Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Volume 37.4 July 2013 116887 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research
DOI:10.1111/j.1468-2427.2012.01201.x
Abstract
Using the experience of metropolitan Rio de Janeiro, this article contributes to the broader
debate on development regimes, rescaling and state spatial restructuring in Brazil, and its
specificities in relation to the international discussion on the transformations in Atlantic
Fordism. I argue that the transition from a (peripheral) development state to a competitive
and rescaled regime has been accompanied by important continuities. Legitimized
through discourses around development poles and trickle-down effects, the national-
developmental regime has systematically promoted some spaces as opposed to others,
without much emphasis on the social and environmental dimensions of spatial policies.
The emerging competitive state spatial regime, whether in its neoliberalized, or its more
recent rolled-out national-developmental version, is merely expected to aggravate the
historical socio-environmental contradictions in the production of space. Moreover, scale
has proven contested and strategic-relational, both molding and being influenced
by actors that seek to use scalar politics to reach their interests. My analysis suggests
that, within this scenario, neither economic growth, nor regulatory and institutional
strengthening, nor financial resources are likely to produce structural transformation in
the inherited spaces of Greater Rio de Janeiro.
Introduction
While the debate on globalization and city-regions has intensified since the 1990s,
critical social science, so it seems, has also rediscovered the role of development regimes
and scales in the (re)production of space. The emerging discussion seems to have moved
away from static and essentialist interpretations of what constitutes scale, and its
relationship with the socio-spatial dialectic (Soja, 1989). Brown and Purcell (2004:
6079) argue that there is nothing inherent and fixed about scale, considering that it is
socially produced, rather than ontologically given.
This interpretation of scale as dynamic, and politically constructed (Johnson, 2008: 85),
stimulated a debate on the interdependencies between globalization, territorial-productive
restructuring, rescaling and evolving state spatial regimes, particularly after the apparent
transition of welfare towards workfare-oriented regimes (Jessop, 1993; Swyngedouw,
1997).
I would like to thank the IJURR reviewers who helped me to improve the quality of this article.
2013 Urban Research Publications Limited. Published by John Wiley & Sons. 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4
2DQ, UK and 350 Main St, Malden, MA 02148, USA
Scalar and spatial restructuring in Rio de Janeiro 1169
1 For examples of international work on state spatial rescaling see Brenner (2009: 130).
2 In other words, by replacing a system of regional economies that was located in the national
economy with a national system that located the regional economies (Oliveira, 1984).
projects in the peripheral regions as a deliberate strategy toward the combined objectives
of national security, an integrated national space economy and the alleviation of
socio-political tensions (Beckler and Egler, 1993: 101). Nevertheless, while competitive
archipelagos were created, much of the potential benefit leaked out of the regions to
national and international centers of command and control, leaving an urban and regional
space characterized by intense socio-spatial disparities, the proliferation of slums and
unemployment (particularly at the end of the large development projects) and
environmental devastation (Monteiro, 2005; Carvalho, 2006). F. de Oliveiras study
(2003) of the reproduction of urban space under the military regime shows how
low-wage urbanization and industrialization and the massive growth of slums and
self-help housing on the outskirts of the Brazilian cities occurring in the middle of the
growth miracle (196973) became its hallmarks.
Third, despite the discourse of technical decision-making and Weberian bureaucracies
isolated from political bargaining, under the developmental regime the national scale was
transformed into a privileged arena that both molded and was influenced by actors with
a direct stake in the production of urban and regional space (Vainer, 1995: 4549). For
instance, with the consolidation of national import substitution and industrialization, the
regional elites associated with the agro-export-oriented development regime had lost
their privileged position. Nevertheless, centralization provided them with an arena for the
negotiation of the geopolitical and financial conditions of their insertion into the national
space economy. This would become better known as the old Brazilian regionalism,
particularly associated with the Northeast, under which regional elites were keen to
articulate the national scale in order to defend and bargain for their particular interests in
the name of the region (Araujo, 2000). At the same time, new forms of national scalar
politics were created, organized around large resource-intensive development projects in
peripheral regions, such as the exploration of minerals in the Projeto Grande Carajs in
the Northern state of Par. Consequently, sector-based bipartite arenas emerged that
involved the high-level federal bureaucracy and national/international productive capital
in the design and operation of large investments, triggering a state spatial regime that
would prove to be instrumental in bypassing established party and regional interests in
the production of a national space economy (Diniz, 1994).
The success of the 1994 macroeconomic stabilization plan (Plano Real) in providing
a stable inflation and business climate, and the relatively high interest rates it offered,
prepared the arena for the renewed entrance of international financial and productive
capital. But the scenario also required a more active national policy stance that could
alleviate some of the contradictions generated by the previous round of liberalization,
such as increased interregional disparities and the downsizing of industrial areas that
had been built up in metropolitan regions under the developmental regime (Fernandes,
2001). In that respect, the so-called National Axes for Integration and Development,
which guided the successive national spatial development and long-term annual
investment plans called Brazil in Action (19969) and Advance Brazil (200003),
launched a renewed discourse around spatial planning coordinated at national level
(Nasser, 2000; Villarim de Siqueira and Siffert Filho, 2001). The driver behind these
plans was not the growth poles concept that had prevailed in previous stages, but the
logistical and informational corridors that would connect competitive regional systems
with the main centers of command in and outside the country. These corridors were
considered anchors in a strategy that was aimed at reducing the so-called Brazil cost,
and generating consistent balance of payment surpluses (Brasil, 2006: 55).3 Unlike
under the national developmental regime, the state would withdraw from the direct
financing of investments and invite the international and national private players to take
up their part.
While the National Axes for Integration and Development program presented a
narrative based on national spatial planning that was particularly welcome after a round
of destabilizing macroeconomic restructuring, national scalar politics had also become
much more complex (Becker, 1997), influencing and being molded by new national and
international private players who had emerged after privatization and deregulation in
sectors such as mining, steel metallurgy, telecommunications and energy, and by
boosterist mayors and proactive environmental and social movements (Vainer, 1995).
Perhaps also as a result of the lack of significant direct state participation, the effective
implementation of the program was disappointing, and remained at the level of
discourse.
3 Balance of payments surpluses were crucial in order to service the external debt obligations
accumulated during the national developmental growth miracle.
land and development exactions, among other things (Maricato, 2010). The Ministry for
Cities, whose creation in 2003 represented a recognition of the strategic role of the
national scale in shaping the social function of cities, set up tripartite participatory
councils at the municipal, state and federal level in order to influence the elaboration of
more inclusive housing and urban development strategies.
As far as metropolitan regions were concerned, a 2005 federal framework law
allowed for voluntary public (inter-federative) consortia in order to strengthen the
planning and management of these areas, providing a legal basis for voluntary
collaboration among local, state and federal authorities. Its purpose was to improve
on a longstanding institutional vacuum in the federal system: under the national
developmental regime, metropolitan institutional arrangements had been ineffective,
technocratic and largely sector-driven, and the demise of the regime had left
metropolitan dynamics at the mercy of neo-localist mayors, marginalized state planning
agencies that were muddling through, and a few ad-hoc sector-based collaborations and
innovations (Souza, 2003).
Finally, regional planning increasingly recognized the role of local governments, civil
society organizations, the academy and enterprises in the elaboration of cluster initiatives
aimed at building high road regional collective learning and innovation economies
(Costa, 2007). Moreover, the compromise of the Lula administration with redistributive
national planning for regional development led to the reestablishment of the
superintendencies for the North, Northeast and Central West that had been abolished in
2001, albeit with the same limited financial resource base as the regional development
agencies they replaced (Brasil, 2010).
The national scale also received additional developmental impetus from the
gradually improving growth performance of the economy, which increased the
investment capacity of the federal government. Between 1999 and 2009, Brazilian GDP
grew by 3.27% annually, creating, especially in presidents Lula second administration,
a sound basis for national investment planning in urban areas and regions (SantAnna
et al., 2009; Villarim de Siqueira, 2009). The National Growth Acceleration Plan (PAC)
and housing and urban development programs such as Minha Casa Minha Vida
(MCMV My House My life) provided a strategic arena for national scalar politics,
particularly when compared with the enabling planning discourse that had prevailed
during the 1990s.
Nevertheless, there are several reasons to believe that this multi-scalar rolling out of
state institutions through re-regulation, institutional strengthening and federal resources
for urban-regional programs represented contradictory and crisis-driven state responses,
embedded within the broader competitive state spatial regime that has emerged since the
mid-1980s.
First, Brazilian cities have faced challenges in actually implementing the statute of the
city, particularly because of the historical conflicts regarding the built environment
(Santos and Montandon, 2011). Furthermore, while the city statute does not incorporate
a mechanism to coordinate municipal master plans among growth-oriented mayors, the
historical absence of consolidated and comprehensive structures for metropolitan
governance has aggravated a situation of unstable and insufficient leverage over
speculative city-regional land markets (Klink and Denaldi, 2012). As mentioned above,
many of the technocratic metropolitan state planning institutions of the military regime,
which had allocated financial resources for housing and urban development on a sector
basis but been ineffective in producing sustainable spaces, were either abolished or lost
prestige, while alternative arrangements were not put in place. In practice, therefore,
while the metropolitan scale developed into a key arena for state spatial and productive
restructuring, the institutional landscape of Brazilian metropolitan governance evolved
into a patchwork of arrangements that was as ineffective as the institutions they were
meant to replace (Souza, 2003). Moreover, the high level of intra-metropolitan disparities
and the large number of cities created a classic deadlock situation that challenged
the horizontal voluntary negotiation of public goods in metropolitan regions; without
federally articulated financial equalization schemes and national programs, the new law
on public consortia, mentioned earlier, has proven something of a lame duck (Machado,
2010).
Second, although theoretically there would be a direct link between long-term annual
planning (200306), the yearly budget and the redistributive National Plan for Regional
Development, the first planning exercise came as a somewhat negative surprise, in that it
retained most of the large-scale development project of the previous administrations and
bypassed the redistributive directives of the Regional Development policy (Thry, 2005).
The conceptual anchor for the long-term annual planning and budgeting cycle continued
to be the competitive insertion into the international economy of resource- and
energy-intensive regions specializing in sectors such as agro-business (particularly soya),
mining and metallurgy, oil, petrol and gas.
Third, the substantial federal allocation of financial resources through PAC and
MCMV proved something of a mixed blessing. It consolidated a diffused national
politics of scale, whereby projects were not embedded within broader plans or
plan-making processes, while plans remained empty, disconnected from the effective
implementation of projects on the ground. The PAC program was emblematic (Leito,
2009). Initially estimated to amount to US $300 billion (of which around two thirds was
allocated in logistics and energy, and one third in social and urban investments), it
consolidated a project-oriented approach not unknown from the national developmental
regime. It not only bypassed the institutionalized National Regional Development Plan,
but also neglected a series of in-house studies on the role of multi-scalar and stakeholder
planning in the construction of regional learning and innovation economies (Brasil,
2008). In practice, PAC re-enforced a long tradition of bipartite and non-transparent
negotiations between federal bureaucracies and oligopolistic companies on the format of
large investments that shape regional space. Likewise, although the social and urban
investments of PAC, combined with the 2008 launch of the housing program MCMV,
would particularly benefit families earning between 5 and 10 times the minimum salary,4
and represented a timely anti-cyclical Keynesian injection for the building and
construction industry in the midst of the international subprime crisis (SantAnna et al.,
2009), its fast-track project-oriented approach didnt build upon, and in practice
sidetracked, the national plan for social housing. The latter had aimed to strengthen and
upscale participatory local master planning on the basis of the instruments of the statute
of the city, triggering gradual but potentially more structural transformation in the
production of urban and metropolitan space (Arantes and Fix, 2009; Maricato, 2010;
Rolnik and Nakano, 2011).
Finally, recent analysis undertaken in the context of the Brazilian state of the cities
report covering the period 19902008 has indicated that both interregional disparities
and socio-spatial inequality within cities have remained remarkably persistent (Rolnik
and Klink, 2011). The relatively dynamic and polarizing regions remain concentrated in
the southeastern and southern states, and in specific agro-business platforms in the
central-western states. In addition, even the economically speaking dynamic cities in the
southeastern and southern states have a significant proportion of families living in
precarious housing conditions,5 and with the growth of their average wages lagging
behind the increase of urban GDP per capita.
In what follows, I will explore, on the basis of the experience of Greater Rio
de Janeiro, the imbricate relations between developmental regimes, state spatial
restructuring and the proliferation of socio-spatial and environmental contradictions in
the reproduction of space.
4 On 31 January 2012 a minimum salary was R $622 per month (US $1 = R $1.75 according to the
Central Bank Rate).
5 See note 10 for a description of infrastructure adequacy.
6 The following sections are based on interviews with state ofcials and academics, eld visits and a
review of the literature undertaken by the author in the period FebruaryAugust 2011.
7 For more details see Governo do Rio de Janeiro, (2011).
8 This location was inuenced by party politics (Torres and Giffoni, 2011: 8). While more obvious
locations were available, particularly near the city of Maca, an already existing oil and gas cluster
outside the metropolitan area, the latter constituted the electoral base of a governor opposed to the
federal administration.
9 More particularly, CSN, a privatized national steel conglomerate, and CSA, a joint venture between
national champion Vale de Rio Doce, privatized in the 1990s, and the German rm ThyssenKrupp.
Second, state spatial policies at all scales, but particularly driven by the good political
relationship between the federal and state government since 2007, have actively
supported the clustering of oligopolistic national and multinational players through
subsidized credits, public investments in logistics and infrastructure and managerial
efficiency in licensing and regulatory approvals. The so-called Arco Metropolitano, the
metropolitan ring-road that will take heavy freight traffic out of central Rio, and directly
connect the eastern petrochemical zone to the steel metallurgy cluster and the Itagua
port complex in the western region, is a good example. Originally planned in the 1970s
as state highway RJ-109, the project gained new life in 2007, and received a federal grant
of R $1.2 billion in the context of the PAC program. The Arco, which will be completed
in 2012, is believed to open up new development frontiers and to have the potential to
block irregular occupation in the direction of environmental risk areas (Governo do Rio
de Janeiro, 2011: 28). Moreover, multiple state scales were mobilized to provide direct
financial and in-kind support in order to reduce entrepreneurial risks and guarantee
private investments. To illustrate, the investments by CSA/ThyssenKrupp were backed
up by state fiscal incentives of US $200 million and land grants, while the national
development Bank BNDES contributed with subsidized credit of around R$1.5 billion
(Zborowski, 2008: 170). Likewise, in 2007, the newly appointed state secretary for
the environment was widely praised by the local press for his ability to speed up
environmental licensing procedures in general, and investments financed by PAC in
particular (ibid.: 116). Frequently, the environmental assessments of complex and
multi-dimensional investments were divided in separate packages (Torres and Giffoni,
2011).
Figure 1 provides a summary of the investments that are being planned and
implemented in Greater Rio de Janeiro.
Governor Cabral, re-elected in 2010 for a second term, summarized his view on the
projected metropolitan space in the following terms:
Rio is actually going through an extraordinary moment with the arrival of new firms and the
expansion of existing ones. The implementation of the petrochemical complex of COMPERJ
and the expansion of the Itagua port are examples of projects that will generate thousands of
jobs and additional wealth in our state. This region will concentrate the largest investments of
the country. I flew over the area where the CSA plant will be located; I was positively shocked
by the sheer scale of the project. At this moment, 4,000 jobs are being generated, but in the final
stage this number will increase to 18,000. Additional jobs will be created because of the new
firms that will arrive with the Arco Metropolitano, which will change the socioeconomic
perspective of this region. (Cabral quoted in Zborowski, 2008: 115; authors translation)
Third, from all levels of government, Rio has received significant financial and
political support that has enabled its transformation into a city with one of the worlds
densest agendas in terms of mega-events and international conferences, the most
important ones being the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympics. In line with the
international standards and agendas for these events, this has implied massive investment
in urban infrastructure. After winning the bid for the Pan American Games in 2002, for
example, local, state and federal government spent more than US $5 billion in stadium
construction and complementary infrastructure (Gaffney, 2010: 17). The Olympic
Authority, a newly created multi-scalar special purpose body composed of all levels of
government, has an investment budget of US $30 billion (ibid.: 25).
Finally, and also triggered by the marketing that accompanies these mega-events, the
developmental momentum in Greater Rio has not remained unnoticed by international
observers. The so-called Global Metro Monitor, a periodic study of the socioeconomic
dynamics of 150 metropolitan areas in the world (based on variables such as gross value
added, employment and population), indicated that, in the aftermath of the 2008 global
crisis, Rio was grouped among the worlds 10 most dynamic metropolitan areas
(Brookings Institute and LSE, 2010).
This projected metropolitan state space, as both a hegemonic representation of urban
space and an effective arena for the articulation of a political strategy for Greater Rio as
a competitive international platform (Brenner, 2000: 329), has deepened the
contradictions within the city-regions inherited space (Soja, 1989: 108). In what
follows, we will explore some of these crises tendencies in metropolitan Rio.
Figure 2 Percentage of perfectly adequate housing units in Greater Rio 2000 (sources:
IBGE, 1970 ff census data; Rolnik and Klink, 2010)
initially through (irregular) subdivisions, and later on by the formation of slums, usually
in environmental risk areas (Carneiro, 2008; Maricato, 2010). In Figure 2, using a
concept of housing adequacy based on the availability of infrastructure, lack of
overcrowding and the regularization of land tenure, it can be seen that Rios outskirts in
2000 concentrated substantial socio-spatial and environmental vulnerability.10 Recent
demographic trends detected by the national statistical agency IBGE confirm that the
socioeconomic profile of peripheral Rio has not changed much: while the participation
of families earning up to twice the minimum salary has increased from 23.2% in 2001 to
27.9% in 2009, the contribution of those earning up to five times the minimum salary
went up from 56.6% to 65.2% in the same period. At the same time, the contribution of
families in the outskirts who earn more than 20 times the minimum salary contracted
from 6.4% to 3.9% (Governo do Estado do Rio, 2011a: 29).
Likewise, permissive industrial zoning and the disregard of environmental impacts
that prevailed during the peripheral national developmental regime generated a negative
environmental legacy. The Ing case, a metallurgy firm that went bankrupt in 1998, is a
notorious example. Despite community protests, it had been polluting western Sepetiba
Bay with heavy metals for decades, generating an urgent need for investment in clean-up
measures, and exposing the socio-environmental contradictions of the prevailing
development model. Recent CSAThyssenKrupp investment in the modernization and
dredging of the port of Itagua have literally brought to the surface Ings pollution
10 In urban areas, a dwelling unit is considered adequate if the following are available: (1) connection to
the water main in at least one room; (2) electricity; (3) connection to the sewage system; (4) waste
collection systems; (5) a bathroom. It must also be located outside subnormal/precarious (or
illegal) settlements, and have a maximum of two residents per room. For a more detailed
methodological discussion see Rolnik and Klink (2011).
legacy in the form of an enormous amount of heavy metals deposited in Sepetiba Bay,
generating a series of conflicts on how to deal with the technical and financial dimensions
of their disposal (Cocco, 2001: 134; Zborowski, 2008).
Table 1 Annual geometrical growth rate in the cities affected by the Arco Metropolitano/
Metropolitan Ringroad
Conclusions
Throughout this article, I have argued that the transition from a (peripheral) national
developmental regime to a neoliberalized or, more recently, rolled-out and competitive
national developmental state, has been accompanied by a remarkable number of
continuities, which have not been sufficiently highlighted in the literature on state spatial
restructuring in Brazil.
Legitimized by discourses on Perrouvian growth poles, trickle-down effects and
import substitution strategies, spatial policies under the national developmental regime
have always been selective in building a national space economy, without much effective
spread-out effect in and around regions and with serious environmental cost. The
post-1990 competitive state spatial regime is merely expected to continue to promote
some metropolitan areas as opposed to others, and to exacerbate geo-historical
tendencies of socio-spatial exclusion and environmental degradation.
Unlike the prevailing dichotomist descriptions of rescaling and neoliberalization in
the Brazilian setting, which have associated the national scale with a strategy for a more
cohesive national space economy (and its opposite, down-scaling and neo-localism, as
indicators of a neoliberalization of state spaces), we have emphasized more complex
movements of up-, down- and re-scaling, and suggested the usefulness of a Gramscian
interpretation of scale as strategicrelational, both molding and being influenced by
actors that seek to use scalar politics to achieve their aims. Thus, both under the national
developmental regime and during the more recent rolled-out stage of developmental
and state spatial restructuring, the national scale has represented an important arena to
contest hegemony over urban and regional policies. Likewise, and in the absence of
transparent institutional structures for metropolitan governance, large companies and
federal and state agencies have focused on the metropolitan scale as both a projected
space and a privileged arena to implement their political agenda.
My analysis of Metropolitan Rio de Janeiro has explored some of the socio-spatial and
environmental contradictions in a scenario of a renewed national-developmental state
inserted within a competitive state spatial regime. Neither economic growth, regulatory
and institutional reform, nor redistributive financial allocations, coordinated at the
national scale, are likely to produce structural transformation in the inherited spaces of
Greater Rio.
My preliminary analysis raises additional questions for the growing research agenda
on development regimes, state spatial restructuring and the production of space. More
specific work should be done on city-regions that perform a similar role to Rio in terms
of frontiers of systemic competitiveness in national state spatial regimes, either in
or outside Brazil. Moreover, careful international comparative analysis could help to
both sharpen theoretical premises and increase our understanding of the geo-historical
specificities of state spatial restructuring in the global urban South.
References
Arantes, P.F. and M. Fix (2009) Como o Brando, C.A. (2003) A dimenso espacial do
governo Lula pretende resolver o subdesenvolvimento: uma agenda para os
problema da habitao? [How does the estudos urbanos e regionais [The special
Lula government intend to resolve the dimension of subdevelopment: an
housing problem?]. Universidade de So agenda for urban and regional studies].
Paulo, So Paulo, Mimeo. Universidade Estadual de Campinas,
Araujo, T.B. de A. (2000) Ensaios sobre o Campinas.
desenvolvimento brasileiro. Heranas Brasil (2006) Documentos temticos
e urgncias [Essays on Brazilian elaborados como subsdios da Proposta
development. Legacies and urgencies]. PNOT [Thematic papers elaborated as
Revan/Fase, Rio de Janeiro. inputs into the National Plan for Territorial
Arajo, T.B. de A. and A.C Galvo (2004) Macro-zoning]. Ministrio de Integrao
Poltica Nacional de Desenvolvimento Nacional, Braslia.
Regional: uma proposta para discusso Brasil (2008) Estudo da dimenso territorial
[The National Regional Development do planejamento [Study of the territorial
Policy: a proposal for discussion]. In E. dimension in planning]. Ministrio de
Limonad, R. Haesbaert and R. Moreira Planejamento, Braslia.
(eds.), Brasil, Sculo XXI. Por uma nova Brasil (2010) A Poltica Nacional de
regionalizao? Agentes, processos e Desenvolvimento Regional em dois
escalas [Brazil, 21st century. Towards a tempos: A experincia apreendida e o
new regionalization? Agents, processes and olhar ps 2010 [The National Policy on
scales], Max Limonad, So Paulo. Regional Development in two stages:
Arretche, M.T.S. (1995) Desarticulao do lessons learned and perspectives for what
BNH e autonomizao da poltica comes after 2011]. Ministrio de
habitacional [The disarticulation Integrao Nacional, Braslia.
of the National Housing Bank and Brenner, N. (2000) Building Euroregions:
autonomization of housing policy]. In R. locational politics and the political
de B A. Afonso and P.L.B. Silva (eds.), geography of neoliberalism in
A federao em perspectiva. Ensaios post-unification Germany. European
selecionados [The federation in Urban and Regional Studies 7.4, 31945.
perspective. Selected essays], FUNDAP, Brenner, N. (2004) New state spaces: urban
So Paulo. governance and the rescaling of statehood.
Becker, B.K. (1990) Grandes projetos e Oxford University Press, New York.
produo de espao transnacional: uma Brenner, N. (2009) Open questions on state
nova estratgia do Estado na Amaznia rescaling. Cambridge Journal of Regions,
[Large development projects and the Economy and Society 2.1, 12339.
production of transantional space: a new Brenner, N. and N. Theodore (2002) Spaces
state strategy in Amazonia]. In B.K. of neo-liberalism: urban restructuring in
Becker, M. Miranda and L. Machado North America and Western Europe.
(eds.), Fronteira Amaznica. Questes Blackwell, Malden, MA.
sobre a gesto do territrio [The Amazon Brookings Institute and London School of
frontier. Questions regarding its territorial Economics (2010) Global metro monitor.
management]. Editora da Universidade Brookings Institute and LSE, Washington/
de Braslia and Editora da Universidade London.
Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Braslia/Rio de Brown, J.C. and M. Purcell (2004) There is
Janeiro. nothing inherent about scale: political
Becker, B.K. (1997) Tendncias de ecology, the local trap and the politics of
transformao do territrio no Brasil, development in the Brazilian Amazon.
vetores e circuitos [Trends in territorial Geoforum, 36, 60724.
transformation in Brazil, vectors and Cano, W. (1998) Desequilbrios regionais e
circuits]. Revista territrio 1.2, 517. concentrao industrial no Brasil,
Becker, B.K and C.A. Egler (1996) Logistics 19301995 [Regional imbalances and
and regional development in Brazil. industrial concentration in Brazil,
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, 19301995]. Universidade Estadual de
Rio de Janeiro. Campinas, Campinas.
study of PACs impact in the state of Par spatial division of labour and emerging
and the role it envisages for the Amazon in tendencies in the Brazilian spatial
the development of the country]. configuration]. In E. Limonad, R.
Universidade de So Paulo, So Paulo. Haesbaert and R. Moreira (eds.),
Lipietz, A. (1994) The national and the Brasil, Sculo XXI. Por uma nova
regional: their autonomy vis--vis the regionalizao? Agentes, processos e
capitalist world crisis. In R. Palan and B. escalas [Brazil, 21st century. Towards a
Gills (eds.), Transcending the stateglobal new regionalization? Agents, processes and
divide, Lynne Rienner, Boulder, CO. scales], Max Limonad, So Paulo.
Logon, J.R. and H.L. Molotch (1987) Urban Nasser, B. (2000) Economia regional,
fortunes. The political economy of place. Desigualdade regional no Brasil e o
University of California Press, Berkeley Estudo dos Eixos Nacionais de Integrao
and Los Angeles, CA. e Desenvolvimento [Regional economics
Machado, G. (2010) Transaes federativas e and inequality and analysis of the
governana metropolitana: escolhas national axes for integration and
institucionais e a trajetria de dependncia development]. Revista do BNDES 7.14,
na experincia brasileira [Federal 145178.
transactions and metropolitan governance: Oliva, A.M. (2010) As bases do novo
institutional choices and path dependency desenvolvimentismo no Brasil: anlise do
in the Brazilian experience]. In J. Klink Governo Lula (20032010) [The bases of
(ed.), Governana das metrpoles. new developmentalism in Bazil: analysis
Conceitos, experincias e perspectivas of the Lula government (20032010)].
[Governance of the metropolis. Concepts, Universidade Estadual de Campinas,
experiences and perspectives, Annablume, Campinas.
So Paulo. Oliveira, F. de (1984) Mudana na diviso
Maricato, E. (2010) O Estatuto da Cidade inter-regional do trabalho no Brasil
Perifrica [The Peripheral City Statute]. In [Changes in the interregional division of
Ministrio das Cidades e Aliana das labour in Brazil]. In F. de Oliveira, A
Cidades (eds.), O Estatuto da Cidade economia da dependncia imperfeita [The
comentado [The City Statute with economy of imperfect dependency], Graal,
commentary], Ministrio de Cidades and Rio de Janeiro.
Aliana das Cidades, So Paulo. Oliveira, F. de (2003) Crtica razo
Markusen, A.R. (1999) Four structures for dualista. O ornitorrinco [A critique of
second tier cities. In A.R Markusen, Y.S. dualist reasoning. The duckbill].
Lee and S. DiGiovanna (eds.), Second Boitempo, So Paulo.
tier cities. Rapid growth beyond the Oliveira, F.J.G. de (2003) Reestruturao
metropolis, University of Minnesota Press, produtiva e regionalizao da economia
Minneapolis. no territrio fluminense [Productive
Menezes, L.A.B. de (2009) A ecloso de restructuring and regionalization of the
tenses ambientais no Estado do Rio de economy in the Fluminense territory].
Janeiro. O exemplo da Agenda 21 Universidade de So Paulo, So Paulo.
COMPERJ no municpio So Gonalo Oliveira, F.J.G. de (2011) Polticas e planos
[The outbreak of environmental tensions in territoriais nas escalas metropolitanas e
the state of Rio de Janeiro. The case of regionais: anlise das mudanas no Rio de
COMPERJs Agenda 21 program in the Janeiro [Territorial policies and plans at
municipality of So Gonalo]. Revista the metropolitan and regional scales: an
Geografar 4.1, 1633. analysis of the changes in Rio de Janeiro].
Monteiro, M. de A. (2005) Meio sculo de Encontro Nacional da ANPUR, Rio de
minerao industrial na Amaznia e suas Janeiro.
implicaes para o desenvolvimento Oliveira, A. de and A.O. Rodrigues (2009)
regional [Half a century of industrial Industrializao na periferia da Regio
mining in the Amazon and its implications Metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro: Novos
for regional development]. Estudos paradigmas para velhos problemas
Avanados 19.53, 187207. [Industrialization on the periphery of the
Moreira, R. (2004) A nova diviso metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro: new
territorial de trabalho e as tendncias de paradigms for old problems]. Semestre
configurao do espao brasileiro [A new Econmico 12.24, 12743.