Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Linguistic and cultural diversity, economic disparity, divisions of class and caste, tribal and clan
affiliations, and inherited differences of rank and privilege have profoundly conditioned Pakistani society
and its responses to democracy and human rights. The most visible characteristic of this society is the
dominance of a feudal and tribal social structure, with strong patriarchal and authoritarian trends. Social
behavior is shaped by these trends, which are manifested in a culture of control and monopoly over
power and resources.
The grip of a landed oligarchy (government by a small group of people) in the Punjab and Sindh,
and of tribal chiefs in Balochistan and NWFP, over the rural population continued to be a main cause of
the growth of inequality in Pakistan. Control of political decision-making remained directly or indirectly
in the hands of those who had a stake (interest) in maintaining the status-quo. Economic policies also
accommodated those interests. A series of military regimes co-opted the same stake-holders to
perpetuate the tradition of control over power and resources to the exclusion of the 'common man'. A
more equitable redistribution of assets never became a part of any political or economic plan, and
remained a rhetorical slogan of successive regimes. The social structure, therefore, persists (carry on)
without serious challenges from either state policies or social movements.
In Sindh, the feudal structure is stronger than in the Punjab, and at the same time the tribal
system of NWFP is slightly less hierarchical than the Sardari Nizam of Balochistan. In Sindh and Punjab,
particularly in Southern Punjab, power emanates from control over resources, i.e., land and its products.
In tribal society, strong ties of clan and kinship impose the necessity to submit to the control of the tribal
elite.
The feudal system operates by controlling all aspects of the subject's life. The landlord sees it as
a right to command the labour of the peasant. If any terms are offered, these are extremely exploitative.
Often peasants are subjected to forced and bonded labour. Social rights of the peasants are also subject
to the will of the feudal. Education has been discouraged by the feudal class, which always felt that
education would empower the peasantry sufficiently to challenge feudal control. Exploitation has often
taken more serious forms of abuse and violence. Rape of women, illegal confinement of families to
prevent their mobility, child labour, and cruel and inhuman punishment for defiance (challenge) of
authority are common occurrences under the feudal system in rural Pakistan.
Failure to implement effective land reform has resulted in the continuing prevalence of large
land holdings. The first attempt at land reform in Pakistan was in 1959, the second in 1972, and the third
in 1977. These attempts failed to bring about any significant reduction in the size of land holdings, and
caused no loss of social or political power to the landlords. The major factor responsible for the failure
of the land reforms was the ceiling on ownership.
The limit to the size of holdings was fixed on an individual, rather than a family, basis. This
allowed most of the feudal landlords to circumvent (Evade,escape from) the reforms by effecting
fictitious (imaginary, unreal.) or merely formal transfers of land. Many used other lacunas (a gap) in the
scheme to retain land without declaring any land in excess of the ceiling. The failure of land reforms to
achieve the objective of equitable distribution of land is evident in the following observations:
1. Landlords were left with large land holdings even after declaring land in excess of the fixed ceilings;
2. In 1959, only 35% (1.9 million acres) of the land declared in excess of the ceiling could be taken over by
the government. In 1972, this was even less. The total amount of land taken over was 0.1 million acres.
3. A major portion of the land taken over by government after the attempts at reform was uncultivated and
needed considerable improvement before it could be cultivated. The recipient farmer not having access
to credit or support services could, therefore draw neither economic nor social benefit from his new
holdings.
With the "green revolution" in late 1960s, successive governments saw no need for land reform, as the
argument that small farms had a higher yield than large farms could no longer be used to spur action by
the government. The prospect for another attempt at more genuine land reform was finally eliminated
by a decision of the Federal Shariat Court in 1989 declaring the Land Reforms Ordinance of 1972 to be
non-Islamic thereby establishing the principle that the whole concept of land reform is non-Islamic.
Regardless of class or urban/rural differences, women are subject to cultural practices that are
repressive (oppressive) and discriminatory. Many of these practices reflect the status of women in
society. They are perceived as having no independent existence or dignity. They are the repositories
(storehouse) of family honour, and violation of their honour and dignity is not seen as injury to the
women themselves but to the family honour. A common form of humiliation, often meted out
(measure) to the defiant (openly disobedient) subject by the landlord, is publicly stripping (undress)
women of the offender's family. On the other hand, any exercise of freedom of choice in marriage by
women, whether in a feudal or tribal setting or in an urban environment, is also seen as blemishing the
honour of the family, and results in extreme forms of violence exercised against women.
Women from the peasant class suffer both as members of their social class as well as from denial
of rights and status on the basis of gender. While women from the feudal class enjoy freedom from
poverty, their status and rights are as vulnerable to feudal practices as those of peasant women. In
some respects, the freedom of tribal women and those belonging to feudal families is more restricted
than that of peasant women. Deprivation of most of their social rights, including education and health
care, results not from poverty but from the strict rules of seclusion (privacy) imposed on them. No
opportunities for economic independence are available. Although entitled to inheritance under the law,
patriarchal trends have largely denied this right to women of the landed aristocracy. In order to prevent
division of land-holding, only male heirs are allowed a share in landed property. Where title to land is
transferred to women, either as a concession to the law, or to avoid land reform schemes, it is only
formal and women have no control over the land. More often than not, they are not even aware that
they hold this title. Patriarchal attitudes and value systems have denied women autonomy in all
decision-making. The right of choice in marriage is totally denied. Women are bartered into marriage to
forge (fabricate, invent) family alliances to strengthen the power base, or to protect interests in land-
holdings.
2. War against Terrorism:
Most of Pakistan's socio-economic problems originate from the heavy emphasis on national
defense and military spending. Pakistan's unconditional support for the US's "war against terrorism"
after September 11, 2001 has augmented this lopsided (with one side lower) stress. The then President
General Pervez Musharraf had been handed "an enduring rationale for continuing as president under
Kelsen's law of necessity that has served all prior military rulers". He was less inclined to take any major
initiatives to pursue peace with India. Military expenditure continued to absorb the lion's share of the
government budget and no major overhaul of Pakistan's military organization is likely.
More harm than good has accrued when Musharraf short-sold Pakistan to the US. To prevent
the "Islamic bomb" from falling into religious terrorist hands, the American 15th Marine Expeditionary
unit is ready to "neutralize" Pakistan's weapons of mass destruction even at the cost of engaging
Pakistani troops. The arrest of Pakistani nuclear scientists for passing know-how to Al-Qaeda was done
to please the US Federal Bureau of Investigation. Changes in the Pakistan army high command and the
Inter-Services Intelligence were carried out to curry favor with the Central Intelligence Agency. India has
succeeded in throwing flashlights on terrorist training infrastructure in Pakistani Kashmir. The victory of
the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan is a major setback to Pakistan due to the former's closeness to Iran
and India. Pakistan's economy is deteriorating, with sliding per capita incomes lower than 1%, and
foreign economic assistance evaporating after the Taliban were dislodged from Afghanistan.
Pakistan's nuclear program cost an estimated $10 billion up to 2001 and set back development indices
by more than years. Post-nuclear US sanctions caused Pakistan's economy to suffer a gross domestic
product fall of 2.9%. The exorbitant (extravagant) opportunity costs of Pakistan's nuclear white elephant
have actually diminished the country's national security.
RETRENCHMENT STRATEGIES:
The solution to Pakistan's security deficit suggested by Faruqui is to balance its economic
resources with strategic ambitions. What is needed is a "lean and mean military organization, without
becoming a drain on the national treasury and undermining the non-military dimensions of security. The
comparative experience of Israel, which depends on reservists for defending territorial integrity, is a
lesson. To defend Pakistan against external aggression, a force level of 300,000 troops is enough, i.e.
half of the present strength. Offering golden handshakes and compensation packages for converting
swords into plowshares can carry out demobilization. Small force levels do not imply weak defense.
Suggestions:
Pakistan always had the human and natural resources but its leadership lacked the will and sincerity of
purpose. Under the leadership of sincere leaders, Pakistan will emerge as a responsible and dignified
member in the comity of nations and will show unflinching commitment in discharging its international
responsibilities. The people of Pakistan strongly desire to have friendly relations with all countries,
especially, its neighbors.
1. Cut short the Military Expenditures:
Pakistan's poor economic situation is linked intrinsically (essentially) with faulty defense and
foreign policies. Pakistani leaders should follow the example of Deng Xiaoping, who converted China's
foreign policy of confrontation into one of economic cooperation. Pakistan's savings and investment
ratios are among the lowest in the world, mainly due to defense spending and corruption, both severe
drains. It spends 6% of its gross domestic product on defense, while health and education stagnate at
1% and 2%.
Military spending in Asia as a whole has declined from the end of the Cold War and helped
power investment and per capita incomes in the long run. Disarmament is feasible and practical, as
examples from both developing and developed countries reveal. For Pakistan, which is on the edge of
the precipice, (dangerous situation) there is no choice but to pragmatically take a leaf from Deng's
famous dictum that strength is primarily economic. The million-dollar question is whether Pakistani
leaders follow this honest reappraisal of what Pakistan requires to be really secure.
The President must initiate the process of strengthen the nation by pursuing the following seven point
agenda:
Strengthen the Federation, remove inter-provincial disharmony and restore National cohesion
In an effort to drive maximum focus from the seven points, a four point strategy must be developed.
The idea is to concentrate, prioritize and accomplish tangibles. The key goals should be:
1. Economic revival
2. Poverty alleviation
3. Political restructuring
A progressive and prosperous society is directly linked with a dynamic, robust (sound) and
resilient economy. Pakistan, therefore, as a strong, vibrant economy, should make progress at an
average rate of 7 to 8% over the next decade. In order to meet this target, the policy makers should
initially, through singular focus and by following a definite strategy, concentrate on removing the
weaknesses of Pakistan's economy. The problems of growing debt, rising corruption, sliding confidence
of the business community and prospective investors and eroding credibility of vital State institutions
should be addressed with encouraging results. With economic stability and wide ranging reforms,
Pakistan will look ahead towards self-reliant growths, which will directly impacts poverty reduction. Our
small and medium enterprises i.e. housing and construction, oil and gas, information technology,
tourism and telecommunications can play a pivotal role in the envisaged growth.
4. Development in Agricultural-Sector:
Around 70% of Pakistan's population live in rural areas with their livelihood dependent on
agriculture. Irrigated agriculture is the backbone of Pakistan's economy but water is becoming a limiting
factor on cropping area. Pakistan also has the additional potential of bringing about 22.5 million acres of
virgin land under cultivation if irrigation water is made available. The policy makers, therefore, should
designate the construction of medium and large reservoirs, canals and brick-lining of watercourses, for
maximum water conservation, a foremost National priority.
The economists envision the distinct roles and realms of government and the private sector.
They strongly believe that the private sector is not only the main engine of growth but also the primary
source of employment generation. To them, the private sector can produce, distribute and trade goods
and services more efficiently and at a lower cost than the government. The government's role should
only be in facilitating and creating an environment conducive for the private sector to flourish. The
government should, therefore, be committed to the vigorous (active; robust) pursuit of the privatization
policy.
7. Gender Equity:
The cause of gender equity is very close to the prosperity of the nation. I firmly believe that the
route to women's emancipation is through political empowerment. Therefore, a series of concrete
measures should be taken to ensure adequate and effective representation of women in the National
decision-making institutions. It is encouraging that under the present government their representation
in local government bodies has been increased to a minimum of 33% of the total seats. It is minimum,
because women are at liberty to contest elections for general seats as well. In the Senate, the National
Assembly and Provincial Assemblies, women have been guaranteed strong representation by reserving
17% of the total seats for them. This, of course, is a quantum leap from the zero level of the past. With
this initiative, over 40,000 women have been politically empowered through the electoral process.
Being a peace-loving nation, we must show our predisposition to dialogue over confrontation and
finding just solutions to international disputes in accordance with UN resolutions. The landmark strategy
of Enlightened Moderation of the president of Pakistan is reflective of his efforts to promote global
peace and stability. The two-pronged strategy on the one hand induces Ummah to introspect and
address their deficits in social and economic standards and on the other solicits from international
community rejection of misconceptions about Islam and the thesis of clash of civilizations. The
developed world should not only support Muslims in their efforts for socio-economic uplift but also help
resolve international political disputes in a fair and equitable manner.
At present, Pakistan is incurring a price tag of $110 million a year for pumping the insurgency in Indian
Kashmir and thereby earning the ire of the international community. Analysts prescribe a more active
"third party catalyst" role for the US to provide incentives for peace over Kashmir, though how a
superpower interested in running off democratic India against China can be expected to be an honest
broker over Kashmir is left for the reader's imagination. Faruqui's reading of post-Cold War realities and
US-China equation are confusing.
Economic aid, debt write-offs and conversion to zero-interest loans are also recommended to encourage
defense spending cuts in Pakistan and India. Faruqui makes assumptions that Indian security is purely
Pakistan-centric by adducing two-country game theory models to prove that economic diplomacy works.
Bilateralizing concentric multilateral threat perceptions is too simplistic.
However, in the post-9/11 world, which is pre-occupied with the threat of terrorism, the
argument that carries weight in the developed world is the relevance of socio-economic development to
the war against terror. The mere appeal to humanity, and fairness did not seem to attract resources
from the developed countries to remedy backwardness and poverty. However, the fear that economic
deprivation may drive desperate people to take to terrorism is proving more effective in attracting
attention to the need for economic justice. The other root cause of terrorism is the frustration caused by
political injustice in Palestine, Kashmir and other parts of the Muslim world.
The Extremism:
For developing countries like Pakistan, where the problems of poverty are exacerbated by the rise
of extremism that can turn into terrorism addressing the problem of poverty is the most effective way to
contain terrorism. President Musharraf, speaking at the Islamic Summit last year in Malaysia, drew
attention to the tendency in the West to link the phenomenon of terrorism to Islam. He came up with
the strategy of 'enlightened moderation", which would create a win-win situation both for the West and
the Islamic world.
The role of the Muslim world would be to eschew extremism and militancy, even for just causes, and to
adopt the path of socio-economic uplift. The West would provide economic and technical assistance to
remove poverty, and use its power and influence to help resolve the disputes in which the democratic
and human rights of the Muslims were being violated. This concept, which the President also mentioned
in his address to the UN General Assembly this year, won considerable support.
Education System:
The government should announce education emergency in Pakistan because the countrys
education system was almost non- existent.
The next public sector development programme will be worth Rs 245 billion, the current years
plan being Rs. 272 billion, to keep up the high rate of economic growth and provide education
infrastructure for industry and agricultural growth. But allocated 17 p-*er cent more funds are not
enough if the additional power and water needed are not available. Power should hence have the top
most priority.
-*
Miscellaneous Problems:
Pakistan is also facing the problem of inadequate public services throughout the country, with
much of the population not having access to basic medical services, particularly outside of urban areas;
low levels of foreign investment and a 2005 inflation rate of nine per cent; and that 32 per cent of the
population were living below the poverty line although the real number is likely to be much higher.
Meanwhile, power is being made more costly as the Nepra has approved a 15 per cent rise in
power rates for KESC. Earlier, a 23 per cent rise was recommended by Nepra but was ignored by the
Government.
Conclusion:
In such circumstances they are promised reforms of the system but real reforms in practice hardly ever
come through, more so in the regions dominated by feudal lords and tribal chiefs.