Rei -An'hrooo' I'iS6 '_ JJi-^i

FROM THE INVISIBLE HAND TO

VISIBLE FEET: Anthropological Studies
of Migration and Development

Michael Kearney
Department ot Anthropologv Universitv ot Cdlifomia. Riverside. California 92521

In a strict sense migration is the movement of people through geographic

space As such, migration's academic home is in aback room of demography,
where it does not receive much attention from anthropologists Instead, most
anthropological work on migration takes the form of migration and " The
topics that fill the bJank encompass many fields For the purposes of this
review, as its title indicates, the blank is filled with 'development " Contem-
porar\ migrants are predominantly workers moving from areas where they
were bom and raised to others where they can find a higher return for their
labor These spatial differentials m employment opportunities represent lesser
and greater levels of economic development The investigation of migration is
thus mextncably associated with issues ot development and underdevelop-
ment Or as Todaro (151) said. The causes and consequences of continued
intemal as well as mtemational migration he at the heart of the contemporary
development problem "
A number of deveiopmentai issues have emerged in the migration litera-
ture, most notably relationship*- between migration and urbanization, in-
dustnalization. agnculture. family structure, gender roles, and ideology This
review concentrates on ethnographic studies of these issues and assesses the
resulting theoretical and substantive advances As such these studies contrast
with macro level research on migration based on aggregate statistical data at
regional and national leveK

331
0084-6570 86/1015-O00OSO2 00
332 KEARNEY

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES

A heightened awareness of the magnitude and significance of migration

among other things caused anthropologists to tum away from community
studies in the 1950s and 1960s when it became widely realized that such work
was suffering from terminal myopia Responses to this cnsis have included
the nse of urban anthropology, the anthropology of work, and a concem with
relating micro and macro levels of study, and the analysis of "complex"'
societies Migration and development are important dimensions of these
trends in anthropology, and in reviewing recent literature that falls in their
intersect, my main concem is with theoretical issues and perspectives rather
than a cataloging of research findings Insofar as particular studies are cited,
the purpose is to exemplify the vanous theoretical onentations with an eye to
assessing their ability to generate anthropological field research at the local
level that speaks to more general issues of migration and development
Migration research is presently a 'hot" topic In the United States the
ongoing national debate on immigration law has given it considerable rele-
vance This IS especially true of Mexican migration to the United States,
which represents a unique situation of a long permeable land border between a
highly developed and an underdeveloped countr>' A comparable structural
relationship exists between westem and northem Europe and the underde-
veloped countnes of the Mediterranean basin Dunng the boom years of the
1960s and early 1970s numerous binational agreements were made between
labor-receiving and labor-exporting countnes However, the end of the eco-
nomic expansion in 1973 caused a sudden sharp reversal in the labor needs of
the receiving countnes and provoked concem with stemming the flows,
repatnating now superfluous lndustnal and service workers and their families,
and other policy issues having to do with the immigrant 'problem " Height-
ened public and academic concem with migration m both sending and receiv-
ing areas has been the result Massive migrant labor flows are also pervasive
within and among Third World countnes and are du^cted pnmanly to cities
Anthropological research on intemal migration in underdeveloped countnes is
therefore associated with problems of urbanization and rural development and
with the human and pohcy issues linked to the current declining phase of the
guestworker programs in Europe and the ongoing immigration debate in the
United States
As migration and developmental issues have unfolded in the last 20 years
anthropological onentations to them have dramatically changed In identify-
ing current trends in theory and research it is instructive first to review these
shifts, which roughly correspond to three successive theoretical onentations
that we can refer to as modemization, dependency, and articulation (37) The
latter and main part of this review concentrates on recent work that falls
within the articulation perspective
 ^ND DEVFXOPVIENT 333

Migration as Modernization
Most of tbe anthropological research on migration and development up to
about the mid 1970s w-as conceptualized within the general model known as
modernization tbeory which had emerged in the 1950s and 60s as the domi-
nant paradigm of economic and cultural change Modernization theor\^ grew^
out of a synthesis of anthropological and sociological models of social change
and neoclassical economics, all of which have exercised strong influences on
migration theor\' (173)
Modemization theor\ was the culminating, most comprehensive and ex-
plicit expression of tbe Victorian sense oi history and of "development " This
image of the civilization process elaborated in England and pertected in the
United States, is notably Anglo- and turocentric in tbat it embellishes more or
less sophisticated we-they dichotomies that date to Greek notions of civiliza-
tion versus barbansm Prototypical expressions of this Victonan bistoncal
sensibility, for example those of Tonnies Maine, and Durkheim ("with their
distinction*, between Gemeinschafi and GeseUschaft status and contract, and
mechanical and organic solidarity respei.ti\e!\ ) were applied to the study of
migration around the tum of the centur\ b\ Thomas and Znaniecki in their
monumental The Polish Peasant in Furope and America (I918i Tbis w^ork
also became a cornerstone of the University of Chicago school of urban
sociology as developed by Thoma*- and Znaniecki's colleagues Wirtb and
Park It remained for Park's son-in-law. Robert Redfield. to develop the
anthropological vanant ot this basic paradigm know-n as the folk-urban
continuum " most notabK in The Folk Culture of Yucatan (1941)
Redfield s work was the point n} departure for most ofthe migration and
development research of Nortb American anthropologists up to the mid
1970s The massive flow of peasants into cities of the post-World War II
period seemed at first to map niccK onto the tolk-urban continuum Migrants
were seen as progressive types wh(i would have d positive impact on develop-
ment by brmging back to their home cnmmunities innovations and knowledge
that would break down traditionalism The main unit of analysis is the
individual migrant, w'ho because ot critical tactors such as age. gender,
marital status personality or economic status decides* to migrate A,n
associated researcb task is to see how these individual migrants adapt."'
assimilate, and adjust - -all positive terms that retlect the Victorian no-
tions of progress, another of rbe presuppositions ol modernization theor\-
Although individual migrants, or by extension their tamilies. are the basic
unit of analysis, the sphere of research i^ontinued to be the Redfieldian "small
community " and as such was consistent with the modemi/ationists" promo-
tion of community development
Modernization theor) is also urban-i.entric This is apparent in its dualist
assumptions that postulate a polar distinction between cit\ and countryside, a
distinction that corresponds to dc\cioped \Lrsus underdeveloped and modem
334 KEARNEY

versus traditional From assumptions of dualism comes the assumption of

diffusion all things promoting progress happen in and flow from the modem
city to the backward countr>'side, as they similarly flow from advanced
nations to "newly developing"' nations Conversely, "traditional'" peoples
migrate from countr>'side to cities and from 'less developed" to more de-
veloped countnes
Urban anthropology owes its existence largely to anthropologists who. after
initial fieldwork in rural areas, followed their informants into the cities, and
almost always into shantytowns This is apparent from looking at the careers
of the founders of the joumal Urban Anthropology, most of whom initially
worked m rural communities Oscar Lewis is appropnateiy given credit for
correcting his mentor Redfield"s overly bucolic image of rural village life, but
less remembered is his equally pioneering tracking of Tepoztlan peasants into
Mexico City, a type of project elaborated in tum by his own student,
Butterworth (27-30) Another notable example from Mexico is Foster's
student Kemper, who followed migrants from Tzintzuntzan to Mexico City
and the United States (72)
A growing perception of inconsistencies in the Wirth-Redfieldian model of
urbanization caused those anthropologists studying rural migrants to cities in
the 1960s and 70s to begin speaking of Peasants in Cities (92. 93) A dawning
awareness that, contrar)' to the basic tenets of modemization theor\'. urbaniza-
tion was occumng without development caused a casting about for new
concepts to interpret these realities In the 1970s, virtually all research was
with recent migrants from the countr>'side. so for most anthropologists this
rethinking modified some of the tenets of modemization theor\' but retained
most of Its basic premises (see above) The focus was still on the individual
decision maker, deciding whether or not to migrate and if so. how (e g 61.
156) Feldman (49) exemplifies this trend with his squatter suburbanization
hypothesis"' which explains how a Philippine urban migrant shant>'tow^n "is
symptomatic not of urban decay but of a positive growth potential for the city"
(49. p 123) Working within the modemization onentation. he analyzes
preferences, decision making is studied indirectly from data on residence
pattems. etc This fieldwork supports a distinction between the inner city
slums and squatter cotnmunities of recent migrants imbued with 'incipient
middle-class values "
Whereas Victonan academic assumptions are all but dead in contemporary'
anthropology and sociology, they live on in orthodox economic equihbnum
approaches to migration and development The apogee of neoclassic eco-
nomics co-occurred in the late nineteenth century with the massive out-
migrations from Europe Then, as now. economists regarded migrants as
responding to spatial unevenness in labor markets, moving to w^here they
could obtain higher wages Overseas migrations were seen as continuations of
 MIGRATION A.ND DEVELOPMENT 335

the massive urbanization of former generations of European peasants associ-

ated with the industrialization oi Westem nations Migration was one of the
factors promoting the wealth of the nations that received this labor Con-
versely, as John Stuart Mill argued (see 116, p 6). the loss of population
through migration weaken*, a nation's economic vitality This nineteenth
centur\' view of the positive role of migration for development was applied to
twentieth centur\^ underdevelopment by W Arthur Lewis (83) in his impor-
tant paper "Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labour '"
Lewis maintained that urban labor markets would absorb "surplus" labor from
the countr\side which would then fuel urban industriahzaiion which in tum
would result in growth-promoting linkages with the countr}'side Lewis did
not anticipate the rise ol massive unemployment of Third World countries in
the i960s and 70s. aggravated in the cities by mral to urban migration and in
the countryside by capitalist investment m labor-saving technology
It was m the face of such continued urban migration coupled with high
urban unemployment that Todaro {150) attempted to salvage the neoclassic
model's assumption ot rational migrants making decisions This model, later
modified by Hams and Fodaro (66 15! i. is based on differential employment
and eaming opportunities in different regions and see*, migration as rational
decision making ot individuals and families based on their perceptions of
these opportunities, it assumes that mdividuals are aware ot the eaming
differentials in the different regions and the probabilities of becoming em-
ployed In a later version ot this model it is noted that the quest tor a job that
will pay the expected wage may require an extended search, especially
because it is undertaken in Londitions of unemployment, causing the migrant
to rely on employed fncnd^ and relatives Hams therefore says that.

It IS clear 'bal lndividudliM modi.K t-'s' 'n i duali^.!K Kamework arc much too simple \o
i_ap[urc Wtst Mrican [mitrratmnj realuv Howcvc' i' is i^onceptuaily straightforward to
totuii the dHdlvsis on dci^ision-nidkini: u n s vihciher tbev bi. tamilieb. extended families, or
oiher social groups Such lOv-iai Jiiili ha\if ivdilable lo them certain rLSOurces. pnmaniv
the poteptial labor and skills >r ibi. uni' piu- di^CN'- to knd. credii. existing capital
tecbnical knowledge and contitt.- The rbearv that Lmtrgts trom this framework is
that Wesi ^friv,an declMon-making U'liis dt.r in then percsned -.elf-inieresi in allocating
their re^-oiirc

The mam difficulty with this supra individual decision-making model is

that theie are no formal ciitenanor probably ethonographic oneswith
which to circumscribe the 'decision making unit '" Consequently all tbe rigor
of the individualistic model is lost and the methodology becomes a metaphor
for simpiv descnbing observed behavioi The ultimate extension of this
progre'ision of ever more inclusive deciston-making units leads eventually to
entire communities With the cnjmblini; ot the hitheno assumed monad of
336 KEARNEY

neociassic economicsthe rational, calculating individual possessing perfect

knowledgethe edifice of equihbnum theory threatens to collapse In the end
Hams IS effectively dnven to a structural position, concluding that "
migration is a response to underlying inequalities [of development] and not
their pnncipal cause" (65, p 110)
The neoclassicists (e g 62) have thus painted themselves into a comer
Todaro. for example, realizes that 'no longer is migration viewed as a
beneficent process necessar>' to solve problems of growing urban labor de-
mand On the contrary, migration today must be seen as the major contnbut-
lng factor to the ubiquitous phenomenon of urban surplus labor and a force
wbicb continues to exacerbate already senous urban unemployment problems
caused by growing economic and structural imbalances between urban and
rural areas" (152. p 231) Nevertheless, the neociassic economic component
of modernization theory lives on in equihbnum studies of migrants in labor
markets (e g 59, 69. 132. 147). even though tbere is now recognition that
migration is more part of tbe problem of underdevelopment ratber than a
solution to It (86)
Just as macro equilibrium theory is incapable of effectively modeling labor
migration from underdeveloped rural areas, the attempt to analyze the rational
economic decision-making of individual migrants is frought with comparable
difficulties because of the complexity of most migration realities, not to
mention the power of externalities that affect the process, especially in the
case of international migration (173) Perhaps because of these complexities,
formalist economic anthropology has not made much of a showing even
though neoclassical approaches in general continue to treat migration as
essentially microeconomic behavior (e g 132, 145) There was, however, a
dawning awareness among anthropologists in the 1970s that the assumptions
of modernization theory did not fit the observed realities of most migrant
communities Consequently, although there are a few holdouts (e g 42),
most researchers no longer conceptualize migration in terms of classic mod-
ernization theor>'
An offshoot of the Redfield-Lewis dialog was a reassessment of Wirth's
treatment of urban heterogeneity (55) as the mam diagnostic of urbanism
Thus, by the early 1970s, urban anthropologists, following Lewis's early lead
(84). were regularly debunking tbat part of the Wirth-Redfieldian model
which held that rural to urban migrants become disorganized, individualized,
and in general lose their rural social and cultural charactenstics It was shown
how "urbanization without breakdown" (84) was tbe norm for peasants
migrating to cities, although Scott Whiteford gave a contrar\' case of "break-
down before urbanization" (,158) What these authors mean is tbat migrants do
not become individualized but instead maintain extensive functioning kin and
social ties with earlier migrants and with people in theu- natal communities
True, shantytowns were proliferating, but tbe individuals in tbem were
 MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT 337

'adjusting.' 'adapting,' cohesive.' and organized" (18. 27.49. 72, 87. 92.
93) and helping their rural nonmigrant relatives by sending cash remittances
and bnnging back new ideas and technology (62) and by forming organiza-
tions to promote village projects (71. 128) A sort of Panglossian attitude,
caustically cnticized by Rhoades (124, p 569). per\'ades this literature
Migration fieldwork dunng this penod and well into the mid 1970s was
schizophrenically predicated on the assumptions of modemization theor\'
while demonstrating the persistence of the traditional, what Lewis had dubbed
migration without breakdown might better have been called migration without
modemization
This work did. however, lead to greater constemation among North Amer-
ican anthropologists about relationships of migration to development Dis-
satisfaction with the prevailing paradigm is expressed in a volume of papers,
most from a symposium at the 1975 AAA meetings, edited by GuiUet &
Uzzell (64) The editors voice unhappmess with the state of migration theor\'
and the resultant lack ot synthesis of ethnographic descnption suth that it can
be related to the macro models of economists, geographers, and demograph-
ers They also ponder how migration decision making can be combined with
an attention to 'extemal constraints" (64. p li Uzzell (153) extends his
cntique of the dichotomization of migration into folk and urban to "polar
models'" in general, and as an altemative, offers the idea of a "social vUIage
spread over thousands of miles ' (153. p 343). an image comparable to Linda
Whiteford's (157) 'spatially extended communities.'' and Lomnitz"s ecolo-
gical model"' (88) ot a multilocal social system that incorporates both village
and city One of the more innovative responses to this perception of continuity
of the rural in the urban is Lomnitz's (88-91) mtroduction of the idea of rural
networks w^ith urban components (see below), which in retrospect is perhaps
the single most important contnbution in this volume except for Shoemaker's
(!44) use of a dependency perspective (see below) Apart from Shoemaker"s
and Lomnitz's contnbutions. the antidotes for Redfieldian approaches to
migration and urbanization is a fine-tuning ot the concepts and methods of
modernization theory, l e . more attention to the psychological and cultural
complexities of migration and to adaptation and decision making, plus the
need to hnk the micro to the macro The small community is still the field of
study, the individual the basic unit ot analysis, and although expanded,
cultural and psychological traits are still the pnmary concems Although a
rethinking of rural-urban relationships and a concem for macro issues are
present, apart from Shoemaker"s paper there is no other explicit reference in
this volume to any fundamentally diifereni perspective
While some anthropologists were looking for new^ ways to conceptuahze
migration and urbanization, others working in sending communities, observ-
ing the negative effects ot retum migration, were similarlv dnven to reassess-
ments of the accepted paradigm^ (^ec belov. *
338 KEARNEY

Migration as Dependency
Latin American political economists had realized by the late 1960s and early
1970s, earlier than North Amencan anthropologists, that development had not
proceeded as predicted by modemization theory, or for that matter, the
Communist Manifesto
Dependency theorj'. then at its apogee in Latin Amenca, had elaborated a
neo-Marxist cntique of modemization theor>s especially its Chicago vanants
Interestingly, though, one could argue that the version of dependency theor>'
most popular in North America is actually a transformation of the Chicago
model Indeed, its main avatar in North Amenca. Andre Gundre Frank (54),
was also a product of Chicago What Frank in effect did was to find mod-
emization theor\^ standing on its head and to tum it onto its feet Whereas
modemization theor>' was a view of histor\' from the perspective of developed
urban life, dependency theor\^ came, as it were, from the other end of the
folk-urban continuum and called attention not to development but to the
''development of underdevelopment"' which, according to Frank, was the
result of the colonial encounter The folk became satellite or penpher>' and the
urban became the metropole or core Rural and urban are not unconnected
dual economies, but are instead linked together by ties of dependency serving
the developmental needs not of the periphery' but of the core The Red-
fieldian vanant of the Chicago model had modem traits diffusing from urban
to rural, dependency theor>^ called attention to what flows in the opposite
direction, namely economic surplus, the transfer of which from satellite to
metropole results in tbe dedevelopment of the former and the growth of
the latter Modemization theor>' is essentially psychologistic, individualistic,
microeconomistic. and abistonc. dependency theor\' theonzes histonc
macroeconomic relationships and processes at national and lntemational
levels Finally, while modemization theory dichotomizes the world into two
psychological and cultural realms, the modem and the traditional, de-
pendency theor\' posits the ubiquitous presence of a single world capitalist
system
Modernization theor>' splits causes of migration into "push" factors associ-
ated with 'traditional" societies and 'pull" factors located in developed"
areas and evaluates how they influence individual decision making of mi-
grants and stay-at-homes, dependency

provided a unifying framework on tbe causes of superficially diverse processes Domestic

rural-urban migration followed the one-wav flow of economic surplus and reflected the
exploitation of rural areas and smaller cities by the national metropolis International labor
migration followed a similar process in which lmpovenshed populations of backward
countnes struggled to gain access to advanced lndustnal economies Finally, the "brain
dram" of professionals from the Third World was just one more manifestation of the
exploitation of these societies and their continuous lossof resources to advanced ones (116,
p 8)
 MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT 339

Such processes 'by wbicb surplus is drained from tbe penphery to the core
areas within or between countnes are not self-regulating but cumulative,
leading to a greater lmpovenshment of the less developed" (173. p 304)
Wiest (165, p 54) notes that these two theoretical onentations defme the
developmental impact of migration in diametncally different ways * as a real
hope for underdeveloped areas and as another mechanism of exploitation "'
Wood (173) gives a good summary^ of the differences in equihbnum and
dependency with respect to migration (cf 10)
One of the first explicit conceptualizations by an anthropologist of migra-
tion within a dependency theor\^ framework is by Shoemaker (144) While
doing fieldwork from 1973 to 1975 on colonization into eastem Pem. he
rejected tbe functional model of balanced equihbnum between city and
countr>'side and adopted a modified version of Frank's (54) model of intemal
colonialism Lomnitz (91) also followed tbe lead of Latin Amencan de-
pendency theonsts wntmg about migration, and Kemper (73) carries this line
forward within anthropology bv proposing, as an altemative to 'culturalism,"
an "historical-structural framework" which encompasses 'cumbersome di-
chotomies" such as rural-urban" and intemal-intemational" and whicb tums
attention away from the motivations and adaptations of individual migrants to
the larger histoncal and structural causes and consequences of migration
'"witbin the context of dependent capitalism' (73 p 11. cf 31) Uzzell (153)
also saw theoretical difficulties with the folk-urban continuum But wbereas
Kemper (73) wanted to encompass" the mral-urban dichotomy. Uzzell
realizes that dependency theor\- s use ot comparable polar oppositions (core,
metropole. penpher\'. hinterland) also do violence to the cultural and social
fabric of migrant communities spanning countryside and city But other than
this objection to tbe 'fallacies'" of a rural-urban scbeme. Uzzell offers no
theoretical altemative By tar tbe most sophisticated anthropological studies
of migration using a dependency approach are those of Rhoades (124-127)
and Wiest (160-165)
Because stmctural approaches such as dependency theory- tend to be elabo-
rated at middle to large macro levels witbin which the distinctiveness ot local
communities is not apparent, they have not been of great use to anthropolo-
gists for conceptualizing specific fieldwork projects (110. p 2) They have
' an operationahzmg problem"" f53. p 212) Moreover, the ' vertical nature of
the Frank model"' (11. p 185) with its preoccupation with the expropnation of
surplus up the chain oi satellite-metropolis linkages does not attend to hon-
zontal economic, social, and political relationships at the local levelthat
with which anthropologists are most concemedby means of wbich the ties
of dependency are reproduced (lO^i Dependency theor>. almost exclusivly
concemed witb extraction ot surplus trom the periphery, is less concemed
with the flow^ of cash and goods in tbe opposite direcnon and its role m tbe
perpemation ot underdevelopment Such flows and their effects became clear
340 KEARNEY

from the study of return migration (see betow) Thus, apart from the not
tnvial effect it may have had in sensitizing anthropologists to surplus extrac-
tion via migration (5), dependency theory' does not provide anthropologists
with a general theoretical model capable of generating many local level
research problems on migration emanating from rural communities It is even
less able to theorize dynamics of migrants in urban labor markets and their
relationships to the sending communities
In the last ten years two main postdependency onentations have to a great
extent replaced it and begun to influence studies of migration and develop-
ment One of these is a natural culmination of the dependency theor>''s
trajectory', namely, world systems theor>' The other postdependency theor>'
onentation. the modes of production or articulation onentation (see below), is
not so much an outgrowth of it as a reaction to it, one which has called for a
retum to the fundamentals of Marxist political economy
Dependency theor>' has been largely incorporated into the world systems
project centered around Immanuel Walierstein and Review where Frank seems
to have found his natural resting place as an editor A hybnd offspnng of
dependency theor>', the longue duree of Femand Braudei, and the Annales,
world system theor\' posits a global system, the basis of which is an in-
ternational division of labor, producing commodities exchanged among dif-
ferent zones of production and consumption penpher>', semipenphery. and
core World systems analysts, like their dependency counterparts, examine
mechanisms for the appropnation and transfer of surplus from penpheral to
core area In the twentieth centur\'. migrant labor also flows in tbe same
direction, wbile investment capital flows contrar\' to it This most recent trend
in macro developmental theor\' represents the farthest departure from the
neoclassical, push-pull model of migration A major advantage of it is its
conceptualization of migrant labor on a par witb capital and cotnmodities. all
of which move 'within this histoncally interdependent gnd" (94, p 45)
Whereas some anthropologists adopted dependency theor\' as a means of
looking at effects of migration on sending communities (e g 124-127,
160-165), others adopted world systems theor\' to analyze rural migrant labor
in core areas (e g see vanous papers in 106) Of the two, world systems
theor\' has had greater relevance to migration study in that migrant labor can
be more fully theonzed within the complex problematic of circuits of capital
and commodities This is well illustrated in the work of Sassen-Kooh (e g
134-139), which is useful to anthropologists in situating the circumstances of
local communities withm broad histonc and structural contexts Similarly,
Portes (116), conceptualizing the seemingly 'disparate strands ofthe empin-
cal literature on migration." shows how it falls within certam histonc pattems
In colonizing migrations early in the last centur>'. labor flowed parallel to
capital mainly from core areas to tbe penpher\' and "Theones of immigration,
no matter what their divergences, dealt lnvanably witb tbis situation" (116. p
 MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT 341

4) Global migration pattems changed in the second half of the nineteenth

centur)' Muller and Espansade note the change after the Civil War because in
the northem United States 'peasant labor could be employed because tech-
nological innovations made profitable the substitution of skilled workers by
masses of unskilled laborers paid at ver>' low rates" (102a, p 4) This phase in
the world system marked the beginning of what Sassen-Koob refers to as the
'penpheralization of the core" (137), l e the coming of the penpher\' to the
new lndustnal centers in response to their needs, a penod which coincides
with the "obsolescence of classical political economy" ideas about migration
(116, p 5)
Anthropology's encounter with dependency and world systems theorv^
provoked a healthy cntique ot the previous pnonty given to explanations of
migration based on the individual Emphasis shifts from decision making,
culture and personality, and psychological issues in general to a concem with
the macro economic, and political realities at the two ends of the migration
streams But some authors felt that the swing to the histoncai-stmctural
perspective, while correcting the atomistic limitations of equilibrium theor^^
erred in the opposite direction Explanation tends to consist of a descnption
of a migration tlow cast behind a facade ot political-economic largon In a
sense, we have developed good political economv. but insufficient migration
theory" (10, p 324, cf 33i The shift from equihbnum theor\' was also a
retreat from culture This is apparent in literature affirming the role of
exogenous causes of underdevelopment and the pattems of migration associ-
ated with It Lewis's model ofthe culture of poverty" is especially singled
out for attack by a number of authors (82) Recently, however, a new
anthropological perspective lor conceptuahzing migration and development
has become prominant. and one of its more attractive features is its retum to
issues of culture, but culture situated within larger histoncal structural con-
texts This onentation, to which we now turn, promises to permit develop-
mental anthropologists to retum to culture, but to do so in a way that
transcends the psychologistic limitations of modemization theor\^ while at the
same time examining relationships ot dependency, but dependency seen not
only as result of unequal exchange in the sphere of circulation and the
universal workings of the world system, but also and especially as noncapital-
lst relations of production and reproduction in local settmgs from which and to
which people migrate

Migration as Articulation
In 1978 Portes (116. p 13) noted that recent research in economic anthropolo-
gy and economic histor>' revealed just how flexible the process of capitalistic
penetration, domination, and transformation of peripheral societies" could
he Instead of Frank's single chain of exploitation that extends from advanced
342 KEARNEY

centers of capital to the most remote mral regions, this new research, con-
ceptualized more from the penphery than from the metropolitan bias of
dependency theory, suggests that capitalism, rather than replacing noncapital-
lst modes of production, may coexist with them and even strengthen them
The dependency scenano was perhaps only appropnate for settler coloniza-
tion which was indeed responsible for the rapid destmction of preexisting
traditional economies In making this obser\'ation, some authors (116. 171)
cite Volume 2 of Capital in which Marx noted that to the extent that
commodities from noncapitalist societies enter capitalist circuits and must be
reproduced, 'to this extent the capitahst mode of production is conditional on
modes of production lying outside of its own stage of development" (quoted
in 116, pp 13-14) Labor power is of course a commodity that ean be
produced and reproduced outside of the capitalist system, but incorporated
into It via migration, and thus can be an important link articulating spatially
separated capitalist and noncapitalist modes of production (116. p 14)
Three points distinguish articulation and dependency theor>' First, the
modes of production perspective rejects the most basic premise of dependency
and world system theones, namely that there is a unitary global capitahst
system (103. pp 396-98) Second, there is disagreement about the degree of
economic dynamism in the penpherj' (103. pp 398400) In contrast to the
dependency theonsts. the articulationists argue that penpheral communities
are not only qualitatively different, that is. noncapitalist, but also reproduce
their distinctive forms in accord witb their own stmctural imperatives which,
although shaped by relationships with colonial and lmpenalist forces, are
different Third, the articulationists insist that the analysis of the appropnation
of surplus, which is tbe focal interest of dependency theory, must begin not in
the sphere of circulationof unequal economic exchangebut in the systems
of production that generate this surplus (79) In the case of labor migration
this premise includes within the production of economic goods by the nonca-
pitalist economy the reproduction of w^orkers w^ho leave this nexus and, via
their employment, transfer surplus to the capitalist economy Although some
dependency theonsts have done excellent work on the effects of migration on
sending households and communities (eg 121, 165), their concentration on
unequal exchange and on migrants' dependency on wage income limits the
analysis of the complex economics of households and communities and the
ways in which they reproduce themselves by participating in two spheres of
production
There are two main currents in the modes of production onentation. one
coming out of Latin Amenca and the other from Afnca Withm the latter the
work of Meillassoux (95. 96) and Rey (122). botb Altbussenan inspired
French anthropologists working in Afnca. is pivotal This discourse devel-
oped apart from migration work in North Amencan anthropology and
 MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT 343

entered into Anglo anthropology mainly via Bntish journals such as The New
Left Review. Economy atid Society. Critique of Anthropology, The Journal of
Peasant Studies, and Review of Afncan Political Economx
Of most relevance to migration theory is MeiUassoux's Maidens, Meal and
Money (96), pubhshed in French in 1975 and in Enghsh in 1981 Meillassoux
examines the functions of migration in articulating the 'domestic community"
with colonial capitalism Meillassoux gives credit to anthropologists who
have gone before him such as Schapera (140). Gluckman (56). M Wilson
(168), and others who, in the t940s. had the courage to explore the appalling
exploitation of the Afncans in the racist states of southem Afnca" (96, p
viii), but who. theoretically limited by the then reigning functionahsm. were
unable to carry out 'a thorough analysis of the content of economic and social
relationships" (96. p via) Whereas the Afncan functionalists were preoccu-
pied with kinship 'which invaded all the field and glutted the analysis of
family households, cloaking the concept of relations of production" (96, p
viii). Meillassoux recast the old categones within the problematic of colonial
capitalism and lmpenahsm Meillassoux's acquaintance with Afncan migrant
workers in France and his Marxism were cntical to the formation of his
theoretical perspective Seeing proud peasants"" whom he knew from Afnca
living in squalor in Paris suburbs where they were anonymous proletanans, he
Lame to understand how "colonization has brought capitalism and the dome<i-
tit economies mto direct contact" (96, p xu
Meillassoux was thus faced with the problem of theonzing vanations
within these domestic units as they exist in both underdeveloped Afnca and
developed France Central to ihis problem is the role of migrant labor which is
integral to both colonial and imperialist production and to the reproduction of
the partially decomposed peasant domestic unit While these processes occur
within the general context of capitalism at a global level, the migrants
originate within a noncapitalist domestic economy that is " simultaneously
maintained and destroyedmaintained as a means of social organization
which produces value from which itnpenalism benefits, and destroyed be-
cause It IS depnved in the end ol its means of reproduction, under the impact
ol exploitation" (96. p 97, cf 169. P I * Vleiilassoux not only replaces
unequal exchange with the Marxist concept of pnmitive accumulation as the
mechanism of surplus extraction via migrant labor, but expands it to include
permanent pnmitive accumulation Primitive accumulation results from the
permanent exodus of peasants mto capitalist labor markets as the domestic
economy is destroyed by enclosures, forced labor, and other forms of violent
disruption But. In addition to thi^ process which supplies the labour market
by irreversible migration an improved torm of primitive accumulation has
continued to increase in importance since the Second World War This is
temporar\' and rotating labour migration, which preserves and exploits the
344 KEARNEY

domestic agncultural economy"' (96, p 110) Whereas the classic analysis of

modes of production treated them as histonc sequences in which the penod of
confrontation and transition between capitalism and feudalism was marked by
pnmitive accumulation in the form, among others, of permanent out migra-
tion from the disrupted domestic economy, MeiUassoux and especially Rey
(122) theonze the transitional stage as prolonged to the pomt where it appears
to be virtually permanent, l e the two genencally distinct economies become
articulated m large part by circular migrant labor Wolpe (169) and de Janvr\'
& Garramon (44) develop comparable analyses for South Africa and Latin
Amenca, respectively A major advantage of this perspective, which I will
refer to as articulation theory, is that it identifies and isolates the domestic
community which is the usual place and object of anthropological fieldwork
Furthermore, it theonzes how such communities are inserted histoncally and
economically into the greater world It thus allows us to retum to community
level fieldwork, but in a way that overcomes the former liabilities of concep-
tualizing It either as a socioeconomic and cultural isolate or as a dependent tail
wagged by the capitalist dog Not only does articulation theory redirect our
attention to communities, but even more importantly it isolates the household
as the most important nexus in which articulation occurs The household
occupies this strategic position because it is in it that production and reproduc-
tion co-occur m a microeconomic sphere that partakes of the two disparate
modes or loci of production Study of the microeconomics and kinship of
households participating in both the domestic and the capitalist economies has
thus become a pnonty to anthropologists whose research is informed by
articulation theorv^
In ever)' generation a certain percentage of migrants from the domestic
economy settle out. l e they become immigrants in contrast to the circular
migrants who shuttle back and forth between the two types of economies
From capital's point of view the cost-benefit ratio of circular migrants is
supenor to that of immigrants in that both part of the cost of reproduction and
retirement ofthe former is home by the domestic economy Histoncally, great
surges in capitalist growth were fueled by pnmitive accumulation in the form
of one-way immigration of large numbers of peasants who become workers or
slaves But as capitalist economies mature and living spaces become filled in,
the greater value of circular labor migration over immigration shapes im-
migration and labor policies which, in the Post World War II penod, take the
form of the guest-worker programs mentioned above The prototypical ex-
ample IS South Afnca with its highly elaborated migration policy designed to
maximize the advantages of circular labor and minimize immigration As
Burawoy (22) shows, apartheid as migrant labor pohcy is structurally compar-
able to the phenomenon of 'illegal" Mexican workers in Califomia The
South Afncan case is especially instructive because of how official settlement
 MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT 345

and work policies cast the underlying structural relationships between labor
producing and consuming areas into deep relief
One of the most important results of the articulation perspective has been to
stimulate research on the special position ol migrant women workers (see
below) Women's labor is important to the economics of articulation in two
ways First, because of recent research (eg 102. 105. 106, 108), we have
been made aware of the critical role fulfilled by women as nonsalaned
producers of value which sustains households reproducing under conditions ot
articulation and from w'hich migrant workers are delivered to capital And
Necond, much recent work ha^ concentrated on women migrant workers who
now outnumber men in industry' because of gender-linked charactenstics that
make them especially attracfve t'> emrlover-> '201

THE APPLICATION OF THEORY UNITS AND

DIMENSIONS OF ANAL YSIS
Having identified the three major theoretical perspectives tound in an-
thropological migration research. 1 now shitf to a review of recent research
informed bv these theories Here the units and dimensions ot analysis and the
locus of lieldwork rather than theoretn.al perspective serve as the pnmar>
principles oigamzing the diSi.us'-K>n Researcher^ looking at migration and
development in various settings choose from among a panoply of commonh
used units of analysis the individual, the household, networks, communities
regions, nations The unit or ".onihinatinn ot units employed is influenced by
ihe theoretical predilection ot the rc^eaichcr Work conceived within the
modemization paradigm [neviiablv focuses on individual decision makers
and more recently thL household iscc below) \i the other extreme ol
inclusiveness, researchers m the dependent) school may look at entire nations
defined in terms ot core-penpher\ relationships Articulationists. for reasons
discussed below, tend to use intermediate units of analysis such as the
household and networks In addition to standard developmental issues having
to do with agriculture. industr\ and employment, several new themes have
emerged in recent migration literature and are highlighted below^ they include
gender, ethnicity, and ideology Research on these issues, using whatever
units of analysis seems appropriate. ma\ take place in sending communities
receiving communities, or in both

Migration and Community Development

Awareness t>t the limitation ot moderni/ation assumptions arose from the
f'eld study of retum migrants The term retum migration'' comes from the
pattem ot guestworker migration into westem and northem Hurope in which
the mierant workers reside in rhe hos! country tor a number of vears and then
346 KEARNEY

retum home, usually with savings and other less tangible effects of their
sojoum This pattem is stmcturally comparable to annual or seasonal migra-
tion common to the Mexico-United States situation and to migration pattems
within underdeveloped countnes. most notably seasonal agncuitural migrant
labor In all such cases there is a retum back across developmental differ-
entials, and the question anses as to the impact of such contrary flows (115)
Conventional equilibrium theor\' holds that retumees should bnng with them
capital and savings which they will invest in ways that promote development
because it is reenforced by new skills, ideas, and attitudes that they acquired
while working and living abroad (101) But in almost all such cases an-
thropologists have found that the developmental impact of retum migration is
negative or at best neutral
In Mexico, Comehus (40) was one of the first to show that wqth few
exceptions remittances were used pnmanly for consumption, housing, and
immediate needs rather than for investment in infrastructure This is the
general conclusion of three reviews of retum migration (58. 76. 148) and of
subsequent studies (e g 78) It is worth summanzing these untoward effects
because of tbeir relevance to migration-developmental theor>' For the most
part they are either explicitly framed within the dependency perspective or
arrive at conclusions which support it Studies of retum workers from Turkey
(166). Greece (48). Italy (155), Malta (77). Spain (125). Portugal (19).
Ireland (57), Mexico (100, 146, 163). the Caribbean (174). Germany (124).
India (13). Westem Samoa (143). and other countnes show that few^ migrants
leam any new^ skills, or if they do, rarely are they able to put tbem to use in tbe
home community Those who work in industrial jobs do simple repetitive
tasks tbat bave no relevance to productive activities at home Reynen &
Mughini (123). in a sectoral mobility study of Italian migrant w^orkers. found
that many moved from pnmar\' to secondar>^ sector employment in the host
country, but that occupational mobility is usually downward witb respect to
pre-entr\^ skills, l e . w^hatever skills they have are not used in the new- job
w^hich tends to be automated And in any event, as the comparative research
of European migrant workers by Castles & Kosack (34) shows, retuming
industrial workers do not want to work in industry when they retum, they
want to be independent
Tbe effects of agncuitural wage labor on agncuitural development in the
migrants' home communities are similar to those in the home communities of
industrial migrant workers Wiest (160) and Stuart & Kearney (146) find that
Mexican farmw orkers in U S agribusiness acquire skills that have little use in
their own small-scale cultivation As for investment of savings by retumees,
field studies (eg 100. 121. 125. 127. 146, 148. 160) consistently sbow
tbat housing and land for housing are tbe most common major expenditures
rather than commercial income and employment generating investment
 MIGR\IION AND DEVELOPMENT 347

Vivolo (155) finds that retum migrants m Sicily tend to abandon agnculture
but buy land and become absentee landlords, thus provoking land inflation
and fragmentation These effects are similar to those descnbed by Rhoades in
Spain (125. 127). Rubenstem inthe West Indies (131), and Mines (97), Stuart
& Keamey (146), and Wiest (161, 164) for Mexico Investment in agricultu-
ral improvement is equally disappointing, most retum migrants are not
attracted to agncultural investment They may buy land and leave it idle, or
perhaps use it only for summer retreats Consequently, up to 20 or 30 percent
of the land in Spanish villages that Rhoades (125) studied was taken out of
production Although Gmelch reviews a large and consistent body of an-
thropological hterature which demonstrates a neutral to negative effect ot
migration on modemization. he himself retams the charactenstic modemiza-
tion focus on the individual migrant decision maker and presents a typology of
retum migrants which stresses their adaptation and readjustment" (58) One
long-term positive effect of remittance use i> the tendency reported from
Mexico by Comelius (41) and Dmerman i46) tor families to use migrant
eamings to extend the education of their children
The remittance of migrant earnings offers the greatest potential for the
accumulation of capital for investment m productive infrastmcture in sending
communities But as demonstrated by the studies cited above, migrants most
often do not invest in production in their own sending communities even
though a number of studies bave ^hown that remittances mav be appreciable
(23, 40, 97) Indeed, the articulation perspective suggests that remittances
perpetuate status quo underdevelopment For example. Stuart & Keamey
(146) find that such a village in southern Mexico could only support a
population ot about 250 were it not for hea\y circular migration the remit-
tances from which permit a population of around 1400 Comelius (40)
obsen.es that tbe benefits from migration eamings to Mexican communities
depend to a great extent on the degree to which the migrants, while in the
United States, participate in fotmal organizations One of the best de-
monstrations of this IS the binational agncultural cooperatives founded in rural
Mexico by larmworkers who migrate to Arizona As mostly undocumented
workers who are members of the Arizona Farmworkers Union, they have won
i-ontracts with employers who make contnbutions to funds that tinance the
cooperative^ (39)

Households and Gender

One ot the enduring problems m migration research is identification of
appropriate units ot analysis Above I discussed the disillusionment with the
individual In recent \edrs interest has increased in the household as a unit
bridging the gap between social and individual levels of analysis'" (141, p
^~7, cf P 35. 45 68. 7^ 113 IM 129 142. P2) As such, manv
348 KEARNEY

researchers see the household as mediatmg between 'micro economic theones

that concentrate on the atomistic behavior of individuals (sometimes aggre-
gated within household units)"' and "the histoncal-structural approach that
focuses on the pohtical economy of socioeconomic and political develop-
ment'" (141, p 87. cf 173) While Schmink sees the household as mediatmg
between microeconomic and histoncal-structural approaches, there is another
body of literature within the articulation paradigm which also focuses on the
household but which attends primanly to its reproductive strategies, based on
combinations of salaried and nonsalaned work (81) One of the most effective
uses of the household as a unit of analysis for migration study is Dinerman's
(46) comparative study of migration from two rural communities in Mexico
and the corresponding greater participation of women in production and
marketing activities in the households that denve income from migration
Recent research on combined capitalist and noncapitalist production draws
heavily on the anthropology of women which has revealed the economic
significance of nonsalaned women's labor, labor which nevertheless produces
value that enters into capitahst circuits of circulation where it is appropriated
Such value is produced directly in the form of cheaply sold petty commodities
and services in the informal sector It is produced indirectly by the economic
contnbution of women in the reproduction of workers in the domestic econo-
my who leave it periodically or permanently to enter migrant and immigrant
labor markets Such workers are able to receive a lower wage to the degree
that they are in part reproduced in the domestic economy and are therefore
more exploitable than workers produced entirely within capitalist relations
Women's work is critical here both because they are producers of food and
services consumed in the domestic sphere and because they are the bearers of
children who become full or part-time workers (9, 81) It is in the household,
the domestic unit, more than anywhere else where gender-specific noncapital-
ist production and the partial reproduction of capitalist workers occurs It has
been pnmanly women anthropologists who have explored these hitherto
inadequately appreciated conditions (1-3. 15. 16. 43. 45. 50. 52, 81. 114.
14ia. see also 62a)
In recent years migrant tmd immigrant women in low level labor markets
have also become a focus of anthropological study Much of this research has
been on migrant women from rural areas who are employed by transnational
corporations in EPZs (export production zones) established by the gov-
emments of underdeveloped countnes to attract foreign capital investment
The EPZs are attractive because of tax and other types of concessions, but
their most desirable feature is abundant productive, cheap labor The majonty
of such workers in these zones are women, usually of rural background, a
trend that Sassen-Koob calls 'the feminization of wage-labor'' (139. see also
1, 26, 32. 51. 104. cf 4. 14. 133) This research is generally conceptualized
 MtGRATfON AND DEVELOPMENT 349

wifhin the articulation perspective in that by focusing on fhe mulfiplicity of

women's producfive and reproducfive acfivities it combines analysis of multi-
national capital with analysis of women's informal economic acfivifies at fhe
household, neighborhood and community levels" (50. p 175) This is a major
theme in the recent coUecfions edited by Nash & Femandez-Keily (106) and
by Nash & Safa (108) Typically unable to sur\ave from fheir wage income
alone, low^ income migrant and immigrant urban households in underde-
veloped countries participate in informal economic activities As Fernandez-
Kelly says.

Thui contraiy to modernization " perspei-tive assumptions, the ^o-called informal sector
economy !; not a residue of archaic sYstem"; nt production destined to disappear under the
effect of further industrialization Rather capitaliii industnalization continuously repro-
duces the social and economic circumstances within which informal economic activities
occur as a suppon mechanism for the effective surplus extraction and profit maximization
Thev are the lowest echelon in a venitalK lntcurdted ^v^em of labor and production (50 p

Migration in the lafe twenfiefh cenfur\^ is quite different from the compar-
ably large flows of the late nineteenth century^ in that a greater percentage of it
flows not into labor markets but inio the informal economy This is es-
pecially true of migration within underdeveloped countries, and calls into
question models based largely on dynamics oi labor markets such as those of
the Todaro and Hams school Recent attention to activines of migrants and
immigrants in informal economic activities has led to a reassessment of the
concept of marginahfy as put forth bv Quijano (119, 120) and applied to
migration by e g Lomnitz (90) hssennally a vanant of dependency theorv,
marginality can be formuiafed d^ arficulation when actual economic and
pohtical linkages between the formal and informal economic sectors and
between the workplace and the household are examined in detail (eg 71.
112). although Cockcroft (38) insists that such relationships are completely
ones of dependency
Contrary to the flow- of investment capital to underdeveloped countries in
search of cheap labor is that of workers to developed countnes in search of
employment Sassen-Koob (137) refers to this late twentieth centur\' pattern
of migration as 'peripheralization of the core " Here too anthropological
research focuses largely on women and households (see 106. 108) Lam-
phere's (81) recent study of changing configurations of family, gender roles,
and ethnicity among immigrant households in Rhode Island in which there has
been an historic shift from working daughters* to 'working waves" is an
excellent analysis of how productive and reproductive activities of households
are articulated
A number of recent studies of migrant worker*, in their work places have
350 KEARNEY

employed ethnographic techniques to examine labor processes and labor

markets Thomas's (149) study of field labor m the Califomia lettuce industr\'
reexamines theones of dual and segmented labor markets that are based
pnmanly on the category of class to show how stmctural conditions extemal
to the labor market, namely citizenship and gender, exert powerful influence
on the structure of a labor market employing undocumented, documented,
and U S citizen men and women In Califomia, these categones histoncally
have also been cross-cut by ethnicity as different foreign groups have cycled
in and out of Califomia agncuitural labor markets Mines & Anzaldua's (98)
study of the Califomia citms lndustrv' also examines the impact of citizenship
status on labor markets A comparable study of the effects of citizenship and
migrant status is Scott Whiteford's (159) monograph on how Bolivian mi-
grant plantation workers and urban dwellers in Argentina knit together com-
plex strategies of binational survival Emphasizing de Janvrj' & Garramon's
(44) concept of functional dualism (cf 70). Whiteford"s work falls within
the articulation paradigm He shows that the distinction between places of
residence and work are best seen as "part of a labor reserve system that tran-
scends mral-urban borders, as does the capitahst mode of production" (159.
p 153)

Culture and Ideology

Although the histoncal-structural approaches to migration, unlike modemiza-
tion theor}'. pay insufficient attention to cultural aspects, concem with culture
and ideology is a strong theme m the work inspired by articulation theory and
can be seen as falling within two areas First, there is the relatively smaller
literature on the perceptions of and reactions to migrants by receiving pop-
ulations and how this is translated into policy and how such perceptions and
policies change with the changing economic conditions that affect the ebbs
and flows of migrants and immigrants Especially notable is Gnllo's (63)
study of popular and official French perceptions of and reactions to
guestw^orkers from Northem Afnca Gnllo's study is done at three levels
First, there is that of the immigrants themselves and in descnbing their work
and life in a provincial city Gnllo gives one of the best accounts of the
difficulties of this type of fieldwork The second level is that of the major
urban industnal city in which the immigrants are located Gnllo links the two
levels through an analysis of the institutions and personnel who deal with
immigrants and how^ they perceive and manage what they refer to as the
'"problem"' of the immigrants Attention here is focused not on the immigrants
but. following Foucault, on the discourses in which the immigrant problem is
discussed and debated on the left and the nght of the political spectrum This
leads to the third level a full-blown analysis of ideology in French society.
 MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT 351

resulting in the most sophisticated and thorough study yet produced of the
relationship between immigration and ideology in a receiving society Some-
what similar is Bustamante's (24, 25) analysis of the vaganes of U S
immigration policy and public perceptions of Mexican migrants, and how
they var>' with the health of the U S economy and are refiected in repatnation
rates of Mexicans Repatnation vanes inversely with the condition of the
domestic economy it goes up in times of recession and down when the
economy is expanding And although not a coherent discourse of its own, one
occasionally finds in the literature discussion of the ideological component of
equihbnum approaches to migration (eg 118, 124) Nash (104, p 24)
discusses, for example, how management personnel policies based on laissez-
faire philosophy, which does not correspond to lntemational production
realities, have an ideological function
The second body of literature on ideology and culture assesses changing
images of self and shifts in class consciousness on the part of migrants as a
result of the migration The central issue here is the effect of migratory wage
labor and the migration expenence in general on mral peoples The sheer
magnitude of this type of migration has stimulated considerable debate con-
ceming the essential class nature of the ambiguous "peasantanat" (60) This
issue IS especially acute within the left in Latin Amenca, where it maps onto
the divides that separate Maoists and populists on one side, known generally
as campesinistas. and more classic Marxist proletarianistas on the other
Each has their respective and contrasting strategies of development (ct 67)
Whereas promoters of the peasant line (e g 471 promote agranan reform
issues, the proletanantstab stress the degree to which prolet^ianization,
mainly via migration, has progressed and conclude that syndicalist strategies
are most appropnate (eg 12 111)
One of the most thorough studies of the effects of migration on class
formation is Laite's (80) work on Peruvian peasant migrant workers in the
mining industry Laite demonstrates that altbough tbese migrant workers are
more proletanan than peasant, the persistant articulation of the two modes of
existence prevent them from developing class consciousness, social organ-
ization, and political action comparable to a tully proletananized working
class in an advanced industnal countr>^
When the high degree to which migrants take part in the so-called informal
economy is considered, tbe question of class takes on additional complexities
Cockcroft (38), for example, argues that stall owners and street vendors
(participants in the informal economy) have a petty-bourgeois appearance that
masks a proletanan reahty Similarly, pattems of land use by retum migrant
peasant-workers (see above) strongly suggest that many of them have adopted
nonpeasant, possibly petty bourgeois attitudes (121) or the intensification of
a conser\^ative, traditional way of Iitc"" 113, p 13"?) Gmelch (58, p 149) says
352 KEARNEY

that 'many migrants are no longer attracted either psychologically or econom-

ically to agnculture" (see also 57, 75. 85. 127) At the same time a theme that
runs through the hterature on retum migrants is that they have not been
proletananized in any deeply ideological sense
Virtually unique is Rubbo & Taussig's (130) paper on female domestic
servants in upper class households in a Colombian city These women typical-
ly enter this work as young migrants from rural areas, and Rubbo & Taussig
show how their incorporation into these households is integral to the replica-
tion of gender and class relationships in the society at large

Migrant Networks
Several researchers have descnhed migrant communities in terms of net-
works Lomnitz (89. 90) descnbes networks of reciprocal relationships that
link rural and urban areas, providing social secunty for migrants who live a
precanous existence (cf 36) Lomnitz (91) also speaks of 'articulation"
between shantytown dwellers and urban institutions, descnbing how networks
of migrants and the urban poor have both intemai honzontal and extemal
vertical dimensions This model, however, does not deal with articulation in
the more current sense of production and reproduction, nor in a develop-
mental sense Mines (97) describes networks tbat have developed as the
composition of migrant flows from his research community have changed and
distinguishes young versus mature networks (cf 100) The advantage of such a
life cycle approach to migrant networks became apparent when Kearney (99)
devised a developmental typology in a study of farmworker health in central
California
One of the main theoretical and methodological challenges in research on
relationships between migration and development is linking research at the
community level with nationally focused aggregate studies Modemization
and dependency onentations differ, in addition to ways noted above, by
attending mainly to only one or the other of these levels I have already
discussed how the articulation perspective provides some bndges for spanning
the gulfs in levels of analysis by theonzing migration, production, and
reproduction at the local level as shaped by. and as a response to, global
economic conditions The articulation perspective has reintroduced cuiture
and ideology and has advanced use of the household as a hasic unit of
analysis As employed in the studies of migration and development cited
above. It has also largely overcome the abstract structuralism of Altbusser,
who was one of its main sources Indeed, from Meillassoux onward most
anthropological articulationists looking at migration and developmental issues
have given due attention to human agency and practice Yet one notes the
absence of an histoncal sensibilit>' in these studies Migration, and especially
 MIGRAHON ^ND DEVELOPMENT 353

migration as development, is an histonc process Apart trom any underlying

structures that organize the movements ot peoples, we are observing nonre-
current processes One of the most ditficult tasks in anthropological fieldwork
is to apprehend the long-term trends and tendencies that shape a migrant
community which spans widely different economic, social, and cultural
milieux To confront this problem m m> fieldwork I have developed what I
tall the articulator>^ migrant network

THE ARiiCLLATORY MiGR3iN7 NETWORK There are several essential tasks

in ail research on migranon and development One is to plot the movements o(
migrants into various kinds of'spaces, including not only geographic space
but also labor markets and other economic and social niches and correspond-
ing cultural changes Another has to do with the tlow of surplus and goods
within the migrant community Development can only occur when surplus
above normal consumptron ts captured and invested into the productive
infrastructure of the community 4s discussed above, migration can function
either to drain economic value Ironi sending t-ommunities or to channel u into
them via tor example, remittances
In my fieldwork with Mixtec Indians trom southem Mexico, who migrate
heavily into northwest Mexico and into the western United States. J employ
the concept ot the Articu!ator\^ Migrant Network (AMN) lo address these
issues (70a. 71. 146) The village ot San Jeronimo Progreso serves as a
case study, it is relatively easy to identity the AMN ot San Jeronimo be-
cause It IS tightly knit and endogamous Many people migrate from San
Jerommo on a circular basis mto agriLultural and urban labor markets and
into various lntormal economic activities in urban shantytowns (cf 6-8.
l'\ 117. 154) Some ot these migrants become immigrants Ihe popula-
tion IS highly mobile and ranges as rar as the Canadian border The sending
tommumty m Oaxaca is based on subsistence agriculture It is organized
around the traditional" highland Mesoamencan civil-religious governmental
and ceremonial system w hich l^ abo a model for the formation of comparable
associations" in the shantytowns in nonhwest Mexico and m cities m Cali-
lomia
One ol the advantages ot the AMN is that it subsumes most of the analytic
units employed in anthropolgical migration research mdividual. household,
community, region It is especially suited to the tightly kmt highland
Mesoameritan communities trom which Mixtec migrants originate There,
each sending communuv is a distinct corporate settlement with a well-
developed identity, they also tend to be highly endogamous The AMN of San
Jeronimo consists of the sending village as well as the daughter communities
that migrants and immigrants from San Jeronimo have formed in northwest
Mexico and in rhe LnueJ Staits These communities m tum consist of
354 KEARNEY

families that are broken into households, some of which have two or three
widely scattered houses The household in tum consists of individuals, each
of whom can be identified and tracked in the vanous "spaces" noted above
Overarching all of these subunits is the AMN
Thus conceptualized, the AMN can be used to address the research tasks
noted above This is best done by thinking of the AMN as having a de-
velopmental cycle In this sense it is. among other things, an income-seeking
organism Dnven out of fhe sending area by economic necessify. individuals
and households move in and out of vanous spaces that permit often complex
economic sur\'ival strategies In this histonc process differentiation of many
kinds occurs within the network, e g partial and complete proletarianization,
movement into informal sectors of the economy in both rural and urban
settings, and corresponding changes in gender roles, culture, and class con-
sciousness Also, individuals and households form vanous relationships with
elements outside of the network, and relationships between the communities
of the networks and the government, political parties, and other kinds of
organization also develop The sum total of these changing internal and
extemal relationships constitutes the life cycle of the network
Of central importance to understanding the relationship between the evolu-
tion of the network and economic development m its sending and daughter
communities is the calculation of the flow^ of economic value and other things
across the boundar)' of the netw^ork and through circuits within the network
In this regard, the AMN can be thought of as a vascular system through which
flow persons, information, goods. ser\aces. and economic value The net
flow^ of economic value, and to a lesser extent goods and information, is the
fundamental issue with respect to economic development within the sending
community and its daughter communities As noted above, for development
to occur, surplus must be accumulated and invested at some point or points m
the network The evolution of the network can in large part be seen as due to
individual and collective actions taken in its histor}- to maximize the capture
and retention of economic value and other forms of security, or said differ-
ently, to minimize their loss out of the network
These flows between the total network and the encompassing social forma-
tion can, in theor\^ be measured The net balancenegative or positiveis
the sum potenually available for economic development or represents the rate
at which the network subsidizes the development of sectors extemal to it But
whether or not this flow is positive or negative, there is still a need to attend to
the processes of internal integration as individuals, households, and com-
munities within the network differentiate along economic, social, political,
class, cultural, and ideological dimensions as the interface between the
network and points extemal to it changes Conceptualized as such, the AMN
attends to a major concem of dependency theory, l e a presumed loss of
 MIGRAIION AND DEVELOPMENT 355

\alue from the migrant community But by attending to the actual circuits of
value among the changing components of the greater migrant community
the AMNthe basic concems of articulationists are also addressed
Another strength of the AMN is that it theorizes articulation not only in the
sense of modes or loci of production and reproduction, but also among the
different phenomenal levelse g economic, social, culturalofthe network
Itself Attention to articulation in this second sense provides, for example, a
method for analyzing an emergent ethnic dimension to the network In what
would be a paradox for modemization theor). those Mixtecs whose existence
is now most centered in the border area ot Mexico and the United States are
intentionally elaborating a collective identity. at the level of coalescing
AMNs which IS based on their common ethnic heritage, a heritage denving
trom their rural southem Mexico Indian background This heightened ethnic
ideiitity. which distinguishes them from mestizo Mexicans and from North
Americans, appears to be a way ot consolidating the AMNs on which their
sur\ival depends
The articulation approach to migration represents an advance over tbe
competing paradigms In practice as otten as not. it too is a bipolar con-
ceptualization in that studies based on it examine how one tacet of an
underdeveloped community connect with a facet ot developed capitalism,
e g peasants as workers, migrant women m off-shore industries The pattems
uf articulation of San Jerommo migrants are. however, more complex Basi-
cally there are four spheres of activitv that are articulated by the San Jerommo
network 1 the subsistence agrarian ^ending community. 2 agricultural and
urban labor markets. 3 petty commodit\ production and other activities in the
informal sector, and 4 political activities in urban areas Some few in-
dividuals and bousehoids are located primarily in one of tbese spheres but.
more often than not. individuals and households participate m combinations
of tbem A.S yet we have no thorough study of such complex articulation for
an entire community, much less one that also deals with the corresponding
articulationin the second sense-^"tf these variable soeioeconomic activities
and the corresponding changes in culture and consciousness The AMN is an
attempt to conceptualize and lntorni ^uch an histoncal ethnography

\ SYNTHESIS OF THEORY 4ND METHOD

Finally, it is worth reiterating that the migration and developmental processes
that anthropologists are examining are historical phenomena As such we are
attempting to apprehend not onK basic structural relationships, but equally
important trends, tendencies, and rates of change in these relationships My
own opinion is that progress can best be made in this work when an overarch-
ing tbeory such as the articulation perspectue is operationalized in a research
356 KEARNEY
strategy that combmes qualitative ethnographic fieldwork with quantitative
methods of censusing and sur\-eying that are able to capture the complex
processes of micro differentiation that occur in "traditional" communities
such as San Jeronimo as they become increasingly articulated with the
developed world
AKNOWLEDGVIENT
I wish to thank Carole Nagengast for invaluable editonal comments and
assistance dunng the preparation of this review
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AV;