zhuo , father of Ao

Houji , minister of the Emperor Shun
Huan Gong , prince of Qi

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 Huan Tui , prefect of Song
Huangdi , emperor
Huizong , emperor of the Song dynasty

Ji , prefect and praetor of Lu

Ji Gua , one of the eight twin brothers
Ji Sui , one of the eight twin brothers
Jian Gong , prince of Qi
Jianzi , aristocrat of Jin
Jie , last emperor of the Xia dynasty
Jili , son of King Tai
Jilu , disciple
Ji Kangzi , prefect of Lu
Jing Gong , prince of Qi
Jizi , uncle of the tyrant Zhou
Ji Zicheng , prefect of Wei
Ju Boyu , prefect of Wei

Kang Shu , son of Wen Wang

Kong Wenzi , prefect of Wei

Lao , disciple
Liao , court officer of Lu
Lin Fang , rich person of Lu
Ling Gong , prince of Wei
Liu Xiahui , native of Lu
Meng Jingzi , prefect of Lu
Meng Xianzi , prefect of Lu, father of Meng Zhuangzi
Meng Yizi , prefect of Lu
Meng Zhifan , prefect of the army
Meng Zhuangzi , prefect of Lu, son of Meng Xianzi
Meng Gongchuo , prefect of Lu
Mencius , philosopher
Min Ziqian , disciple
Mingdi , emperor of the Han dynasty
Mozi , philosopher
Mu Wang , emperor of the Zhou dynasty

Nan Rong (Nan Gongguo), disciple

Ning Wuzi , prefect of Wei

Pi Chen , prefect of Zheng

Qidiao Kai , disciple

Qiu Jun (Qiu Qiongshan), interpreter
Que , court officer of Lu

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Ran Qiu (Ran You, Ranzi), disciple
Ran Yong , disciple
Ru Bei , native of Lu

Shao Hu , vassal de Gongzi Jiu

Shaolian , one of the seven recluses
Shen Cheng , disciple
Shishu , scribe of Zheng
Shiyu , prefect of Wei
Shi Mian , Master of Music Mian
Shizhi , Master of Music Zhi
Shu Qi , son of King Guzhu and one of the seven recluses
Shu Xia , one of the eight twin brothers
Shu Ye , one of the eight twin brothers
Shulianghe , father of Confucius
Shun , emperor
Sima Niu , disciple

Tai Wang , king of the Shang dynasty

Taibo , song of Tai Wang
Taijia , emperor of the Shang dynasty
Taijiang , mother of Wangji
Tairen , mother of Wen Wang
Taisi , mother of Wu Wang

Wang Sunjia , prefect of Wei

Weisheng Gao , legendary model of rectitude
Weisheng Mou , recluse
Weizi , brother of the tyrant Zhou
Wen Wang , father of Wu Wang
Wu , court musician of Lu
Wu Wang , founder and emperor of the Zhou dynasty
Wuma Qi , disciple

Xian Gong , prince of Zheng

Xiang , court musician of Lu
Xiang Gong , prince of Lu
Xie , minister of the emperor Shun
Xuan Gong , prince of Lu

Yan Hui (Yan Yuan ), disciple

Yan Lu , father of Yan Hui
Yan Pingzhong , prefect of Qi
Yang , prefect of royal music at Lu
Yang Fu , judge of Lu
Yang Hu , prefect of Wei
Yang Huo , retainer of the prefect Ji

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 Yang Zhu , philosopher
Yao , emperor
Yi , famous archer in the Xia dynasty
Yi Yi , one of the seven recluses
Yi Yin , minister of the Shang dynasty
You Ruo , disciple
Youzi , disciple
Yu , emperor
Yuzhong , one of the seven recluses
Yuan Si (Xian), disciple

Zai Wo (Zai Yu), disciple

Zang Wenzhong , prefect
Zang Wuzhong , prefect of Lu
Zengzi (Zengshen), disciple
Zhang Juzheng , Interpreter and GreatGrand Secretary
Zhao Gong , prince of Lu
Zhonggong (Ran Yong), disciple
Zhonghe , one of the eight twin brothers
Zhongshu Yu , prefect of Wei
Zhongtu , one of the eight twin brothers
Zhongyong (Yuzhong), son of King Tai
Zhou , last emperor of the Shang dynasty
Zhou Gong , prince of Zhou, son of Wen Wang
Zhou Ren , ancient historian
Zhu Tuo , prefect of Wei
Zhu Xi (Zhuzi), interpreter
Zhu Zhang
Zhuan , retainer of Gongshu Wenzi
Zhuangzi , prefect of Bian
Zhuanxu , emperor
Zichan , minister of Zheng
Zihua (Gongxi Hua), disciple
Zifu Jingbo , prefect of Lu
Zigao (Chai), disciple
Zijian , disciple
Zilu (Jilu, You), disciple
Zigong (Si), disciple
Zisang Bozi , native of Lu
Zixi , prefect of Chu
Zixia (Shang), disciple
Ziyou (Yan You), disciple
Ziyu , officer of Zheng
Zizhang (Shi), disciple

436
 Index of Terms

A
an 7.37: mild and sweet (temperatus, suavus); 1.14: comfort (commoda); 2.10:
peace and delight (quies et oblectamentum); 16.1, 17.21: peace (pax, tranquilitas)
- anren 4.2 to rest in virtue (conquiescare virtute)

D
dao 1.2, 4.8, 5.1, 5.20, 8.13, 14.1, 14.4, 16.2: law (lex); 1.5, 2.3: to rule (dirigere);
17.14: the method and precepts about a good and happy life (rationes et praecepta
ben beatque vivendi); 18.7: national character and laws (mos patrius et leges); 19.2:
the best examples and instructions (documenta et disciplina optima); 19.12: way and
method of education (modus et ratio institutionis); 19.19: proper way and norm of a
right living and governing (via et norma recte vivendi et gubernandi); 1.12, 3.16, 4.8,
4.15, 5.6, 6.10: teaching (doctrina); 1.11, 4.20: education (institutum); 19.22:
teachings, laws, and customs (doctrina, leges, instituta); 4.9, 8.4: philosophy; 4.5, 7.6,
8.13, 13.25: reason (ratio); 6.15: road (via)
- hongdao 15.28: to make the rule of reason bright again and make it great
(illustrem reddere & magnificare normam rationis)
- tiandao 5.12: prescription given from heaven to man (dictamen caelitus
homini inditum)
daifu 5.18, 10.2, 11.7, 14.12, 14.19, 14.22, 15.9, 16.2, 16.3, 19.23: prefect
(praefectus)

G
gang 5.10: steadfast (fortis); 13.27, 17.8: unwavering strength of the soul
(robor constantis animi)
gelao 1.11, 2.16, 2.24. 3.13, 7.34, 8.12, 8.18, 9.9, 9.27, 10.7, 10.18, 11.25,
12.6, 12,16, 12.23, 13.4, 14.5, 14.6, 14.37, 16.8, 16.14, 19.19, 20 : Colaus [Grand
Secretary Zhang Juzheng]
gong 1.10, 1.13: respect and reverence (observantia et reverentia); 5.15:
obedience (obedentia); 7.37 attentive, dutiful, and respectful of others (officiosus,
observans, reverans); 8.2: polite and kind (comis & officiosus); 12.5: respect and
benevolence (observantia et benevolentia); 17.6 : vigilant behavior of the person
(vigilans observatio suiipsius)
gong 6.12, 9.15, 14.19: public affair (publicum negotium); 20.1: right and fair
(rectus et aequus)
gua 2.18 : very little (perraro); 8.5: people less smart and educated (hebetioris ac
tenuioris); 16.1: scarcity (paucitas); 19.23: a few (pauci)

H
he 1.12: conciliatory disposition, moderation, and forbearance (placabilitas,
moderatio & longanimitas); 1.12: harmony (facilitas); 13.23: to agree (concordare);
16.1, 19.25: harmony (concordia)
hui 4.11, 5.15: profit (lucrum); 14.10, 20.2: generous (beneficus); 17.6: affection
and benevolence (amor et beneficientia); 20.2: to favor (favere)
haoxue 1.14, 8.13, 19.5: philosopher (philosophus); 5.14, 17.8: to rejoice at
studying and learning from books (gaudere studere libris et addiscere); 5.27: loving

437
to learn and practice (amans discere et proficere); 6.2: zeal for learning and personal
progress (studio discendi & proficiendi)

J
junzi 12.8, 13.3, 15.22, 19.3, 19.4: wise man (sapiens); 4.2, 12.4: honest man
(probus); 12.16, 13.23, 16.8, 18.7, 19.9, 20.3: honest and wise man (probus et
sapiens); 7.30: perfect man (perfectus); 4.5, 6.25, 10.6, 12.5, 15.19, 15.21, 15.31,
16.1, 17.24, 19.7, 19.25: philosopher (philosophus); 7.25, 7.32: man outstanding in
virtue and wisdom (vir virtute sapientiaque caeteris praestans); 16.10: man eager for
virtue and wisdom (virtutis ac sapientiae studiosus); 8.6: exceptional man (eximius
vir); 11.1: man most outstanding and famous in mutual respect and concord (in
observantia concordiaque mutua eximius clarissimusque vir); 16.7: one who pursues
virtue (sectator virtutis); 9.13: a sincere pursuer of virtue and wisdom (syncerus
virtutis ac sapientiae spectator); 17.23: a serious and superior man (vir gravis &
eminens); 16.6: ruler (princeps); 8.2: man holding office (qui magistratu fungitur);
17.4: magistrate in charge of others (praefectus aliorum); 19.10: a man who manages
public affairs and assists the ruler (quisquis gerit Rempublicam et administer est
Principis); 10.2: king (rex)
jun 16.1: justice, each one obtaining what is due to him (obtinere suum cuique)
jing 2.7, 2.20, 5.16, 19.1: respect (reverentia); 16.10: assiduity (sedulitas);
respect and reverence (veneratio et reverentia); 6.1: strict (severus); 6.20: to respect
(venerari); 12.5: to take care of ones self-perfection (attendere sibi persiciendo);
14.45: constant vigilance and attention paid to oneself (assidua suiipsius vigilantia et
attentio)

K
kuan 3.26: lenient (clemens); 17.6: broadness and clemency of heart (amplitudo
et clementia animi); 20.1: munificient (munificus)

L
li 1.12, 1.13, 1.15, 2.3: rituals, ceremonies, duties (officium); 17.21: civil duties
(officia civiles); 6.25: method of correct reason (regula rectae rationis); 12.1: original
control of our rational nature (primaevum illud temperamentum naturae rationalis)
- Liji 8.8, 17.11: Books of ceremonies (libri officiorum)
liuren 16.14 foreigner (peregrinus)

M
miao 3.15, 10.14: ancestral hall (avita aula)
- zongmiao: 11.25: family hall (parentalis aula); 10.1, 10.14, 14.20, 19.23:
hall of the clan (gentilia aula); 14.20, 19.23: hall of the ancestors of the clan
(gentilitiae majorum aula)
- damao 3.15: great and famous hall (magna illa celebrisque aula)
- taimao 10.4: main clan hall (majoris aula gentilitia)
min 4.24: quick and unencumbered (celer et expeditus); 20.1: vigilant, active,
and painstaking (vigilans, impiger, sedulus); 5.14, 12.1: sharp and intelligent (acutus
et perspicax) 17.6: perseverance and diligence (assiduitas ac diligentia);
ming 2.4, 20.3: mandate of heaven and providence (coeli mandatum &
providentia)

438
P
pin 4.5, 8.10, 8.13, 14.1, 15.31: poverty, humiliation, and baseness (inopia &
humilitas vilitas); 1.4: poor (pauper); 16.1: penury (penuria)

R
ren 12.20: virtue (virtus); 15.32: inner virtue (interiora virtus); 201.2: true virtue
(vera virtus); 5.7, 5.18, 6.20, 6.21: true and real virtue (vera solidaque virtus); 19.15,
19.16: inner and solid virtue (interna et solida virtus); 6.20: inner, real, and perfect
virtue (interiora, solida et consummata virtus); 17.21: true and genuine virtue (vera et
germana virtus); 14.7: innate virtue of the heart (nativa cordis virtus); 7.6: absolute
perfection of inner virtue (absoluta virtutis interioris perfectio); 7.33: firm perfection
of a sincere soul (solida synceri animi perfectio); 12.1: innocence and perfection of
the heart (cordis innocentia et perfectio); 6.24: pious man loving others (homo ver
pius, aliorum amans); 6.28: charity or piety (charitas pietasve); 4.1, 4.15: charity
(charitas); 6.5: inner and firm perfection of the mind, by which we constantly follow
the natural light endowed by heaven, which does not leave its course, even for a short
amount of time (illa interior et solida animi perfectio qu fit ut naturale lumen
coelitus inditum constanter sequamur, sic ut suscepto cursu ne exiguo quidem
temporis momento desistat); 4.1: love and innocence (charitas et innocentia); 18.1:
rare trust, perseverance, and faithfulness (rarae fidei, constantiae, pietatis viri); 13.12:
innate virtue given to everyone (nativa virtus nulli non indita); 13.27: true integrity
and innocence of the soul, endowed from heaven into our nature (integritas
innocentiaque animi coelits indita naturae nostrae); 14.5: integrity and uprightness
(integritas et innocentia); 14.17, 17.1: loyal (pius); 15.9: honest (probus); 17.8:
embracing everyone in the widest bosom of charity and being good to everyone
(amplissimo charitatis sinu complecti omnes, et de nullo non mereri bene); 20.11:
trust, honesty, and wisdom (fides, probitas, sapientia)
- renzhe 4.2. 4.3: honest man (vir probus); 6.20: man of true and solid virtue
(verae solidaeque virtutis homo); 6.24: pious man loving others (pius, aliorum
amans); 9.28: honest and innocent man (probus & innocens)
- burenzhe 4.2, 12.22: dishonest man (improbus)
ru 6.11 literatus

S
shi 4.9, 8.7, 15.9: literatus; 12.20: educated leader (literatus gubernator); 13.20:
excellent and distinguished (vir eximius et primarius); 13.28: Master (magister); 14.3,
19.1: wise and serious man (vir gravis ac sapiens)
shi 18.7: to hold public office (gerere magistratum); 19.13: to be promoted to
public affairs (admotus res et curas publicas)
sheng 7.33: holiness (sanctitas)
- shengren 7.25, 16.8, 19.12: holy man (sanctus)
- shengxian 11.19: holy and wise people (sancti ac sapientes)
si 13.2: minor prefect (minor praefectus)

T
ting 3.1: ancestral hall (avita aula)
tian 17.19, 20.1: heaven (coelum)

439
 tianming 16.8 : mandate of heaven (Caeli mandatum)

W
wan 7.37: respectable and composed (venerandus, composites)
wansui 16.14 ten thousand years (annorum myrias)
wangye 16.14 prince and master (princeps et dominus)
wei 7.37: serious and strict (gravis, severus)
wen 7.37: pleasant, courteous, and friendly (blandus, comis, affablis)

X
xianggong 16.14: bachelor holder (baccalaureus)
xianzhi 14.39, 15.9, 19.22: wise man (sapiens)
xianwang 16.1: ancient emperors (prisci imperatores)
xiao 1.2: to obey parents (obtemperare parentibus); 1.6: to obey and to serve
parents (obedire et servire parentibus); 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.21, 4.20, 19.18: piety and
obedience (pietas et obedientia); 2.20: duty of a pious and obedient son (officium pii
atque obedientis filii)
xiaoren 14.7 a wicked man (improbus); 17.12: a mean and dishonest man
(abjectus et improbus); 19.8: a foolish and dishonest man (stultus et improbus); 17.25:
a man of the lowest condition (infimae conditionis homo); 17.4: common people
(plebs)
xin 17.21: mind (animus)
xincun 12.3: protection or guard of the heart (cordis custodia)
xin 7.24 (cum fide constantiaque); 7.24: firm trust, with the strength of an
invincible mind (cum robore quodam invictae mentis conjuncta); 13.4: trust (fides);
17.6: trustfulness and veracitas (fides et veractas); 17.8: trust, or in the consistency
and truth of maxims and conventions (fides, seu dictorum conventorumque constantia
et veritas); 20.1: to serve trust and truth (servire fidem et veritatem)
xing 17.2: nature and light of reason (natura et rationis lumen)
xue 1.1: strive to imitate the wise (operam dare imitationi sapientium); 1.6, 8.17: to
learn (addiscere); 1.7, 7.2: to study (studere); 2.4, 2.18: to study philosophy
(perdiscere philosophiam); 2.15: to devote oneself completely to practicing
(exercitationi totum se dedere); 5.27: to learn and practice (discere et proficere); 7.33:
learn and imitate (addiscere et imitari); 15.31: to pursue virtue (studere virtutem);
16.13: to pay attention (dare operam); 8.12 : to pay attention to virtue and wisdom for
a long time (diu et constanter virtuti sapientiaeque dare operam)
- haoxue 1.14, 5.14, 5.27, 6.2, 8.13, 11.6, 17.8, 19.5: philosophy
(philosophia)

Y
yi 9.2, 9.6, 12.24, 14.13: liberal arts (liberales artes)
yi 13.4, 16.10, 17.23, 19.1: equality and justice (aequitas et justitia); 18.7: justice
and reason (fas et ratio)
yinju 16.11: private person (privatus); 18.8: remain hidden (occulti degere)
yuanchen 16.14 foreigner subjecting himself to the emperor (advenam remotis
terris subditum sese)
yong 14.30: strong, without fear, and gifted with an exceptional and invincible
spirit (fortis, sine metu, et singulari quodam praeditus sobore excelsi invictique

440
animi); 17.23: courage (fortitudo); 17.8: boldly and bravely doing whatever he likes
(generos ac fortiter quidlibet agere)

Z
zai 6.7, 6.12, 11.24: prefect (praefectus)
zhi 6.20, 12.22, 14.30, 15.32, 17.1, 17.8, 19.25: prudence (prudentia); 17.3:
wisdom and honesty (sapientia et probitas)
zhi 17.8 rightness and innocence (rectitudo et candor)
zhong 2.20: trust toward the ruler and the magistrates (fides Principi suo et
Magistratibus); 7.24: serious and sincere will of accomplishing all goals (seria
prorsus ac syncera voluntas agendi quidquid agerent); 16.10: trust and truthfulness
(fides ac veracitas)
zhongyong 1.12, 6.27: golden mean (aurea mediocritas)
zhengming 13.3: reform of name (nominis reformatio)
zhu 16.1: to take care of the worship (curam habere sacrificiorum)
zhuhou 11.25, 14.17, 14.18, 16.2: princes (regulus)
zui 3.13: to sin (peccare); 20.1: sin (peccatum); 5.1: fault (culpa)

441
 Appendix

Ming Edition of the Lunyu jizhu with References in the Sinarum Philosophus

Modern Division Distribution with Page number Page

division ten juan Folio number, Sapientia number
twenty recto or verso, Sinica Sinarum
chapters and paragraph Philosophus
[1.11.16] juan 1 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 7, p. fol. 1, p. 1fol. 29
pars 1a 2, 2 3, p. 1
[2.12.23] fol. 8, p. 1, 1fol. 15, fol. 3, p. 1fol. 921
p.1, 2 6, p.1
[3.13.26] juan 2 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 9, p. fol. 6, p. 1fol. 113
pars 2a 2, 2 10, p. 1
[4.14.26] fol. 10, p. 1, 1fol. 15, fol. 10, p. 1fol. 1417
p. 2, 3 12, p. 1
[5.15.26] juan 3 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 10, fol. 12, p. 1fol. 1826
pars 3a p. 1, 2 16, p. 1
[6.16.28] fol. 10, p. 1, 3fol. 19, fol. 16, p. 1fol. 2635
p. 2, 2 19, p. 2
[7.17.37] juan 4 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 10, fol. 19, p. 2fol. 3645
pars 4a p. 2, 3 23, p. 2
[8.18.21] fol. 11, p. 1, 1fol. 17, fol. 24, p. 1fol. 4552
p. 2 28, p. 2
[9.19.30] juan 5 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 9, p. fol. 29, p. 1fol. 5360
pars 5a 1, 2 35, p. 1
[10.1 fol. 9, p. 2, 1fol. 16, fol. 35, p. 1fol. 6069
10.17] p. 1, 2 38, p. 2
[11.111] juan 6 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 10, 6978
pars 6a p. 1, 1
[12.1 fol. 11, p. 2fol. 20, p. 7889
12.24] 2, 2
[13.1 juan 7 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 9, p. 8997
13.30] pars 7a 2, 1
[14.1 fol. 9, p. 2, 2fol. 12, 97111
14.46] p. 1, 3
[15.1 juan 8 fol. 1, p. 1, 1 fol. 9, 11116
15.41] pars 8a p. 1, 5
[16.1 fol. 9, p. 2, 1fol. 15, 11621
16.14] p. 1, 4
[17.1 juan 9 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 9, p. 12432
17.26] pars 9a 2, 1
[18.1 fol. 9, p. 2, 1fol. 14, 13239
18.11] p. 1, 4
[19.1 juan 10 fol. 1, p. 1, 1fol. 6, p. 13947
19.25] pars 10a 2, 2
[20.120.3] fol. 7, p. 1, 1fol. 9, p. 14759
1, 3

442
Fol. Folio corresponds to the leaf number (ye )
p. 1 corresponds to the recto of the leaf, and p. 2 to the verso of the leaf
1, 2, 3 correspond to paragraph number 1, 2, 3, etc.

Starting with Lunyu 3.1, the Sinarum Philosophus starts afresh the page number.
This is due to the fact that the translations arrived from China into Europe in different
batches and through different maritime routes.

443
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