American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 1

Midge Carter
Com 195
Professor Wilson
February 25, 2017

A comparison in the communication styles of American Street Gangs and the

Mainline Protestant Church

At first glance, one would be hard pressed to find two cultures more incompatible

than American street gangs and the Protestant Church. However, in actuality, gang and

church cultures are parallels in many ways. This involves their construction, importance,

and values, all of which are demonstrated by nonverbal communication. However,

despite these similarities, there is little cross-membership or communication between

these two groups. The two cultures, despite being similar in many ways, have difficulty

communicating because both are extremely ethnocentric and rarely share the same

physical space.

The definition of gangs varies based on local jurisdiction and experience. The

FBI defines gangs as criminal organizations that are formed on the street and operate

in neighborhoods (NGIC, 2016). Delany defines street gangs as as group of

individuals whose core members interact with one another at a high frequency rate

(Delany, p 8). Demographically they are primarily composed of young, low-class

Hispanic or Black men from inner cities (Delany, p 11). Members of street gangs also

tend to be heavily involved in criminal activity which rages from drug use to violent

crime.

In contrast, Protestantism is sect of the Christian faith, founded in 1529 by

German scholar Martin Luther. As of 2014 a combined 70% of Americans claimed a

protestant faith (Pew Research Center, 2015), making it the largest faith group in the
American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 2

nation. Demographically Protestant churches are primarily composed of married,

middle-aged white women (Pew Research Center, 2016). I grew up in a Protestant

home, and the abstract assumptions made about Protestant culture are heavily

informed by my experience. However, in an effort to retain scholarly integrity, I intend to

refrain from using my individual experiences to speak for the whole group, and will

abstain from sharing stories from my singular perspective.

Schaefer outlines five characteristics that are required to give microculture

definition apply (Neuliep, p 99-100). The first is that group members have a

distinguishing physical or cultural trait, including distinguishable dress habits. Delany

notes that not only do gangs almost always consist of members from one race

(Delany, p 137) but also that gang dress is both symbolic and homogenous. This

includes tattoos, piercings, jewelry, and clothing, which are all used to denote both gang

membership and gang status (Delany, p 8). In the Protestant church, the presiding

pastor wears a clerical collar, and members of protestant churches are encouraged to

dress in modest formal attire to attend services. Both groups have distinguishing cultural

habits that are outside the norm.

The second characteristic is that membership is not voluntary. Both gangs and

Protestant church members begin their affiliation with their respective groups because

they are born into it. Though some mobility between groups exists and membership is

technically voluntary, in reality it is often not. Leaving a gang often requires being

jumped out, and leaving a church often results in social shunning. Schaefer also

acknowledges that in some cases, microcultures have voluntary membership. This is

true of religion and of gangs.

American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 3

Also true is that gangs and the protestant church practice endogamy, which is

Schaefers third category for microcultural status. The Mainline Protestant church does

not condone interfaith marriage, citing biblical passages such as 2nd Corinthians 14,

which says, Do not be yoked together with unbelievers (NIV). For gang members,

relationships with individuals affiliated with other gangs are dangerous, as they can be

seen as disloyalty. Similarly, both church members and gang members are aware that

they live outside of dominant culture. In both the Protestant church and gangs,

conversations exist around being prosecuted, either because of religious belief or

because of gang affiliation, which fulfills Schaefers fourth requirement. This subjugation

from majority culture is experienced as perceived unequal treatment, which satisfies the

final requirement, which is that the dominant group segregates and discriminates

against the microculture group. This occurs in structural ways, which fosters the

criminalization of gang members, and social ways, which demonizes both groups based

on extremist members.

Perhaps more important to the making of a microculture than fulfilling all the

semantic rules is the social identity that is created. Both street gangs and the Protestant

church are heavily influential in the formation of an individuals self-construction.

Goldman, Giles, and Hogg argue that being a member of a gang provide at-risk youth a

sense of belonging that they need to be fulfilled but do not find in other groups.

Following that line of thinking, they note, after joining a gang, the groups views

become central to the individuals life, shaping their identity and personality (Goldman,

Giles, and Hogg, p 818). Researchers from Carleton University provide a nearly

identical argument about religious organizations, arguing that religion becomes the
American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 4

defining feature of an individuals identity and offers a system of guiding beliefs through

which to interpret ones experiences and give them meaning (Ysseldyk, Matheson, and

Anisman, p 61). This leads to the logical conclusion that not only do gangs and

churches provide a microcultural outlook for their members, but that memberships

influence extends to encompass the overall definition of culture, which requires an

accumulated pattern of values, beliefs, and behaviors (Neuliep, 20).

Not only are the cultures of street gangs and the Protestant church influential and

defining, but also they are parallel in many ways. This is true among all five dimensions

of cultural variability that sociologists use to differentiate cultures. Though in-depth

arguments could be made for the similarity of gang and church cultures along all five

dimensions, the continua of individualism-collectivism and value orientations are the

most prevalent in regards to street gangs and the Protestant church.

Sociologists first division between cultures is in regards to the importance of the

group over the individual, which has been termed and split between having an

individualistic or collectivistic culture. The primary component of a collectivistic culture

is a binding, mutual obligation from individual group members to the goal of the group

(Neuliep, 51). Members are allocentric, and define themselves based on their group

membership rather than individual qualities. Beyond that, collectivistic cultures can be

divided into vertical or horizontal orientations based on individual interdependence and

the value of status in the group. According to Neuliep, a vertically oriented collectivistic

culture is one in which the individual sees the self as an integral part of the in-group,

but the members are different from one another (Neuliep, p 60). Both American street

gangs and Protestant churches have a vertical collectivistic culture.

American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 5

Being part of a gang is often a members defining characteristic. As Lauger

writes, the gang label is not taken lightly; those invested in the concept implicitly

understand that a gang should be fundamentally different from other groups (Lauger, p

77). The gang is more important than any other social group or identity. And yet not all

members of a gang have equal authority or position within the group. Gangs operate on

a strict hierarchy, and have clear leaders. If a leader loses their position, another

member steps in to take over (Delany, 128). Within the gang, hierarchies are commonly

determined based on individuals age and the degree of attachment and involvement in

the group (Delany 135).

Similarly, religious affiliation is often the most important aspect of a church

members identity. This is due in part to religious rules taken directly from the Bible,

which emphasize being in the world and not of the world and the importance of a

Christ centered life. A Christians defining feature is that they are a Christian. However,

not all church members are equal. The structure of a church, though it has changed

over time, is hierarchal. In todays modern church Pastors are the head of the church,

with elders and deacons still receiving more hierarchal authority than general members

(Williams, 371). This clearly denotes a vertical, collectivistic culture within both the

church and street gangs.

Another cultural division lies in orientation to values. Schwartz outlines ten values

that all are found in all cultures on varying levels. He argues that values are linked to

affect and goals, go beyond specific actions, are used to determine morality, are

ranked, and a combination of values motivate behavior (Neuliep, p 75). This essentially

means that individuals act based on the values they perceive as most important, and
American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 6

that value importance is defined through group membership. Street gangs and the

Protestant church have a similar ranking of both value importance and affect.

Gangs primarily value respect, but hold value loyalty and unification (which

Schwartz would define as conformity), and tradition (Delaney, 152) as secondary

values. These values hold true for the Protestant faith. In the Protestant church, there is

a stronger focus on tradition and which can result in shaming as retaliation for acts that

stretch the boundaries of cultural acceptability. Both groups demonstrate the

collectivistic high-context values defined by Condon and Yousef, which are explained as

a respect for, and the importance of, group interdependence, older age, male

superiority, and membership (Neuliep, p 77).

In order to express these values, street gangs and the Protestant Church have

parallel communication styles, specifically non-verbal expression. For both groups,

deference to group status is displayed by specific dress styles and the importance of

group membership is expressed through attendance of group events. Proxemics are

important, because both groups value being in physical proximity to the organization.

For the church this could be weekly services, Bible studies, or other church-led

functions. Within gang culture, this expresses itself most through the importance of

gang territory, whether that be specific streets or homes.

Both groups also actively use symbolism. As previously discussed, gangs and

the church use specific dress styles to communicate messages. However, symbolism is

more widespread than just dress. Gang graffiti is one example. Ken Davis, an artist and

graffiti expert, has worked to classify the various types of graffiti used today, and

acknowledges that gang graffiti is more than just artwork. He writes, there are
American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 7

subcultural principles that govern how to create, construct, and circulate street gang

graffiti to promote cohesiveness (June, Kahtibloo, Estevane, p 172). Similarly, symbols

such as the crucifix, ichthus (the Jesus Fish), and ash are used in Protestant

communities to encourage group unity. This is particularly prominent during especially

religious seasons, such as Easter or Christmas. Misuse of these symbols is considered

blasphemous and unacceptable. Just like gang graffiti, only members of the group can

translate the meaning and importance of these symbols.

Historically, religion and criminal gangs have been heavily linked. The first gang

wars in America were around issues of religion, as American street gangs had strong

religious hatred between their Protestant and Catholic belief systems (June, Kahtibloo,

Estevane, p 71). However, today, with the exception of ex-banger churches made up

of former or reformed gang members, the Protestant church and street gangs do not

have much cross over. This is due in large part because of the ethnocentrism that is a

part of both groups.

Ethnocentrism is defined by Neuliep as the tendency for any people to put their

own group in a position of centrality and worth while creating and reinforcing negative

attitudes and behaviors toward out-groups (Neuliep, 205). In Neulieps perspective,

ethnocentrism is a negative influence on intercultural communication. This is especially

affects gangs and churches because, while all groups maintain some level of

ethnocentrism, gangs and the church have higher levels of ethnocentrism than other

organizations. In part, this is due to the collectivistic nature of both cultures.

As previously discussed, both gangs and the church require that membership in

the group be the defining feature of the individuals identity. With gangs this means that
American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 8

communication with non-gang members can be seen as a sign of disloyalty.

Communication with non-religious people can disrupt a religious persons identity.

Protestant religion contends that they are the only correct religion. Wrench, Corrigan,

McCroskey, & Punyanunt-Carter note that religious people who have a low tolerance for

religious disagreement which could manifest itself as an innate fear of communicating

with anyone who is not from their culture (Wrench, Corrigan, McCroskey, & Punyanunt-

Carter, p 39). The uncertainty that results from communicating outside of both cultures

is often great enough to keep group members from willfully entering interactions.

Disruption of ethnocentrism requires disproving the false beliefs and negative

attitudes held about groups. One of the most common ways this occurs is through

forming relationships with members of that group. However, this is difficult to do in

regards to the Protestant church and gangs because of physical proximity. According to

the Public Religion Research Institute, the top three heavily protestant cities in America

are Nashville, Charlotte, and Atlanta (Piacenza and Jones, 2015). Conversely, the cities

with the highest gang population are Chicago, Las Angles, and Detroit (Vasil, 2014).

Simply put, the two groups are not around each other in large enough proportions to

facilitate any large-scale interaction or disruption of ethnocentrism. While this may occur

on small scales or for individual members, this is not true for the whole.

Successful communication between the two groups would require a suspension

of judgment. This would facilitate members of the group to back away from the negative

assumptions that would hinder communication and allow the similarities the groups hold

become evident. Both gang members and protestant believers would need to enter the

interaction willingly, and with a desire to make connections rather than prove
American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 9

stereotypes correct. If this were to occur they would discover that the two cultures are

parallel, that they utilize the same hierarchal structure and share similar values.

2232 words
American Street Gangs and the Protestant Church Carter 10

Works Cited

Christians Decline as Share of U.S. Population; Other Faiths and the Unaffiliated Are
Growing. (2015, May 7). In Pew Research Center.

Delany, T. (2006). American Street Gangs. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson
Education.

Goldman, L., Giles, H., & Hogg, M. A. (2014). Going to extremes: Social identity and
communication processes associated with gang membership. Group Processes
& Intergroup Relations, 17(6), 813-832. doi:10.1177/1368430214524289

June, D. L., Khatibloo, M., & Estevane, G. (Eds.). (2016). The re-evolution of American
street gangs. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

Lauger, T. (2012). Real Ganstas. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University.

Mainline Protestant Demographics (n.d.). In Pew Research Forum. Retrieved February

25, 2017, from http://www.pewforum.org/religious-landscape-study/religious-
tradition/mainline-protestant/

National Gang Intelligence Center. (n.d.). 2015 National Gang Report.

Neuleip, J. M. (2015). Intercultural Communication: A Contextual Approach (6th ed.).

N.p.: SAGE.

Piacenza, J., & Jones, R. P. (2015, August 3). The Top Two Religious Groups That
Dominate American Cities. In Public Religion Research Institute. Retrieved
February 25, 2017, from http://www.prri.org/spotlight/the-top-two-religious-
traditions-that-dominate-american-cities/#.Vb-2Z-1Viko

Vasil, A. (2014, July 26). The 6 Most Gang Infested Cities in America. In The Richest.
Retrieved February 25, 2017.

Williams, P. W. (2008). Americas Religions: From Their Origins to the Twenty-first

Century (Third Edition ed.). Chicago: University of Illinois Press.

Wrench, J. S., Corrigan, M. W., McCroskey, J. C., & Punyanunt-Carter, N. M. (2006).

Religious Fundamentalism and Intercultural Communication: The Relationships
Among Ethnocentrism, Intercultural Communication Apprehension, Religious
Fundamentalism, Homonegativity, and Tolerance for Religious
Disagreements.Journal Of Intercultural Communication Research, 35(1), 23-44.

Ysseldyk, R., Matheson, K., & Anisman, H. (2010). Religiosity as identity: Toward an
understanding of religion from a social identity perspective. Personality and
Social Psychology Review, 14(1), 60