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22 oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 2

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

12/II

vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2 o 14 in Halle (Saale) 12/II 2015 Herausgeber Harald Meller,

2015

Herausgeber Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch

TAGUNGEN

DES

LANDESMUSEUMS

FÜR

VORGESCHICHTE

HALLE

Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle

Band 12/II | 2015

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale) 7 th Archaeological Conference of Central Germany October 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle

Band 12/II | 2015

22oo BC – Ein Klimasturz als Ursache für den Zerfall der Alten Welt? 22oo BC – A climatic breakdown as a cause for the collapse of the old world?

7. Mitteldeutscher Archäologentag vom 23. bis 26. Oktober 2o14 in Halle (Saale) 7 th Archaeological Conference of Central Germany October 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale)

of Central Germany October 23–26, 2o14 in Halle (Saale) Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt

Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt

landesmuseum für vorgeschichte

herausgegeben von Harald Meller, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Reinhard Jung und Roberto Risch

Halle (Saale)

2o15

Dieser Tagungsband entstand mit freundlicher Unterstützung von:

The conference proceedings were supported by:

von: The conference proceedings were supported by: Die Beiträge dieses Bandes wurden einem

Die Beiträge dieses Bandes wurden einem Peer-Review-Verfahren unterzogen. Die Gutachtertätigkeit übernahmen folgende Fachkollegen: Prof. Dr. Helge Wolfgang Arz, Prof. Dr. Robert Chapman, Prof. Dr. Janusz Czebreszuk, Dr. Stefan Dreibrodt, Prof. José Sebastián Carrión García, Prof. Dr. Albert Hafner, Prof. Dr. Svend Hansen, Dr. Karl-Uwe Heußner, Dr. Barbara Horejs, PD Dr. Reinhard Jung, Dr. Flemming Kaul, Prof. Dr. Ourania Kouka, Dr. Alexander Land, Dr. José Lull García, Prof. Dr. Rafael Micó, Prof. Dr. Pierre de Miroschedji, Prof. Dr. Louis D. Nebelsick, Prof. Dr. Marco Pacciarelli, Prof. Dr. Ernst Pernicka, Prof. Dr. Lorenz Rahmstorf, Prof. Dr. Roberto Risch, Prof. Dr. Jeremy Rutter, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Schmiedl, Anja Stadelbacher, Dr. Ralf Schwarz, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Trnka, Prof. Dr. Jordi Voltas, Dr. Bernhard Weninger.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://portal.dnb.de abrufbar.

isbn

978-3-9445o7-29-3

issn

1867-44o2

isbn (universitat autònoma de barcelona)

978-84-49o-5585-o

Redaktion

Redaktion und Übersetzung der englischen Texte Organisation und Korrespondenz Technische Bearbeitung

Markus C. Blaich, Konstanze Geppert, Kathrin Legler, Anne Reinholdt, Manuela Schwarz, Anna Swieder, David Tucker, Melina Wießler Sandy Hämmerle • Galway (Irland), Isabel Aitken • Peebles (Schottland), David Tucker

Konstanze Geppert, Anne Reinholdt Thomas Blankenburg, Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer

Sektionstrenner

Gestaltung: Thomas Blankenburg, Nora Seeländer;

Umschlag

S. 33 Photograph Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund, 39.1. Creative Commens-BY; S. 95 © Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen; S. 333 © UAB-ASOME; S. 481 © R. Kolev (National Museum of History, Sofia), © Dr. M. Hristov (National Museum of History, Sofia); S. 669 © J. Lipták, München; S. 8o3 © Aberdeen University Museum, © National Museums of Scotland, © Dr. A. Sheridan (National Museums of Scotland) Malte Westphalen, Nora Seeländer

Für den Inhalt der Arbeiten sind die Autoren eigenverantwortlich.

©

by Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt – Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte Halle (Saale). Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt unzulässig. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfil- mungen sowie die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.

Papier

alterungsbeständig nach din/iso 97o6

Satzschrift

FF Celeste, News Gothic

Konzept und Gestaltung Layout, Satz und Produktion Druck und Bindung

Carolyn Steinbeck • Berlin Anne Reinholdt, Nora Seeländer LÖHNERT-DRUCK

Band I

Inhalt/Contents

9

Vorwort der Herausgeber/Preface of the editors

25

Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch

What is an event?

Sektion Orient und Ägypten/ Section Middle East and Egypt

35

Harvey Weiss

Megadrought, collapse, and resilience in late 3 rd millennium BC Mesopotamia

53

Helge Wolfgang Arz, Jérôme Kaiser, and Dominik Fleitmann

Paleoceanographic and paleoclimatic changes around 22oo BC recorded in sediment cores from the northern Red Sea

61

Michele Massa and Vasıf S¸ahog˘lu

The 4.2 ka BP climatic event in west and central Anatolia: combining palaeo-climatic proxies and archaeological data

79

Juan Carlos Moreno García

Climatic change or sociopolitical transformation? Reassessing late 3 rd millennium BC in Egypt

Sektion Östlicher und Zentraler Mittelmeerraum/ Section Eastern and Central Mediterranean

97

Hermann Genz

Beware of environmental determinism: the transition from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age on the Lebanese coast and the 4.2 ka BP event

113

Felix Höflmayer

The southern Levant, Egypt, and the 4.2 ka BP event

131

Lindy Crewe

Expanding and shrinking networks of interaction: Cyprus c. 22oo BC

149

Lorenz Rahmstorf

The Aegean before and after c. 22oo BC between Europe and Asia: trade as a prime mover of cultural change

181

Stephan W. E. Blum and Simone Riehl

Troy in the 23 rd century BC – environmental dynamics and cultural change

205

Reinhard Jung and Bernhard Weninger

Archaeological and environmental impact of the 4.2 ka cal BP event in the central and eastern Mediterranean

235

Bernhard Friedrich Steinmann

Gestürzte Idole – Das Ende der frühkykladischen Elite

253

Marco Pacciarelli, Teodoro Scarano, and Anita Crispino

The transition between the Copper and Bronze Ages in southern Italy and Sicily

283

Giovanni Leonardi, Michele Cupitò, Marco Baioni, Cristina Longhi, and Nicoletta Martinelli

Northern Italy around 22oo cal BC. From Copper to Early Bronze Age: Continuity and/or discontinuity?

305

Giulia Recchia and Girolamo Fiorentino

Archipelagos adjacent to Sicily around 22oo BC: attractive environments or suitable geo-economic locations?

321

Walter Dörfler

The late 3 rd millenium BC in pollen diagrams along a south-north transect from the Near East to northern Central Europe

Sektion Westlicher Mittelmeerraum/ Section Western Mediterranean

335

Laurent Carozza, Jean-François Berger, Cyril Marcigny, and Albane Burens

Society and environment in Southern France from the 3 rd millennium BC to the beginning of the 2 nd millennium BC: 22oo BC as a tipping point?

365

Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch

Transition and conflict at the end of the 3 rd millennium BC in south Iberia

409

António Carlos Valera

Social change in the late 3 rd millennium BC in Portugal: the twilight of enclosures

429

Germán Delibes de Castro, Francisco Javier Abarquero Moras, Manuel Crespo Díez, Marcos García García, Elisa Guerra Doce, José Antonio López Sáez, Sebastián Pérez Díaz, and José Antonio Rodríguez Marcos

The archaeological and palynological record of the Northern Plateau of Spain during the second half of the 3 rd millennium BC

449

Martin Kölling, Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada, and Roberto Risch

No indication of increased temperatures around 22oo BC in the south-west Mediterranean derived from oxygen isotope ratios in marine clams (Glycimeris sp.) from the El Argar settle- ment of Gatas, south-east Iberia

461

Mara Weinelt, Christian Schwab, Jutta Kneisel, and Martin Hinz

Climate and societal change in the western Mediterranean area around 4.2 ka BP

Band II

Sektion Mittel- und Osteuropa/ Section Central and Eastern Europe

483 Martin Hristov

New evidence for funeral and ritual activity in the northern part of the Balkan Peninsula:

a case study from Southern Bulgaria in the second half of the 3 rd millennium BC to the first half of the 2 nd millennium BC

503

Klára Pusztainé Fischl, Viktória Kiss, Gabriella Kulcsár, and Vajk Szeverényi

Old and new narratives for Hungary around 22oo BC

525

Mirosław Furmanek, Agata Hałuszko, Maksym Mackiewicz, and Bartosz Mys´lecki

New data for research on the Bell Beaker Culture in Upper Silesia, Poland

539

Janusz Czebreszuk and Marzena Szmyt

Living on the North European Plain around 22oo BC: between continuity and change

561

François Bertemes and Volker Heyd

22oo BC – Innovation or Evolution? The genesis of the Danubian Early Bronze Age

579

Frank Sirocko

Winter climate and weather conditions during the »Little-Ice-Age-like cooling events« of the Holocene: implications for the spread of »Neolithisation«?

595

Alexander Land, Johannes Schönbein, and Michael Friedrich

Extreme climate events identified by wood-anatomical features for the Main Valley (Southern Germany) – A case study for 3ooo–2ooo BC

603

Matthias B. Merkl and Jutta Lechterbeck

Settlement dynamics and land use between the Hegau and the western Lake Constance region, Germany, during the second half of the 3 rd millennium BC

617

Philipp W. Stockhammer, Ken Massy, Corina Knipper, Ronny Friedrich, Bernd Kromer, Susanne Lindauer, Jelena Radosavljevic´, Ernst Pernicka und Johannes Krause

Kontinuität und Wandel vom Endneolithikum zur frühen Bronzezeit in der Region Augsburg

643

Andreas Bauerochse, Inke Achterberg, and Hanns Hubert Leuschner

Evidence for climate change between 22oo BC and 216o BC derived from subfossil bog and riverine trees from Germany

651

Johannes Müller

Crisis – what crisis? Innovation: different approaches to climatic change around 22oo BC

Sektion Mitteldeutschland/ Section Central Germany

671

Ralf Schwarz

Kultureller Bruch oder Kontinuität? – Mitteldeutschland im 23. Jh. v. Chr.

715

Matthias Becker, Madeleine Fröhlich, Kathrin Balfanz, Bernd Kromer und Ronny Friedrich

Das 3. Jt. v. Chr. zwischen Saale und Unstrut – Kulturelle Veränderungen im Spiegel der Radiokohlenstoffdatierung

747

Kathrin Balfanz, Madeleine Fröhlich und Torsten Schunke

Ein Siedlungsareal der Glockenbecherkultur mit Hausgrundrissen bei Klobikau, Sachsen-Anhalt, Deutschland

765

Madeleine Fröhlich und Matthias Becker

Typochronologische Überlegungen zu den Kulturen des Endneolithikums und der frühen Bronzezeit zwischen Saale und Unstrut im 3. Jt. v. Chr.

783

Frauke Jacobi

»Size matters!« – Die endneolithischen Gräberfelder von Profen, Burgenlandkreis, Sachsen-Anhalt

793 André Spatzier

Pömmelte-Zackmünde – Polykultureller Sakralort oder Ortskonstanz im Heiligtum während einer kulturellen Transformation? Ein Beitrag zur Kulturentwicklung des späten 3. Jts. v. Chr. in Mitteldeutschland

Sektion Nord- und Westeuropa/ Section Northern and Western Europe

805

Andrew P. Fitzpatrick

Great Britain and Ireland in 22oo BC

833

Mike Baillie and Jonny McAneney

Why we should not ignore the mid-24 th century BC when discussing the 22oo–2ooo BC climate anomaly

Anhang/Appendix

845 Autorenkollektiv/Collective contribution

Ergebnistabelle/Table of results

Old and new narratives for Hungary around 2200 BC

Klára Pusztainé Fischl, Viktória Kiss, Gabriella Kulcsár, and Vajk Szeverényi

Zusammenfassung

Alte und neue Interpretationen der Situation in Ungarn um 2200 v. Chr.

In der Zeit um 22oo v. Chr. fanden in vielen Teilen der Alten Welt Veränderungen statt; dies trifft auch auf das Karpaten- becken und insbesondere auf Ungarn zu. Eine der heraus- ragendsten Veränderungen ist das Verschwinden der Glockenbecherformen aus Zentralungarn sowie das Wieder- aufkommen von Tellsiedlungen (nach einer ersten Phase im späten Neolithikum) in weiten Teilen des Karpatenbeckens – vor allem aber in den östlichen Gebieten – sowie die Ent- wicklung kleinräumiger und immer ausgeprägterer Kera- mikstile, die auf die Entstehung kleiner Netzwerke innerhalb Ungarns hinweisen. Viele Interpretationsmöglichkeiten für diesen Wandel wur- den schon vorgeschlagen. Diese beriefen sich jedoch meist auf Migrationen, in der Regel aus dem Südosten, die eine »Balka- nisch-Anatolische Wirtschaftsform« mitgebracht hätten. Ziel des Beitrages ist es, neue Interpretationsmöglichkei- ten für diesen bedeutenden Wandel der ungarischen Bronze- zeit, durch das Konzentrieren auf kulturelle und technische Prozesse, zu präsentieren, die in dieser Phase aufkamen. Es wird aufgezeigt, dass es sich hier keinesfalls um eine Krise handelte, sondern, dass in der Zeit um 22oo v. Chr. im Karpa- tenbecken eine kontinuierliche gesellschaftliche Entwicklung ihren Anfang nahm, die bis zum Ende der Mittelbronzezeit (ca. 16oo–15oo/145o v. Chr.) anhielt. Die Hauptfaktoren, die zu dieser Veränderung führten, waren eine Klimaverbesse- rung, ein landwirtschaftlicher Produktionsüberschuss, ein Bevölkerungswachstum, eine verstärkte soziale Differenzie- rung sowie neue Formen der kulturellen Erinnerung und des Vergangenheitsbezugs.

Introduction

The period between 23oo BC and 21oo BC represents a time of change in many areas of the Old World, and this is also true for the Carpathian Basin, and for Hungary in partic­ ular. This crucial transition has been described in a number of different ways. It was an important turning point of Hungarian Bronze Age archaeology when, in connection with an international travelling exhibition of the material of Bronze Age tell settle­ ments in the Great Hungarian Plain, a summary of the new research results was attempted (Meier­Arendt 1992). Though the exhibition catalogue showed only glimpses of the rich material of Bronze Age tell settlements, it became a hand­

TAGUNGEN DES LANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

Summary

22oo BC represents a time of change in many areas of the Old World, and this is also true for the Carpathian Basin, and for Hungary in particular. Among the most salient features of this change are the disappearance of Bell Beaker-type mate- rial in central Hungary, the reappearance of tell settlements (after their first period in the Late Neolithic) in large portions of the Carpathian Basin – particularly in the east – and the formation of smaller, increasingly distinct ceramic styles that indicate the formation of smaller networks within Hungary. Many scholars have tried to provide an account of this trans- formation, but previous explanations have mainly invoked migrations, usually from the south-east, that brought with them a »Balkan-Anatolian economy«. The aim of the paper is to provide a new narrative for this major transformation in Hungary’s Bronze Age, focusing on new cultural and techno- logical processes that start at this point. It will be demon- strated that, as opposed to a crisis, 22oo BC in the Carpathian Basin represents the starting point for a continuous, uninter- rupted development of societies lasting until the final phase of the Middle Bronze Age in the area (c. 16oo–15oo/145o BC). As prime movers of change we identify climatic melioration, surplus production, demographic growth, increasing social differentiation, and new forms of cultural memory and of relationship with the past.

book of the Early and Middle Bronze Age (MBA) periods in Hungary, not only because of the nice colour photos of sig­ nifcant fnds, but also because of the very important collec­ tion of absolute chronological data (Raczky et al. 1992). These early explanations, mainly invoking migrations, represented an old fashioned approach to archaeology and the explana­ tion of cultural change. As shown on traditional maps of the distribution of assumed »cultures«, the physical movement and resettlement of whole populations or »ethnic groups« was suggested, usually from the south­east, bringing with them a »Balkan­Anatolian economy«. Among the most signifcant changes of the period be­ tween 23oo BC and 21oo BC are the disappearance of Bell Beaker­type material in central Hungary, the reappearance

504 KLÁRA PUSZTAINÉ FISCHL, VIKTÓRIA KISS, GABRIELLA KULCSÁR, AND VAJK SZEVERÉNYI

Absolute

   

Central

dates (BC)

Bulgaria

Hungary

Europe

     

Reinecke Bz

2200/2100

A1

EBA III

EBA 2

Reinecke Bz

2300

A0

2600/2500

 

EBA 1

Eneolithic

EBA II

Transitional

period

2900/2800

   

Late

Late Copper

Neolithic

EBA I

Age

3500/3400

 

a

Fig. 1a–b a The beginning of the Bronze Age in south­eastern and central Europe; b overview of Late Copper Age, Early and Middle Bronze Age chronology, and cultures/groups in Hungary.

Abb. 1a–b a Der Anfang der Bronzezeit in Süd- ost- und Mitteleuropa; b Übersicht der späten kupferzeitlichen, früh- und mittelbronzezeit- lichen Chronologie sowie der Kulturen/ Gruppen in Ungarn.

cal BC

Central

Europe

Hungary

Western Hungary

Danube River region

Eastern Hungary

Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400
Western Hungary Danube River region Eastern Hungary 1500/1450 2000/1900 2200/2100 2300/2200 2500/2400

1500/1450

2000/1900

2200/2100

2300/2200

2500/2400

2900/2800

3500/3400

RB B

RB A2

RB A1

RB A0

Eneolithic

MBA 3

MBA 2

MBA 1

EBA 3

Füzesabony-

Gyulavarsánd/

Otomani

Hatvan

Maros

Late Nagyrév

Hatvan

Nyírség/Szaniszló

Otomani I

Maros

Late Makó

Nyírség

Early Nagyrév

Early Maros

Encrusted Pottery

Gáta-Wieselburg II

Kisapostag

Gáta-Wieselburg I

Late Somogyvár/Proto

Kisapostag

Somogyvár-Vinkovci

Vatya

Late Nagyrév

Kisapostag

Bell Beaker Late Makó Proto and Early Nagyrév

Makó

EBA 2

 

Late Vu č edol/Early

Makó

EBA 1

Somogyvár-Vinkovci

Yamnaya

Late

Copper

Age

Late

Copper

Age

Vu č edol, Kostolac Late Baden

Vu č edol Late Baden, Kostolac

Late Baden,

Yamnaya, Early

Makó

Baden

Pre-Yamnaya

Baden

Baden

b

of tell settlements (after their frst period in the Late Neo­ lithic) in large portions of the Carpathian Basin, mainly in the east and along the Danube River, and the formation of smaller, increasingly distinct ceramic styles that indicate the formation of new social networks and identities. The

aim of the paper is to provide a new narrative for this major transformation in Hungary’s Bronze Age, focusing on new cultural and technological processes that start at this point.

TAGUNGEN DES LANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

Chronological and cultural framework

We are all aware that there is still some controversy regard­ ing the onset of the Bronze Age in terms of its relative chro­ nology. In the Carpathian Basin, for example, Hungarian and Romanian prehistorians emphasise the region’s media­ ting role and tend to take an intermediate position compared to Bulgarian research, which dates the beginning of the Bronze Age to the mid­4 th millennium BC, when multi­layered settlements appeared and Central European research, which assigns the onset of the Bronze Age to around 22oo BC, when the frst tin bronzes were made (Fig. 1a–b) 1 . The chronological system currently used in Hungary for the Bronze Age was developed by the early 198os by a num­ ber of Hungarian scholars and concerns mostly the Copper Age and the Early and Middle Bronze Ages 2 . According to this system the Bronze Age was divided into three main phases: Early, Middle, and Late. All these phases are in turn divided into three subphases (1–3), which in certain areas and at certain times can be divided into even smaller units (a–b). This system has since been elaborated and refned in certain issues 3 , but has remained unchanged in its funda­ mental aspects. According to this Hungarian relative chro­ nological scheme, the period under study here, between 23oo BC and 21oo BC, falls to the Early Bronze Age phases 2b and 3. While this classic, tripartite chronological framework for the Early Bronze Age in Hungary generally seems to serve its purpose fairly well, there are nevertheless certain problems. An important one is that sometimes there is a poor ft between the relative chronological scheme and the absolute dates obtained through radiocarbon dating. Besides the traditional typological approach and the older radiocar­ bon dates (Raczky et al. 1992; Forenbaher 1993), the num­ ber of modern accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) dates for the area has been continuously increasing. This means around 3o new dates for the period between 25oo/24oo BC and 22oo/21oo BC, although there are usually only one or two dates per site and larger series suitable for Bayesian sta­ tistical analysis are rare. In the following we will briefly sketch the chronological and cultural framework of the area between c. 25oo BC and 22oo/21oo BC. According to the most recent model, there was a short, approximately 2oo­year­long transitional period between 28oo/27oo BC and 26oo/25oo BC, when »Late Copper Age« material was used contemporaneously with »Early Bronze Age« material culture 4 . The beginning of the Bronze Age (EBA 1) in the Carpathian Basin can be traced along two lines. If we simplify a rather complicated situation, we may say that in southern Transdanubia (Hungary), Slavonia (Croatia) and Syrmia (Serbia/Croatia), material of the Late Vučedol and then Somogyvár­Vinkovci types can be found,

OLD AND NEW NARRATIVES FOR HUNGARY AROUND 2200 BC

505

while most of the Great Hungarian Plain, northern Trans­ danubia, and southwest Slovakia are characterised by Makó­type fnds, occasionally with Late Yamnaya connec­ tions from the East European steppe 5 . In the light of radiocarbon dates 6 , however, this picture is in need of some re­evaluation. Some Makó style assem­ blages, usually assigned to EBA 1–2a (c. 26oo–23oo BC), have been radiocarbon dated to after 23oo BC, indicating that they belong instead to the EBA phases 2b–3 and are thus relevant for the question regarding the changes around 22oo BC (e. g. Üllő, Site 5, co. Pest (Hungary): 234o– 213o cal BC; Domony, co. Pest (Hungary): 234o–2o5o cal BC; see Kulcsár/Szeverényi 2o13, 71). In the following the processes of change will be presen­ ted in three separate regions: 1. the Danube River region, 2. eastern Hungary – the Tisza River and Maros River re­ gions, and 3. western Hungary/Transdanubia (Fig. 2–5).

The Danube River region

The greatest changes can be noted in the Budapest area (Hungary), where several intensively occupied settlements appear, together with large cemeteries, often containing hundreds or even a thousand or more burials: this is the Bell Beaker period 7 . The section of the Danube River in the Buda­ pest area had always been suited to a settlement concentra­ tion of this type, acting as a gateway between the west and the eastern plains. The appearance of the Bell Beaker popu­ lation brought new cultural impulses (Heyd 2oo7; Heyd 2oo7a). The assessment of the settlements and the ceme­ teries in the Budapest area yielded evidence that the region was an important meeting point between the north­west, the east, and the south. A cultural syncretism can be noted in both the burial rite and the grave goods in the EBA 2 cemeteries, and a few stable isotope analyses indicate some degree of mobility in the period (Price et al. 2oo4; Kulcsár 2o11). This complexity formed the basis of the group’s iden­ tity. Marked differences can be discerned between the two banks of the Danube River. The eastern bank shows contacts with the Tisza River and Maros River regions, while the con­ tacts of the western bank were more oriented to the north­ west and the south (Kulcsár 2o11; Endrődi 2o13). Through the mediation of this area, the network of interaction at this period thus spanned the vast territory between Moravia and Serbia, and the Tisza/Maros Rivers region and Lower Austria. The stimulus behind the interaction network was no doubt the exchange of raw materials and possibly horses. The frst tin bronzes, although with a very low tin content, are also known from this area (Endrődi et al. 2oo3; Remé­ nyi et al. 2oo6).

1 E. g. Maran 1998; Gogâltan 1999; Bertemes/ Heyd 2oo2; Kulcsár 2oo9; Reményi 2oo9; Heyd 2o13; Kulcsár/Szeverényi 2o13.

2 Bóna 1975, 222; Bándi 1982; Kalicz 1982; Kalicz­Schreiber 1982; Kovács 1982.

3 E. g. Kalicz­Schreiber/Kalicz 1997, Abb. 1; 2; most recently Reményi 2oo9.

4 Gál/Kulcsár 2o12; Horváth 2o12; Kulcsár 2o12; Kulcsár 2o13; Kulcsár/Szeverényi 2o13; Horváth/Kulcsár 2o14.

5 E. g. Dani 2oo1; Dani 2oo5; Kulcsár 2oo9; Reményi 2oo9.

6 All radiocarbon dates in the text have been recalibrated using OxCal v4.2.4 (Bronk Ram­ sey 2oo9), using the IntCal13 atmospheric calibration curve (Reimer et al. 2o13). Calibrated dates are given with 1σ proba­ bility, unless otherwise stated.

TAGUNGEN DES LANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

7 Kalicz­Schreiber 2oo1; Endrődi/Pásztor 2oo6; Czene 2oo8; Endrődi et al. 2oo8; Patay 2oo8; Kulcsár 2o11; Endrődi 2o12; Endrődi 2o13; Endrődi 2o13a; Patay 2o13.

8 Raczky et al. 1992; Forenbaher 1993; Endrődi/Pásztor 2oo6; Kulcsár 2o11; Horváth 2o13; Kulcsár 2o13a; Patay 2o13.

506 KLÁRA PUSZTAINÉ FISCHL, VIKTÓRIA KISS, GABRIELLA KULCSÁR, AND VAJK SZEVERÉNYI

Northeastern Carpathians Gutin N Ukraine Slovakia Austria Mátra Eastern Carpathians 1 Northwestern Carpathians
Northeastern Carpathians
Gutin
N
Ukraine
Slovakia
Austria
Mátra
Eastern Carpathians
1
Northwestern Carpathians
Sárrét
2
Körös
Hungary
3
Slovenia
Apuseni
Mountains
Maros
Romania
Drava
Croatia
Serbia
Sava
Tisza
Transdanubia
Bosnia and Herzegovina
100 km
Bükk
a
Southern Carpathians
Great Hungarian Plain
Tokaj
Danube

Fig. 2a–b a 1 The Danube River region; 2 eastern Hungary – the Tisza and Maros River regions; 3 western Hungary/Transdanubia; b Bronze Age sites mentioned in the text: ¡: settlement, burial, hoard; n tell settlement.

Abb. 2a–b a 1 Die Donauregion; 2 Ostungarn – Theiss- und Marosgebiet; 3 Westungarn/Transdanubien. b Die im Text erwähnten bronzezeitlichen Fund- stellen. ¡ Siedlung, Bestattung, Hortfund; n Tellsiedlung.

Based on the radiocarbon dates, Bell Beaker­type mate­ rial can be placed between 25oo BC and 22oo/21oo BC 8 . A blend of local Makó, Somogyvár–Vinkovci, and proto/early Nagyrév elements can be noted. This overlap in the second half of the 3 rd millennium BC is also supported by the radio­ carbon dates presented here. A series of fve AMS radiocar­ bon dates from the cemetery of Szigetszentmiklós­Felső Ürge­hegyi dűlő, co. Pest (Hungary) can be subjected to Bayesian analysis (Patay 2o13). Assuming that the graves represent a single phase, the time span of the use of the cemetery can be dated to c. 242o–219o cal BC (Fig. 6a). A similar analysis of the three AMS dates from the cemetery of Budapest­Békásmegyer dates its use to c. 241o– 222o cal BC (Fig 6b; Kulcsár 2o13a). One of the most interes­ ting questions concerns when and how Bell Beaker material disappeared from the vicinity of Budapest and what fol­ lowed it. We have one published radiocarbon date from Dunakeszi­Székesdűlő, co. Pest (Hungary), where a burial with Nagyrév style material is dated to 2o3o–19oo cal BC (Endrődi/Pásztor 2oo6). From this perspective, the processes of the emergence of tell settlements (discussed below) and the associated Nagy­ rév­type material along the Danube River are crucial. The

Proto­Nagyrév group, appearing on the right bank of the Danube River, can be regarded as an independent branch, differing slightly from the Somogyvár–Vinkovci in Trans­ danubia (Bóna 1965; cf. Szabó 1992; Kulcsár 2oo9). The group’s distribution in the Danube River valley virtually con­ forms to the earlier Vučedol pattern in Syrmia and along the Hungarian Danube section up to Dunaföldvár­Kálvária­ hegy, co. Tolna (Hungary). This settlement network enabled the southward spread of the fnely decorated Bell Beak­ er wares from the easternmost intensive settlement concen­ tration in the Budapest area to the southernmost site at Ostrikovac, co. Pomoravlje (Serbia), in the Morava River valley. The Proto­Nagyrév settlements formed the basis of the later Bronze Age tell settlements in the Carpathian Basin. The early phases of the Nagyrév tells can be dated similarly, slightly earlier than 22oo BC (cf. Gogâltan 2oo5). Older, non­AMS radiocarbon dates with high standard devi­ ation (e. g. from Baracs, co. Fejér [Hungary] and Bölcske­ Vörösgyír, co. Tolna [Hungary]; Raczky et al. 1992) indicate even earlier dates, but these have to be confrmed by new measurements.

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OLD AND NEW NARRATIVES FOR HUNGARY AROUND 2200 BC

507

N 28 45 21 10 16 25 12 14 40 11 43 34 20 13
N
28
45
21
10
16
25
12
14
40
11
43
34
20
13
7
18
35–38
41 42
1
6
17
2
5
15
4
27
46
9
44
29
3
22
24
19
23
32
8
39
33
26
31
30
100 km
b
1 Bakonszeg­Kádárdomb
8 Bonyhád
16 Dunakeszi­Székesdűlő
25 Ménfőcsanak­Széles­
34 Százhalombatta­Földvár
40 Tiszafüred­
2 Balatonakali
9 Bölcske­Vörösgyír
17 Dunaújváros­Duna­dűlő
földek
35 Szigetszentmiklós­
Majoroshalom
3 Balatonkeresztúr­Réti–
10 Budakalász­Csajerszke
18 Ercsi­Sina­telep
26 Mokrin
Felsőtag
41 Tószeg­Laposhalom
dűlő
11 Budapest­Albertfalva
19 Fajsz
27 Nagyrév­Zsidóhalom
36 Szigetszentmiklós­Felső
42 Túrkeve­Terehalom
4 Balatonőszöd­Temetői­
12 Budapest­Békásmegyer
20 Gáborján­Csapszékpart
28 Nižná Myšl’a
Ürge­hegyi dűlő
43 Üllő Site 5
dűlő
13 Budapest­ Csepel­
21 Hernádkak
29 Ordacsehi­Csereföld
37 Szigetszentmiklós­
44 Vâlcele/Bányabükk
5 Baracs­Bottyánsánc
Hollandi út
22 Kiskundorozsma­
30 Ostrikovac
Üdülősor
45 Včelince
6 Berettyóújfalu­Herpály
14 Domony
Hosszúhát­halom
31 Pa˘tulele
38 Szigetszentmiklós­
7 Berettyóújfalu­Nagy­
15 Dunaföldvár­
23 Kiszombor
32 Pecica/Pécska
Vízművek
46 Vörs­
Máriaasszonysziget
Bócs­dűlő
Kálváriahegy
24 Klárafalva­Hajdova
33 Pécs­Nagyárpád
39 Szőreg

Eastern Hungary – the Tisza River and Maros River regions

In the areas east of the Danube River, fundamental changes can be observed after the Makó/Yamnaya period in several different regions. One such region is the confluence of the Tisza and Maros Rivers. Here, around 23oo BC to 21oo/ 2ooo BC, the frst Early Maros (Óbéba­Pitvaros) groups, of supposedly southern origin but with signifcant north­ western contacts, made their appearance (Bóna 1965; Fischl/ Kulcsár 2o11). From 21oo BC this process led to the forma­ tion of tell settlements, open, flat sites, large cemeteries, and a cultural unit with wide connections (O’Shea 1996; Fischl 1998). So far we do not have modern published radiocarbon dates from the settlements 9 . The Bayesian analysis of the six dates from Mokrin, co. North Banat (Serbia) and four dates from Kiskundorozsma­Hosszúhát­halom near Szeged, co. Csongrád (Hungary), shows that the two cemeteries were contemporary (O’Shea 1992; Fischl/Kulcsár 2o11). The typo­

chronologically early, single­phase cemetery of Kiskundo­ rozsma is dated to 225o–2o5o cal BC, while in the case of Mokrin, co. North Banat (Serbia), the second and third phases of the cemetery are dated to 217o–2o2o cal BC (Fig. 7a–b). Currently it seems uncertain whether the tell set­ tlements of the Maros started before 22oo BC: the new exca­ vation material from Klárafalva and Kiszombor (both co. Csongrád, Hungary) has not yet been published, and at least some of the old radiocarbon dates from Kiszombor (O’Shea 1992; O’Shea 1996) seem too early to come even from an Early Bronze Age context. Here the possibility of contamination with Late Copper Age material may have to be considered. Another important region is in the northern/north­east­ ern part of the Carpathian Basin. Here the changes after the Makó/Nyírség period – strong settlement nucleation and the formation of tell settlements – can be connected to the Hat­ van period and the locally developed Ottomány/Otomani period 10 . Most recently, four dates for the Makó period have

9 Only the older dates from Klárafalva­Haj­ dova and Kiszombor: O’Shea 1992; Raczky et al. 1992; Forenbaher 1993; Fischl/Kulcsár

2o11.

1o Kalicz 1968; Máthé 1988; Bóna 1992; Dani 2oo1; Gogâltan 2oo2; Németi/Molnár 2oo2; Dani 2oo5; Gogâltan 2oo5; Németi/Molnár

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2oo7; Dani/Fischl 2oo9; Gogâltan 2o12; Németi/Molnár 2o12; Duffy 2o14.

508 KLÁRA PUSZTAINÉ FISCHL, VIKTÓRIA KISS, GABRIELLA KULCSÁR, AND VAJK SZEVERÉNYI

Proto Aunjetitz Bell Beaker N Nitra Late Makó Bell Beaker Nyirség Late Makó Bell Beaker
Proto Aunjetitz
Bell Beaker
N
Nitra
Late Makó
Bell Beaker
Nyirség
Late Makó
Bell Beaker
Late Makó
Somogyvár-Vinkovci
Early Nagyrév
Early Nagyrév
Somogyvár-Vinkovci
Early Maros
Somogyvár-Vinkovci
100 km

Fig. 3 Carpathian Basin/Hungary around 23oo/22oo BC.

Abb. 3 Das Karpatenbecken/Ungarn um 23oo/22oo v. Chr.

been published from the site of Berettyóújfalu­Nagy­Bócs­ dűlő, co. Hajdú­Bihar (Hungary; Dani/Kisjuhász 2o13), two from cremation graves and two from settlement features. Their combined date is 255o–246o cal BC (Kulcsár/Szeveré­ nyi 2o13). The earliest AMS radiocarbon date for Hatvan­ type material is known from Včelince, okr. Rimavská Sobota (Slovakia), in the northern Carpathian Basin, and dates its formation to 219o–2o4o cal BC (Görsdorf et al. 2oo4). The early Hatvan phase can be dated in the light of its connections, for example with the Late Nyírség, Sza­ niszló (Dani 2oo5), and Late Nagyrév groups, and a few new radiocarbon dates, to c. 22oo–19oo BC at the earliest.

Western Hungary/Transdanubia

West of the Danube River, Somogyvár­Vinkovci style material, which followed Late Vučedol, is dated between 25oo/24oo BC and 23oo/22oo BC (Kulcsár 2o13; Kulcsár/ Szeverényi 2o13). It is followed by the Kisapostag style and by the Gáta­Wieselburg style in the north­west. The origins of the Kisapostag style, whose appearance in western Hun­

gary is dated between 21oo BC and 19oo BC on typological grounds, were traditionally traced to the Middle Dnieper River region, based on the pottery decoration (Bóna 1961). Recently found inhumation graves in which the deceased were laid to rest in a supine position with flexed legs point toward a possible origin in Northern and Eastern Europe (perhaps with the Corded Ware Culture, based on both pot­ tery decoration and burial practice; Szabó 2oo9). However, the role of local traditions is also shown by Late Somogyvár (Proto­Kisapostag) features, and western contacts are also indicated around 21oo BC by the start of fundamental changes in metallurgy. One radiocarbon date indicates a surprisingly late period for Late Somogyvár (Proto­Kisapos­ tag) material, c. 188o–169o cal BC; its proper interpretation requires further research (Balatonőszöd­Temetői­dűlő, co. Somogy [Hungary]; Horváth/Kulcsár 2o14). Currently only one radiocarbon date from the Bonyhád cemetery, co. Tolna (Hungary), indicates the appearance of the Kisapostag style around 21oo BC (213o–197o cal BC; Kiss et al. forthcoming). All other dates for the type fall into the period after 2ooo cal BC 11 . Based on the currently available data, there is considerable discrepancy between the relative and absolute

OLD AND NEW NARRATIVES FOR HUNGARY AROUND 2200 BC

509

Úneˇtice N Nitra Late Nyirség Gáta-Wieselburg Hatvan Stanislau Nagyrév Kisapostag Early Otomani Nagyrév
Úneˇtice
N
Nitra
Late Nyirség
Gáta-Wieselburg
Hatvan
Stanislau
Nagyrév
Kisapostag
Early Otomani
Nagyrév
Nagyrév
Kisapostag
Maros
Early Vatin
100 km

Fig. 4 Carpathian Basin/Hungary around 22oo/21oo BC.

Abb. 4 Das Karpatenbecken/Ungarn um 22oo/21oo v. Chr.

chronological data in Transdanubia. The reason for this is still unknown; one suggestion is that it is caused by some outliers which have not been recognised due to the small number of measurements.

Climate and environment

The Carpathian Basin is an important transitional zone in Central Europe, connecting the Balkan Peninsula and the western, eastern, and northern parts of Europe. It has a very complex geology, topography, and vegetation. Climatic conditions are determined here by geographical position and topography. Four major climatic regions can be ob­ served: oceanic in the west, sub­Mediterranean in the south, continental in the east and centre, and highland in the mountains. Altitudinal variations complicate the picture even more, causing differences in precipitation and temper­ ature, which, combined with geomorphology, soil, and anthropogenic impact, determine vegetation. The latter is zonal at all scales, due to the combined effect of these fac­ tors (Fig. 8; Sümegi/Bodor 2ooo, 84; Sümegi et al. 2oo4, 26 f.; Sümegi et al. 2o12, 49 f. Fig. 2.2–3). The period under study (4.2 ka BP/2.2 ka BC) falls into the Sub­Boreal climatic phase, which starts around 5ooo BP (3ooo cal BC), and is succeeded by the Sub­Atlantic phase around 29oo/26oo BP (9oo/6oo cal BC), which still continues

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today (Járai­Komlódi 2oo3; for a 53oo BP [33oo BC] start to the Sub­Boreal period see Juhász 2oo2). In the Carpathian Basin, the beginning of the Sub­Boreal phase still falls into the Late Copper Age, and the Early Bronze Age phase under study here can be dated to the beginning of its middle phase. After the »Holocene Climatic Optimum«, it is characterised by cooler and wetter weather. Besides the average tempera­ ture fluctuations, the mean summer temperature decreased and the mean winter temperature rose (Sümegi/Bodor 2oo5, 214; 22o). As a general feature of the period, deciduous forest vegetation closed over, and the Carpathian Basin became covered by forests dominated by oak (Quercus L.) and beech (Fagus sylvatica L.). Based on Scandinavian pollen data, the Sub­Boreal is divided into three subphases. The border be­ tween the Early and Middle Sub­Boreal is around 2ooo cal BC, which coincides with the transition between the Early and Middle Bronze Ages in Hungary (Fischl/Reményi 2o13, 727 Fig. 1). The latter sees the widest distribution of the tell set­ tlement type (Fischl et al. 2o13). However, oceanic climate, from which the Scandinavian data come, characterises only the western fringe of the Carpathian Basin, thus the climatic zones based on Nordic pollen data cannot be generalised to the whole area of the basin. As a consequence, there is no up­to­date climatic recon­ struction for the Sub­Boreal phase in the Carpathian Basin. In any case, a general climatic model could not be sketched for the whole area due to its mosaic­like character. During

510 KLÁRA PUSZTAINÉ FISCHL, VIKTÓRIA KISS, GABRIELLA KULCSÁR, AND VAJK SZEVERÉNYI

Gáta/ L. Nyírség/ Kisapostag Nagyrév Hatvan Maros Wieselburg Sanislau Somogyvár Bell Beaker Early Nagyrév
Gáta/
L. Nyírség/
Kisapostag
Nagyrév
Hatvan
Maros
Wieselburg
Sanislau
Somogyvár
Bell Beaker
Early Nagyrév
Late Makó
Early Maros
Nyírség
BC 2200/2100 BC2300/2200

Fig. 5 Selected typical ceramic fnds from the Carpathian Basin/Hungary around 23oo/22oo BC and 22oo/21oo BC.

Abb. 5 Eine Auswahl typischer Keramikfunde aus dem Karpatenbecken/Ungarn um 23oo/22oo v. Chr. und 22oo/21oo v. Chr.

the past 2o years, however, a series of detailed environmen­ tal studies have been published 12 . Through the complex anal­ ysis of geoarchaeological samples from smaller pollen catch­ ment areas, these indicate mixed oak­beech­hornbeam (Quercus L.­Fagus L.­Capinus L.) deciduous forests within the Sub­Boreal phase, with a gradual decrease of oak. The Holocene wood cover of the Great Hungarian Plain was determined by the regional continental climate: harsh win­ ters, very warm summers, and strong winds (Gardner 2oo5, 1o3). On the other hand, local observations indicate a drier period in the second half of the Middle Bronze Age along the Maros River (Sherwood et al. 2o13), and grape from the Early and Middle Bronze Age layers of the core samples from Keszthely­Úsztatómajor, co. Zala; and Mezőlak, co. Vesz­ prém, in western Hungary also indicates a dry, warmer cli­ mate, probably due to Mediterranean climatic influence (Juhász 2oo7, 49; Sümegi 2oo7, 33o). More detailed proxy data have been published from Keszthely­Fenékpuszta, co. Zala (Hungary), where anthropogenic impact during this period was analysed according to 5o–8o­year­long phases

(2o58 ± 61, 1866 ± 61, 1818 ± 51 BC), but even these data can only be understood at a regional level, and concern only the development of the western end of Lake Balaton (Sümegi et al. 2o11). The analysis of water voles (Arvicola) remains from caves as indicators of wetness shows a gradually wetter climate during the whole Sub­Boreal phase, without signifcant breaks (Kordos 1987; Nádor et al. 2oo7, Fig. 9; Daróczi 2o12, Fig. 6). At the same time P. Sümegi et al. (2o12) suggested that anthropogenic impact, especially through the emer­ gence of tell settlements, may have modifed the already mosaic­like environmental factors of the Carpathian Basin at a micro­regional or regional level, and »the extremely focused exploitation of the landscape during the establish­ ment of the tell settlements brought about a complete disap­ pearance of the boundaries between closed woodlands and adjacent forest­steppe areas contributing to the expansion of the ecotonal elements to the former areas of gallery forests and the closed woodlands of the hills and foothills as well as midmountains of the basin«. Based on the above we can

OLD AND NEW NARRATIVES FOR HUNGARY AROUND 2200 BC

511

Sequence Szigetszentmiklós Boundary start Phase Bell Beaker R_Date Grave 10 R_Date Grave 49 R_Date Grave
Sequence Szigetszentmiklós
Boundary start
Phase Bell Beaker
R_Date Grave 10
R_Date Grave 49
R_Date Grave 50
R_Date Grave 367
R_Date Grave 626
Boundary end
a
Sequence Békásmegyer
Boundary start
Phase Bell
Beaker
R_Date Grave 193
R_Date Grave 432a
R_Date Grave 445
Boundary end
b

Fig. 6a–b Bayesian analysis of radiocarbon dates from Bell Beaker cemeteries in Hungary: a Szigetszentmiklós­Felső Ürge­hegyi dűlő; b Budapest­ Békásmegyer (see Appendix 1 for data).

Abb. 6a–b Bayessche Statistik von 14 C-Daten aus glockenbecherzeitlichen Gräberfeldern in Ungarn: a Szigetszentmiklós-Fels ő Ürge-hegyi d ű l ő; b Buda- pest-Békásmegyer (Daten siehe Appendix 1).

TAGUNGEN DES LANDESMUSEUMS FÜR VORGESCHICHTE HALLE • BAND 12 • 2015

512 KLÁRA PUSZTAINÉ FISCHL, VIKTÓRIA KISS, GABRIELLA KULCSÁR, AND VAJK SZEVERÉNYI

Sequence Mokrin Boundary start Phase Mokrin 2 R_Date Grave 208 R_Date Grave 110 R_Date Grave
Sequence Mokrin
Boundary start
Phase Mokrin 2
R_Date Grave 208
R_Date Grave 110
R_Date Grave 52
R_Date Grave 237
Phase Mokrin 3
R_Date Grave 227
R_Date Grave 259
Boundary end
a
Sequence Kiskundorozsma-Hosszúhát-halom
Boundary start
Phase Early Maros
R_Date Grave 56
R_Date Grave 55
R_Date Grave 66
R_Date Grave 15
Boundary end
b

Fig. 7a–b Bayesian analysis of radiocarbon dates from EBA 3 cemeteries in Hungary: a Mokrin; b Kiskundorozsma­Hosszúhát­halom (see Appendix 1 for data).

Abb. 7a–b Bayessche Statistik von 14 C-Daten aus Gräberfeldern der Frühbronzezeit 3 in Ungarn: a Mokrin; b Kiskundorozsma-Hosszúhát-halom (Daten siehe Appendix 1).

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OLD AND NEW NARRATIVES FOR HUNGARY AROUND 2200 BC

513

a b
a
b

Fig. 8a–b a Climatic zones of the Carpathian Basin: 1 oceanic climatic effect; 2 forest­steppe climatic zone; 3 sub­Carpathian climatic zone; 4 transi­ tional climatic zone; 5 relative frequency of sub­Mediterranean climatic effect. b Vegetation zones of the Carpathian Basin: 1 Pannonian forest steppe region; 2 sub­Mediterranean oak forest region; 3 mixed zone between the sub­Mediterranean and central European forest regions; 4 Balkan oak forest region; 5 Central European oak forest region; 6 beech and coniferous forest; 7 distribution of silver lime (Tilia tomentosa).

Abb. 8a–b a Klimazonen des Karpatenbeckens: 1 Meeresklimaeffekt; 2 Wald-Steppen-Klimazone; 3 subkarpatische Klimazone; 4 klimatische Übergangs- zone; 5 relativ häufiges Auftreten des submediterranen Klimaeffekts. b Vegetationszonen des Karpatenbeckens: 1 pannonische Wald-Steppenlandschaft; 2 submediterraner Eichenwald; 3 gemischte Zone mit submediterranen und mitteleuropäischen Waldregionen; 4 balkanischer Eichenwald; 5 mitteleuro- päischer Eichenwald; 6 Buchen- und Nadelwald; 7 Verbreitung der Silber-Linde (Tilia tomentosa).

establish that, according to the currently available data, there is no signifcant climatic change that would have determined or changed the life of the Early Bronze Age communities of the Carpathian Basin. On the basis of the continuously growing palaeoenvironmental data, we can reconstruct an increasingly cooler and wetter climate that varies in a mosaic­like fashion according to geographical position.

Settlement and society

The mosaic­like character of the Carpathian Basin is also reflected in the variability of the observed settlement pat­ terns, since environmental factors have a signifcant role in shaping the structure of settlement in all regions. Research has also been somewhat patchy with regard to the whole study area. An examination of the settlements of the whole basin would be an enormous task, so here we would like to single out one of the most important features of the period. The most important change observed is the reappearance of tell settlements after a hiatus of more than 2ooo years since the Late Neolithic 13 . This happens frst along the Danube River, then slightly later along the Middle Tisza River, with Early Nagyrév style material (Szabó 1992; Kulcsár 2oo9; Reményi 2oo9). As mentioned before, the absolute dates we have for determining the timeframe of the establishment of tell set­ tlements are old, non­AMS dates (Raczky et al. 1992). Based on these and typo­chronological analyses we may say that tells frst appeared along the Danube River (Dunaföldvár­ Kálvária and Bölcske­Vörösgyír [both co. Tolna, Hungary]) around 23oo/22oo BC, followed shortly afterwards by the Middle Tisza River region (Tószeg­Laposhalom, Nagyrév­

Zsidóhalom [both co. Jász­Nagykun­Szolnok, Hungary]), then the Maros River region (e. g. Kiszombor, co. Csongrád [Hungary]; Pecica/Pécska, co. Arad [Romania]), the Berettyó River and Körös River valleys (Bakonszeg­Kádárdomb, co. Hajdú­Bihar [Hungary]; Berettyóújfalu­Herpály, co. Hajdú­ Bihar [Hungary]; Gáborján­Csapszékpart, co. Hajdú­Bihar [Hungary]; Túrkeve­Terehalom, co. Jász­Nagykun­Szolnok [Hungary]), the Érmellék/Eriu Valley, co. Bihor (Romania) and the northern Great Hungarian Plain (Fig. 2b; 8). The formation of tells has many aspects. On the one hand, they appear only in zones with fairly well­defnable ecolog­ ical and pedological characteristics, and where a particular architectural technique was practised (Sümegi et al. 2oo3; Gogâltan 2oo6; Rosenstock 2oo9). From a socio­economic point of view, their basis is formed by settlement or popula­ tion concentration and demographic growth. The latter went hand in hand with increased agricultural production and specialisation, the separation of craftspeople and traders and the formation of an elite (Szeverényi/Kulcsár 2o12; Fischl et al. 2o13; Fischl et al. 2o13a). In the Carpathian Basin the peak of this process coincides with the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, around 2ooo BC, but the process starts around 23oo/22oo BC. Surplus production and the signif­ icance of the exchange route along the Danube River both support this view of the social structure of the communities living on these tell sites. Tells and fortifed sites probably played the role of central settlements. They may have been the centres of given regional networks of settlements, with outstanding socio­political rank; they may have been the locations of specialised craft production or centres of ex­ change. All these functions would have made them special and separated them from the rest of the settlement network. This, however, was not the case everywhere in Hungary, and there are some marked regional differences, even within the

514 KLÁRA PUSZTAINÉ FISCHL, VIKTÓRIA KISS, GABRIELLA KULCSÁR, AND VAJK SZEVERÉNYI LCA EBA I EBA
514 KLÁRA PUSZTAINÉ FISCHL, VIKTÓRIA KISS, GABRIELLA KULCSÁR, AND VAJK SZEVERÉNYI
LCA
EBA I
EBA II
EBA III
MBA I
2200 BC
?
?

Fig. 9 Chronology of metal fnds from the Late Copper Age until the beginning of the Middle

Bronze Age.

Abb. 9 Chronologische Abfolge der Metallfunde von der späten Kupferzeit bis zum Beginn der Mittelbronzezeit.

distribution area of tells. While such a hierarchical arrange­ ment is possible in the central part of the country, along the Danube and the Middle Tisza Rivers (e. g. Earle/Kristiansen 2o1o; Szeverényi/Kulcsár 2o12), it does not seem to be valid for the Upper Tisza River region or the Hernád River valley, where tells are not surrounded by »less special« sites (Fischl/ Kienlin 2o13). In Transdanubia, west of the distribution of tells, similar socio­economic processes can perhaps be ob­ served, starting from the EBA phase 3 characterised by

stroyed, after the ruins are levelled a new house is built exactly in its place, and so the dwelling place of the ancestors remains continuous (Chapman 1997; Chapman 1999; Szeverényi 2o13). This metaphorical relationship with the past, which the tells represent and which becomes important in the ideology of the communities of the region at the period under discussion, is as important to the study of tell formation as their role in the development of social processes.

Kisapostag style material. We can observe some settlement concentration and the fortifcation of certain sites, but – perhaps because of the different environmental circum­

Economy

stances – tells are not formed (Kiss 2o12). The formation of tells, however, is also the result of the

Metallurgy

conscious decisions of their communities. The rebuilding of the settlements, one above the other, was regulated by social rules and rituals connected to them. The dwelling mounds created this way may have been the three­dimensional manifestations of the identity of the communities that lived there, signifcant places of cultural and collective memory (Raczky et al. 2o11; Raczky/Sebők 2o14). A similar type of settlement signalisation was the circular ditch, which also appeared in Transdanubia. With regard to the formation of tell settlements, experi­ ments indicate that the most convincing explanation for the burning of the houses is that they were burnt inten­ tionally, probably for ritual reasons (Bankoff/Winter 1979; Gheorghiu 2oo7; Gheorghiu 2oo8). The suggestion is that this intentional burning may have connected to the life cycle of those living in the house. During intentional house burning, through the transformative medium of fre, the house is transformed into an ancestral place. It becomes a source of social and ideological value, which can be ex­ ploited later on. This act at the same time ensures the clo­ sure of a cycle, causing discontinuity, and the opening of a new cycle, creating continuity. Although the house is de­

Early Bronze Age copper shaft­hole axes are characteristic for the period between the Final Copper Age and the Early Bronze Age, shortly after 25oo BC 14 . This axe type is evi­ dence not only for the spread of a new type of metal weapon or tool, but also of a technological innovation. The relative abundance of Early Bronze Age moulds in the region is cer­ tainly noteworthy and reflects a flourishing local metal­ lurgy. One of the region’s most interesting fnd assemblages was unearthed at Üllő, co. Pest (Hungary), where a cache of moulds for casting flat chisels and shaft­hole axes came to light (Kővári/Patay 2oo5). The radiocarbon date from here is fairly late (234o–213o cal BC) in comparison with the typo­ logical dating (Makó style, EBA 2a). This indicates that such typologically early (Kozarac/Dunakömlőd) axes were proba­ bly produced even in the last third of the 3 rd millennium BC (Fig. 9). From around 25oo BC until somewhere between 23oo BC and 22oo BC, in the formative Early Bronze Age or Reinecke Ao phase, the artefacts (e. g. daggers; see Fig. 8) of a new type of metallurgy started to spread, possibly mostly through the Bell Beaker network (Bertemes/Heyd 2oo2; EBA phase 2 in

Hungary: Meier­Arendt 1992, 4o; Kalicz­Schreiber 1994, Abb. 15). Arsenic bronzes continued (one ffth of the 65 Bell Beaker bronzes analysed belong to this category; Merkl 2o1o; Merkl 2o11), but more characteristic are copper objects with high silver and antimony content (as a result of the increasing use of fahlores). It is an important observation that we fnd artefacts with a tin content higher than 1.oo % before true tin bronzes become widespread. Based on the recent analysis of objects from Budapest­Albertfalva (Hun­ gary), these were manufactured using a primitive techno­ logy involving the co­smelting of copper ore and cassiterite (Endrődi et al. 2oo3). Interestingly, the halberd from the Bell Beaker cemetery of Szigetszentmiklós, co. Pest (Hungary; Fig. 9), also indicates the participation of these communities in a western network (Patay 2oo8; Patay 2o13, Fig. 21). We do not have an exact date for this specifc grave, but it is possible that it belongs to a later phase within the lifespan of the cemetery (c. 242o–219o cal BC). From 22oo BC, in the EBA phase 3 in Hungary (corres­ ponding to Reinecke Bz A1), most of the metal artefacts were made of copper without tin, and fahlores (Singen [Ger­ many] and classical Ösenring copper) seem to dominate among the analysed fnds (Junghans et al. 1974, Anr. 1382o; 13825; Krause 2oo3, Datenbank Cl. 34/1, 8; Kiss 2o12). For example, in the Ordacsehi­Csereföld, co. Somogy (Hungary), bi­ritual cemetery, small metal tubes and hair­rings were found with high antimony, arsenic and silver content (Fig. 9). Among these last mentioned artefacts only one of the metal fnds seems to have been intentionally alloyed with tin (3.49 %); the others did not contain any tin (Somogyi 2oo4; Költő 2oo4; Kiss 2o12). The early metallurgical products of the Maros River region (wire and plate ornaments, torques, Cypriot pins, and early triangular daggers; Fig. 9) show strong connec­ tions with Nitra­type material and the metal objects of the Singen cemetery in terms of both typology and raw materi­ als (Liversage 1994). This metallurgical circle can be dated between 22oo BC and 19oo BC. The primary raw materials were arsenic bronze with high silver content and the so­ called Eastern Alpine copper. Intentional alloying with tin is encountered only sporadically (Fischl/Kulcsár 2o11). Tin bronzes become widespread in the period between 21oo BC and 18oo BC (Pare 2ooo), during the transition from the Early to the Middle Bronze Age in Hungary. Imported or fnished objects from the area of the communities using Straubing­, Singen­, and Rhône­type materials can be seen in varying numbers. Here we can mention the solid­hilted dagger from Szentgál, co. Veszprém (Hungary) with 1o.oo % tin in the blade and 6.3o % tin in the hilt (see Fig. 9; Mozso­ lics 1967, 51 Abb. 17; Junghans et al. 1974, 14353–14354). Due to its formal and technical features, it can be associated with the similarly dated Alpine­type daggers and be inter­ preted as an import. However, the different metallurgical composition of the hilt (Ösenring type) and the great dis­ tance from the Alpine region suggests a different place of production; probably it was manufactured in areas charac­ terised by Únětice style material (Schwenzer 2oo2, 323 f. Abb. 9; 1o; Krause 2oo3, 183 f.). After 2ooo BC, during the Middle Bronze Age (2ooo– 16oo BC), the local metallurgical workshops that previously

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OLD AND NEW NARRATIVES FOR HUNGARY AROUND 2200 BC

515

copied imported artefacts developed their own repertoire, known from the objects of the Tolnanémedi­ and Hajdúsám­ son­type hoards, and contemporary graves (Kiss 2oo9).

Subsistence economy

Despite recent advances, our knowledge of Early Bronze Age subsistence practices and their changes through time remains rather sketchy. With regard to plant cultivation, we have few analyses from EBA 2–3 sites. At Pécs­Nagyárpád, co. Baranya (Hungary), einkorn (Triticum monococcum), emmer (Triticum dicoccum), and compact wheat (Triticum spp.) dominated, complemented by six­rowed barley (Hor- deum vulgare), lentil (Lens culinaris) and pea (Pisum sati- vum; Hartyányi et al. 1968, 18; Gyulai 2o1o, 93). Slightly more data is available from Bell Beaker settlements. Buda­ pest­Csepel­Hollandi út (Hungary) yielded mostly six­ rowed barley and emmer, while at Szigetszentmiklós­ Vízművek, co. Pest (Hungary) six­rowed barley, emmer, and millet (Panicum miliaceum) were attested. The settlement of Budapest­Albertfalva was sampled more systematically. Here einkorn dominated, followed by emmer and barley, and some pulses: pea and horse beans (Macrotyloma uni- florum; Gyulai 2o1o, 93 f.). Very few EBA 3 sites have analysed botanical remains, and in many cases these are tell settlements, where material from Early Bronze Age and Middle Bronze Age layers was not always treated separately, and the archaeological con­ texts also remain largely unpublished. At Baracs­Bottyán­ sánc, co. Fejér (Hungary; also known as Dunaföldvár­ Macskalyuk; see Szeverényi/Kulcsár 2o12, 3o8 f.), the botanical remains from layers radiocarbon­dated to the Early Bronze Age are dominated by barley (approximately 8o.oo %), followed by einkorn and lentil (Hartyányi et al. 1968, 13; Hartyányi/Nováki 1975, 26). At Tószeg­Laposha­ lom, co. Jász­Nagykun­Szolnok (Hungary), emmer, einkorn, and barley were attested among cereals, and a fairly large amount of fne­leaf vetch (Vicia tenuifolia Roth.) was also found (Hartyányi et al. 1968, 22 f.). This seems to indicate that there was no major difference in the most important domestic plants exploited during EBA 2 and 3. With regard to animal husbandry, the most interesting feature of the EBA 2 period is the signifcant number of horse bones on sites in the Budapest area, which is perhaps an indication that the Great Hungarian Plain was a second­ ary centre of horse domestication during this period. The proportion of horses in animal bone samples from other areas is much lower (Bökönyi 1978; Bökönyi 1992). The bone material from tell settlements poses the same chronological problems as the botanical remains. A notable exception is the material from Százhalombatta­Földvár, co. Pest (Hungary), where systematic sampling took place and preliminary results are available. Between 24oo BC (or pos­ sibly 23oo BC) and 2ooo BC, cattle dominate, followed by sheep/goats and pigs. By 2ooo BC, however, animal exploi­ tation strategies seem to have changed: both the animal ratios and the kill­off patterns change, indicating the in­ creasing use of secondary products. Sheep dominate and are slaughtered at a later age, showing the importance of

516 KLÁRA PUSZTAINÉ FISCHL, VIKTÓRIA KISS, GABRIELLA KULCSÁR, AND VAJK SZEVERÉNYI

wool collecting. Among cattle, adult animals also dominate and the ratio of males is higher. This is indicative of their use for traction (for both ploughing and transport; Vrete­ mark 2o1o). It is quite possible that the change towards this new exploitation strategy had already started in the last centuries of the 3 rd millennium BC, and culminated in the stable pattern of the Middle Bronze Age.

Felső Ürge­hegyi­dűlő, co. Pest (Hungary), some of the graves contained rare copper weapons (e. g. a halberd), per­ forated silver plaques with repoussé decoration, gold hair­ rings, and gold plaques (Patay 2o13). Another grave from Szigetszentmiklós­Üdülősor, co. Pest (Hungary) yielded an exceptional headdress made up of gold and silver plates (Endrődi 2o12). Similar gold discs can also be found in

Hoarding

Ritual and ideology

some early Maros burials (Bóna 1965; Fischl/Kulcsár 2o11). After 22oo BC, exceptionally rich burials become rarer. One example is the grave of Balatonakali with its massive

Burial rites

tools and weapons (flanged axe, shaft­hole axe, triangular dagger, socketed chisel, and arm spiral; Torma 1978).

In EBA phases 1 and 2, burial is characterised by isolated graves, or groups of a few graves; they are mostly crema­ tions, but inhumation, even under barrows, is also attested (Kulcsár 2oo9; Dani/Kisjuhász 2o13). In the Budapest area, the recent discovery of large Bell Beaker cemeteries has changed our perception of funerary behaviour here. Ceme­ teries in Budakalász and Szigetszentmiklós (both co. Pest [Hungary]) – and the one already known in Budapest­

Together with the gold hair­ring, these can be compared to the grave­goods of the Únětice chiefly graves, providing a similar self­representation of the elite of the period. In the Middle Bronze Age, rich graves (often of male warriors with bronze axes as grave goods) become more frequently at­ tested again.

Békásmegyer – contained hundreds of graves, indicating that a change to large communal cemeteries had already taken place before 22oo BC 15 . After 22oo BC, the custom of creating such large burial grounds spread all around the territory of Hungary. Well­ known cemeteries, like Tiszafüred, co. Jász­Nagykun­ Szolnok (Hungary; Kovács 1992), Hernádkak, co. Borsod­ Abaúj­Zemplén (Hungary; Schalk 1992), or Nižná Myšľa, okr. Košice–okolie (Slovakia; Olexa/Nováček 2o13) in the north­east, or Dunaújváros­Duna­dűlő, co. Fejér (Hungary; Vicze 2o11), Ercsi­Sina­telep, co. Fejér (Hungary; Bándi 1966) and Szigetszentmiklós­Felsőtag, co. Pest (Hungary; Kalicz­Schreiber 1995) start in the last phase of the Early Bronze Age and continue into the Middle Bronze Age, some­ times remaining in use until its very end. There is great variability in burial rites: after the crema­ tions of the Makó and Somogyvár–Vinkovci period, bi­ ritual burial practice is attested in the Nagyrév­ and Kisapo­ stag­style burials. After the inhumations of the Kisapostag phase 1 (EBA 3), cremation began to be employed again in phase 2 and became the dominant burial tradition in the later phases of the population until the end of the Middle Bronze Age. It is interesting to note that in the Kisapostag cemetery at Bonyhád (and also among the Nagyrév burials

There seem to be signifcant changes in hoarding practices throughout the Early Bronze Age. Reaching back to the end of the Copper Age, the deposition of single copper shaft­hole axes dominates, with exceptions like the large hoard of Vâl­ cele/Bányabükk (Romania; Szeverényi 2o13a) or the small hoard of Fajsz, co. Bács­Kiskun (Hungary; see e. g. Hansen 2o1o). The manufacture, use, and deposition of various types of such axes (Bányabükk, Fajsz, Kozarac/Dunakömlőd, Dumbra˘vioara types) continued during the EBA phases 1 and 2 (Dani 2o13), as also evidenced, for example, by the above­mentioned moulds from Üllő. In the EBA phase 3, however, such depositions disappear in most of the Carpathian Basin, to be continued only in the deposition of e. g. Pa˘tulele­type axes in Romania and the Balkans (Ailinca˘i 2oo9). In Hungary the deposition of metal objects occurs almost exclusively in the context of grave goods, where jewellery dominates, and weapons are rather rare. The deposition of bronze objects in hoards reappears again in the Middle Bronze Age in the classic Tolnanémedi­ and Hajdúsámson­type hoards, dated to MBA 1–2. The above indicates that there was certainly a major change of ritual behaviour in the deposition of wealth around 22oo BC, but its causes so far remain unknown.

at Szőreg, co. Csongrád [Hungary]), the deceased were cremated in the burial pit. Reddish discolouration could be observed on the walls and floor of the graves, and the

Conclusions

cremated bones remained in anatomical order, indicating a person lying supine with legs flexed to the left, in the same position as remains in the inhumation burials in the same cemetery, suggesting an experimental phase or the intro­ duction of cremation (Szabó 2oo4; Szabó/Hajdu 2o11). Some degree of inequality can be observed in all phases. Although Bell Beaker graves in Hungary are usually fairly richly endowed, certain burials can be singled out as more wealthy than others. In the cemetery of Szigetszentmiklós­

Based on the above, we may conclude that there seems to be no crisis, no abrupt change – climatic, economic, or social – around 22oo BC in Hungary and the Carpathian Basin. Changes do occur, but the period between 23oo BC and 21oo BC is the starting point of a continuous, autochthonous development with wide ranging interregional connections. Climatic changes seem to be gradual, without any cata­ strophic consequences. Transformations in material culture

are evident, like the disappearance of Bell Beaker material, but continuity can indeed be observed between EBA 2 and 3 materials. Settlement patterns do seem to change, as evi­ denced by the appearance of tells, but the earliest tells may actually predate 22oo BC by a century. Tin bronzes start to appear sporadically before 22oo BC, but their number in­ creases after that date and they become widespread after 2ooo BC – this also appears to be a fairly continuous devel­ opment. With regard to subsistence, plant cultivation does not show any clear break, but there are changes in animal husbandry: the signifcance of horse breeding decreases in EBA 3, but the use of secondary products really seems to take off. Large communal cemeteries start with the Bell Beaker period and some even continue into the EBA 3, while others are newly founded in this phase. Rich burials become rarer during EBA 3, and the deposition of metal­ work in hoards also shows a hiatus. To sum up, the transition from Early Bronze Age 2 to 3 in the Carpathian Basin represents the starting point of a con­

OLD AND NEW NARRATIVES FOR HUNGARY AROUND 2200 BC

tinuous, uninterrupted development of societies in the area, lasting until the end of the Middle Bronze Age. As prime movers of change we identify a certain degree of climatic melioration, surplus production, demographic growth, increasing social differentiation, and new forms of cultural memory and of relationship with the past. The processes that started here laid the foundations for Middle Bronze Age developments, in which even greater population con­ centration and a hierarchy observed in settlements and cemeteries culminated in the flourishing material culture of the Koszider period around 16oo BC.

Acknowledgements

This paper was supported by the Hungarian Scientifc Re­ search Fund (OTKA Project 1o8597) and by the J. Bolyai Research Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.

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