Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
by Gerald Faschingeder
This early economic de-velopment aligned with the colonial mother countries that
knew – if necessary – how to prevent unwelcome competition by Asiatic trade. Great
Britain, for example, persued a customs policy that intentionally destroyed the Indian
cotton trade and prevented the rise of the Indian steel-industry until World War One
(cf. Rothermund 1995). However, the decolonialisation of the 1940s and 1950s
initiated an economic upturn that started stuttering only some years ago. On the one
hand, this economic success was caused by already existing industries that had been
built by the Japanese colonial power in the south-east Asian area (cf. Osterhammel
1995:88). On the other hand, decolonialisation was followed immediately by the
confrontation of the east-west-conflict, so that several Asian states were
economically supported by the United States.
This support consisted of credits and direct investments, but also the extensive
military presence contributed to the economic take-off. Thai economy for example,
was stimulated by the foun-dation and the consumption of those US-bases where
US-soldiers recovered from the war in Vietnam (cf. Husa/Wohlschlägel 1998).
Finally, the Japanese need of raw materials boosted the regional economy, too. Early
industrial locations like Hongkong or Singapore gradually gained financial
importance. The decisive point may have been the specific economic strategy
followed by countries like South-Korea, Singapore or Taiwan: an almost anti-liberal
protectionism – con-nected with massive interventions by the state, that preferred
kind of a partial, export-orientated industrialisation without entirely neglecting the
substitution of import – led to a continuous in-crease of significant economic indices.
At the same time, these young economies knew how to make use of the comparative
advantage of expense, and they were expanded by wage- and social dumping (cf.
Menzel 1985). First, this made the European textile industry run into trouble, and
finally, this economic strategy made it even possible to be at the head in the field of
microelec-tronics from the very beginning. The financial markets, that have become
very important in the meantime, increasingly attracted speculative transactions, but
the recent financial crises have cooled the formerly over-heated stock exchanges.
The strong effects of this crisis on western financial markets shows which stage the
integration of east Asia in the international goods- and capital exchange has already
reached.
Of course, they know social differentiation and hierarchies, but nevertheless, there is
less division of labour to be found than in non-indigenous societies. Although the
acephalous or segmentary organisation cannot be presented as universal principle of
all indigenous societies, this comment indicates why most of the indigenous societies
were not and are not easily compatible with non-indigenous ones. In-digenous
societies do have specific cultural characteristics, but their common features cannot
be reduced to a single criterion. René Kuppe, for example, mentions three central
points of this topic: "a close relationship between these societies and their
lebensraum, a lack of organisation as state and social stratification (from the point of
view of western sociology), and the dealing with conflicts within a society that is not
based on institutional force by the state." (Kuppe 1990:10).
Especially the Asian history is characterised by the control over large regions and
crowds of people by central state systems, be it Japan, China, India or some
Buddhist kingdoms (Nepal, Sri Lanka, ...). Already before the 19th century, these
states shared the features of an extensive claim to power and the claim to set up
obligatory norms, which made them contrast sharply – like the "modern western"
state type – with the social organisation of indigenous so-cieties (cf. Kuppe
1990:10). So, the co-existence could only end either with the assimilation of the
indigenous peoples or with their ousting to politically and economically insignificant
regions, which led to a nearly complete loss of contact.
Under the pressure of the global market economy, Asian states can no longer afford
leaving large regions seemingly "unused" and so, they invest gigantic sums, partly
supported by international or western institutions for development, in order to make
– from their point of view – "lying fallow" regions economically productive. The tribes
living there are hardly taken seriously, and therefore, they fall into bad ways. Their
way of living is seen as hope-lessly out-dated, and all those who fight for the
preservation of indigenous cultures are accused of believing in naive romanticism.
Ambitious economic projects do not leave any freedom for indigenous peoples. The
global market does not know regions that are not capitalisable, but strives to make
capital out of the last non-capitalised places. For indigenous peoples, the conse-
quences of market-economical expansionism mean final extermination – genocide.
The only alternative seems to be integration into the national society.
In fact, for the modern territorial states, it is hard to accept that on their land,
people are living who do not feel as citizens of the national community and who do
not strive for solidarity. The authoritarian structures of most Asian states make it
easy to act resolutely, not shrinking back from the use of brute force and massacres.
But the latter are also the result of the specific attitudes of the non-indigenous peo-
ple: In most countries, indigenous peoples are seen as "dirty", "backward",
"primitive" etc., and so, human dignity is denied to them. Often, indigenous peoples
are said to be of social value only when they can be economically made use of by
tourism.
This fashionable, though a bit blurred term indi-cates that today’s financial business,
supported by the new communication-technologies, does not know any borders than
the globe itself (cf. Wernhart 1998:94f.). The treatment of indige-nous peoples in
Asia also shows the global society’s condition, its ethic (im-)maturity and our ideas
about the necessary course of history. The global, neo-liberal ideology does not have
a sub-chapter treating the guarantee to the indigenous peoples’ right to life. The
wide-spread idea of development, that equates development with industrialisation
and capitalisation, will not be able to put more at the indigenous peoples’ disposal
than artificial, protected areas, i.e. reservations.
The ability to accept the existence of indigenous peoples as a natural fact would need
global ethics that abstain from their global – universalistic – character, recognise
different ways of living and refrain from integration – be it meant well or not – into
the global uniformity of neo-liberal living. There is a spark of hope, because up to
now, globalisation has not only led to an equation of the way of life of specific social
groups, but it also showed new kinds of local identities, whose members were
stimulated by the global society to emphasize their own, unique characteristics.
Through the over-exploitation of natural resources, many tribes lose their traditional
resources. If the woods are overfelled, hunting cannot guarantee survival any more.
If paddy-fields are flooded because of dams, the basis of existence is destroyed.
Concerning food, many tribes find themselves in very difficult situations, that are
moreover often aggravated by environmental ca-tastrophes like e.g. the climatic
turbulence caused by El Niño. Also the state of health is a prob-lem, expressed in
high infant mortality and decreasing life expectancy. These are also conse-quences
of the destroying influences on the areas where they are living and of the poisoning
of many streams and soils.
Human does not live by bread alone, and especially in the case of indigenous
peoples, the intact cultural convictions are essential. For cultural survival, it is not
only necessary to keep traditional ways of expressing oneself, like e.g. dances,
songs, myths etc., but also to have the opportunity to keep the traditional knowledge
of the world. To many tribes, the arrival of people of an un-known culture is
shocking, especially when these people do not respect any of the old, religious rules.
Living culturally means to members of indigenous peoples being able to continue to
per-form important rituals that facilitate harmony in the world and in the whole
cosmos. The Ban-waon on Philippine Mindanao for example, know a range of rituals
that serve to ask Magbabaya, creator and highest spirit, and other spirits for help,
for the licence to perform collective acts, to calm them down or to say thanks (cf.
Rijks 1998:30).
One of the main questions concerning the protection of physical and psychological
life of in-digenous peoples in the future is the question of the right to land. This is
where two extremes clash: Usually, indigenous peoples are of the opinion that land
cannot be owned by anybody – it is a gift. Sometimes, indigenous peoples believe in
collective possession. But western under-standing only allows private or public
possession and in order to legalise possession, specific formalities are to be fulfilled.
If indigenous communities lose their land, there is no more con-nection to their
ancestors and/or their spirits. Land is sacred, and the loss of land causes the loss of
orientation (cf. Rijks, 1998:6-12).
In many countries, there is a good legislation to protect the indigenous peoples. But
the local level is often far away from law courts, and indigenous peoples often know
only little about their rights. In case of doubt, judges often prove to be bribable. So,
assistance in law enforcement can be very effective. Also concerning questions of
health and food supply, local solutions can be helpful enough. But the local level
comes to its limits as soon as the national legislation is con-cerned.
On this level, networks can be built that aid pushing through indigenous rights in the
national context. No Asiatic state has ratified the ILO-convention 169 so far, and it
will take pressure also from their own countries. This convention, that was passed by
the ILO (International La-bour Organisation) in 1989 as the revised version of the
ILO-convention 107, is the only inter-national legal agreement that protects
indigenous peoples. The basic principle is that indigenous peoples have the right to
keep their way of life and to develop according to their own ideas. The most
important aspect is that indigenous right to land should be standardised. The
ratification by as many states as possible could set the course in a decisive way.
Networks can help lobbying. Moreover, they can serve the exchange of know-how,
which makes local work easier. Finally, an efficient national legislation is necessary in
order to stop the over-exploitation of natural re-sources and to encourage
ecologically sensible use.
Over the last years, the influence of regional economic alliances has increased
enormously: The Latin American equivalent of the European Union is the Mercosur.
In the South Asiatic region, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan
and the Maldives joined together to the SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional
Co-operation), that consists of a fifth of the world population. In East Asia, the
ASEAN plays a role not to be underestimated. Apart from the members at the
foundation, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines, also
Brunei, Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar belong to the ASEAN, Cambodia is likely to
follow. As a counterweight to NAFTA and EU, the AFTA (ASEAN Free Trade Area) will
be founded out of the ASEAN until 2003.
It is obvious that no single organisation can cover all these four levels in an effective
way. Strate-gically, it will be reasonable to consciously decide for one or few levels
and to focus the re-stricted capacities to few main points. Nevertheless, the other
levels must not be forgotten be-cause neither will a successful infant programme
save the indigenous peoples, nor will the ratifi-cation of the ILO-convention by the
whole state community be a guarantee that the formulated imperatives will become
reality.
"As others do not form an extra world at the edge or outside of the modern world, it
may be possible that the Enlightenment and the Modernism can be enlightened and
curbed in its destructiveness by the other. A society that is enlightened about itself
holds basic resources for the defence of the life-project of the other." (Suess 1994:
234).
After a close look at the problems of indigenous peoples, this option seems to be the
only sen-sible one. Enlightening and curbing modernism pragmatically seems to be
the only way to leave hostile, exterminating neighbourhood in order to achieve a
benevolent, mutual relationship, or even friendship between peoples and cultures.
This task afford to believe in its practicability, belief that is possible when we trust
that at last, cosmos means well with us. This is where we can learn from indigenous
peoples, in order to cast off our suspiciousness towards a life with general, but not
naive, trust.
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