SCRINIUM

XV
, , 24 2003 .
( )

Sevir B. Chernetsov
during the 15th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies,
Hamburg, 24 July 2003
(photo courtesy of Ingrid Heine)
 Societe des etudes byzantines et slaves,
St. Petersbourg

SCRINIUM
Revue de patrologie, dhagiographie critique
et dhistoire ecclesiastique

ome 1
Varia Aethiopica
In Memory of Sevir B. Chernetsov
(1943 2005)

Byzantinorossica
Saint Petersbourg
2005
ISSN 1817-7530 (Print)
ISSN 1817-7565 (Online)

3739(5)117.3+3739(6)117.3
281.5

Scrinium. . 1: Varia Aethiopica. In Memory of Sevir B. Chernetsov (19432005) /

Ed. by D. Nosnitsin in collaboration with S. Frantsouzoff, L. Kogan, B. Louri
(2005). -: ; : -
, 2005. xlii+418 .
ISBN 5-88483-058-0 ()

SCRINIUM
Revue de patrologie, dhagiographie critique
et dhistoire ecclsiastique

Comit ditorial:
B. Louri (rdacteur en chef)
D. Nosnitsin (secrtaire)
D. Kashtanov
S. Mikheev
A. Orlov
T. Senina
D. Y. Shapira

T. I: Varia Aethiopica. In Memory of Sevir B. Chernetsov (19432005)

Edited by D. Nosnitsin
in collaboration with S. Frantsouzoff, L. Kogan, B. Louri

Authors, 2005
S. Frantsouzoff, L. Kogan, B. Louri, D. Nosnitsin, 2005
Byzantinorossica, 2005


SCRINIUM
,

1
Varia Aethiopica

(1943 2005)

2005
 SCRINIUM
,

:
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. A. ()
. .
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T. I: Varia Aethiopica.
(19432005)
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, 2005
 CONTENTS

Table of contents ............................................................................................... vii

...................................................................................................... ix
Editorial ............................................................................................................... x
.................................... xi
Sevir Borisovich Chernetsov and Russian Ethiopian Studies........................... xx

[A Bibliography of Sevir B. Chernetsov] ............................................... xxviii
Abbreviations ................................................................................................... xlii

Anthropology, History, Philology

Alessandro BAUSI. Etiopico ell a proposito di unipotesi recente .................... 3
Dirk BUSTORF. Some Notes on the Traditional Religious System
of the ndga Gurage ................................................................................ 12
Leonardo COHEN. Who are the Sons of God?
A Jesuit-Ethiopian Controversy on Genesis 6:2 .......................................... 35
Gianfranco FIACCADORI. Un re di Nubia a Costantinopoli nel 1203 ................. 43
. . Matres lectionis
[Sergei FRANTSOUZOFF. Matres lectionis in early geez] .............................. 50
GETATCHEW HAILE. The Mshaf Gnzt as a Historical Source
Regarding the Theology of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church ...................... 58
Marilyn E. HELDMAN, Monica S. DEVENS. The Four Gospels of Dbr Mar:
Colophon and Note of Donation ................................................................. 77
Steven KAPLAN. Ethiopian Prisoners of Zion:
the Struggle for Recognition in a Bureaucratic Setting ............................. 100
Manfred KROPP. Antiquae restitutio legis.
Zur Alimentation des Hofklerus und einer Zeugenliste
als imago imperii und notitia dignitatum
in einer Urkunde des Kaisers Zra Yaqob
im Condaghe der Hs. BM Or. 481, fol. 154 .............................................. 115
Basile LOURI. S. Alypius Stylite, S. Marc de Tharmaqa
et lorigine des malk thiopiennes .......................................................... 148
Andreu MARTNEZ DALS-MONER. The Selling of the N gu:
the Emperor of Ethiopia in Portuguese and Jesuit Imagination ............ 161
Ronny MEYER. Riddles as Indicator of Cultural
and Linguistic Convergence in the Gurage Region ................................... 174
viii Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Denis NOSNITSIN. Wwhabo qob a w askema...:

Reflections on an Episode from the History
of the Ethiopian Monastic Movement ....................................................... 197
Andrei ORLOV. The Learned Savant Who Guards the Secrets
of the Great Gods: Evolution of the Roles and Titles
of the Seventh Antediluvian Hero in Mesopotamian
and Enochic Traditions (Part I: Mesopotamian Traditions) ...................... 248
Richard PANKHURST. The Short-Lived Newspaper Abyssinia (19351936):
a Memory of the League of Nations. ......................................................... 265
Siegfried PAUSEWANG. The Two-Faced Amhara Identity ................................. 273
Wolbert G. C. SMIDT. Deutsche Briefe von thiopiern 18551869
aus dem Umkreis der protestantischen Mission
zur Regierungszeit von Tewodros II .......................................................... 287
Lothar STRK. Notizen zu Zaga Krestos .......................................................... 317

Linguistics
aria BULAKH. Semantic Shifts in the Lexical Field of Taste in Geez ........... 325
Olga KAPELIUK. Topicalization in Amharic and its Degrees ........................... 354
Leonid KOGAN. Common Origin of Ethiopian Semitic:
the Lexical Dimension ............................................................................... 367
Nikolay OKHOTIN. Some New Epigraphic South Arabian
Ethiopian Etymologies ............................................................................... 397
Renate RICHTER. Jv c und andere Idiome im Amharischen ....................... 402

List of Illustrations
Plate I. Sa amr Dam Garamo Ordamo ............................................................ 29
Plate II. Four Gospels of Dbr Maar, fol. 230v, col. B .................................. 88
Plate III. Four Gospels of Dbr Maar, fol. 231r .............................................. 89
Plate IV. Hs. British Museum. Or. 481, fol. 154ra ........................................... 124
Plate V. Hs. British Museum. Or. 481, fol. 154rb ........................................... 125
Plate VI. Hs. British Museum. Or. 481, fol. 154va .......................................... 126
Plate VII. Hs. British Museum. Or. 481, fol. 154vb ......................................... 127
Plate VIII. Gobbaw Dsta, Mikael Argawi, Haylu Wsn,
ngdast alias Wilhelm Schimper, Smanni Danel,
Agae Sahlu, Snbtu Danel ................................................................... 305
Plate IX. Brief des Tewodros II. an Samuel Gobat .......................................... 313


Scrinium
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E-mail: kassia@ts9088.spb.edu
 EDITORIAL

The new scholarly journal Scrinium we are herewith presenting to the

scientific audience has been conceived as a journal of patrology, critical
hagiography and church history. The obvious shortage of periodicals in these
fields is noticeable both inside and outside Russia. The journal welcomes
contributions dealing with both Christian Orient and Christian Occident.
The main concept of the Scrinium crystallized in the process of pub-
lication of two related periodicals: the Byzantinorossika, the journal of
St. Petersburg Society of Byzantine and Slavic Studies, and the Christian
Orient ( ), published by the Russian Academy of
Sciences and the State Hermitage. Late F. Michel van Esbroek (19342003)
played an important role in the development of the idea.
The Scrinium is planned to appear annually. The first issue is dedicated
to the memory of Sevir B. Chernetsov (19432005), an outstanding Russian
scholar of Ethiopian studies. The materials of the subsequent issues will, in
their turn, focus around (without being limited by) a certain topic.
Taking into consideration the use of various languages (five in the first
issue) and the large scope of themes of the contributions (ranging from an-
thropology to Ethio-Semitic linguistics) that reflect the richness and complexity
of the contemporary Ethiopian studies, the editors did not attempt a complete
standardization of footnotes, bibliographies or transcription systems used by
the authors of the contributions. We would also like to point out that the
English introduction Sevir Borisovich Chernetsov and Russian Ethiopian
Studies is not a precise translation of its Russian correspondence C
.
Authors who would like to contribute to the future issues of the journal are
kindly asked to use preferably the standard elaborated for the
. On agreement with the editorial board, other internationally accep-
ted standards can be accepted. Along with the printed version, a full-text
electronic edition of each volume will be available from the site of St. Peters-
burg Society of Byzantine and Slavic Studies (http://byzantinorossica.org.ru/).
Editor-in-chief B. Louri
Scrinium
PO Box 110
St. Petersburg
194352
Russia
E-mail: kassia@ts9088.spb.edu


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 SEVIR BORISOVICH CHERNETSOV
AND RUSSIAN ETHIOPIAN STUDIES

The present volume is dedicated to Dr. Sevir Borisovitch Chernetsov, a

distinguished Russian scholar in the field of Ethiopian Studies and Christian
Orient, as a sign of great respect and affection from his pupils, friends and
colleagues. Originally devised as a Festschrift for his 60th birthday, the vo-
lume is now published, to our great regret, as a book in his memory.1
Chernetsov was born 15 December 1943 in Kostroma, where his family
was evacuated during World War II; his father was a Red Army officer. Soon
after the end of the War, the family moved to Leningrad (formerly St. Peters-
burg). Chernetsov became interested in Africa since his youth and, having
finished secondary school in 1960, entered the Oriental Faculty of Leningrad
State University, at the Department (Chair) of African Studies, section of
Amharic philology.
By then, the connection to the pre-Revolution Russian tradition of Ethio-
pian (and Christian Oriental) Studies in St. Petersburg, formerly represented
by such brilliant scholars as Vladimir V. Bolotov and Boris A. Turaiev, was,
for the most part, interrupted. The Oriental Faculty, closed as an institution
soon after the Revolution, was only re-established in 1944, after a long pe-
riod of administrative experiments. At the Department of African Studies,
Amharic was taught, yet students were not introduced to either Gz or
Medieval Ethiopic literature and history of Ethiopia. In addition to this, du-
ring the 1950s, the image of Ethiopia the Soviet public had was rather vague:
the existence of such a unique African Christian monarchy and culture, as well
as the period of active relationships between the Russian Empire and Ethio-
pia in the late 19th early 20th cent. were seldom recalled. In a few genera-
tions, almost all university scholars associated with Christian Oriental Stu-
dies prior to the Revolution had disappeared from the academic scene, and
their ideas and research fields were excluded from the university curriculum.2

1
The editors of the volume express their gratitude to all those who kindly assi-
sted them in this work. Among them, in particular, Tatiana Senina (Sister Martha)
(St. Petersburg) completed the volumes lay-out; Elizabeth Fordham (Paris) and Da-
vid Emmanuel (Jeruslaem) provided English proof-reading; and Evgenia Sokolin-
skaia (Hamburg) processed the pictures printed in the book. We are grateful to Prof.
G. Fiaccadori (Milano), who provided kind assistance and gave helpful advices con-
cerning numerous problems that arose in editing the volume.
2
From the middle of the 1930s onwards, Nikolaj V. Jushmanov dealt with the
topic of Ethio-Semitic languages at Leningrad State University, and courses in Amharic
were occasionally offered. The diplomatic relations between Ethiopia and Soviet
Russia were interrupted in 1919. Between the 1930s and 50s, the Soviet people heard
 Sevir Borisovich Chernetsov and Russian Ethiopian Studies xxi

At the Oriental Faculty, Ethiopian Studies were more or less re-established

in 1963, as Vjacheslav M. Platonov, who had just graduated from the Uni-
versity (and was the first to receive an official diploma in Ethiopian philolo-
gy), began post-graduate course and was granted the position of assistant
at the Department of African Studies. For the first time, some 60 years after
Turaiev, he offered courses in Gz and Ethiopian historiography. How-
ever, his teaching was soon interrupted by unexpected developments. In 1964
Igor V. Ogurtsov, a graduate of the Oriental Faculty, with a small group of
followers (mostly young people, graduates of the University as well) created
an underground organization called All-Russia Social-Christian Union of
the Peoples Liberation (Russian abbreviation: ). According to its
program, the aim of this organisation was to change the political system of
the country and create a kind of representative, social state that would be
bound in its activity to follow the religious principles shared by all Christian
peoples. The organization numbered some 28 active and ca. 30 would-be
members. It did not, of course, present any real threat to the Soviet govern-
ment. However, on 1517 February 1967 all members were arrested by the
KGB and brought to court; some of them were sentenced to severe long-term
imprisonments. Platonov was among those arrested, and had to spend seven

very little about Ethiopia. The botanist Nikolaj I. Vavilovs Ethiopian expedition in
19261927, yielding important scientific results, was a rare exception. The attention
arouse, for a short time, and popular sympathy was rekindled when the Italians in-
vaded Ethiopia in 1935: it was probably this occasion that made possible the publica-
tion of B. A. Turaievs translations of the Ethiopian royal chronicles:
XIVXVI . (Abyssinian Chronicles of XIVXVI centuries), ed. by I. J.
Krachkovskij, Moscow Leningrad, 1936 (Trudy Instituta vostokovedenija, XVIII).
Diplomatic relations were resumed in 1943 and remained stable and friendly, though
somewhat reserved. At the Department of African Studies, Amharic was introduced
as a permanent subject in 1947 and taught by Tamara L. Tjutrjumova (19051987)
and later by Asffa Gbr Maryam. In 194849 Ignatij J. Krachkovskij gave a series
of lectures at the Oriental Faculty, which were published in 1954 as his
(Introduction to Ethiopian Philology), but the newly esta-
blished section of Amharic philology (the precursor of the section of Ethiopian phi-
lology) had no proper thiopisants in its staff. Throughout the 195060s Ethiopia
was not among the priorities of Soviet foreign policy; however, in the late 1950s the
relations intensified, and in 1959 emperor Hayl S#llase I came to the USSR on an
official visit. He spent some time in Leningrad, visited Peter the Great Museum of
Anthropology and Ethnography (the Kunstkammer) and left his signature in the guest
book. This visit was to foster the official relations between the two countries (in
1960s, the relations between the Ethiopian and Russian Orthodox Churches inten-
sified as well); as a result, several Amharic language students from the Oriental Fa-
culty were granted, on the initiative of the Ethiopians, a rare opportunity to study for
one semester in Addis Abba.
xxii Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

years in confinement (plus one year in exile). At the University, the teaching
of Gz, Ethiopic literature and Ethiopian history was suspended for a long
time.3
Fortunately, Chernetsov had already been introduced into the field of Ethio-
pian Studies and decided to advance the scholarship of Turaev, whose com-
plete works on Ethiopian Studies were preserved in the libraries of Lenin-
grad. Chernetsov began to study them, while improving, at the same time, his
knowledge of Gz, and intensively reading Ethiopic texts. Since the pros-
pects of officially specializing in the field of Ethiopian philology were rather
uncertain, he turned to another way of remaining within Ethiopian Studies
through ethnography. As he graduated from the University in 1967, Prof.
Dmitrij A. Olderogge4 offered him a position in the African Department of
Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (the Kunstkam-
mer). At that time, such a proposal meant a very promising start to a young
scholars career. Besides supporting Chernetsovs intention to study Ethio-
pian culture, Olderogge proposed a topic for his future Ph.D. that would enable
him to approach Ethiopian culture more closely, at the cross-roads of history,
ethnography and philology. Chernetsov submitted his Ph.D. thesis Ethio-
pian magic scrolls (an experience of the philological and ethnographic study)
in the autumn of 1974, which was accepted as a research project in Ethno-
graphy (specialization no. 07.00.07).
Chernetsovs Ph. D. research, performed on the basis of the manuscript
materials preserved in Leningrad, gave him a deep insight into Ethiopian
Christian culture and literature, and was, in fact, the first Ph. D. thesis devo-
ted to one of the classical topics of Ethiopian Studies presented in St. Pe-
tersburg since Turaievs time (until then, for more than 50 years, no Gz
texts had been published in the USSR).5 From 1967 onward, Chernetsov
worked in the Kunstkammer (historically Russias first museum) for the rest
of his life, and matured and grew as a scholar there. The Kunstkammer was
a unique establishment that united on its premises both an ethnological mu-

3
Platonov, Chernetsovs close friend, later worked at the Oriental Department of
the Russian National Library and only returned to the University teaching in 1992, after
official rehabilitation; see C. . , -
, , new series 3 (9), 2002, pp. 537541.
4
Olderogge (19031987), a corresponding member of the Soviet Academy of
Sciences, was then one of the leading scholars of African Studies in the USSR; in
19461987 he was the head of the African Studies Department at the Oriental Facul-
ty, and also the Director of the Department (section) of African Ethnography of the
Kunstkammer.
5
It should be noted that the present foreword does not obviously seek to cover
the entire history of Ethiopian Studies in the Soviet Union, especially in Moscow,
where the field has experienced an independent development.
 Sevir Borisovich Chernetsov and Russian Ethiopian Studies xxiii

seum and a research institution. Here he gained access to rich first-hand

Ethiopian materials: large collections of photographs, objects of material
culture, manuscripts, and paintings, gathered mostly by the late 19th to early
20th-cent. Russian travellers to Ethiopia.6 The Department of Africa, headed
by Olderogge, was known for its interdisciplinary approach and atmosphe-
re of active and very creative scholarly communication between colleagues
(most of them became well-known specialists as well), who were also close
friends. This compensated for the scarcity of opportunities to participate in
scholarly life abroad and to visit African countries. As time showed, the lat-
ter circumstances did not prevent, but, interestingly enough, helped Chernet-
sov to establish himself as a scholar.
Chernetsovs scholarly methods and views on the history and culture of
Ethiopia were shaped by his practical work with manifold sources, ranging
from objects of material culture to manuscripts. He gave a preference to the
study of the large corpus of written sources the most peculiar feature dis-
tinguishing Ethiopia from most other African cultures and, consequently,
recognised the need of mastering Ethiopian languages and the bases of philo-
logy. However, in the collections of the Kunstkammer he discovered an op-
portunity to touch with his own hands things described in written sources.
Through his studies, he developed the capacity to look in-depth, discover and
grasp the essence and driving force of any phenomenon in political or reli-
gious life, and then expose and explain them all within the historical and
cultural context of the Ethiopian Highlands or, further, of the whole (Chris-
tian) Orient. As some Western colleagues, which were familiar with his works,
later said: he always hits the point. Another admirable quality he definitely
possessed was a clear understanding of the continuity of the Ethiopian cultu-
ral tradition from the ancient and medieval down to modern times (with a
clear picture of the famous Biblical atmosphere).7 As a result, not only did
he have a thorough knowledge of the Ethiopian material he was directly deal-
ing with, but also mastered those themes that were apparently not in the com-
petence of a historian studying the (Ethiopian) Middle Ages.
In the 1970s, while working in the Kunstkammer, Chernetsov selected the
main fields of his scholarly activity for the years to come. Initially, following
Turaiev, he intended to study and publish Ethiopian hagiographic works. He
translated into Russian two well-known Ethiopian hagiographies: The Life
of Yafqrann gzi and The Life of our mother Wltt Petr os. Both
translations were prepared for the Russian Orthodox Church Patriarchates
journal , but only the first one was printed, as an anony-

6
They comprise approximately one third of the 12,000 items in the Kunstkam-
mers African collection.
7
E. Ullendorff, Ethiopia and the Bible, London 1968, 3.
xxiv Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

mous publication.8 Anonymity was the price he paid for the opportunity of
publishing the text. Soviet scholars were not allowed to write for Church
periodicals; the prohibition could only be circumvented through pseudonyms
or anonymity. Chernetsov soon gave up his cooperation with
: not indeed because of the KGB, but for the publication of the Life
of Wltt Petr os was rejected by Church censorship. During an era of ecu-
menical activity by the Russian Orthodox Church (heralded by the journal),
the image of a 17th-cent. Ethiopian holy nun furiously struggling against Ca-
tholicism was probably deemed to be too bold and challenging. Notwithstan-
ding this situation, in the 197080s, while studying an exotic Christian cultu-
re, Chernetsov was able to preserve his scholarly integrity under the states
careful supervision of the academic circles activities. As he stressed later, he
never had to revise or hide his views and could express them in his publica-
tions, in the words he considered appropriate, with no serious consequences.
Additionally, for Chernetsov, intellectual freedom also meant an unbiased
approach to the object of research. In his studies, he did not let his personal
sympathy towards Ethiopian culture and the people prevail over his scholarly
analysis and influence its results. Working on a Christian culture, he always
wrote as a scholar and never followed the example of those researchers who
studied the tradition by adopting it the position for which he was some-
times blamed, but usually greatly respected by his colleagues. A Russian stu-
dent of Ethiopia, he inevitably became a bit Ethiopian, but only in his he-
art, not in his scholarly work.
Later in the 1970s, Chernetsov turned to yet another topic Ethiopian
historiography, which became his major field of studies. Within ca. 15 years,
he prepared and published annotated Russian translations of some ten Ethio-
pian historiographic works,9 and produced two monographs devoted mostly
to the political, but also religious and social history of Ethiopia from the 14th
to the 17th cent. The first one, Ethiopian Feudal Monarchy in XIIIXVI Cen-
turies, was defended as his habilitation (doctoral) thesis in 1984.10 The sec-

8
, 10, 1973, pp. 225251.
9
Chernetsov continued the work of Turaiev (s. above, n. 2), which ended with
the Chronicle of King Minas (15591563), striving to bring to the Russian public the
entire corpus of the Ethiopian royal chronicles published in Europe. Thus, he pub-
lished chronicles of the following kings: Srsa Dngl (15631597), Susnyos (1607
1632), Yohanns I (16671682), Iyasu I (16821706), Bkaffa (17211730), Iyasu II
(17301755) and his mother Brhan Mogasa, Iyoas (17551769); additionally, he
published the Vita of Iyasu I (16821706), the Histories of ras Mikael Shul
and dazma Hayl Mikael te, and the History of the Galla written by the
monk Bahry.
10
Published as: XIIIXVI , :
, 1982.
 Sevir Borisovich Chernetsov and Russian Ethiopian Studies xxv

ond one, Ethiopian Feudal Monarchy in the XVII Century, treats one of the
most complicated and interesting periods of Ethiopian history and is one of
Chernetsovs best works.11 In this study, he did not attempt to describe all the
events of that era and list all the sources. Instead, as a true historian, he intro-
duces 17th-cent. Ethiopian history as a synthetic process, searches for its de-
cisive internal and external factors and discusses their nature.
Besides these monographs, in 197080s Chernetsov published a number
of essays on diverse issues relating to Ethiopian culture and history, ranging
from the problems of the history of the early-Solomonic Ethiopian monarchy
to the social sources of the 1974 Ethiopian revolution. In the 1980s, he took
part in numerous conferences, mostly in the USSR.12 He rarely went abroad,
yet foreign (including Ethiopian) colleagues quickly recognized him as a se-
rious expert in matters relating to Ethiopia, and never identified him with
those people who were involved in the official Soviet policy towards the
friendly regime of Mngstu Hayl Maryam. In the middle of the 1980s,
Chernetsov became acquainted with Manfred Kropp, one of the leading Ger-
man Orientalists, this meeting being followed by many years of scholarly
cooperation and friendship.
In the second half of the 1980s, the political situation in Russia was marked
by a quick series of deep changes. From that time onwards, Russian scholar-
ship had to exist in a new reality, with all of its consequences. The state
support to scholarly institutions and scholarships was decreasing. Russian
Oriental and African Studies faced substantial difficulties, while the institu-
tions in St. Petersburg (the Kunstkammer in particular) found themselves in a
very troubled situation. All this notwithstanding, for Chernetsov the subse-
quent period, from the end of 1980s, was a fruitful time. The political regime
in Ethiopia changed in 1991. At this time, the Russian government had nei-
ther the capacity nor the interest in any kind of active policy in the Horn of
Africa,13 but precisely then classical Ethiopian Studies were finally restor-

11
Published as: XVII , : ,
1990.
12
Chernetsov took part in 8th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies in
Addis Ababa (1984), the 9th in Moscow (1986), the 10th in Paris (1988), the 11th in
Addis Ababa (1991) and the 15th in Hamburg (2003). His articles were also published
in the proceedings of the 4th (Rome, 1972) and the 13th (Kyoto, 1997) conferences,
though he didnt attend them.
13
In 1991, Chernetsov had an opportunity to see a turning point in Ethiopian
history with his own eyes. In that year, he spent about one month in Ethiopia and
participated in the 11th Conference of Ethiopian Studies (16 April, 1991). The con-
ference took place under unique circumstances: the participants understood that they
were watching the last days of Mngstu Hayl Maryams regime, who fled from
Ethiopia on the 21st of May. Shortly before, while troops of several liberation move-
ments were battering the government forces and encircling Addis Abba, all Soviet
xxvi Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

ed and received official recognition at St. Petersburg University. Since the

beginning of 1990s, Chernetsov actively cooperated with the Department of
African Studies of the Oriental Faculty teaching Gz and giving lectures on
different aspects of Ethiopian history and culture, and sharing his knowledge
with any interested student.14 During the same period, he penned most of his
publications. He was offered various opportunities to work abroad and in 1994
and 1999 taught at the Seminar fr Orientkunde at Mainz University. In the
late 1990s, he took an active part in resuming the publication of the journal
(Christian Orient), which was founded in 1912, clo-
sed in 1922, and some 75 years later re-established as a periodical of the Rus-
sian Academy of Sciences and the State Hermitage. His vivid participation in
the publication of this journal was emblematic: apart from his profound know-
ledge and understanding of Ethiopian material, like another great 20th-century
master of Ethiopian Studies, Enrico Cerulli, he viewed Ethiopia as a geo-
graphical part of Africa historically connected to the wider cultural milieu of
the Christian Orient.
Chernetsov was not only one of the most distinguished Russian thiopi-
sants and scholars of the Christian Orient, but also one of the few who had a
clear vision of the aims and tasks of the studies and were also able to explain
and popularise them, both in Russia and outside. He performed the latter task
throughout by using every available means: his university lectures and other
teaching activities, publications (for his bibliography, see pp. xxviii), partici-
pation in boards of scholarly journals and committes, collaborations with va-
rious reference books and encyclopaedias (including the Encyclopaedia
Aethiopica for which he wrote some 96 articles, and The Russian Orthodox
Encyclopaedia).
Besides his books and articles, Chernetsov had a sympathetic and attrac-
tive personality. His lectures were never boring, and he frequently inserted
into his scholarly discussions interesting stories from the lives of historical
characters and his own rich experiences. Clearly understanding the complexity
of the problems that Ethiopian (and Oriental) Studies had to face, both in
Russia and in other countries, he kept a habit of realism and optimism at the
same time. Quite modest and not at all ambitious in day-to-day life, he was
absolutely uninterested in acquiring the glory of this world. He had chosen

citizens were recommended to leave urgently Ethiopia. Chernetsov was one of the
last to depart when EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front)
troops were entering the city (since that time, he never had the opportunity to return).
14
In the Kunstkammer, where Chernetsov had worked all his life, he held several
times the position of head of the African Section. He was acting head of the African
Section from 1 March 1992 until 31 August 1993, and then from 1 February to 21 Octo-
ber 2002; on 21 October 2002 he was confirmed as the head of the African Section
by the Museums Academic Board.
 Sevir Borisovich Chernetsov and Russian Ethiopian Studies xxvii

his way of life and simply stuck to it, working till the last days of his life (he
died on 3 February 2005, after a long and hard illness), according to one of
his main principles: If you cant light a big fire, keep a candle alight and
pass it to others. One can say that this has been fulfilled: he did keep his
candle alight and pass it to his pupils. His friends and colleagues shall re-
member him, and any Russian student looking for literature on Ethiopia shall
no doubt come across the most interesting and informative books by Cher-
netsov.
Thus, from the beginning of the 19th cent. there have always been Russian
enthusiasts who cultivated an interest in Ethiopian culture and the Orient. In
the past, there were scholars like Bolotov and Turaev; our generation found
such person in Sevir Borisovich Chernetsov.
D. Nosnitsin
B. Louri
S. Frantsouzoff
L. Kogan

*
[A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SEVIR B. CHERNETSOV]

1972
1. . . -
// Africana. -
. . IX / . . . . -
-. . . C [ . . . ]. .: -
, 1972. . 6568.
2. . . //
. ., 1972. 6. . 139144.

1973
3. . . - (
- ) //
. . . .
/ . . . . -. -
. [. . . .] .: ,
1973. . 240246.
4. . . [. ] //
. .: , 1973,
10. C. 225251.
5. . . //
. , , . ., 1973. 6. [ .
. ] . 124130.

1974
6. . . ( -
). -
(07.00.07) / -
. . . - . ., 1974.
27 .
7. hernetsov S. B. The History of the Gallas and death of Za-Dengel,
King of Ethiopia (16031604) // IV Congresso Internazionale di Studi Etiopici

* . -
;
.
 xxix

(Roma, 1015 April 1972). Roma 1974 (Accademia dei Lincei 371, Problemi
Attuali di Scienza e di Cultura, 191). Vol. I, p. 803808.

1975
8. . . ( 25914-14)
. // -
/ A . . . . -
-. : . .
. XXXI. .: , 1975. . 200207.
9. . . XVII // Africana. -
. . X. / . -
. . . -. . . CIII.
[ . . . ]. .: , 1975. . 219225.
10. . . (-
) // -
/ . . . . -
-. : . .
. XXXI. .: , 1975. . 208226.

1977
11. . . ? (
) // . -
: . . / . . . . -
- [ . . . ]. .: , 1977. . 18
45.
12. . . -
XIIIXIV . // .
: . . / . . . . -
[ . . . ]. .: , 1977. . 153
199.

1978
13. . ., . . -
// Africana. .
. XI / . . . . -
. . . CV. [ . . . ]. .: ,
1978. . 151192.
14. . . -
// . . 26 (89). /
. [. . . . -
]. .: , 1978. . 6065.
xxx Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

1979
15. . . [C. 156174];
: ( :
. . XIVXVI , [ . . . -
]. , . XVIII .,
.: , 1936. 309 .) [. 318327]; -
[. 328333] // . -
/ . . . , . . .: , 1979.

1980
16. . . ( -
) // -
. . XXI (80). . , , :
. . / . , -
; . . . . . .: , 1980. . 128147.
17. . .
-
// Africana. -
. . XII. / .
. . . -. . . CIX. [ . . . -
]. .: , 1980. . 181194.
18. . . XV . // -
. , , . ., 1980. 5. [
. . ] . 6576.
19. Chernetsov S. B. Zu den Vernderungen der gesellschaftspolitischen
Lexik in der modernen amharischen Sprache und der Sprachsituation im revo-
lutionren thiopien // Sozialer Wandel in Afrika und die Entwicklung von
Formen und Funktionen afrikanischer Sprachen. Hrsg. von D. A. Olderogge
und S. Brauner (Linguistische Studien Reihe A, Arbeitspapiere, 64), Ober-
lungwitz: Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR. 1980, Seiten 120143.

1981
20. . .
// -
. / . ; .
. . . .: , 1981. . 2631.
21. . . ( -
) // -
. . 27 (90). . / . -
[. . . . ]. .: , 1981.
. 106108.
 xxxi

22. . . ,
// . -
/ . . . . -
-. : . .
. XXXVII, .: , 1981. C. 114123.

1982
23. . ., . .
p -
// Africana. .
. XIII / . . . . -
. . . CXI. [ . . . ]. .: ,
1982. . 127160.
24. . ., . .
() // Africana. -
. . XIII / .
. . . -. . . CXI. [ . . . -
]. .: , 1982. . 142175.
25. . .
// Africana. -
. . XIII / . . . . -
-. . . CXI. [ . . . ]. .:
, 1982. . 234238.
26. . . XIIIXVI . /
, . . . -. .: -
, 1982. 309 .

1983
27. . .
// . .:
, 1983. . 140147.
28. . . : (4070-
) // . . 13. .: , 1983. . 113137.
29. . . XIIIXVI -
.
(07.00.03) / . . . , -
. ., 1983. 35 .

1984
30. . . -
-
XIX // Africana. -
xxxii Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

. . XIV / .
. . . -. . . CXIII. [ . . . -
]. .: , 1984. . 86120.
31. . . XVIXVII / ,
. . . -; . . . . -
. .: , 1984. 390 .

1985
32. ernetsov S. B. Historische Wurzeln der thiopischen Revolution //
Ethnographisch-Archaeologische Zeitschrift. Bd. 26, 1985, Seiten 1121.

1986
33. . . -
XVI //
.
. . 2. .: , 1986. . 124130.

1987
34. . ., . . //
. . . /
. . .
. . .: , 1987.
. 201240.
35. . . // -
. . 4. / . . . . -
; . . . . . .: , 1987. . 568571.

1988
36. . . // -
: .. / .
. . . -; . . . . , . . . .:
, 1988. . 138149.
37. . . // -
. . 5 / . . . . -
; . . . . . .: , 1988. . 644649.
38.Chernetsov S. B. Who wrote The History of King Sarsa Dengel
was it the Monk Bahrey? // Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference
of Ethiopian Studies, University of Addis Ababa, [2630 November] 1984.
Ed. by Taddese Beyene. Addis Ababa Frankfurt-am-Main 1988. Vol. I,
pp. 131136.
39.Chernetsov S. B. Medieval Ethiopian Historiographers and their
Methods // Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Ethiopian Stu-
 xxxiii

dies, Moscow, 2629 August 1986. Ed. by A. A. Gromyko. Moscow: Nauka,

1988. Vol. V, pp. 191200.

1989
40. . . XVIIXVIII / ,
. . . -; [. ,
. . . . . ; . . . . ].
.: , 1989. 382 .
41. . . // -
. . 6 / . . . . -
; . . . . . .: , 1989. . 714717.
42. . . : . . -
: [ XIX .: . . -
] .: . ., 1989.

1990
43. . . XVII /
, . . . -. .: ,
1990. 323 .

1991
44. . . XVIII / , -
. . . -; [.,
. ., . . . ; . . . . -
]. .: , 1991. 356 .
45. . . // -
. . 7. / . . . . -
; . . . . . .: , 1991. . 700703.
46. . . -
XVII . // -
; . . A. K. -
, . . ; . c . . . -
. .: , 1991. . 3955.

1992
47. . . : . [.
: Riszard Kapuciski. Cesarz. Warszawa 1978]; . . ,
. .: , 1992.

1993
48.Chernetsov S. B. On the Origin of the Amhara // St. Petersburg Journal
of African Studies. Vol. 1 (1993), p. 97103.
xxxiv Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

1994
49. Chernetsov S. B. Ethiopian Magic Literature // St. Petersburg Journal
of African Studies. Vol. 3 (1994), p. 109117.
50. Chernetsov S. B. The Crisis of Ethiopian Royal Historiography and
its Consequences in the 18th Century // Ethiopian Studies at the End of the
Second Millennium, Proceedings of the XIVth International Conference of
Ethiopian Studies, November 611, 2000, Addis Ababa. Ed. by Baye Yimam
et al. Addis Ababa 1994. Vol. I, p. 87101.
51. Chernetsov S. B. The Role of Catholicism in the History of Ethiopia
of the First Half of the 17th Century // tudes thiopiennes. Actes de la Xe con-
frence internationale des tudes thiopiennes, Paris, 2428 aot 1988. Vo-
lume I. dit par C. Lepage avec le concours de . Delage. Paris 1994,
pp. 205212.

1995
52. Chernetsov S. B. On the Question of Royal Succession during Zague
Period // St. Petersburg Journal of African Studies. Vol. 4 (1995), pp. 103117.
53. Chernetsov S. B. Investigation in the Domain of Hagiological Sources
for the History of Ethiopia after Boris Turayev // St. Petersburg Journal of Af-
rican Studies. Vol. 5 (1995), pp. 114124.

1996
54. . . -
. . // : -
. . X / . .
(). .: -
, 1996. . 356362.
55. Chernetsov S. B. On the Problem of Ethnogenesis of the Amhara //
Der Sudan in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Sudan Past and Present). Hrsg.
von R. Gundlach, M. Kropp, A. Leibundgut. (Nordostafrikanisch/Westasia-
tische Studien, 1), Frankfurt am Main [u.a.]: Lang. 1996, pp. 1735.

1997
56. . . (
) // : . .
XI / . . (-
). .: , 1997. . 277298.
57. . .
// . -
. ., 1997. 3 (15). . 2728.
58. Chernetsov S. B. Ethiopian Traditional Painting (with Special Refe-
rence to the Kunstkamera Collection of Ethiopian Painting) // Ethiopia in
 xxxv

Broader Perspective. Papers of the XIIIth International Conference of Ethio-

pian Studies, Kyoto, 1217 December 1997. Ed. by Katsuyoshi Fukui, Eisei
Kurimoto, Masayoshi Shigeta. Kyoto 1997. Vol. III, pp. 334 + pls. 114.
59. Chernetsov S. B. Ethiopian painting No. 2591-1 from the Kunstka-
mera Collection / New Offsprings of Addis Ababa Fine Art School, Addis
Ababa 1997.
1998
60. . . , -
100 // .
. ., 1998. 4 (20). . 3839.
61. . . //
. The Journal of Sociology and So-
cial Anthropology. ., 1998. 4. . 7588.

1999
62. . . -
II // : [C, -
] /
. . . . -
; . . . ; . . -
. . 1 (7) .: ; .: , 1999. . 234286.
63. . . -
// : . . . . 2:
/
. . .-. . -. ; . . .
. ();
. . . .: - -
, 1999. . 177203.
64. . . (
) // : . . . 2. -
, 2426 1999 . /
( ) . . .-.
. . ., /, 1999. . 281287.
65. . . // -
: . ( , 1998 .): . .
. . . / . . .:
, 1999. . 243247.
66. . . -
// : , , ( -
): -
, .- 57 1998 . / . . . . -
, . . ., /, 1999. . 5054.
xxxvi Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

67. Chernetsov S. B. The aerial Flight of Alexander the Great in Ethiopian

Painting and Literature // Oriens Christianus. Vol. 83 (1999), pp. 177186.

2000
68. . . 1721 -
// : -
- , 100-
. . (14 . 1854 5(18) . 1900), [1820 .
2000 .] / . . (), . -
. .:
, 2000. . 138145.
69. . ., . . -
: -
// : -
- /
. .: , /. . 2930.
70. . . (18441912),
II // -
: [C, -
] / . . . -
. ; . .
. ; . . . . 2 (8) .: ;
.: , 2000 [2001]. . 284298.
71. . . , . . [ -
. . -
, 2000 .] // :
[C,
] / . . . . -
; . . . ; .
. . . 2 (8) .: ; .: ,
2000 [2001]. . 386389.
72.Chernetsov S. B. Riches and Honor of Ethiopian Kings // -
: [C, -
] / . . . .
; . . .
; . . . . 2 (8) .: ; .:
, 2000 [2001]. . 3555.

2001
73. . . , 18981899 //
. Acta Institutionis Orientalis 2 (10)
. 5 C: . , 2001, C. 441.
 xxxvii

74. C. ., . . (1 -
1922 9 2001) [] // .
Acta Institutionis Orientalis 2 (10) . 5 C: . -
, 2001. C. 9194.
75. . . :
? // 2 C.: ,
2001. C. 7684.
76. . . . ,
XIV . 1679 .
- // Patma-Banasirakan Handes
(- ), 3 (158). : - -
, 2001. C. 4956.
77. . . -
// Hyperboreus. Studia classica. In memoriam A. I. Zaicev. Petropoli:
Verlag C. H. Beck Mnchen, vol. 7, fasc. 12, 2001, pp. 417418.
78.. . ., . . , -

// :
[ ] / . .
. . -
; . . . ; . . . .
3 (9). .: ; .: , 2001 [2002]. . 172268.
79. . ., -
(Jy " " ` " K`e " ]z " H&zc " +c " O*z "
T|Av " T "") // : [C,
] / . .
. . -
; . . . ; . . . .
3 (9). .: ; .: , 2001 [2002]. . 537541.
80. . . - ( 1915 .
2000 .). zH " o " O#] (Oe[T 1908 .T. c 1997 .T.) //
: [C,
] / . . .
. ; .
. . ; . . . . 3 (9). .: -
; .: , 2001 [2002]. . 542549 [ :
: C. 549553].
81. Chernetsov S. B. Woman and authority on pages of Ethiopian Chris-
tian Medieval literature // : [C,
] / . .
. . -
; . . . ; . . . .
3 (9). .: ; .: , 2001 [2002]. . 354373.
xxxviii Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

2002
82. . . //
. , 2002: . . / Ko. . -
; . . . . .:
, 2002. . 720.
83. . . (
) // 2 C.: , 2002.
C. 1835.

2003
84. . . -
// . - : -
/ . .,
2003. 5. . 180184.
85. . . -
// -
/ , ; . . . . ., 2003. . 4951.
86. . ., . .
// : -
. . XIII. / .
. (). .: -
, 2003. . 288295.
87. . . // -
5. .: , 2003. . 106110.
88. . . : [. . ] // -
: . . XIII. / . -
. (). .: -
, 2003. . 313317.
89.Chernetsov S. B. The Book of Narration of Wyzro Bafna Wld
Mikal, the First Wife of Menilek II // Saints, Biographies and History in
Africa. Ed. by B. Hirsch, M. Kropp. Frankfurt am Main 2003 (Nordostafrika-
nisch/Westasiatische Studien, 5). . 65114.
90. Chernetsov S. B. A Short Story of St. Tkl Haymanots Ancestors
and his Heritage (rist) in Dbra-Libanos Version of his Vita // Oriens Chris-
tianus. Vol. 87 (2003), p. 130139.

2004
91. . . /
, .
(); . . . . . C.: , 2004
[2005]. 218 c.
 xxxix

92. ..
// . , 2004: . . / Ko.
. ; . . . .
.: , 2004. C. 273303.
93. C. . ,
1894 ., -
// Scripta Yemenica. .
60- . . /
. . . .: ,
2004. . 333340.

2005
95. . . : -
, ,
//
1 (2), 2005. C. 4365 [
. . ].
96. . .
// AD HOMINEM. -
: c. . C., 2005. C. 515.
97.Chernetsov S. Ethiopian Theological Responses to European Missio-
nary Proselitizing in the 17th/19th Centuries // Ethiopia and the Missions: His-
torical and Anthropological Insights. Ed. by Veren Bll, Steven Kaplan,
Andreu Martnez dAls-Moner, Evgenia Sokolinskaia. Berlin: Lit-Verlag,
2005, pp. 5362.

. . ,
:
/ -
1 ( ), M., 2000:
; ; ; ; ; ;
; ( . . ); -; -
; ; ( -
. .).
2 (, ), M.,
2001:
; ; ( I.2:
[ . . ]); .
3 ( ), M., 2001:
; ; .
xl Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

4 ( ), M., 2002:
; -; -.
6 ( ), M., 2003:
, ; ; ; ;
; ; (: [-
. . ]);

. . , :
Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, ed. by S. Uhlig
Vol. I (AC), Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 2003:
Abgaz; Abgaz, abeto; Abugida and Hahu; Admas Mogsa; Af qesar;
Aggafari; Anstasyos; Aqasen; Aqqabe ray; Aano; Asallafi; Ar
Krstos; Asbo; Askal; Asmat; Atnatewos; Ato [ Merid Wolde
Aregay]; Azma; Azza; Bal drba; Bg mlka; Bahr nga: before
the 18th century; Balge; Balmwal; Balgda; Bara; Baa; Bati Dl Wmbra;
Btr Giyorgis; Bl Krestos; Bl ngt; Bet Krstos; Bitwddd;
Blatten geta; Bolld; Bolotov,Vasiliy Vasilievich; Bukko; Bulatovich, Alexan-
der Ksaverjevich; Cllnqo; Cavalry.
Vol. II (DHa), Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 2005:
Dglhan; Dgn; Dggafi; Dargot, azma; Dorn, Johannes-Albrecht-Bern-
hard; leni [Admas Mogsa]; leni, wyzaro; lf asklkay; Elyas; mmbet;
ndrta; nfraz [ LaVerle Berry]; nkoye; nticco [ -
Wolbert Smidt]; Epistolography; qa bet; skndr; slam Sgd;
slam Sgd (slamo); Fanuel; Fris; Fasil Grram; Fha Krstos; Fiqtor;
Fitawrari; Gbr Krstos, monk; Gbr Krstos, king; Gbr Maryam, bahr
nga; Gbr Maryam, abbot; Gbr llase, ccge; Gbre Tsfa; Gbrel
and Mikael; Gan Bdl; Gan Bet; Gndbta; Genealogy, dynastic; Gou;
Halibo; Hawarya Krstos; ayl Mikael te; aylu Twld Mdhn.

:
. ., . ., . . -
. , 2007 .
Chernetsov S. B. A Transgressor of the Norms of Female Behaviour in
the Seventeenth Century Ethiopia the Heroine of the Life of our Mother
Walatta Petros // : [C,
] / . . . -
. -
; . . . ; . . . . 4
(10). . . 5672.
Chernetsov S. B. Ethiopian magic literature // Scrinium. -
, [Universum Hagio-
graphicum: Mmorial R. P. Michel van Esbroeck, s. j. (19342003)] / -
 xli

- Institu-
tum Philocalicum. 2 (2006) C.: .
Chernetsov S.B. On the Reasons of Empress Taytus Anger which
Came down upon Afwrq Gbr Iysus in 1894 // Proceedings of the 15th
International Conference of Ethiopian Studies. Hamburg.

. . ,
:
; ; ; ; -
; ; ; ; -
; [ . . ]; ; ;
, [ . . ]; -
; ; ; [ . . -
]; , . .; ; , ; .

. . ,
Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, vols. IIIIV:
Hzqyas; Historiography, Ethiopic; Infantry; Iyasu II; Iyoas II; Krs-
todulo, abun (d. 1735); Leontiev, N. S.; Liq makwas; Magic scrolls; Ml-
kotawit; Mlkotawit, wyzaro; Rinhuber, L.; Shafe tzaz; Script, Ethio-
pic: cultural and historical aspects; Sisgayo; Turaev, B. A.
M. .
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

A Annales dthiopie
BHG F. HALKIN, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, vols. IIII,
Bruxelles 1957 (Subsidia hagiographica, 8a)
BHO P. PEETERS, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Orientalis, Bruxelles
1910 (Subsidia hagiographica, 10)
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of the Oriental and African Studies
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium
DEB BELAYNESH MICHAEL S. CHOJNACKI R. PANKHURST (eds.),
The Dictionary of Ethiopian Biography. I [Early Times to
c. 1270 A.D.], Addis Ababa 1975
E S. UHLIG (ed.), Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, vol. I: AC,
Wiesbaden 2003; vol. II: D-Ha, Wiesbaden 2005
JES Journal of Ethiopian Studies
LTK Lexikon fr Theologie und Kirche, vols. IXIII, vllig neue
bearbeitete Auflage, Freiburg im Breslau 19932001
MRALm Atti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei Memorie, classe di
scienze morali, storiche e filologiche
OC Oriens Christianus
OCA Orientalia Christiana Analecta
OCP Orientalia Christiana Periodica
OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta
PG Patrologiae cursus completus. Series graeca, accurante
J.-P. MIGNE, Parisiis 18571866.
PO Patrologia Orientalis
ROC Revue de lOrient Chrtien
RRALm Atti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei Rendiconti, classe di
scienze morali, storiche e filologiche
RSE Rassegna di Studi Etiopici
RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali
SAe Scriptores Aethiopici
ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlndischen Gesellschaft
: [C,
] / Khris-
tianskij Vostok [An International Journal of Research on the
Christian East]
 Anthropology,
History, Philology
 Alessandro Bausi
Universit degli Studi di Napoli LOrientale
_
ETIOPICO ELLE :
A PROPOSITO DI UN IPOTESI RECENTE*

In un contributo recente si ipotizzato che nellelemento onomastico el-

l, sicuramente attestato in nomi regali aksumiti, debba ravvisarsi un sostan-
tivo el(l);1 lelemento non avrebbe quindi niente a che vedere con il prono-
me relativo plurale ella, n potrebbe tantomeno valere come singolare dello
stesso pronome in etiopico (o in una sua variet dialettale, o in una lingua ad
esso affine).2 Lautore della nuova ipotesi prende da questa prima conclusio-

*
Le considerazioni che seguono sono state in parte esposte in una conferenza,
dedicata ad un esame dinsieme dei tratti paleografici, linguistici e filologici peculia-
ri delletiopico antico (Gastvortrag Charakteristika thiopischer Handschriften:
einige palographische, sprachliche und philologische Daten), tenuta al Seminar
fr Semitistik und Arabistik della Freie Universitt Berlin nel maggio 2004, su invito
del prof. Rainer Voigt, cui va il mio pi sincero ringraziamento. Abbreviazioni:
DAE = ENNO LITTMANN, Deutsche Aksum-Expedition herausgegeben von der Gene-
ralverwaltung der kniglichen Museen zu Berlin. Band IV. Sabaische, griechische,
und altabessinische Inschriften (Berlin: Verlag von Georg Reimer, 1913); RI = TIEN-
NE BERNAND, ABRAHAM JOHANNES DREWES, ROGER SCHNEIDER, Recueil des Inscriptions
de lthiopie des priodes pr-axoumite et axoumite, 3 voll. (Acadmie des Inscrip-
tions et Belles-Lettres, Paris: Diffusion de Boccard, 19912000).
1
Cfr. GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, Note linguistiche per la storia dellEtiopia antica,
in VERENA BLL, DENIS NOSNITSIN, THOMAS RAVE, WOLBERT SMIDT, EVGENIA SOKOLIN-
SKAIA (eds.), Studia Aethiopica. In Honour of Siegbert Uhlig on the Occasion of his
65th Birthday (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2004), pp. 6777, spec. pp. 70 sg.,
da cui sono tratte, salvo diversa indicazione, le citazioni virgolettate che seguono;
argomentatione identica ad verbum in ID., rec. di ALESSANDRO BAUSI, La Vita e i
Miracoli di Libnos, 2 voll. (CSCO 595596, SAe 105106, Lovanii: In aedibus
Peeters, 2003), in Aethiopica. International Journal of Ethiopian and Eritrean Stu-
dies, 7 (2004), pp. 245250, spec. pp. 248 sgg.; la bibliografia qui di seguito indicata
si limita intenzionalmente allessenziale; in essa si troveranno dettagli ed ulteriori
riferimenti; alcune delle argomentazioni qui esposte si trovano gi in GIANFRANCO
FIACCADORI, Sembrouthes Gran Re (DAE IV 3 = RIth 275). Per la storia del primo
ellenismo aksumita, La Parola del Passato, 59/2 [335] (2004), pp. 103157, spec.
pp. 109 sg.
2
Come io stesso ho cautamente proposto, suggerendo che la trasformazione del
nome regale ella gabaz in zagabazaaksum nella tradizione manoscritta del Gadla
Libnos possa spiegarsi, pi che con una vera e propria reinterpretazione, con un
aggiornamento linguistico della forma del pronome relativo, cfr. BAUSI, La Vita e i
Miracoli, vol. trad., p. xxx, e spec. n. 27, e pp. xxx sg., n. 28, su gabaz: ipotesi che,
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

ne le mosse per avventurarsi su un terreno via via pi vasto ed incerto; per

parte mia, mi limiter a discutere alcuni aspetti della premessa, ed in partico-
lare linterpretazione di ell.
Il fulcro della nuova proposta la negazione del presupposto non di-
chiarato della coincidenza tra la forma ella, sistematicamente adottata
nei testi medievali, e lelemento L che introduce alcuni nomi regali nella
documentazione epigrafica dei secc. IVVI, giacch tale elemento, nelle
epigrafi in scrittura vocalizzata, non si presenta nella forma ella, bens in
quella el(l): ne sono esempi certi, nelletiopico, ell amid di RI nrr.
188 (= DAE nr. 10), l. 1, e 189 (= DAE nr. 11), ll. 2 e 4; nel greco, Elle/
amida di RI nr. 271, ll. 910, e le varie trascrizioni in Ellh- o Ele- in
testi letterari greci dellepiteto l sbh di Klb, attestato in etiopico solo in
scrittura consonantica (cfr. RI nrr. 191, ll. 78, e 192, l. 7); sarebbe invece
da escludere che lelemento in discussione possa ravvisarsi nelle legende di
monete generalmente attribuite ad Ella Gabaz, ove anzi non vi sarebbero
attestati n ella n ell. Se la forma ell si argomenta essa, come
gi bees, uomo di, ... non esige soltanto unanalisi morfologica, ma anche
una spiegazione lessicale: questa individuata nella radice / lw/y, col signi-
ficato di fare la guardia, proteggere, attestata in amarico ed in nord-etio-
pico (etiopico, tigr e tigrino); dalla radice deriverebbe un antico sostanti-
vo el(l) protettore, guardiano, ben appropriato ai nomi cui compare unito:
gabaz santuario, cattedrale, amid colonne, colonnato, e, con maggior
cautela, un termine non indicato, ma affine allamarico atbiya luogo sac-
ro. La discussione si sposta poi sul possibile rapporto fra relativo e articolo
la del tigr.
Rilevato quindi il problema del rapporto tra ella pronome ed ell ele-
mento onomastico, ed esclusa qualsiasi relazione tra i due, si imporrebbe
una diversa soluzione, che per postula lesistenza di nomi (per letiopico,
anche della radice ly con il valore richiesto) e significati non altrimenti

per quel che vale, non esattamente si basa su materiali inediti raccolti da altri, come
ha voluto intendere LUSINI, Note linguistiche, p. 70, e che invece, come ho ritenuto
di denunciare, ha tratto alcuni elementi da una scheda inedita di Paolo Marrassini,
cfr. BAUSI, La Vita e i Miracoli, vol. trad., p. xxx, n. 27: ma dichiarazioni del
genere non sono di gran moda, ed i pi avveduti, consci che possono crearsi equivoci,
le evitano senzaltro; a proposito dei successori di Klb, probabile che lidentifica-
zione da me riproposta tra WZB, Gabra Masqal ed Ella Gabaz sia da rivedere, cfr.
LUSINI, Note linguistiche, p. 70, n. 17; resta per che il re Gabra Masqal occorre
unicamente nella recensione GL3 del Gadla Libnos, e che non affatto escluso, con-
formemente al carattere di questa recensione, che nel nome e nellazione attribui-
tagli si ritrovi eco delle concessioni del re Llibal / Gabra Masqal, con la moglie
Masqal Kebr i pi antichi benefattori di Dabra Libnos, precisazione di cui si dov-
rebbe tener conto, cfr. BAUSI, La Vita e i Miracoli, vol. trad., pp. xxx e xxxii, n. 31.
 A. Bausi #

attestati,3 e comporta una serie di problemi:4 in questa situazione, sarebbe

antiscientifico tanto giudicare inaccettabile nel merito la proposta, solo per-
ch essa sposta globalmente i termini del problema, quanto riconoscere che
essa sia sufficientemente fondata:5 resta una possibilit essenzialmente teorica.

3
Il termine amid, dato per certo nel significato di colonne, colonnato (cfr.
LUSINI, Note linguistiche, p. 71, e n. 23), formazione nominale assai problematica,
cfr. DAE p. 30, e solo il significato della radice chiaro; cfr. anche per il successivo
FRANZ ALTHEIM und RUTH STIEL, Die Araber in der alten Welt, 5 voll. (Berlin: Walter de
Gruyter & Co., 19641969), vol. V/1, pp. 305373 (cap. 5: D _ Nuws), spec. pp. 330
sg.; il termine amarico atbiya sembra valere circoscrizione parrocchiale, pi che
luogo sacro, cfr. THOMAS LEIPER KANE, Amharic-English Dictionary, 2 voll. (Wie-
sbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1990), p. 2140b, citato da LUSINI, Note linguistiche, p. 71,
n. 24, cfr. anche MERDASSA KASSAYE and DENIS NOSNITSIN, Atbiya, in SIEGBERT UHLIG
(ed.), Encyclopaedia Aethiopica. Volume 1. AC (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag,
2003), p. 391, e la pi precisa definizione in DASSET TAKLA WALD, Addis ymre
mazgaba qlt (Addis Abab: baArtistik mttamiy bt, 1962 a.me. [= 1969/70 d. C.]),
p. 532b, ewnataytu bta krestiyn batemertw yammetbarbbat agar mlat naw,
significa il territorio su cui la vera Chiesa diffonde la luce (della fede) con il proprio
magistero; del sostantivo el(l) si sarebbe perduta completamente memoria: fatto di
per s certo non impossibile che tra lEtiopia antica e quella medievale vi sia una
frattura di civilt indubbio, cfr. alcune considerazioni in ALESSANDRO BAUSI, Il
testo, il supporto e la funzione. Alcune osservazioni sul caso dellEtiopia, in BLL et
al. (eds.), Studia Aethiopica, pp. 722, spec. pp. 17 sg. ma certamente non incorag-
giante.
4
Quali la supposizione che il sostantivo ell sia stato reinterpretato nella tradi-
zione letteraria come la forma pi familiare del relativo plurale ella, perch tale
interpretazione ha introdotto in realt un nesso davvero semanticamente oscuro e
poco pertinente, ci che si addice piuttosto ad una lectio difficilior, che per un prin-
cipio filologico elementare va per lappunto postulata allorigine, e non allepilogo
della tradizione; la compatibilit tra forma e significato di el(l) sostantivo dovrebbe
essere esaminata alla luce di formazioni analoghe (di schema 1e2 < 1e2ay, cfr. per
es. fer frutto, set bevanda, red interesse usurario ecc.), che non veicolano
affatto un valore di nomen agentis; formazioni di tipo 1e22a3 non sembrano esistere
in etiopico cfr. per es. JOSEF TROPPER, Altthiopisch. Grammatik des Geez mit
bungstexten und Glossar (Elementa Linguarum Orientis 2, Mnster: Ugarit-Ver-
lag, 2002), pp. 57 sg., 42.14, ed in altri tipi (per es. 1e2ay o 1e2i < 1e2ey) la terza
radicale vi sarebbe evidente allo stato costrutto, oppure si sarebbe persa del tutto (per
es. 1e22, 1e2, cfr. enn, sem, dalle radici ny e smy) e non si giustificherebbe la
vocale -; aggiungerei che per un principio di economia linguistica sembra assai im-
probabile che nella serie gi affollata delle formazioni con radicali l (ella,ellu,ell)
sia stato possibile tollerare un sostantivo el(l), probabilmente omofono di ell pro-
nome relativo (su cui cfr. oltre).
5
Su alcuni altri punti (ad LUSINI, Note linguistiche): p. 67, e n. 3: MHDYS
va emendato in MHDYS, e linterpretazione Matthia, che anchio credo non
condivisibile, ampiamente argomentata in MANFRED KROPP, Zum Knigsnamen
$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

La prima parte dellargomentazione si presta per ad un commento pi

puntuale: la coincidenza tra la forma ella e lelemento onomastico ell (il
presupposto non dichiarato) non una trovata estemporanea, ma unipote-
si avanzata gi da Enno Littmann, che la inquadrava in un fenomeno lingui-
stico ben noto: lalternanza riscontrabile nelletiopico epigrafico, in preposi-
zioni e congiunzioni, tra forme in -a e forme in - (normali nello stato prono-
minale), ben attestata del resto anche nella documentazione manoscritta, specie
pi antica;6 come tale, essa non pu essere ignorata, o superata dun tratto

MH DYS der aksumitischen Mnzen, in WOLFGANG HAHN, Eine axumitische

Typenkopie als Dokument zur sptantiken Religionsgeschichte mit einem philologi-
schen Exkurs zu den biblischen Namen axumitischer Knige von Manfred Kropp,
Jahrbuch fr Numismatik und Geldgeschichte, 46 (1996), pp. 8599, spec. pp. 95
99; ad p. 70: pi che di una spiegazione morfologica o lessicale, bees pone delle
difficolt semantiche, e semmai storico-culturali; ad pp. 71 sg.: lipotesi di una con-
vergenza nella forma la del tigr (articolo e pronome relativo) di due forme origina-
riamente distinte (luna dalla stessa base * l delletiopico ella, ma influenzata dal-
luso proclitico di *-, e laltra tratto arcaico del tigr), non economica; se la artico-
lo del tigr non discende da una base pronominale * l, non per limpossibilit che
ne derivino al contempo sia larticolo che il dimostrativo, dato che esattamente
quanto, da altre basi, avvenuto in tigrino, anche per forme proclitiche, ed incluso il
relativo, cfr. per es. WOLF LESLAU, Documents tigrigna (thiopien septentrional).
Grammaire et textes (Collection linguistique publie par la Socit de linguistique de
Paris 48, Paris: Librairie C. Klinsieck, 1941), pp. 38 sg. e 61 sgg.; ad pp. 75 sg.:
Tigretai
(sic) ripetuta svista per Tigrtai.
6
Cfr. DAE pp. 30 e 81, per lelemento onomastico ell e losservazione sulle
forme mesl (DAE nr. 10 [= RI nr. 188], ll. 16 e 23, forse DAE nr. 9, l. 33 [= RI nr.
187, che per legge mesla]), contro mesla (DAE nr. 9, ll. 6 e 12), e sob (DAE nrr. 10,
l. 7, e 11 [= RI nr. 189], ll. 7, 9 e 13), con riferimenti a quanto si ricava dalle ris-
pettive voci del Lexicon Linguae Aethiopicae di AUGUST DILLMANN (Lipsiae: T. O. Weigel,
1865) e dallEvangelo doro di Dabra Libnos, cfr. CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, LEvange-
lo doro di Dabra Libnos, RRALm ser. 5, 10 (1901), pp. 177219, spec. p. 181, che
riporta un passo con le notevoli forme arcaiche wasob, emhb, am, esk; pi
laconico ENNO LITTMANN, thiopische Inschriften, in Miscellanea Academica Be-
rolinensia. Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur Feier des 250jhrigen Bestehens der
Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 3 voll. (Berlin: Akademie-Ver-
lag, 1950), vol. II/2, pp. 97127, spec. p. 112; per ulteriori esempi ed attestazioni nei
manoscritti basti il rinvio a AUGUST DILLMANN, Ethiopic Grammar. Second edition,
enlarged and improved, edited by Carl Bezold. Translated, with additions, by James
A. Crichton (London: Williams & Norgate, 1907), pp. 395, 405, 408410, 165
167, 170, e ROCHUS ZUURMOND, Novum Testamentum Aethiopice: the Synoptic Go-
spels. General introduction. Edition of the Gospel of Mark (thiopistische Forschun-
gen 27, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GMBH, 1989), parte II, pp. 55,
57, 61, 68, 71 sg. e 303 sgg. Noto incidentalmente che letimologia di ama dal termine
per giorno, cfr. riferimenti in ALESSANDRO BAUSI, Quando verr... (Mt 25,31): su
un passo del Gadla Libnos, Aethiopica. International Journal of Ethiopian and
 A. Bausi %

sulla base della semplice presa datto che ell non ella. Non per il caso
di trincerarsi dietro lautorevolezza di Littmann, ed almeno due difficolt
debbono essere esplicitamente indicate: (1) lalternanza ella / ell, a diffe-
renza di quanto avviene per preposizioni e congiunzioni in -a, non attestata
nei manoscritti; (2) nei testi epigrafici le forme in ell si trovano solo nello-
nomastica, al di fuori della quale la forma del pronome relativo plurale
sempre ella.7 Una difficolt implicita ed aggiuntiva, ma qui non impedente,
data dalla mancanza di una interpretazione univoca delle forme in -: si
oscilla comunque tra una proposta morfologica largamente prevalente (-
come estensione allo stato assoluto della forma dello stato pronominale, qua-
lunque ne sia lorigine), ed una fonetica (minoritaria).8

Eritrean Studies, 6 (2003), pp. 168176, spec. p. 172, nn. 89, pu essere confortata
dalla varia lectio epigrafica m mrm e m mr (rispettivamente RI nrr. 185 I [= DAE
nr. 6], l. 9, e 185 bis I, l. 11) / m m (RI nr. 185 bis II, l. 14; il testo parallelo RI nr.
185 II [= DAE nr. 7] perduto).
7
Cfr. ella in RI nrr. 187, ll. 9, 10 e 23, e 189, ll. 23, 25 e 27: si tratta di una
distribuzione che, considerati i numeri esigui ed ove si ammettesse che ell libera
variante di ella, potrebbe anche essere imputata al caso, ma che in ipotesi sar bene
ritenere significativa.
8
Rimandando ad un lavoro pi completo in preparazione, dedicato a questo ed
altri fenomeni di arcaismo in etiopico (ove si terr dovuto conto dei problemi di
vocalismo), mi limito qui ad indicare il minimo dei riferimenti: nessuno accoglie pi
la tesi di una connessione tra le forme in - ed un elemento -ia (< -a) dello stato
costrutto, come riteneva DILLMANN, Ethiopic Grammar, p. 408, 167, e p. 325, 144;
sullo stato costrutto etiopico cfr. ora JOSEF TROPPER, Der altthiopische Status con-
structus auf -a aus sprachvergleichender Sicht, Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde des
Morgenlandes, 90 (2000), pp. 201218; larga fortuna ha incontrato invece la tesi, gi
in L. HACKSPILL, Die thiopische Evangelienbersetzung (Math. IX), Zeitschrift
fr Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, 11 (1896), pp. 117196 e 367388, spec.
p. 128, e fissata poi in CARL BROCKELMANN, Grundri der vergleichenden Grammatik
der semitischen Sprachen, 2 voll. (Berlin: Verlag von Reuther & Reichard, 1908
1913), vol. I, p. 497, 252, b, e, Anm. 1, di una derivazione da *la l- (< *la lay-),
tema dello stato pronominale, poi esteso per analogia, cfr. ROBERT HETZRON, Ethio-
pian Semitic. Studies in classification (Journal of Semitic Studies Monograph 2,
Manchester: University Press, 1972), p. 130, WERNER DIEM, Die Verba und Nomina
tertiae infirmae im Semitischen, ZDMG, 127/1 (1977), pp. 1560, spec. pp. 4953,
5.6 (Das Problem der Prposition auf), e ID., Laryngalgesetze und Vokalismus:
ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Altthiopischen, ZDMG 138/2 (1988), pp. 236262,
spec. p. 238, n. 8, su mesl-, emenn-, e p. 260, n. 89, con il richiamo esplicito al
parallelo tra ella / ell, e soba / sob dei testi epigrafici; CHRISTOPH CORRELL, Noch
einmal zur Rekonstruktion des altthiopischen Vokalsystems, Linguistische Beri-
chte, 93 (1984), pp. 5165, spec. p. 58, ha sottolineato (sulla scorta di DIEM, Die
Verba und Nomina, pp. 4953), il carattere puramente morfologico dellalternanza
-a / -, da cui deriverebbe quella soba / sob, mentre per ama / am ipotizza che dalla
serie ye ez, ora, adesso, m z quando?, giz tempo, edm tempo stabili-
& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Venendo al punto (1), la difficolt pu ora dirsi del tutto superata: testi
antichi, con tutta probabilit di et aksumita, e con forti tratti arcaici, recente-
mente venuti alla luce, testimoniano con assoluta evidenza paleografica ed in
centinaia di occorrenze la forma ell per il pronome relativo plurale; le forme
in - alternano con quelle in -a, non solo in ella / ell, ma in un ampio spettro
di preposizioni e congiunzioni (west; hab, anche hbe, emhb, bahb;
am; mangal; za enbal; lal; esk; sob; l el; mesl; taht [sic], anche
wabateht [sic]; heyyat(t) < *heyyant ecc.), e ben si inseriscono entro il fe-
nomeno gi noto; non dato poi di intravedere una distribuzione dimpiego
tra ella ed ell determinata da contesti fonetici o sintattici: ai fini del proble-
ma in discussione si tratta quindi di due varianti assolutamente libere.9
Per quanto riguarda il punto (2), quella che appare una difficolt, pu
risultare in realt, una volta ben impostato il problema, la sua stessa soluzio-
ne. Se nei testi epigrafici la forma del relativo plurale normalmente ella,
ma ell nellonomastica (ed ammettendo ci che non pu escludersi del
tutto che tale distribuzione non sia casuale), se i manoscritti mostrano
ancora tracce di oscillazione -a / - in epoca medievale (con finale generaliz-

to, sia stato estratto un suffisso - caratterizzante le espressioni temporali; richiaman-

do poi il fenomeno ella / ell qui in discussione, esclude che esso possa aver svolto
un ruolo nello sviluppo dellalternanza -a / -, e ne mette in rilievo il carattere di Bes-
tandteil eines Eigennamens; infine, RAINER VOIGT, ber die unregelmige Form
ybe im Altthiopischen (II), Aethiopica. International Journal of Ethiopian Stu-
dies, 3 (2000), pp. 120131, spec. p. 120, n. 1 caratterizza la - come vocale di lega-
mento davanti a suffissi, e propone una derivazione da una desinenza di stato costrut-
to ai. Lipotesi fonetica di EDWARD ULLENDORFF, The Semitic Languages of Ethio-
pia. A Comparative Phonology (London: Taylors [Foreign] Press, 1955), p. 162, che
fa derivare - da allungamento > , sempre per presupponendo un sistema vocali-
co ad opposizione di timbro e non di quantit; contra, cfr. WOLF LESLAU, Observa-
tions on a Comparative Phonology of Semitic Ethiopic, A, 2 (1957), pp. 147166,
spec. p. 159, e HETZRON, Ethiopian Semitic, p. 130.
9
Per motivi altre volte esposti, i testi in questione non possono al momento esse-
re pubblicati, cfr. ALESSANDRO BAUSI, The Aksumite background of the Ethiopic
Corpus canonum, in SIEGBERT UHLIG et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the XVth Interna-
tional Conference of Ethiopian Studies (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, c. st.), per
ulteriori notizie; la documentazione relativa stata adeguatamente esibita in occasio-
ne della comunicazione presentata a Berlino nel maggio 2004 (cfr. sopra); assai
improbabile, per motivi che non ho modo di esporre in questa sede, che le forme
rilevate siano dovute allidioletto di un copista; lunico altro esempio di ell a mia
conoscenza finora notato, nel ms. EMML [Ethiopian manuscripts microfilmed for
the Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library, Addis Ababa and for the Hill Monastic
Manuscript Library, St. Johns Abbey and University, Collegeville, Minnesota] 6942,
era attribuito ad intenzione pseudo-arcaizzante da ZUURMOND, Novum Testamentum
Aethiopice, parte II, pp. 71 sg.; altri esempi ho recentemente individuato nel ms.
EMML 2796.
 A. Bausi '

zazione delle forme in -a), e se entro questa inquadrabile anche quella el-
la / ell: allora lalternanza si configura come la manifestazione di uno scar-
to linguistico, di carattere probabilmente dialettale (diatopico o diacronico o
diastratico), tra, da una parte, la variet, attestata anche dallonomastica in
ell, con preferenza per lelemento - (forse la pi conservativa, certamente
quella recessiva, visto che per quanto finora noto, ell la forma pi rara
nei manoscritti, e la pi precocemente normalizzata in ella), e dallaltra, la
variet prevalente nelle iscrizioni, che portano comunque tracce chiare del-
loscillazione -a / -.10
Lipotesi che ell sia una forma dialettale del pronome relativo plurale
non risolve il problema dellinterpretazione dei nomi aksumiti, n di per s
una spiegazione assoluta del fenomeno linguistico, ma intanto rende mag-
giormente ragione della trascrizione oscillante nelle fonti letterarie greche
(Ellh-, Ele-, ma anche Ella-) e nella documentazione numismatica.11
Daltra parte, la possibilit reale di una stratificazione dialettale delletiopico

10
Il carattere dialettale dellalternanza -a / -, in questa fase della ricerca, e con i
dati a disposizione, non pu che essere unipotesi; cfr. alcuni accenni importanti di
MARCEL COHEN, presso SYLVAIN GRBAUT, Morphologie nominale thiopienne; re-
marques sur quelques formes anciennes, Comptes rendus du Groupe Linguistique
dtudes Chamito-Smitiques, 1 (19311934), p. 27; e SYLVAIN GRBAUT, Notes de
grammaire thiopienne, Aethiopica, 2 (1934), pp. 8385, spec. pp. 83 sg. ( 10.
Formes archaques de quelques mots usuels); rilevo per che stando ai dati sommari
riportati in ZUURMOND, Novum Testamentum Aethiopice, parte II, pp. 44 sgg., le for-
me in - non sono distribuite secondo un asse esclusivamente cronologico: non risul-
tano pi frequenti negli Evangeliari di Abb Garim (qualunque sia let loro attri-
buita, certamente i manoscritti etiopici noti pi antichi), di quanto lo siano in mano-
scritti sempre assai antichi, ma sicuramente pi tardi; per una forma non standard,
ma con altre precisazioni su cui non sento di esprimermi, anche MANFRED KROPP,
Abrehas names and titles: CIH 541, 49 reconsidered, Proceedings of the seminar
for arabian studies, 21 (1991), pp. 135145, spec. p. 139, a plural marker (not
standard Geez, where it should be ll, but cognate with Amharic nn) preceding
the names in order to put them in a form of special respect or dignity, proposta che
gi di MAXIME RODINSON, thiopien et sudarabique, cole Pratique des Hautes
tudes. IVe section. Sciences historiques et philologiques. Annuaire, 102e anne (1969
1970 [1970]), pp. 161183, spec. p. 174, che sottolinea come ce prfixe ella des
noms de rois de lancienne thiopie parat avoir t un indice de rvrence entre
autres, apparent la forme du pluriel du relatif.
11
Le forme ALAL-, ALLA-, LLLA-, cfr. STUART MUNRO-HAY and BENT JUEL-
JENSEN, Aksumite Coinage. A revised and enlarged edition of The Coinage of Aksum
(London: Spink, 1995), p. 212, Ella Amida, e p. 222, Ella Gabaz, confermano
lesistenza della geminazione -ll-, come ha osservato FIACCADORI, Sembrouthes Gran
Re, p. 110 (cf. gi ALTHEIM und STIEHL, Die Araber in der alten Welt, vol. V/1,
p. 339), che propone anche una correlazione con all (di DAE nr. 10, l. 1), lettura
alternativa ad ell (di RI nr. 188, l. 1); a mio avviso, considerate le caratteristiche
 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

apre una moltitudine di scenari, tra i quali sottolineo qui solo quello storico-
istituzionale: alcuni nomi regali, peraltro non trasparenti nel loro complesso,
sarebbero marcati nella forma epigrafica da un tratto linguistico diacronica-
mente recessivo, e forse gi residuale, almeno nella variet epigrafica preva-
lente delletiopico coevo.
giusto fermarsi qui, rimandando ulteriori considerazioni ad altra occa-
sione. Inutile aggiungere che le difficolt irrisolte sono molte:12 resta la spe-
ranza, non infondata, che il sano principio enunciato da Marcel Cohen il
ne faut raisonner sur le guze vivant comme sur la langue littraire fige qui
est connue sous ce nom, trovi alimento dalla scoperta di nuova documen-
tazione veramente risolutiva.13

paleografiche delle legende e lincertezza dellunica attestazione epigrafica (in RI nr.

189 [= DAE nr. 11], ll. 2 e 4, ell accolto unanimemente), non ci sono elementi suffi-
cienti per porre il problema linguistico di una forma alla del pronome relativo plurale.
12
N credo si possano risolvere calibrando a posteriori la documentazione sul-
lipotesi: cfr. LUSINI, Note linguistiche, p. 71: tra le diverse forme di trascrizione in
greco dellepiteto di Klb l sbh, quella che fa difficolt allipotesi di ell sostan-
tivo (e richiede perci un supplemento di spiegazione per semplice elisione),
anche quella attestata dalla fonte pi autorevole (Ellatzbaj in Cosma Indico-
pleuste, Topographia Christiana II, 56); ibid., p. 71, n. 21: di ella nelle monete con
legenda greca del re Ella Gabaz vi sono attestazioni sicure, anche se la forma non
esclusiva, cfr. STUART C. MUNRO-HAY, Catalogue of the Aksumite coins in the British
Museum (London: Published for The Trustees of The British Museum by British Mu-
seum Press, 1999), p. 42, e ID. and JUEL-JENSEN, Aksumite Coinage, p. 222, tipo nr. 124
(The BM example and V.55 have a rounded Greek e on its side as the first letter),
riferimento questultimo presente in LUSINI, Note linguistiche, p. 71, n. 21, con rin-
vio anche a p. 212, ove per questione delle monete di Allamidas, Allamiruis, nomi
e legende difficilmente separabili dal problema interpretativo di ell amid; cfr. gi
FIACCADORI, Sembrouthes Gran Re, p. 110.
13
Cfr. MARCEL COHEN, Consonnes laryngales et voyelles en thiopien. Conju-
gaison des verbes laryngale mdiane et finale, Journal Asiatique, 210 (1927),
pp. 1957, spec. pp. 27 sg.; rimandando ad altro lavoro per ulteriori elementi (cfr.
sopra), mi limito a segnalare una traccia: una volta divenuta puramente fonetica (da
morfologica che era), la normalizzazione delle forme in -a si sar svolta attraverso il
travaglio del mutamento del sistema vocalico delletiopico da quantitativo in timbri-
co; credo che questo fenomeno, con tutto quanto in termini di scritture inverse ecc.
ha comportato, debba essere attentamente considerato (cfr. ovviamente ibid., pp. 22
sgg.); altra via da battere cui, ancora, in questa sede posso solo accennare
quella dellevoluzione delle forme del pronome relativo, cfr. per es. OLGA KAPE-
LIUK, Some Remarks on the Etymology and Function of the Relative Markers in
Ancient Ethiopic, in M. LIONEL BENDER, GBOR TAKCS, DAVID L. APPLEYARD (eds.),
Selected Comparative-Historical Afrasian Linguistic Studies in Memory of Igor
M. Diakonoff (LINCOM Studies in Afroasiatic Linguistics 14, Mnchen: Lincom
Europa, 2003), pp. 219232.
 A. Bausi 

SUMMARY
According to a recent hypothesis (Gianfrancesco Lusini, 2004), the onomastic
element ell found in Aksumite royal names ( ell amid in RI nos. 188, l. 1,
and 189, ll. 2 and 4, Elle/amida in RI no. 271, ll. 910; Ellh- or Ele- as a
Greek rendering of epigraphic l sbh) should be interpreted as a substantive el(l)
from the root / lw/y, with the meaning of protector, guardian. Yet, apart from
the objective problems raised by such a proposal, the interpretation (dating back
to Enno Littmann, 1913) of ell as a linguistic variant of the plural relative pro-
noun ella cannot be ruled out without taking into consideration the fact that the
vowel alternation -a / - (well-attested for conjunctions and prepositions in Aksu-
mite epigraphic texts and in ancient Ethiopic MSS) has now also been ascertained
for ella / ell. This could hint at the existence of dialectal variants in epigraphic
Ethiopic, with ella-forms prevailing in the standard language of the inscrip-
tions and, respectively, ell-forms in the royal names alone.
 Dirk Bustorf
University of Hamburg

SOME NOTES
ON THE TRADITIONAL RELIGIOUS SYSTEM
E
OF THE NDA GAN
+ GURAGE

Introduction
The Sbat Bet Gurage group of ndga (or adgr) is mainly known to
the scholarly public as a linguistic category. Relevant historical and cultural
data has been published, e.g., by Shack, Leslau, Worku Nida, Prunet and
Berhanu Chamora.1 I present here some of the findings of the anthropolo-
gical fieldwork I carried out in 20002001.2 The aim of the fieldwork was to
reveal the history of the deep inter-ethnic relations between the ndga and
the northern-most sub-group of the Hadiyya, the Leemo.3
The article does not pretend to give a full picture of the religious system
of the ndga. It is rather a compilation of the information I gathered as a
by-product of my fieldwork. It should be seen as a tentative sketch and a
small contribution to the discussion of the old Gurage religious system(s)
and of comparative religion studies of southern-central Ethiopia in general.

Ethnographical notes
The main settling area of the ndga extends from the Southern shore of
River Gombonya and the South-eastern slopes of Mount Mugo to the recent
border of the Hadiyya zone,4 which is more or less identical to the all-wea-

1
SHACK 1966; LESLAU 1950, 1959, 1979abc; WORKU NIDA 1984, 1990, 1994;
PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1995, 1997 [for the list of abbreviations used in this
article seep. 32].
2
I have to thank the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and my adviser, Ulrich
Braukmper, for their support. I owe my deep gratitude to my field-assistant and
translator, Mr. Daniel Lemma from Giibiichcho in Sooro Hadiyya who accompanied
me on the long walks through the difficult landscapes of ndga country and hi-
story. Other results of this fieldwork s. BUSTORF 2001; ID., Oral Traditions on the
Inter-Ethnic Relation of the Leemo-Hadiyya and Endg-Gurage, in: UHLIG et al.
(forthcoming); ID., Dmwamwit, in E II, 7980; ndga, in E II, 294296.
3
In the present article, contemporary Hadiyya orthography is used for the Hadiya
terms and names; other languages are transcribed according to the commonly used
system (e. g. E I, II).
4
This was the situation during my field-stay in 2001. However, the borders of the
Gurage and Hadiyya zones changed because of the establishment of the Slt e zone.
 D. Bustorf !

ther-road from Leera to Qose. Groups of ndga are spread, beyond this
line, throughout the Miiaa (formerly Kontb) wrda of Hadiyya zone (e. g.,
around the hills of Tuula and Abuurra), some can also be found in the Lee-
mo and Sooro wrdas and even in Kambaata. In both the Hadiyya admin-
istrative centre Hossana, and in surrounding villages,5 part of the population
is of ndga decent. The ndga also live among the different Gurage and
Slt e groups. Due to urban migration the ndga can be encountered in
nearly every part of Ethiopia and especially in Addis Abba. Linguistically
and culturally closely related neighbours to the ndga are the Enr in the
West, the nnmor in the North, the Ycret (Geto) in the North-east, the
Slte group of Azrnt-Brbre in the East and South-east (Mugo and n-
nqor area) and finally the Hadiyya group of Leemo in the South.
The economic backbone of the rural economy of the region is ensete (En-
sete ventricosum; ndga: sst) farming, with small-scale cattle breeding
forming an integral part. Additionally, different types of cereals and vegeta-
bles are cultivated. According to oral tradition the Leemo received their agri-
cultural knowledge, especially on ensete, mainly from the ndga. Inter-
ethnic marriage between the two groups was originally established as the
basis of a military alliance; it became one of the main vehicles of a process
which resulted in the complete transition of the Leemo economy from mobile
agro-pastoralism to sedentary ensete farming.6
The socio-political order of the ndga is a segmentary system based on
exogamous patrilineal lineages and clans. Most decent groups are named af-
ter their (sometimes only legendary) male ancestors. The segmentary system
has six levels that may be identified: segmentary level 1 (minimal lineage,
umatabars, mother-father-children or bd, house), segmentary level 2
(minor lineage, bd, house), segmentary level 3 (major lineage, up), seg-
mentary level 4 (clan, Jw or bd), segmentary level 5 (clan-federation or
tribe, Jw or bd) and on level 6 the Sbat Bet confederation. The traditio-
nal cognitive system starts the development of the genealogical tree of the
ndga with the ancestor adgr, the grandson of the apical ancestor nd-
ga (or Badga). adgrs twelve sons are considered as the forefathers of
twelve units of segmentary level 4: Gamio (or Gimiya), Gozo, Girme, Fasil(u),
Wndmma, Zigao, orko, Agzi(a), Anbssa, Wngella, Langa and Mato.7

5
One important settlement area around Hossana is Lareeba where the southern
branch of the Saamr bid (or Saamr sab), the Saamarmanna, have lived since they
were forced to leave the hill of Wachchamo when ras Abat founded Hossana there.
Today, the younger generation of Saamarmanna is linguistically nearly assimilated
to the Hadiyya (o. i. [= oral informant] Dobo Megiso).
6
BRAUKMPER 1980; s. in particular DOHRMANN 2004.
7
By another informant the names Wsra instead of Wndimma and Adrafa in-
stead of Mato where mentioned, but Wsra (and Tiqisa) is a low cast group (cp.
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

The real number of units, which are to be considered as level 4 according to

their socio-political importance, is nonetheless higher then twelve. The branch
of Fasilu, including the houses of Nure, Wre and irao, is the biggest sub-
group in terms of number of people.
The clans of the ndga are led by chiefs, some of whom are called nugs
(king), who are chosen according to principles of seniority, merit (also know-
ledge and political wisdom) and decent by the songe assemblies of the diffe-
rent groups. Since the incorporation into the Ethiopian empire by Mnilk II
the title azma nearly replaced the nugs title.8 The most prestigious of the
traditional chiefs is today the nugs of the Gamio clan, azma Kasa Mugoro;
in the Wrio clan azma Ertiro and in the Adrafa clan azma Habt are in
office. The nugs/azma receive their titles at a merit ceremony at the former
market of orko near the ktma of Dnkula. The azma to-be sits on a chair
under three intertwined holy trees and is blessed and sprinkled with honey by
the chiefs and elders (baliq) of ndga. When a new nugs enters his com-
pound after the ceremony the women of his household put butter on his head
to honour him. As an insignia the nugs wears, like other azma title-holders
in Gurage, the gondr9 bangle.10

Ant o qot o ra
The ndga frequently claim to have been Christians since abun Zena
Marqos converted the Gurage.11 As oral tradition reports, due to the cam-
paigns of imm Ahmad b. Ibrhm al-z (Gra, 15061543) the nd-
ga were isolated from the rest of the Christian kingdom, preserving the re-
membrance of their old religion by retaining the fast and venerating the Mar-
yam tabot (the altar tablet consecrated in the name of St. Mary) of Buurro.12

with the list of 29 clans in DNBRU ALMU et al. 1987:106f. and that in PRUNET
BERHANU CHAMORA 1997:562).
8
For the title azma cp. GABREYESUS HAILEMARIAM (1991:116).
9
SHACK (1966:152ff.) describes a similar ritual in aha Gurage; s. also GABREYE-
SUS HAILEMARIAM (1991:36).
10
Beside the different clan chiefs today agz Admasu Wrqe is the political head
of the ndga. He represents his people at the Ygoka assembly of the Sbat Bet
Gurage. The title of agz was originally that of a military leader who killed a hun-
dred enemies. Since the imperial expansion it became a title for an important clan
chief (SHACK 1966:24, 132, 171). The use of the office of agz to refer to the highest
chief in ndga seems to be a relatively new, invented tradition.
11
Abun Zena Marqos (late 13th early 14th cent.), a venerated Saint of the Ethio-
pian Orthodox Church, was a disciple of the famous abun Tkl Haymanot. Zena
Marqos is said to have preached in Goggam, Adal and Gurageland (s. BELAYNESH
MICHAEL in: DEB 216).
12
WORKU NIDA (1984:16) mentiones y-snda Christians, i. e., Christians of
the knife (from snda knife in aha, Ea etc., s. LESLAU 1979b:350351), who
 D. Bustorf #

A syncretism, influenced by Orthodox Christianity and the religions of the

Cushitic-speaking neighbours, developed as a local form of the autochtonous
Gurage folk-religion.
The missionary-ethnographer Burkhard Peter states that the Leemo Ha-
diyya, the Msms and the ndga were formerly followers of a religion
called Ontoqotora.12 According to my informants, a cult or religious sys-
tem with the name of anJoqoJora only existed among the ndga, Msms
and Enr, while the authority of the ndga high-priest Sa amr Dam (s.
below) was also respected by many Leemo and the other Gurage. Peter de-
scribes Ontoqotora as a variant of the fandaanano (or fandaano) religion14
of the Leemo. It is true that fandaanano and anJoqoJora had some elements
in common but the same can be said of many autochtonous folk-religions of
the region. AnJoqoJora should rather be seen as the ndga variant of the
traditional Gurage religion and as part of a pan-Gurage network of religious
and political meanings that connects the different shrines and spirit represen-
tatives.
AnJoqoJora is a largely unpopular term among the ndga. For most
people it carries a negative connotation and even the family of the high-priest
Sa amr Dam denied any connection between the Sa amr cult and anJo-
qoJora. Whilst among the ndga the term is mostly rejected as the name of
the traditional ndga religion, among the Leemo it is the common appella-
tion for it.
Folk etymology derives anJoqoJora from the Amharic word alawqm I do
not know. It is explained that its followers are thus called because they do
not know how to fast correctly [from the viewpoint of the adherents of the
fandaanano religion or Christianity], they do not know anything or be-
cause they eat everything. Obviously this etymology is not valid linguisti-
cally, but the last explanation refers to a common feature in Ethiopia: the
definition of religious boundaries by food avoidance/preference regulations.15
The term anJoqoJora probably has some relation to the ndga words qoJr,
()qoJray, deep spot of river where offerings to the gods are made.16 Ac-

were not more than nominal Christians living in different parts of Gurage; the term is
related to the fact that they only accepted the meat of animals slaughtered according
to Christian custom.
13
PETER 1999:130f., 132.
14
BRAUKMPER 2000:5563; ID., Fandaanano, in: E II, 488489.
15
Maybe the folk explanation of the term is based on the idea that the followers of
antoqotora do not know any order/ritual. Cp., e. g., one of the disfavouring characte-
ristics the Highland Christians give the pagans: Srat ayyaw qum! They dont know
the [proper religious and social] order! (suggested to the author by D. Nosnitsin).
16
LESLAU 1979a:154, 226; 1979c:510. Leslau proposes a Cushitic etymology from
Hadiyya quJura; s. also the qoJora ceremony below.
$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

cording to Peter17 in Leemo sacrifices at rivers were also called qotora. In

fact the ndga religion, like the traditional Gurage religion in general, has
a type of sacrifice where the blood of the slaughtered animal is poured into
the water of a river or lake.
Elders of the ndga explained anJoqoJora as the designation for the
form of Christianity which the Orthodox ndga developed after Gra bur-
ned the churches and drove away the priests. Without the guidance of the
priests the ndga tried to maintain their religion by respecting the fast in
the month of Nhase.18 The weekly fasting days were left out. Some infor-
mants assumed that the followers of anJoqoJora were allowed to eat the meat
of animals slaughtered according to Islamic rite or even according to any
kind of rite. Already Cecchi19 mentions this custom: The Endegan, Jener
and Megger do not have any scruple about eating the meat of animals slaugh-
tered by Muslims; they have a vague idea of divine power, often murmuring
an Egzier [God] but not ascribing much meaning to it.
AnJoqoJora cannot be considered a systematized religion. It is a term that
indicates a syncretistic complex of different but related cults. As elements of
this syncretistic complex can be identified, e. g., the cults of Awaqa (or Sa a-
mr), the cult of Umonya and the veneration of the Maryam tabot of Buurro.
Other elements are the cults of the zara and idoota spirits and the ancestors.

Angels, spirits and mediums

The ndga in their folk-religion believed in God (gzer) and they could
pray to him directly and individually.20 God was seen as the father of the
angels (ndga: ml ak) which he sent to serve his creation. The spiritual
beings which controlled the natural powers, the weather as well as the fate of
mankind, were seen as the sons and daughters of God (o. i. Ergada Ordamo).
For these spiritual beings venerated by the Gurage Shack uses the term dei-
ties and Worku Nida uses gods. I would prefer to use the term spirits,
for their sphere of action is clearly not the high heaven. Some of them are

17
PETER 1999:163.
18
LEBEL (1974:103) claims that Christianity in Enr could maintain itself without
change during the isolation from Christian Mur Gurage. My own information about
the church Enr Emanuel near Qose ktma, which was allegedly founded by abun
Zena Marqos, points to a supra-formation (berformung) of the original Christianity
of the Enr. The priests who spoke with Lebel probably told him the narrative (also
common in ndga) of an uninterrupted continuity of Christianity in the area.
19
CECCHI 1888:120 [translation from German edition by D. B.].
20
According to SHACK (1980) gzer in Gurage was a deus otiosus who was not
addressed directly. The direct address of God could be a more recent development
under new Orthodox Christian influence but I have some doubts that this is the
case.
 D. Bustorf %

only powerful in the local or regional range, and all of them by definition
depend on the will of gzer. The ndga I interviewed used the term an-
gels for this category of spiritual beings. Whether this term, which it is also
used in other Gurage groups, is a survival of the time of the early Christianity
of the ndga, a later adaption, or an introduction during the re-Christiani-
zation since the late 19th cent. remains open.
On a lower level of the ndga syncretistic pantheon different types
of spiritual beings were assumed. One of the most feared categories was that
of the habuusa spirits, which was probably an adoption from the Hadiyya.
I also collected legends about different monsters which were connected
with diseases of man or cattle. Like the Hadiyya the ndga knew protec-
ting spirits which were passed down through the paternal line, zara, and others
transmitted within the matriline, idoota. ndga and Leemo shared the be-
lief that many families possessed a magical object, known as lle (o. i. Ba-
bore Kaisso), resembling Muslim prayer beads which served as a source of
power and protection.21
The ancestors had a prominent place in the religion of the ndga. Gra-
veyards were seen as holy places. The individual graves were marked only by
trees. During the Orthodox fasting period in Nhase 115 at the Jfa at ritual,
people gathered at the grave. Sheep and oxen (but not goats) were slaught-
ered on the graves and honey was poured onto them by the eldest sons of the
deceased (o. i. Babore Kaisso).
The most powerful spirit of the ndga was Awaqa (the ndga Waq
sky-god).22 Under the name of Sa amr he was the protecting spirit of the
whole of the ndga and all his followers. The legends tell that the ideal
number of angels was 99. The followers of Sa amr Dam claim that Sa amr
was the highest among them. Consequently he was syncretized with the Ar-
changel Gabriel. The other angels have their shrines and priests among other
Gurage as well as non-Gurage groups.
Like the Waq spirits of other Gurage groups Sa amr is the spirit of the
sky and of war. Unlike the other Waq spirits, however, Sa amr also embo-
dies characteristics of Bo, the Gurage spirit of thunder and social order.23
Sa amr was like Bo a spirit who punished the violation of social norms
by lightning and thunder. He also controlled the wind (especially the whirl-
wind or cyclone) and the birds but not the rain which comes from God

21
BRAUKMPER TILAHUN MISHAGO 1999:27; PETER 1999:163ff., 130f; o. i.: Ba-
bore Kaisso; Ergada Ordamo. Through inter-marriage with the Hadiyya the concepts
of gaaraa (zara) and idoota were also introduced in Kambaata and Msms (BRAUKM-
PER 1983:258f.; PETER 1999:136). lle were also known among the Slt i, according
to my recent research in that group.
22
Cp. also SHACK 1966; LESLAU 1950:53.
23
SHACK 1966:175ff.; BUSTORF 2003:619f.
& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

(o. i. Ergada Sa amr Dam).24 As a typical element of the Gurage religion

the ndga had associations of unmarried young women (ndga: md;
aha: mwyt). These md had a similar relation to the high priest of Sa amr
like as such associations had to Bo in aha.25
The representative of the spirit Sa amr was the high-priest and posses-
sion medium Sa amr Dam (Master [or Lord] Sa amr).26 The Sa amr
Dam was respected not only by ndga, but also by Leemo, Msms and
the other Sbat Bet Gurage. Although the cult almost vanished in its home
country, the Sa amr Dam still plays a certain ritual role in connection with
the appointment of the high-priest of the Bo cult, the G weytakwy.27 As
the eldest of the angels the Sa amr Dam has to recognize the Gweytakwy
and the Waq priests in the ndar ceremony. After a damo (a priest of the
traditional religion/spirit intermediary) died his ritual clothes and objects,
which were also called ndar,28 had to be kept by the Sa amr Dam until he
could hand them over to the new ritual leader. A new Sa amr Dam had to be
recognized by the Wydmam, the representative of the all-Gurage female
spirit Dmwamwit in aha (o. i. Ergada Ordamo).29
The ritual office of the Sa amr Dam had been handed down within the
paternal line of the (originally Msms) clan of Sa amr bd for nine genera-
tions. Usually it was inherited by the eldest son.30 The Sa amr Dam was an

24
But cp. SHACK HABTE MARIAM MARCOS 1974:2f.
25
Cp. LESLAU 1950:54, 56ff.; cp. SHACK 1966:132ff., 176; WORKU NIDA 1990; o.
i. Wadero Ordamo.
26
Cp. SHACK 1966:182ff.
27
PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1995:58, 64 and passim; PRUNET BERHANU
CHAMORA 1997:560; s. also WORKU NIDA 1994:365.
28
When a house was hit by lightening and the purification rite was carried out,
the Saamr Dam received part of the possessions of the affected family. The high-
priests share was also called ndar (o. i. Ergada Ordamo). PRUNET BERHANU
CHAMORA (1995:64) explain ndar as the permission to modify some of the rules
[...] which Gweytakwy must obey.
29
According to PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA (1997:560) the Saamr Dam does
not need any approval by another priest. According to TERREFE WOLDESADIK (1967:4,
n. 11), only the Saamr Dam could free other spirit representatives from the ritual
restrictions they had to follow. In the early 1960s, for example, he permitted the
Wydmam, the highest representatives of Dmwamwit, to enter the houses of others,
to shake hands and to raise mules.
30
The only exception is the recent Saamr Dam Garamo Ermano who was the
youngest son of his predecessor. He took over the office shortly after the Revolution
of 1974 as his father ordered before his death. The assembly of elders did not accept
the decision at first, but then a small cyclone (traditionally associated with Saamr)
emerged and wandered directly to the appointed son. This was seen to be a sign of his
vocation (o. i. Ergada Ordamo).
 D. Bustorf '

homme fetiche and the central sacral figure of the ndga, endowed with an
important integrating function.31 In political terms the Sa amr Dam, who
also attended the songe meetings, had an outstanding position as an authority
that surmounted ethnic sub-groups and that was even trans-ethnic. An indica-
tion of this is that he had the right to be the first to light the msql bonfire, an
honour which falls traditionally in the hands of highest ranking political
heads.32 Even the Leemo are said to have waited to light their fires until the
smoke of the fire of the Sa amr Dam could be seen (o. i. Ayyl Araga).33
The Sa amr Dam was the head over a couple of other Awaqa priests
(ndga: awa , damo) in ndga country. The Qosi Dam (also Qosea-
dam) from the clan of Gamio was one of them. The last of this extinguished
line of spirit mediums lived near the church of Sasgita Maryam and the com-
pound of the nugs. In the orko area the last Damo Wyabbo34 from the clan
of Girme still lives. He claims that his ritual office was introduced to nd-
ga because in a war the ancestor adgr kidnapped a women with the name
of Sorgo who represented the spirit Wyabbo. Her son became the first Damo
Wyabbo of ndga.35
Every awa, including the Sa amr Dam, was assisted by a number of
ritual specialists, the maga.36 They served as interpreters of the prophesies of
their lords and they were responsible for the purification rites when a house
was hit by lightening. If a maga was (in the ritual sense) poisoned he went to
a maga specialist, the awssa from the clan of Girme, who was able to purify
him by rubbing koso leaves onto his head and face. To become a maga the
body of the novice had to be rubbed with koso, bisanna and duqua leaves.37
The awa had to keep a number of avoidance rules similar to those of
other high ritual functionaries in many Southern Ethiopian cultures:38 avoi-

31
Still today this can be felt: although the recent office holder grew up as an
Orthodox Christian his prayer and blessing is considered to be very powerful (he is
blessed in order to bless the people). Today he acts as a high daa (traditional
judge, leader) and representative of ndga (o. i. Ergada Ordamo; Garamo Er-
mano).
32
SHACK 1968:458.
33
PETER 1999:141.
34
PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA (1997:559) mention the Ewy Abbo cult
without any further information.
35
The recent office holder says he had to stop practising when the Drg regime
begun a campaign against feudal practices. He still wears the a headdress as a sign
of his office and follows some avoidance rules.
36
The term maga designates assistants of cult leaders in Gurage but also in Ha-
diyya and Kambaata (BRAUKMPER 1983:260, 262, 265; PETER 1999:223f.). On maga
s. also PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1995:62f.
37
On the maga clans s. PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1997:562.
38
E. g., the Hawzulla in Dubamo, s. BRAUKMPER 1980:211f., 217; ID. 1983:263.
  Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

dance of goat meat and goat products,39 no visits to the houses of others (an
angel cannot be invited), no eating in the presence of others, no cutting of
hair and beard, no contact with women who menstruate, etc.40 The Sa amr
Dam only drank milk of a cow with the colour of sowre (ndga: light
brown/grey), which was reserved only for him. In the past his food had to be
prepared by his wife or daughters only and slaughtered by the maga. His
preferred meat was that of calves and a special type of koo (ensete bread)
was prepared for him.
Umonya41 was a female angel/spirit medium from the clan of Wrio/Wre
(others said irao). She was considered as equal to the other awa and
joined their gatherings. The last Umonya medium died at the beginning of
ayl llase Is reign. She had already had to stop her ritual activities be-
fore, however, when Hemao Seqeto (of the ndga clan of Nure) the ba-
labbat of Kontb ordered that the trees of her holy grove (dbr) on the hill of
orko were to be cut down.42 Umoniya was called the angel for the wo-
men. She was considered to be gentle and a good adviser. She was asked in
particular to help in cases of infertility and childbirth. Umoniya did not use
the haruspicium to prophesy, like the other awa , but she could foresee the
fate of her followers by looking into her shadow.

Origin of the Sa ama r Dam

A comparison of the legends of origin of the different Gurage spirits, shrines
and spirit medium lineages can be very fruitful, and can contribute to our
understanding of the hierarchies and relations between them. The legend do-
cumented here was recounted to me by ato Ergada Sa amr Dam in his house
near the grave of his father Sa amr Dam Ordamo in Bare, ndga:43
Gumo lived at the shore of Lake Bobr.44 Abara came from Ms-
ms. He traded with cattle. Gumo lived in chastity. Every morning she sat
at the shore of the lake in the sun. Near her were people constructing a
road, and Fuga.45 When they passed her they saw her jumping into the
39
On the avoidance of goat products s. also BRAUKMPER 1983:253, 260.
40
On avoidance rules s. PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1997:561; it is stated there
that the Sa amr Dam only meets people in the open air but Saamr Dam Garamo
invited me into his main house and allowed me to visit his ritual house gananna.
41
An informat explained that Umoniya is another name for Awaqa.
42
He used the wood to build his new house and it is rumoured that this is why he
died before it was finished.
43
The translation from Hadiyya into English was made by Daniel Lemma.
44
For the religious significance of Lake/River Bobr in a Gurage s. also
SHACK HABTE MARIAM MARKOS 1974:66 and n. 8, 67; GABREYESUS HAILEMARIAM
1991:134f.
45
The Fuga are endogamous craftsmen who are traditionally marginalized by
farmers and pastoralists.
 D. Bustorf 

water. They reported what they saw to the elders who then went to the lake
and saw her sitting there. The elders decided to order the people to catch
the virgin. The people started to observe when she used to jump into the
water and when she left it and when she sat at the shore of the lake. They
prayed to God that they would succeed in catching her. After fifteen days,
after she left the water, she sat on the back of a cow and rode on it. The
people caught her and brought her to the damo who lived near this place.
They asked him: Please invite this woman to stay at your house as a
guest who was sent to us by God. But the damo answered: I do not want
her. Only if she is sent by Man is she my guest. If God sent her I will not
take her. God is not my guest. After he had spoken like this he abruptly
vanished forever. This is how Gumo got her house where she lived for a
long time. After several years the elders gathered and urged the virgin to
marry. She answered: Yet, the time hasnt come. I am waiting for a certain
man. He will come with many cattle of many different colours. I will marry
him. After five years a man came with a big number of cattle, with many
bulls and calves. And they had many different colours. The name of this
man was Abara. He camped near Gumos house. He sent somebody to ask
her for water. Gumo asked: Who is he? Then she saw him with his cattle
of many different colours. He sat in the shade of a big podocarpus tree.
This is what I was waiting for, she said, My cattle should mingle with
his cattle. This is how they became married. They had six sons: ntzra,
Idig, Anfia, Qadan, Habemanna and Gaka.46
One day two bulls fought against each other,47 one owned by Gumo,
the other owned by Abara. Abaras bull won. Gumo got very angry and
said to her husband: Kill this [your] bull. But he answered: Instead of
killing my bull, kill me. Only because I am living on the land of your fa-
thers, you want to kill my bull. That is why we should go to the land of my
fathers. But Gumo refused to go to the land of his fathers and she did not
want to let her sons go. Abara went to the elders and told them what happen-
ed. The elders decided that children and cattle should be divided and one
half should migrate with Abara and the other should stay with Gumo. Thus
he took three chidren with him and she stayed with three children in the
land of her fathers. Qadan went with his father to Msms, Habemanna
went to Kambaata. Gaka, the youngest son, was determined to go with his
father. But because he was still a child Abara brought him to Gmgm, the
daughter of a wge [fortune-teller], in Buurro. I will take him later, he
told her.

46
ntzra, Idig, Anfia are Sbat Bet Gurage clans, Qadane is a spirit medium
clan in Msms (BRAUKMPER 1983:55; maybe the name Qadane derives from a cer-
tain Kidan tabot [?]), the Habemanna are a Kambaata clan.
47
A fight between bulls can eventually indicate a spiritual fight similar to that of
two gaaraa mora, bull of the protecting spirit, known among the Leemo (s. PETER
1999).
 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

After his father left, the fortune-tellers gathered and observed the boy
and said: He shall not go to his fathers land. Gmgm asked them: When
his father comes to fetch him, what shall I do? The answer of the fortune-
tellers was: When the father comes to fetch him, tell him that his child
died. We will show him a grave that we have prepared. The boy shall be
hidden. And they did so. When Abara came, they told him that his child
died and showed him a grave. Abara started to open the grave but he only
found wood. He understood that they did not want to give him his son.
The boy grew quickly. Gmgm became like Sa amr Dam. Now,
people started to come to Gmgm to bring her oxen, flowers and honey
and they asked her for her blessing. More and more people came. One day
they came already early in the morning. She had only prepared half of her
hair-dress and they disturbed her. She became angry and said: What day
is this that people do not let me style my hair? Whats going on with the
angel of this day?48 After she spoke like this, suddenly a strong wind star-
ted and took her and threw her on the earth. She was swallowed by the
earth for ever.
This is how the office of Sa amr Dam came into the Gaka line.49
This account is to be correlated with two other Gurage legends of origin:
1. the legend of origin of the Waq of aha, Og yt, documented in two ver-
sions by Gabreyesus Hailemariam and Worku Nida and 2. the legend of ori-
gin of the G weytak wy ritual office which is known through the information
given by Prunet and Berhanu Chamora.50
1.1) In the legend of origin of the Waq of aha, Og yt, the choice of the
new (first) medium of Og yt is indicated by the loosening of the persons
hair-dress. The loosening of the hair-dress thus becomes a sign for the cho-
senness of a medium. Og yt, the legend says, asked the father of the chosen
medium to give his daughter to him to become the new Wgpa dmam
spirit medium. A similar background may be considered to lie behind the
anecdote about Gmgms unfinished head-dress. 1.2) After the father agre-
ed, the girl chosen by Og yt is said to have been taken away by the wind or
cyclone. After a transition period during which she stayed in the trunk of a
tree she came back fully initiated in her new office. Probably Gmgms va-

48
According to an informant every day is protected by a special angel.
49
The genealogy of the Saamr bid as remembered by Ergada Saamr Dam,
starting with the recent Saamr Dam and with names of wives in brackets: Gara-
moErmanoOrdamoWaamoAbissoBarioYaboMakioNaze
GakaAbara (wife: Gumo)AsakwrroDunaLaluZomaanuwo (wife:
Goma)Tklazma SbhatAmd SyonAgbe ThonYkuno Amlakase
Yohannsate FasilIzannaMnilk [I] (wife: Zage)Salomon (wife: Tarsis,
servant of the Queen of Sheba [!]).
50
GABREYESUS HAILEMARIAM 1991:133139; WORKU NIDA 1994:362f.; PRUNET
BERHANU CHAMORA 1995:58, 60, 64f.
 D. Bustorf !

nishing originally indicated the same type of initiation. Not understanding (?)
the cultural context, the teller of the story (or already the person who told it to
him) put the event in a time when she already was a spirit intermediary. Some-
thing similar must have happened to the damo near Bobr. 1.3) On the
seventh day after the return of the new Og yt medium a virgin girl brings her
water from Bobr mixed with honey, and after this the new medium is
allowed to meet her new husband, the damo of Wgpa. In the story of
Gumo the elements virgin, Bozzbr and woman entering the house of
a damo can be identified, but they have totally different narrative functions.
The traditional elements survived but they seem to be somehow confused
now. Unfortunately there was no chance to record the legend from any other
informant for comparison or confirmation.
2.1) By correlation with the oral tradition of the Bo priests, Gumo can
be identified with umwd,51 the first, and the only female G weytak wy spirit
medium. According to Prunet Berhanu Chamora52 umwd is said to have
come from Arabia together with the first Sa amr Dam.53 In Ethiopia the
Sa amr Dam went to ndga while umwd first established her sanctuary
in Mur, then in a, later in aha and at last her present one in nor (n-
nmor).
2.2) For the conflict of Gumo and Abara over the fight of the two bulls a
similar motif can be found in the legend of umwd. But while Abara is the
husband and his bull kills the bull of his wife Gumo, in the G weytak wy
legend it is a maga of umwd who kills her bull. By this incident, it is said,
that umwd lost prestige and therefore decided that her successors in office
should be male.
2.3) In the genealogy of the Gweytak w y line54 the second office holder
was Wsrrd. But he is not mentioned among the list of sons of Gumo and
Abara. Prunet and Berhanu Chamora55 consider the mother of Gaka (Gako)
and umwd to be the same person. umwd, the first G weytak wy, according
to them had three sons, Wsrd, Anfuya (probably the Anfia of the Gaka
legend) and Hundar, and one daughter, Gabrat. The mother of Gaka (Gako)
and her husband Bqst had eight sons (Dmmala, Dasara, anuwo, Gako,
Ezafiye, Amtiye and Idig [eighth son and daughter unknown]).56 The legend
51
The names Gumo and umwd are not much different, and are often free
variants in Gurage languages (s. Leslau 1979c:62, 9.42). Gumo can also be umo,
Gmm can also be mm.
52
PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1995:63f.
53
This origin of the Sa amr Dam without any additional information was told to
me by some ndga informants as well.
54
PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1995:65.
55
PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1997:563.
56
Damala (Dmmala), Dasara and anuwo (cp. n. 49) sometimes appear in n-
dga genealogies as sons of the apical ancestor ndga (also Badga) preceding
 " Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

of Gaka gives a possible answer to Prunet and Berhanu Chamoras question

as to whether there were two umwds, the mother of Gaka (Gako) and the
mother of Wsrrd. There were two: umwd (Gumo) and Gmgm. u-
mwd is the mother of the G weytak wy and the Sa amr Dam and she links
the two cults together. Gaka must have had another father than Wsrrd or
this discrepancy shows how the legends shifted away from each other in or-
der to serve the different needs of the clans of the G weytak wy and the Sa a-
mr Dam.
The legend of Gaka seems to be a recent compilation and re-interpreta-
tion of fragments of different narratives. At the beginning of the story Gumo
seems to come from nowhere. The land of her fathers is somewhere near
Lake Bobr but her genealogical origin is unknown to the teller of the
story. It is not clear why she is caught by the order of the elders. Are there no
parents to be asked? Is she chosen to marry the damo and to become through
this a spirit intermediary? But why is the Damo refusing her and what is the
meaning of the Damos odd blasphemy? He vanishes, or, to put it in other
words, he is abruptly taken out of the story in order to establish Gumo as a
rich unmarried woman on her own land. The elders urge her to marry but she
prophesizes whom she will marry. Her marriage with the nomad pastoralist
Abara ends with divorce. Behind this a fission of two associated groups can
be assumed, the six clans ntzra, Idig, Anfia, Qadan, Habemanna and Gaka
(Saamr bd). The intention of the narration is to show the prestigious gene-
alogical linkages of the Sa amr Dam line. It explains how Gaka, a Msms
child, came to ndga and why he lived in Gmgms gananna in Buurro.
Gmgm is the daughter of a fortune-teller and she became like Sa amr
Dam or is even called the first Sa amr Dam by other informants. From
her Gaka received his role as ritual head in Buurro. From his mother, the
first G weytakwy, he had his own spiritual genealogy. By the legend Gaka
and the lineage of Sa amr Dam is endowed with the prestige of three differ-
ent spiritual lineages: one connecting it with the wider context of Gurage
religion, one connecting it with a local priestly lineage, and one with a presti-
gious Msms ancestor.

Rites
In ndga religion the giving of gifts (sacrifices, tributes) had great im-
portance. The relationship between people and higher spiritual beings (an-
gels and even Maryam) or their intermediaries respectively resembled that of
patron and client. The individual as well as the smaller or bigger social units
could appeal to spiritual counterparts represented by a spirit medium or cer-

his grandson adgr (o. i. Araga Ersido; Kasa Mugoro). Idig is a priestly clan in
nnmor (cp. n. 46; PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1997:563).
 D. Bustorf #

tain natural phenomena (trees, rivers) in order to gain a victorious war, pro-
tection, wealth, fertility etc. After their wishes were fulfilled people had to
give what they had promised.
The qoJora and dnne ceremonies were two complementary types of sac-
rifices. The qoJora ceremonies were carried out during night-time, mainly by
groups of women. Men only accompanied them to protect them from wild
animals but did not take part. The names of rivers which are remembered for
their ritual function are Ameka, Dogossa, Fongorra and Ambuyambo.
The dnne ceremonies under the holy trees were exclusively for men.57
They were carried out in daylight and were connected with political meetings.
Times of misfortune were occasions for such gatherings. When the ndga
were attacked by an enemy or threatened by disease and epidemics the Sa a-
mr Dam could give instructions as to what type of sacrifice could prevent
danger and where (i. e. which meeting place, tree) it should be carried out.
Protection ceremonies that were remembered by informants, were those against
a wild animal (a big snake) with the name of Qoro Me awi, Habsa gofur-
ra (a big snake which killed people), a big bird with the name A ona golnse
(Hadiyya lit.: vulture, take it away, probably a cattle disease), the war leader
Gn abagada [eventually leader of the country] from Oromiya and
Ewidaganne (?), an Italian. Ergada Sa amr Dam described the rite in the
following words: Every clan had to bring [as a gift for the Sa amr Dam]
15 calves and wood58 and they prayed together. After the prayer a strong
wind begun and took away all evil. It was carried to the Gibe [river] where it
fell down and burned. It was possible to see the fire there. Everybody at that
time believed in the Sa amr Dam.
At holy trees there were also made other sacrifices. In daily life women
brought milk and butter to certain holy trees to smear them at the trunk or
leave them there in a bowl.59 Every year Awaqa received the first grain, the
first milk, and the first calf.
In the case of the different awa the distinction between gift and tribute
cannot be drawn easily. The Sa amr Dam was in control of large land and
huge herds of cattle. It is said that nobody could visit him without bring-
ing honey. Feasts were dedicated to Sa amr and they were the occasions
where every clan or sub-clan had to bring milk, butter, honey and cattle to his
57
The Angel Sa amr dwells upon J d (ndga for juniper) trees which also
mark his sacral space. Other trees with connection to him are olola (ndga for Ficus
vasta) and wra (ndga/Hadiyya for Olea sylvestris) and sgba (ndga for Podo-
carpus gracilior).
58
Wood refers to twigs which had to be brought as a votive offering. BRAUKM-
PER (1983:262) describes a similar custom in connection with the Hawzulla medium.
59
The trunk of the inthronisation trees on the old market of orko was smeared
with butter when I visited the place. Unfortunately many holy trees were cut down
during the (re-)Christianization period.
 $ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

shrine district (gananna).60 For the yearly celebration of the maoya61 feast,
a day after msql, delegations from all clans of ndga and beyond came
to honour him and to bring a sacrificial tribute. Maoya was also the day
when people had to pay their debts, e. g., the promised oxen in return for the
good outcome of a conflict or a fertile year. When the oxen were brought to
the gananna people sung ab h, ab h (Awaqa shall be greeted).62
The young women, especially of the maga families, started to sing repeating
maoya, maoya, clapping hands and dancing. Drums were beaten. People
gathered around the gananna. When the Sa amr Dam approached the
gananna followed by his maga he rang his handbell63 and people had to step
aside. Some of the oxen were slaughtered and the meat distributed. The
Sa amr Dam (or the damo respectively) carried out a haruspecium with the
abdominal fat of the sacrificed oxen. He prophesized the fate of the clan
which had given the oxen. The Sa amr Dam then gave the order as to which
colour and features the oxen to be brought in the next year should have in
order to prevent misfortune. While doing this the high-priest sat in a tukul
(round house with grass-thatched roof) in the gannana and his maga loudly
exclaimed his words and prophecies. He always ended with the words: If
you follow me [my instructions] you shall be blessed.64 After the feast the
unmarried women wandered from village to village singing md 65 songs and
receiving special ensete food (buzanna) from those they visited (o. i. Ergada
Ordamo; Waadero Ordamo).

60
The gananna was forbidden for women and members of the endogamous Fuga
people who were considered to be impure. The first gananna was in Buurro. A new
one was established in awia two generations ago.
61
S. also PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1997:562.
62
According to BRAUKMPER (1983:265) the Hawzulla medium was saluted three
times with abbo heo.
63
The insignia of a Saamr Dam are the ambar armring which is said to have
been handed down for 12 generations, the ankase ceremonial staff and the handbell
don. My informants, brothers of the last Saamr Dam and uncles of the recent,
reported of two different ceremonial dresses: 1) a black cape (kabba) and a cap pat-
terned in the colours black, red and white; 2) red clothes (red like the colour of the
tabot cloth), once a year combined with the skin of a leopard (cp. with cloths of the
Gweytakwy in PRUNET BERHANU CHAMORA 1995:60f.).
64
For the clan of Saamr bid and its branch in Hadiyya, the Saamermanna,
there was also another feast in the first half of Trr in Buurro gannana. It was
mainly a gathering dedicated to the ancestor-Saamr Dams. With the death of the
last guardian of the gannana this tradition is considered to have died out (o. i. Ergada
Ordamo: Dobo Megiso).
65
The term md designates ritual associations of unmarried women similar to the
mwyt associations in aha Gurage (for more information see s. SHACK 1966, index;
WORKU NIDA 1990). But LESLAU (1979a:208) explains md as kind of zar-spirit.
 D. Bustorf %

Bus urro Maryam and the Christianity of the EEnda gan+

The tabot of Buurro (also Buurra) Maryam is considered to be the ol-
dest tabot of ndga country. According to oral tradition it was brought to
the region from the north by the followers of the Gurage founding father
azma Sbhat. Legend tells that the ndga migrated to Buurro guided by
their ancestor adgr. It is a general topos that they spread from there into
their recent settlement area. The tabot of Maryam has a certain significance
as the emblematic symbol of the ethnic identity of the ndga. Maryam is
called the mother of ndga (o. i. Kasa Mugoro).66
The Maryam tabot is said to have been hidden in a cave to save it from the
looting warriors of Gra. Since then the tabot is said to have been guarded
by a big snake (o. i. Gobozo Abayye; Kasa Mugoro; Kersummo Lilato).67
Around the place a certain cult was developed in which women became the
main actors. The cave, a high-situated cleft on the slopes of Mount Mugo,
became the destination of annual pilgrimages held at Trr 21, the day of
Maryam or rfta (Her Falling-asleep, i. e. the day of Marys death). Wo-
men from all over ndga climbed up the steep steps68 from the village of
Buurro in order to fulfil the promises they had made to Maryam to gain
fertility or other things they had prayed for and to support their wishes for the
next year. The women brought gifts like special ensete food (ndga: ataka-
na, brabrat69 ), milk, butter, honey or even animals to be slaughtered near
the cave. On other days the cave was visited in less important as well as
urgent cases. The cult only stopped in 199870 when the priest of the new
church of Buurro Gabrel ordered to take away the tabot and to bring it into
his church. The priest, a purist Orthodox, forbade all, in his view pagan,
activities at the cave and ordered all pilgrims to come to his church. But
still I could observe that somebody had made an offering of incense directly
at the cave (o. i. Gobozo Abayye; Kasa Mugoro).
While the cult of Buurro Maryam dates back to the unknown past, Ethio-
pian Orthodox faith in its pure form reached the ndga again with the
expansion of the Ethiopian empire under Emperor Mnilk II. It seems that
66
The significance of the place is enchanced by the fact that at the eastern side of
the Buurro hill the dwelling place and the holy grave yard of eight generations of
Saamr Dam, Buurro gananna, are situated.
67
Doubt can be arouse as to whether there ever was a real tabot, for legends of
Christian relicts hidden in caves are a wide spread motif in southern as well as nor-
thern Ethiopia.
68
A considerable number of steps are hewn directly into the rock and signs of
long usage can be identified.
69
For the usage of brabrat in the context of spirit possession s. SHACK 1971:35f.,
atakana is considered best quality nst food.
70
This was one year before I visited the place at Maryams day.
 & Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

the ndgas consciousness of having an old Christian origin, and the Chris-
tian elements in their folk-religion, made it much easier for them to accept
the religion of the new rulers. Conversation partners explained to me that for
the ndga it was no problem to adopt Orthodox faith because of its
similarities with antoqotora. The process is described by some informants
as only a formal matter. That this is not fully true, is witnessed by the exam-
ple of the desecrated holy grove of Umoniya (s. above). The Ethiopian ad-
ministration saw the relatively unproblematic conversion of the ndga as a
return to Christianity and some chiefs quickly gained acknowledgement as
officials of the Emperor. The balabbat Hemao Seqeto was even appointed
as the head of the whole Kontb wrda, which also included a large part of
the Hadiyya population who had formerly dominated the ndga.
The indigenous chiefs actively supported the (re-)Christianization, e. g.,
by building churches. The following list of churches shall show the develop-
ment of Orthodox Christianity in the main settlement area of the ndga.
After Buurro Maryam, the second oldest church in ndga is considerd to
be Assar Giyorgis in the heartland of the country near the old market of orko.
Some conversation partners said that here was a pre-Mnilk church. Others
speak of a kind of fortification which allegedly stood at this place.71 The
construction of Assar Giyorgis was probably taken out by the order of balab-
bat Hemao Seqeto during the reign of Mnilk II. The third church, Anfofo
Mikael, was built in 1916 Eth. C. in the vicinity of the village of the Sa amr
Dam near a healing Jbl (source). Qazma Baore erected in 1923
Eth.C. the church of Sasgita Maryam on the ground of a grave yard of the
pagans. In 1926 Eth.C. balabbat Wld Snbt Lagisso founded the church
of Wlo Maryam (he later also founded Kltefat Balwld church). Then
in 1933 Eth.C. balambaras (sangaqoro) Ergb founded Gidaa Kidan
Mhrt. During the reign of ayl llase I the following churches were
built: Bare Mdhane Alm, Umbolca Gabrel and Nafaga Gabrel (on the
ground of a pagan grave yard). Many of these churches were built near
nfJaa settlements (like Nafaga). More recent churches are Nafaga Urael,
Buurro Gabrel (which before was already the dwelling place of a hermit),
Leera Gabrel (in todays Slte zone) and Geea Mikael (in todays Hadiy-
ya zone).
Today the majority of ndga follow a relatively conservative Ethiopian
Orthodox faith. Since the time of the Islamic war-leader Hasn naamo, who
is said to have crossed the country, and due to intermarriage with Muslim Azr-

71
At the steep northern side of the hill of orko, reaching near to Assar Giyorgis,
a stone wall of seemingly older date can be identified. In a legend azma Slto (clan
of irao) ca. 6 generations ago hid his people in a cave at Assar Giyorgis to save
them from enemies. Informants told me about a fortification a little below the Assar
hill dating back to a war between Alaaba (Qabeena?) and ndga.
 Pl. I. Sa ama r Dam Garamo Ordamo,
wearing the traditional sas (priests headgear) with his mule,
photo courtesy of the author.
 D. Bustorf !

nt-Brbre, Hadiyya or nnmor Gurage some ndga follow Islam. Catho-

lic missionaries from ndbr, who entered the country during the Italian time,
were reported to have been driven out. Protestant missionaries penetrating n-
dga country, e. g., Baptists supported by a Korean (!) organization, have
until now had very little success and are observed with great suspicion.
After the (re-)Christianization under the Ethiopian emperors the old reli-
gion was weakened considerably; under the Drg regime repression addit-
ionally increased. The different religious functionaries were considered feu-
dalists who drained wealth from the peasants, and their faith was seen as a
sign of backwardness. The large lands of the awa were taken during the
land reform and the flow of gifts and tributes weakened every year until it
totally stopped. The recent Sa amr Dam, Garamo Ordamo (s. Pl. I), was
introduced to his office at a very young age at the beginning of Drg rule.
He has no personal experience of the old religion in full function. The Sa a-
mr Dam is still surrounded by many taboos and secrets, and the gananna is
still a holy place where trees are not allowed to be cut. The high-priests
blessing and advice is asked for in the meetings of the songe assembly and
his ritual role in the Gurage religious system remains untouched. Garamo
Sa amr Dam describes himself as a normal peasant and an Orthodox
Christian who prays for ndga, for Ethiopia and for Peace. Let me join
him in this prayer.

REFERENCES
Oral informants:
1) agz Admasu Wrqe: from Sasgita, elder of the irao clan, peasant,
highest representative of ndga, in his paternal line are important figures
like nugs, balabbat and military leaders of the imperial Ethiopian army, inter-
view: 28 January 2000;
2) Araga Ersido: from Leera and Hossana, daa of the Nure clan, lawyer,
former member of ayl llase Is parliament, grandson of balabbat He-
mao Seqeto, interview: 1 December 1999;
3) Babore Kaisso: from Sasgita, high-aged elder of the Ambaro clan of
Enr, formerly peasant, trader, circumciser, soldier for the Italians and later
ayl llase I, interviews: 30 November 1999, 3 December 1999;
4) abagaaz Dassala Lambeebo: from Abuurra, elder of the Dagagman-
na, Leemo Hadiyya, peasant, interview: 23 January 2000;
5) Dobo Megiso: from Lareeba, elder of the Saamarmanna (branch of
Saamr bd in Hadiyya), peasant, interview: 24 December 1999;
6) Ergada Ordamo (called Ergada Sa amr Dam): from Bare, elder of
Saamr bd, son of Sa amr Dam Ordamo, interviews: 18 November 1999,
25 November 1999, 3 December 1999, 31 January 2000;
7) Gobozo Abayye: from Busurro, peasant, former guardian of Buurro
Maryam Waa (lit. Buurro Maryam cave); interview 30 Januar 2000;
! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

8) Sa amr Dam Garamo Ermano: from awia, the Sa amr Dam in

office today, interview: 2 December 1999;
9) daann Gaarkaaboo Fiixeebo: from Qaaliaa, high aged daa of the
Wiito clan, Leemo Hadiyya, peasant, interview: 10 January 2000;
10) abagaz Gbre Makiso: from Dnkula, high-aged elder of the irao
clan, landowner in Dnkula during ayl Sllase Is reign, interview:
12 March 2000;
11) Habte Tobato: from Kormine, elder of the Gamio clan, peasant, inter-
view: 17 November 1999;
12) azma Kasa Mugoro: nugs of the Gamio, peasant, former carpenter,
interview: 10 October 1999, 12 November 1999, 26 November 1999;
13) Damo Wyabbo Kersummo Lilato: from Assar/orko, elder of the
Girme clan, peasant, former priest of Awaqa;
14) Ligbite Ali: Kormine, owner of a tea house, interview: 13 January 2000;
15) qes Tamasgen Habt Wld: from awia, priest at Anfofo Mikael
since 1950, interview: 2 December 1999;
16) Wadero Ordamo (called Wadero Sa amr Dam): from Bare, high-
aged elder of Saamr bd, son of Sa amr Dam Ordamo, interview: 27 Ja-
nuary 2000.

LITERATURE:
BELAYNESH MIKAEL, Zena Marqos, in: DEB 216;
BRAUKMPER, U. (1980), Die Geschichte der Hadiya Von den Anfngen
bis zur Revolution 1974, Wiesbaden 1980 (Studien zur Kulturkunde, 50);
BRAUKMPER, U. (1983), Die Kambata. Geschichte und Gesellschaft eines
sdthiopischen Bauernvolkes, Wiesbaden (Studien zur Kulturkunde, 65);
BRAUKMPER, U. (2000), Fandaano: A Vanishing Socio-Religious System
of the Hadiyya in Southern Ethiopia, Bulletin of the International Commit-
tee of Urgent Anthropological and Ethnological Research 40: 5563;
BRAUKMPER, U. Fandaanano, in: E II, 488489;
BRAUKMPER, U. TILAHUN MISHAGO (1999), Praise and Teasing. Narra-
tive Songs of the Hadiyya in Southern Ethiopia, Frankfurt am Main (Sonder-
schriften des Frobenius-Instituts, 13);
BUSTORF, D. (2001), Leemo-Hadiyya und Indagayn-Gurage: Zur Geschi-
chte und Gegenwart ihrer interethnischen Beziehungen, M. A. thesis, Georg-
August Universitt Gttingen;
BUSTORF, D., Bo, in: E I, 619f.;
BUSTORF, D., Dmwamwit, in: E II, 7980;
BUSTORF, D., ndga, in: E II, 294296;
BUSTORF, D., Oral Traditions on the Inter-Ethnic Relations of the Leemo-
Hadiyya and ndg-Gurage, in: UHLIG, S. et al (eds.) Proceedings of the
XV th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Wiesbaden, forthcoming;
 D. Bustorf !!

CECCHI, A. (1888), Fnf Jahre in Ost-Afrika, Leipzig;

D NBRU ALMU et al. (1987 E. C. [1994/95 A. D.]), | #^+ "
x+[cx " {] " wFJ " uu (Gogot: ygurage bhersb tarik, bahlnna
qwanqwa, Gogot, the History, Culture and Language of the Gurage People),
Wlqite;
DOHRMANN, A. (2004), Die Ensete-Grten der Hadiyya in Sd-thiopien,
Kulturelle Bedeutungen einer Nahrungspflanze (with an English summary),
Mnster;
GABREYESUS HAILEMARIAM (1991), The Guragu and their Culture, New
York Los Angeles;
LEBEL, P. (1974), Oral Traditions and Chronicles on Gurag Immigra-
tion, JES 12/2: 95106;
LESLAU, W. (1950), Ethiopic documents: Gurage, New York (Viking Fund
Publications in Anthropology, 14);
LESLAU, W. (1979a), Etymological Dictionary of Gurage (Ethiopic), vol. 1:
Individual Dictionaries, Wiesbaden;
LESLAU, W. (1979b), Etymological Dictionary of Gurage (Ethiopic), vol. 2:
English-Gurage Index, Wiesbaden;
LESLAU, W. (1979c), Etymological Dictionary of Gurage (Ethiopic), vol. 3:
Etymological Section, Wiesbaden;
PETER, B. (1999), Kulturelle Identitt und religises Bekenntnis: Synkre-
tismus bei den Hadiyya Sdthiopiens, Mainz (Perspektiven der Weltmis-
sion, 27);
PRUNET, J.-F. BERHANU CHAMORA (1995), A History of the Thunder-
God Cult in Central Ethiopia, with Text and Analysis, Langues orientales
anciennes. Philologie et linguistique no. 56: 53-77;
PRUNET, J.-F. BERHANU CHAMORA (1997), A Sky-God Cult of Gurage,
in: Katsuyoshi Fukui Eisei Kurimoto Masayoshi Shigeta (eds.): Ethio-
pia in Broader Perspective. Papers of the XIII th International Conference of
Ethiopian Studies, Kyoto, 1217 December 1997, Kyoto, vol. 2: 559564;
SHACK, W. A. (1966), The Gurage. A People of the Ensete Culture, Lon-
don New York Nairobi;
SHACK, W. A. (1968), The Msqal-Pole: Religious Conflict and Social
Change in Gurageland, Africa 38/4: 457468;
SHACK, W. A. (1971), Hunger, Anxiety, and Ritual: Deprivation and Spi-
rit Possession among the Gurage of Ethiopia, Man 6/1: 3043;
SHACK, W. A. (1980), On Deus Otiosus in Gurage Religious Traditions
after the Accession of Menilik II, in: Tubiana, J. (ed.), Modern Ethiopia
from the Accession of Menilek II to the Present. Proceedings of the Fifth
International Conference of Ethiopian Studies [Session A], Nice, 1922 De-
cember 1977, Rotterdam, 491499;
SHACK, W. A. HABTE MARIAM MARKOS (1974), Gods and Heros. Oral
Traditions of the Gurage of Ethiopia, Oxford 1974;
!" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

TERREFE WOLDESADIK (1967), The Cult of Dmwamwit and the Mwyat

Organization, paper read at the meeting of social research fieldworkers in
Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, April 1967;
WORKU NIDA (1984), The Revitalist Movement of Hassen Enjaamo, B.A.
thesis, Department of History, Addis Ababa University;
WORKU NIDA (1994), The Waq Cult of the Gurage, in: Bahru Zewde
Richard Pankhurst Taddese Beyene (eds.), Proceedings of the Eleventh In-
ternational Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa, vol. 2: 359377;
WORKU NIDA (1990), The Traditional Beliefs of the Sebat-Bet Gurage,
with a Particular Emphasis on the Bozha Cult, in: Tadesse Beyene Ri-
chard Pankhurst Ahmed Zekaria (eds.), Proceedings of the First National
Conference of Ethiopian Studies, April 1112 1990, Addis Ababa, 109126.

SUMMARY
This article presents some of the findings of anthropological fieldwork carried
out in 2000/01 among the ndga. It gives a tentative sketch of the religious
system of this Sbat Bet Gurage group and attempts to reveal the meaning of the
term anJoqoJora which is sometimes used to designate the ndga folk-religion.
AnJoqoJora here is identified as a syncretistic complex of spirit cults within a
wider network of Gurage traditional cults, composed of elements originating from
neighbouring religious systems as well as from Orthodox Christianity. Consti-
tuents of anJoqoJora are the belief in a high-god and the cults of Sa amr, the Waq
(sky-god) of the ndga, the cult of Umonya and the veneration of the Maryam
tabot of Buurro. Other elements are the cults of the less powerful protecting
spirits and ancestors as well as malevolent spiritual beings. The article provides a
description of the central features (ritual functions, feasts, avoidance rules, sacri-
fices etc.) of the cults of the Sa amr Dam and other high-priests in ndga, like
the Qosi Dam, the Damo Wyabbo, Umoniya and their ritual assistants, the maga.
Special emphasis is given to the analysis of a legend about the origin of the
descendance line of the Sa amr Dam, collected by the author. It is demonstrated
that the legend endows the Sa amr Dam line with the prestige of three different
spiritual lineages: one connecting it with the wider context of the Gurage religion,
one connecting it with a local priestly lineage, and one with a prestigious Msms
ancestor. The article also describes the syncretistic cult of the Buurro Maryam
tabot and discusses the re-christianization of the ndga area when it was inclu-
ded into the Ethiopian Empire.
 Leonardo Cohen
University of Haifa

WHO ARE THE SONS OF GOD?

A JESUIT-ETHIOPIAN CONTROVERSY
ON GENESIS 6:2*

During the 16th and 17th cent., great efforts were made by Jesuit missiona-
ries to persuade the emperors of Ethiopia and the dignitaries of the Ethiopian
Church to convert to Catholicism and accept the authority of the pope. Du-
ring this period, Jesuits and Ethiopians debated many subjects concerning
theological and Christological questions, as well as ritual problems. Each
Church had a different approach to ritual and theological problems, and this
engendered tensions and conflicts. Although research on these topics is still
insufficient, important steps have been taken over the past decades to clarify
the theological positions of the Ethiopians and the Jesuits.1
The topic of biblical exegesis and its place in the clashes between Catho-
lics and Ethiopians has received little attention from scholars.2 This is due, in
part, to the scarcity of sources on this subject. When the Jesuits deal with
theological and Christological questions in their tractates, they do so in a
methodical and systematic way, dedicating a special chapter to every issue.
In the field of biblical exegesis, on the other hand, the material is dispersed
throughout their writings alongside anecdotal narrative that has no connec-
tion to any Christological question. In what follows we shall deal with a spe-

I am grateful to Claude Stuczynski for his suggestions and to Steven Kaplan for
his comments on an earlier draft of this paper.
1
See E. CERULLI, Scritti teologici etiopici dei Secoli XVIXVII, Studi e testi, 198,
204, (Citt del Vaticano 19581960); S. B. CHERNETSOV, Ethiopian Theological Res-
ponse to European Missionary Proselytizing Activities in the 17th19th centuries, in:
V. BLL S. KAPLAN A. MARTNEZ DALS-MONER E. SOKOLINSKAIA (eds.), Ethio-
pia and the Missions: Historical and Antropological Insights, (Hamburg, 2005), 53
62; TEWELDE BEIENE, La politica cattolica di Seltan Sgd I (16071632) e la missione
della Compagnia di Ges in Etiopia, Ph. D., Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana, (Roma,
1983) 123140, 362376; See also I. GUIDI, La chiesa abissina, Oriente Moderno 2
(19221923), 123128, 186190, 252256.
2
Some authors deal with this topic but only in cases when it has clear Christological
consequences. See Abba AGOSTINO TEDLA, A proposito di alcuni passi oscuri negli
scritti teologici etiopici dei secoli XVIXVII pubblicati da E. Cerulli, in: R. PAN-
KHURST S. CHOJNACKI (eds.), Proceedings of the Third International Conference of
Ethiopian Studies. Addis Ababa 1966, vol. II (Addis Ababa, 1970), 217242; TEWELDE
BEIENE, La Politica Cattolica.
!$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

cific Jesuit-Ethiopian controversy over a passage in Genesis. We shall put

forward the interpretations of the Jesuits and Ethiopians and analyze the way
in which these represent different exegetical traditions.
Pedro Paez was a Jesuit who worked in Ethiopia between 1603 and 1622.3
In one of his accounts we learn how both the Catholic and Ethiopian tradi-
tions cite ancient Judeo-Christian sources in order to explain certain Biblical
passages. Such alternative exegeses of Old Testament passages did not al-
ways result in theological disputes as momentous as the one between mono-
physism and duophysism, but they are illustrative of their very different inter-
pretative traditions. Paez discusses a controversy surrounding the interpreta-
tion of Gen. 6:
1 And it came to pass, when men began to multiply on the face of the earth,
and daughters were born unto them, 2 that the sons of God saw the daugh-
ters of men that they were fair; and they took them wives, whomsoever
they chose.
Paez gives a detailed description of the controversy the interpretation of
this passage of Scripture provoked when Emperor Susnyos commented on
the interpretation of his learned men. Paez describes these interpretations as
fables and lies. He maintains that the interpretation given to this passage in
Ethiopia was that:
the sons of God were angels who, seeing that women were beautiful,
got together with them and gave birth to giant sons of such an extraordi-
nary height that they could reach the bottom of the sea with their arms,
and, rising, roasted the fish they obtained from the sea, in the region of
fire, and when they had annihilated every fish in the sea, they went for the
animals, and once these were finished, they started to eat the men who
were not of their own kind, and when God saw this great danger, He sent
the waters of the flood, with which He punished them.4
The counterpart of this interpretation, which apparently Paez quotes from
an oral source, is the reply of the Jesuit father that:
the sons of God were not angels, but sons of Seth, whom He wanted to
distinguish from those of the rejected generation of Cain, whose descend-
ants were so mean that they gave themselves completely to their appetites.

3
On the figure of father Paez, see the prologue of Elaine Sanceau in the book
edition of P. PAEZ, Histria de Etipia, (Porto, 19451946), vol. I, IXXXIII, also
S. PANKHURST, Ethiopia: A Cultural History, (London, 1959), 339358. See in par-
ticular the recent articles of H. PENNEC, La mission Jsuite en thiopie au temps de
Pedro Paez (15831622) et ses rapports avec le pouvoir thiopien, RSE 36 (1992
[1994]), 77115; RSE 37 (1993 [1995]), 135165; RSE 38 (1994 [1996]), 139181.
4
C. BECCARI (ed.), Rerum Aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales inediti a saeculo
XVI ad XIX, vol. II, Roma, 1905, 225226.
 L. Cohen !%

The daughters of these wretches were very beautiful, and when the sons of
Seth saw them they were carried away by their great beauty and charm,
and broke with the tradition of not talking to people of such a perverse
origin. Then they married them and adopted their perverse customs, thus
perverting the religion and the Divine cult. And the evildoings of men
reached the peak of dissolution that men on Earth are capable of, so much
so that not even the divine Scripture wanted to give details of such terrible
crimes, only saying that in all their sins they changed the natural style and
order that reason teaches.5
The identification of the sons of God with the angels must have had its
origin in Judaism after the first exile, as a result of contact with the Iranian
religion.6 This exegetical tradition dominated for three centuries. Rabbi Si-
meon Bar Yohai, in the middle of the 2nd cent., is the first authority to disag-
ree with the identification of the sons of God with the angels, calling them,
instead, sons of judges.7 In the Christian tradition, on the other hand, this
perspective survived one more century, due in part to the book of Enoch I
which was accepted as Holy Scripture in certain circles.8 Nevertheless, at the
beginning of the third century the identification of the sons of God with
angels became the target of criticism by some of the Church Fathers. The first

5
C. BECCARI (ed.), Rerum Aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales inediti a saeculo
XVI ad XIX, vol. II, Roma, 1905, 226.
6
G. WIDENGREN, Iran and Israel in Parthian Times with Special Regard to the
Ethiopic Book of Enoch, Temenos 2 (1966), 139177; W. B. HENNING, The Book
of Giants, BSOAS 11 (1943), 5274; J. T. MILIK, Turfan et Qumran. Livre des
Gants juif et manichen, in: G. JEREMIAS H.-W. KHUN H. STEGEMANN (eds.)
Tradition und Glaube. Das frhe Christentum in seiner Umwelt, (Gttingen, 1971),
117127.
7
Rabi Simeon Bar Yohai called them the sons of judges, and cursed those who
called them the sons of God. Rabi Simeon Bar Yohai said: if demoralization does not
proceed from the leaders, it is not real demoralization. Gen. R. 26. See MENAHEM
M. KASHER, Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation, vol. I: Genesis, tr. under the
editorship of H. FREEDMAN (New York, 1953), 182183. The same occurs with the
interpretation of Gen. 3:5 Ye shall be as God. According to some rabbinical inter-
pretations, in the verse ye shall be as Elohim we should understand Elohim as the
Great. See Sopherim chap. 4; Elohim is the name of God. If an error occurs in its
writing in the Sefer Torah [the sacred scroll], it may not be erased, but must be cut out
from the parchment and buried. Occasionally, however, the same word does not stand
for the Deity but simply means great men, judges, or leaders. In that case it may be
erased. See MENAHEM M. KASHER, Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation, vol. I:
Genesis, 121. See also P. ALEXANDER, The Targumim and Early Exegesis of Sons of
God in Genesis 6, Journal of Jewish Studies 23 (1972), 6071.
8
A. M. Denis provide some examples in Introduction aux Pseudpigraphes Grecs
dAncien Testament, (Leiden, 1970), 2024.
!& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

of these was Julius Africanus (A.D. 160240), who identifies the sons of
God with the righteous of the line of Seth.9 This interpretation also finds
its origins in certain apocryphal texts such as the Testament of Adam and the
Book of Adam and Eve.10 As time passed, a greater number of the Church
Fathers accepted the new interpretation.11
In its general outline, the explanation Augustine offers on the same pas-
sage in De Civitate Dei XV, 17ff., became dominant in Western Christian
exegesis until the modern period.12 In reference to Enoch, Augustine says:
So that the writings that are produced under his name, and which contain
these fables about the giants, saying that their fathers were not men, are
properly judged by prudent men to be not genuine There is therefore no
doubt that, according to the Hebrew Christian canonical Scriptures, there
were many giants before the deluge, and that there were citizens of the
earthly society of men, and that the sons of God, who were according to
the flesh the sons of Seth, sunk into this community when they forsook
righteousness.13

9
Julii Africani quae supersunt ex quinque libris chronographiae, ad rem sacram
et ecclesiasticam potissimum spectantia, in: PG, vol. X (Paris, 1857), 65.
10
See J. P. LEWIS, A Study of the Interpretation of Noah and the Flood in Jewish
and Christian Literature, (Leiden, 1968), 18.
11
JOHN CRYSOSTOMUS, Homil. in Gen. XXII, 2, in: PG, vol. LIII (Paris, 1862),
187188; AUGUSTINE, The City of God, XV, 23, in: P. SCHAFF, A Select Library of the
Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, vol. II (Grand Rapids, MI,
1979), 303305. See also, L. R. WICKHAM, The Sons of God and the Daughters of
Men. Genesis VI 2 in Early Christian Exegesis, Oudtestamentische Studin 19 (1974),
135147. In contrast, the Peshitta manuscripts of Gen. 6 is not in line with the Sethites-
exegesis. Instead, it accords with the new interpretation known from Jewish sources.
See A. VAN DER KOOIJ, Peshitta Gene-sis 6: Sons of God Angels or Judges?
Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages 23/1 (1997), 4351.
12
A. COLUNGA M. GARCA CORDERO, Biblia Comentada, vol. I (Madrid, 1967),
125128; F. ASENSIO et al., La Sagrada Escritura, vol. I (Madrid, 1967), 8082; Paul
Joon, in a short study, shows the primacy in the 20th cent. of the more common view
among Catholic exegetes: that the sons of God are the Sethites, and the daughters of
men are descendants of Adam outside the Sethite line. See P. JOON, Les Unions
entre les Fils de Dieu et les Filles des Hommes (Gense, 6, 14), Recherches de
Science Religieuse 29 (1939), 108114. In the 16th cent. Luther challenged this ex-
planation, suggesting that The true meaning of the passage is that Moses designates
as sons of God those people who had the promise of the blessed Seed. See J. PELIKAN
(ed.), Luthers Works, vol. II (Saint Louis, MO, 1960), 12.
13
AUGUSTINE, The City of God, XV, 23, in: P. SCHAFF (ed.), A Select Library of the
Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, vol. II, 305. As Walter E. Stephens pointed out
Augustine was the one authority who most resolutely opposed the notion of the
Giant Augustine essentially denied that giants were anything other than large human
 L. Cohen !'

It seems that Paezs commentary is in accord with and based on these

sources.
It is evident, then, that each and every one of these interpretations has its
origins in Christian and Jewish interpretative traditions going back to the
first centuries of the Christian era. Doubtless, the Ethiopian version quoted
by Paez is based on various passages that pertain to the Apocrypha and the
Pseudoepigrapha.14 We can see how similar the version quoted by Paez, ac-
cording to what he heard from the Emperor, is to that presented by the
Ethiopian book of Enoch:
vi, 2. And the angels, the sons of heavens, saw and lusted after them and
spoke to one another, Come, now let us choose our wives from among the
children of men and beget children. vii, 1. And they took unto themselves
wives, and each chose for himself one, and they began to go in unto them
and they mixed with them and taught them charms and enchantments, and
made them acquainted with the cutting of roots and woods. 2. And they
became pregnant, and they bore great giants, whose height was three thou-
sand ells. 3. And these consumed all the acquisitions of men till men could
no longer sustain them. 4. Then, the giants turned them against mankind in
order to devour them. 5. And they began to sin against birds and beasts,
and reptiles and fish, and to devour one anothers flesh, and drink the blood
thereof. 6. Then, the earth complained of the unrighteous ones.15
The Book of the Jubilees,16 whose authority was accepted as canonical in
Ethiopia along with Enoch I, supports the same exegetical tradition. Once

beings. First, he cited examples of gigantic stature even in his own age, in order to
prove that Giants had not ceased to exist in Mosaic or Davidic times. Second, he
categorically maintained that the so-called monstrous races, including those of the
kind mentioned by Pliny, could not be monstrous inhuman and descended
from Adam. This caveat not only excluded the angels as fili Dei, but also attacked the
notion of the Giant as hominid, a somehow inferior hybrid created by miscegena-
tion. See W. E. STEPHENS, De historia gigantum: Theological Anthropology before
Rabelais, Traditio 40 (1984), 4389, here 62.
14
Enoch 1, 9:89; D. W. SUTER, Tradition and Composition in the Parables of
Enoch, (Missoula, 1979), 77102; M. A. KNIBB, The Date of the Parables of Enoch:
A Critical Review, New Testament Studies 25 (1979), 345359; LEWIS, A Study of
the Interpretation, 1619.
15
R. H. CHARLES (ed.) The Book of Enoch, tr. from Professor Dillmanns Ethiopic
text, (Oxford, 1893), 6265. See also SUTER, Tradition and Composition, 77102;
KNIBB, The Date of the Parables of Enoch; LEWIS, A Study of the Interpretation,
1619.
16
Jubilees 5:12; See R. H. CHARLES, The Apocrypha and Pseudoepigrapha of
the Old Testament in English, vol. II, (Oxford, 1913), 20. See also J. C. ENDRES,
Biblical Interpretation in the Book of Jubilees, The Catholic Biblical Quarterly Mono-
graphs Series 18, (Washington D.C., 1987), 29, 36.
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

this interpretation was established, it was only a matter of time before homi-
lies based on the same motifs began to appear.17 We find later versions of the
same commentaries in Ethiopic texts such as The Book of the Mysteries of
Heaven and Earth: We turn now to the history of the people of the deluge.
At the time angels came down from heaven and then dressed in human flesh.
The madness of sin seized them, and they were excluded from the mysteries
they saw in heaven.18 A similar interpretation is found in the 16th cent. text
Fkkare Mlkot.19 We can assume therefore that such interpretations, de-
rived from an old exegetical tradition, were quite common in Ethiopia.
Nevertheless, it is possible to find another dimension in Paezs critique of
the Ethiopian explanation of the biblical text. It is true that during the 17th cent.
in Europe, writings about the physically abnormal and monstrous joined the
expanding body of literature on the curious, prodigious, rare and improbable.20
At the same time, a different trend had begun to develop in religious writings,
one that stressed the demythologization of religious history. Bernard Fonta-
nelle expressed this idea at the beginning of the 18th cent.: Men see marvels
in proportion to their ignorance and lack of experience.21
Paez, who refutes what he called the fables, lies and fictions in the
writings of the Dominican Luis de Urreta about Ethiopia,22 fulfilled what he
understood as his obligation to discredit the fantastic Ethiopian histories of
angels coupling with the daughters of man and procreating giants who eat
animals and men. Historically, most Christian writers viewed the antedilu-
vian giants as giants par excellence.23 In spite of the authoritative opinion of
Augustine, the notion of a race of giants did not die out for many hundred
of years.24 Medieval European literature shows a great fascination for the
17
The Testament of Reuben 5:67. CHARLES, The Apocrypha and Pseudoepigra-
pha, vol. II, 299.
18
J. PERRUCHON (ed., tr.), Le Livre des mystres du ciel et de la terre, PO 1 (Paris,
1903), 21.
19
CERULLI, Scritti teologici etiopici, vol. I, 48 (Gz), 130 (Italian).
20
See M. T. HODGEN, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Cen-
turies, (Philadelphia, 1964), 126128.
21
J. S. PREUS, Explaining Religion, (Chelsea, MI, 1987), 42.
22
LUIS DE URRETA, Historia Ecclesistica y poltica, natural y moral, de los grandes
y remotos Reynos de la Etiopia, Monarchia del Emperador, llamado Preste Juan de
las Indias, (Valencia, 1610). De Urreta presented a utopian vision of Ethiopia. This
conception was based on the medieval imaginary derived from the Letter of Prester
John. See J. RAMOS, O destino etope do Preste Joo. A Etipia nas representaes
cosmogrficas europeias, in: F. CRISTOVO (ed.), Condicionantes culturais da
literatura de viagens, (Lisboa, 1999), 235259.
23
See STEPHENS, De historia gigantum, 4389.
24
For some thinkers of the Greek Church such as Georgius Monachus (or Hamar-
tolus, fl. ca. 840) and Eutychius of Alexandria (877940) Seth was the father of the
Giants who existed before the flood. See STEPHENS, De historia gigantum, 56.
 L. Cohen "

figure of the giant, especially in Anglo-Saxon England. The influence of

the Book of Enoch on Anglo-Saxon gigantology has been pointed out by
several authors.25 In the Early Modern period, too, several treatises were writ-
ten on the problem of giants. Jean Chassagnon at the end of the 16th cent.
composed a treatise in response to the Gigantomachia, in which Goropius
(15121578) had claimed that giants never existed.26 More than a hundred
years later, Augustin Calmet (16721757) wrote his Dissertatio de Gigantibus.
This work is a compendious review of giant-lore and its sources. Calmet
aimed to prove that the giants mentioned by Scripture actually existed and he
shows a great commitment to resolving the question of whether and to what
extent gigantic stature was possible.27 The question of the giants was still
much debated in certain European circles and Paezs voice joined in with
those who maintained that giants never existed, in harmony with the Augus-
tinian view.
What we suggest, therefore, is that Paez is equating the Ethiopian inter-
pretation of Gen. 6:12 with European mythology. He never mentions old
Jewish commentaries as a source of Ethiopian exegesis, something that he
usually does when criticizing rites or motives in Christian Ethiopia that seems
to him Jewish. In this case, he mentions neither the Jewish connection
nor the Book of Enoch. From his point of view he is not confronting a diffe-
rent exegesis deeply rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition but fables and
lies as Augustine called them, similar to those of the myths and legends of
his own continent. The Jesuits, and among them Paez, quite often accused
the Ethiopian monks of being ignorant people who were disposed to be credu-
lous about fables and lies. What he wished to demonstrate here was the utter
falsity of a story which, like ancient myth, describes celestial beings, the sons
of Gods, who, attracted by the beauty of women, came down to earth, mated
with them and begot a race of supermen. It is in this context that Paezs cri-
tique and opinion should be understood.
We have noted above the existence of certain rivalries in the context of
interpreting passages of the Old Testament. The extent of modern research
on debates of this kind and their place in Catholic and Orthodox-Alexandrine
identities in Ethiopia is still meager. There is more information available about
the Christological debates between the two Churches. However, what we
find here is a different field in which Catholics and Ethiopians clashed: the

25
R. E. KASKE, Beowulf and the Book of Enoch, Speculum 46-3 (1971), 421
431; also J. J. COHEN, Of Giants. Sex, Monsters and the Middle Ages, (Minneapolis,
1999), 910.
26
STEPHENS, De historia gigantum, p. 64.
27
According to Stephens, Calmets conception strikes the modern reader as con-
servative in its contentions, not only from our point of view, but even from that of
Augustine. See STEPHENS, De historia gigantum, 64.
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

exegesis of Old Testament verses, with no necessary consequence in the

Christological controversy. These debates represent an important part of the
Jesuit-Ethiopian encounter of the 16th and 17th cent.

SUMMARY
During the 16th and 17th cent., when the Jesuits sought to convert Ethiopian
leaders and clergy to Catholicism, Jesuits and Ethiopians debated questions of
theology, Christology, and ritual. The present paper deals with the question of
biblical exegesis, focusing on the different interpretations that Jesuits and Ethio-
pians gave to Gen. 6:12 on account of the sons of God marrying the daugh-
ters of men. While the Jesuits identified the sons of God with the righteous of
the line of Seth in accord with the Augustinian interpretation, the Ethiopian clergy
developed an interpretation based on the ancient Jewish-Christian exegesis that
considered the sons of God to be angels. To the Jesuit Pedro Paez, the Ethiopian
interpretation was nothing but fables and lies and attributed to ignorance and
credulous attitudes towards myths and fables. The present paper addresses a dif-
ferent dimension of the clashes between the Churches: the scholarly debate over
the exegesis of Old Testament verses that had no necessary consequence for the
Christological controversy.
 Gianfranco Fiaccadori
Universit degli Studi di Milano

UN RE DI NUBIA A COSTANTINOPOLI
NEL 1203*

Robert de Clari, celebre cronista francese della IV Crociata, nellagosto

1203 incontr alla corte di Costantinopoli uns rois qui toute avoit le char
noir, et avoit une crois en mi le front qui li avoit est faite dun caut fer.1
Limperatore Alessio IV Angelo cos presentava il monarca ai baroni franchi
dai quali era stato appena rimesso sul trono: chest li rois de Nubie, qui est
venu en pelerinage en cheste vile; poi, a mezzo dinterpreti (latimiers), lospi-
te fu interrogato dai presenti sulla sua terra dorigine: Et fist on parler lati-
miers a lui, et fist on lui demander ou se tere estoit, tant quil respondi as
latimiers, en sen langage.2 Il rois de Nubie, cui gi Alessio III (avanti il
17/18 luglio di quellanno) aveva dato in uso un monastero della citt (une
molt rike abee en le chit), dichiar allora desser partito dal suo Paese,
encore cent journees dela Jherusalem, con un sguito di sessanta uomini: a
Gerusalemme ne rimanevano dieci, a Costantinopoli due solamente, coi qua-
li egli intendeva recarsi en pelerinage a Rome et de Rome a Saint Jake [di
Compostella, in Galizia] et puis revenir sent ariere en Jherusalem, sil pooit
tant vivre, et puis illueques morir. Et si dist que tot chil de se tere estoient
crestien, et quant li enfes estoit nes et on le baptisoit, que on li faisoit une
crois en mi le front dun caut fer ausi comme il avoit.3
A Benjamin Hendrickx si deve la pi recente e singolare proposta circa
lidentit dellanonimo sovrano: si tratterebbe del ngu Lalibla (c. 11851225),
costruttore delle celebri chiese monolitiche nella citt che da lui prende nome

*
CE = The Coptic Encyclopaedia, ed. by Aziz S. Atiya, New York, &c., Macmil-
lan Publishing Co., &c., 1991, voll. 18; ODB = The Oxford Dictionary of Byzanti-
um, ed. by A. Kazhdan & al., New York Oxford, O.U.P., 1991, voll. 13.
1
Robert de Clari, La Conqute de Constantinople, LIV, d. par Ph. Lauer, Paris,
E. Champion, 1924 (Les classiques franaises du Moyen Age, 40), 54.455.1 [= Hi-
storiens et chroniquers du Moyen Age, d. tablie et annote par A. Pauphilet, textes
nouveaux comments par E. Pognon, Paris, Gallimard, 1952 (Bibliothque de la Plia-
de, 48), 1391: 54.2527]. Cf. M. McC(ORMICK), Robert de Clari, in: ODB vol. 3,
1799, con bibliogr., cui ora si aggiunga P. SCHREINER, Robert de Clari und Konstanti-
nopel, in: Novum Millennium. Studies in Byzantine history dedicated to Paul Speck
19 Dec. 1999, ed. by C. Sode S. Takcs, Aldershot, &c., Ashgate, 2001, 337356.
2
Robert de Clari, La Conqute de Constantinople, l. cit., 55.1418 [= Historiens
et chroniquers du Moyen Age, 54.3438].
3
Ivi, 55.67 e 1828 [= 54.2728 e 54.3655.3].
"" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

fra i monti del Lasta, in Etiopia.4 Tale proposta, accolta nellOxford Dictionary
of Byzantium,5 non va per immune da dubb e incertezze, priva com di ri-
scontri, se non leggendar, da parte abissina: che Lalibla fosse miracolosa-
mente trasportato a Gerusalemme per compiere il pellegrinaggio ai Luoghi Santi
si apprende infatti dal solo suo Gdl (BHO 560), la Vita composta verso la
met del XV secolo.6 Del resto, Hendrickx, il cui lavoro sfuggito alla recente
sintesi di Derek A. Welsby sulla Nubia medievale, non conosce la precedente
interpretatio Nubiana di Boena Rostkowska, che nellospite di Alessio IV
ha invece scorto a king of Makuria or one of the lesser Nubian rulers.7

4
B. HENDRICKX, Un roi africain Constantinople en 1203, Buzantina, 13, 1985,
893898.
5
Vd. D.W. J(OHNSON) A. K(AZHDAN), Nubia, in: ODB vol. 3, 1500ab.
6
Questa parte, omessa nella Vie de Lalibala, roi dthiopie, &c., publie par
J. Perruchon, Paris, E. Leroux, 1892, 37.8 (t.) = 103.19 (tr.), pu leggersi nei c.d. Atti
di Msql Kbra, pubblicati da S. KUR, dition dun manuscrit thiopien de la Bi-
bliothque Vaticane: Cerulli 178, MRALm, sc. mor., ser. VIII, 16 (7), 1972, 383425:
387.12402.6 (t.) = 406.24421.5 (tr.). Vd. ora la descriz. sommaria del cod. (sec.
XIX) in E. CERULLI, Inventario dei manoscritti Cerulli etiopici, Introduzione, inte-
grazioni e indici a c. di O. Raineri, Citt del Vaticano, B. A. V., 2004 (Studi e testi,
420), 130 s. Cf. KINEFE-RIGB ZELLEKE, Bibliography of the Ethiopic Hagiographical
Traditions, JES 13/2, 1975, 57102: 79 s., nr. 89; R. SAUTER, Lalibla, in: DEB
101 s.; e sopratutto S. TEDESCHI, Llibal, in: Bibliotheca Sanctorum orientalium
(Enciclopedia dei Santi. Le Chiese orientali), II, Roma, Citt Nuova Ed., 1999, 300
303. Per il nesso con Gerusalemme: J. PIRENNE, La lgende du Prtre Jean, Stra-
sbourg, Presses universitaires, 1992, 44 ss.; M. E. HELDMAN, Architectural symboli-
sm, sacred geography and the Ethiopian Church, Journal of Religion in Africa 22,
1992, 222241; EAD., Legends of Llibal. The development of an Ethiopian pilgri-
mage site, Res 27, 1995, 2538. Ma vd. ora E. VAN DONZEL, Llibal and Jerusalem
in the Twelfth Century, in: East and West in the Crusader States: context con-
tacts confrontations, [I]. Acta of the congress held at Hernen Castle in May 1993,
ed. by K. Ciggaar & al., Leuven, Uitgev. Peeters, 1996 (OLA, 75), 7380; ID., Were
there Ethiopians in Jerusalem at the Time of Saladins Conquest in 1187?, ivi, II. Acta
of the congress held at Hernen Castle in May 1997, ed. by K. Ciggaar & H. Teule,
Leuven, Uitgev. Peeters, 1999 (OLA, 92), 125130; ID., Ethiopias Lalibla and the
fall of Je-rusalem 1187, Aethiopica. International Journal of Ethiopian Studies 1,
1998, 2749.
7
Vd. risp. D. A. WELSBY, The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia: Pagans, Christians
and Muslims along the Middle Nile, London, The British Museum P., 2002, 76 e n.
47 (265), e B. ROSTKOWSKA, The visit of a Nubian king to Constantinople in A.D.
1203, in: New Discoveries in Nubia, Proceedings of the Colloquium on Nubian
Studies. The Hague, 1979, ed. by P. Van Moorsel, Leiden, Nederlands Instituut voor
het Nabije Oosten, 1982 (Egyptologische Uitgaven, II), 113116. Incerto fra Nubia
ed Etiopia/Abissinia G. VANTINI, Il Cristianesimo nella Nubia antica, Verona, Nova-
stampa, 1985 (Museum Combonianum, 39), 234: ...per la possibilit che si tratti
proprio di un re nubiano non si pu escludere a priori.
 G. Fiaccadori "#

Ora, bench gli Etiopi siano effettivamente associati ai Nubiani e spesso

confusi con questi nelle fonti antiche e medievali,8 da credere che li distin-
guesse la cancelleria bizantina; e pi tardi, fra il 1252 e il 1295, linterpolato-
re (un monaco di Huy, presso Liegi) della cronaca di Alberico delle Tre Fon-
tane segnala presbiteri nubiani e, necessariamente, abissini (sudditi del Prete
Gianni) officianti al Santo Sepolcro: ...Septimus ordo dicitur Nubianorum
Christianorum, quorum terra maxima est et multi ex eis tributarii Sarraceno-
rum sunt. Octavus ordo totam illam multitudinem Christianorum continet que
Presbitero Ioanni subiecta est.9 Contrariamente a quanto ritiene Hendrickx,10
non sembra poi decisiva lindicazione di Robert de Clari sulle focature
battesimali, attributo canonico degli uni e degli altri: ad esempio, nel dipinto
della Cattedrale di Faras (lantico vescovado di Pachras, citt regia di Noba-
dia) la principessa nubiana protetta dalla Vergine col Bambino mostra pre-
cisamente une crois en mi le front (il pannello, dellXI/XII secolo, oggi al
Sudan National Museum di artum).11 E cos potr intendersi, per Gerusa-
lemme, la testimonianza oculare del domenicano Burcardo da Monte Sion,
circa il 12801285: ...Nubeani & Jabeani [= Abissini] dicunt se scire, majo-
res suos fidem suscepisse, quam hodie inviolabiliter servare contendunt, in-
nitentes huic authoritati, Matth. III:11. Ipse vos baptizabit in Spiritu Sancto

8
Vd., p. es., G. F., Ethiopians, in: ODB vol. 2, 733ab, con bibliogr.; ID., Teofilo
Indiano, Presentazione di R. Farioli Campanati, Ravenna, Ed. del Girasole, 1992
(Biblioteca di Felix Ravenna, 7), 12 ss., n. 33, 46 s., n. 12, con altre indicaz.;
Ph. MAYERSON, A confusion of Indias: Asian India and African India in the By-
zantine sources, Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, 1993, pp. 169174
(= ID., Monks, Martyrs, Soldiers and Saracens. Papers on the Near East in Late
Antiquity, Jerusalem, The Israel Explor. Soc. in collab. with N. Y. Univ., 1994, 361
366), di cui R. CONTINI, Quaderni di studi arabi 12, 1994 [ma 1995], 217221: 220.
9
Chronica Albrici monachi Trium Fontium, A. 1234, ed. P. Scheffer-Boichorst,
in: Monumenta Germaniae historica. Scriptores, XXIII, Hannoverae, Imp. Bibliopo-
lii Aulici Hahniani, 1874, 631950: 935.3539, discusso e riprod. da E. CERULLI,
Etiopi in Palestina. Storia della comunit etiopica di Gerusalemme, I, Roma, La
Libreria dello Stato, 1943 (Collezione scientifica e documentaria a c. del Ministero
dellAfrica Italiana, XII), 77 ss.: 79, doc. nr. 9. Loctavus ordo impropriamente
riferito alla Nubia in VANTINI, Il Cristianesimo, 235. Sul Prete Gianni vd. infra e n. 19.
10
Un roi africain Constantinople, 897 n. 14.
11
ROSTKOWSKA, The visit of a Nubian king, 116 e n. 12, pl. II, fig. 2. Cf.
E. DINKLER, Beobachtungen zur Ikonographie des Kreuzes in der nubischen Kunst,
in: Nubia. Rcentes recherches, Actes du Colloque nubiologique international au
Muse de Varsovie (1922 juin 1972), sous la rd. de K. Michaowski, Varsovie,
Muse National, 1975, 2230: 27 s. e nn. 3637, fig. 7. Sul segno della croce, im-
presso con antimonio, indelebile per VANTINI, l. cit., vd. sopratutto E. CERULLI, Il
volo di Astolfo sullEtiopia nellOrlando Furioso, RRALm, sc. mor., ser. VI, 8, 1932,
1938: 2833, e ID., Etiopi in Palestina, I, 51 ss., 58 s.
"$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

& igne. Nam cuum baptizantur, cum calido ferro crucem inurunt faciei &
alteri corporis parti. Et hi devotiores inter Orientales habentur.12 Alla mede-
sima altezza cronologica del testo di Burcardo, Abasce e Nubie sono
chiaramente individuate e distinte nel Milione di Marco Polo, con une bielle
estoire que avint a les MCCLXXXVIII anz de la[n]carnasionz de Cristi: il roi
(de la provence) de Abasce o dAbasce dallarabo Habaah Abissi-
nia in stato di guerra con le soudan de Aden et con celz de Nubie;
vuol recarsi pellegrino al Santo Sepolcro (por aorer le sepolcre de Crist en
Jerusalem) e manda per in vece sua un vescovo poi catturato sulla via del
ritorno e circonciso dal soudan de Aden, ossia da un capo dei Begia (Bu-
gah) della regione nota agli itinerar quattrocenteschi come Adam o Ad(d)an,
fra il delta del Barca (Barka) e il confine eritreo (e ci vale a restituire i fatti
al tempo del ngu Yagba Syon, 12851294).13
Ritengo pertanto che la testimonianza di Robert de Clari debba riferirsi a
un re o a un principe nubiano in transito o in cerca dappoggi contro gli Ayy-
bidi di Saladino (Salah ad-Din), lavvento dei quali, nel 1172, avrebbe del

12
Descr. Terrae Sanctae, [XIII 1], ed. H. Canisius, Thesaurus monumentorum
ecclesiasticorum et historicorum, sive Lectiones antiqu, &c., IV, Antverpiae, ap.
R. & G. Wetsenios, 1725, 926: 24.1519, discusso e riprod. da CERULLI, Etiopi in
Palestina, I, 8084: 84, doc. nr. 10. Il passo manca nelle redazioni fatte conoscere da
J. C. M. LAURENT, Peregrinatores medii aevi quattuor, Lipsiae, J. C. Hinrichs biblio-
pola, 1864, 1100: 89, e H. OMONT, Manuscrits de la Bibliothque de Sir Thomas
Phillips rcemment acquis pour la Bibliothque Nationale, Bibliothque de lcole
de chartes 64, 1903, 490553: 498503 (500).
13
Marco Polo, Il Milione, CXCIV.1785, Prima ed. integrale a c. di L. F. Bene-
detto, Firenze, L. S. Olschki-Ed., 1928 (Comitato Geografico Naz. Italiano-Pubbli-
caz., 3), 210 s. = Milione, [189], 113, Vers. toscana del Trecento. Ed. critica a c. di
V. Bartolucci Pizzorusso. Indice ragionato di G. R. Cardona, Milano, Adelphi, 1975
(Classici, 31), 293 s. A rettifica di C. CONTI ROSSINI, Marco Polo e lEtiopia, Atti
del Reale Istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti 99, Parte II, 19391940, 1021
1039: 1027, che pensava allarabo Adal (etiop. Adl), la regione musulmana ad est
dello Scioa, nel bassopiano, vd. E. CERULLI, Il Sultanato dello Scioa nel secolo XIII
secondo un nuovo documento storico, RSE 1, 1941, 542: 19 n. 1 (= ID., LIslam di
ieri e di oggi, Roma, I.P.O., 1979 [Pubblicazioni, 64], 207243: 222 n. 68), e ID.,
Etiopi in Palestina, I, 109 ss.: 109 e n. 2, ma sopratutto S. TEDESCHI, LAbissinia nel
Libro di Marco Polo, Africa (Roma) 36, 1981, 361389: 383386 (viaggi del fio-
rentino Antonio Bartoli e del messinese Pietro Rombulo), sfuggito a S. C. MUNRO-
HAY, Ethiopia and Alexandria. The Metropolitan Episcopacy of Ethiopia, Mit einem
Vorwort v. M. Kropp, Warszawa Wiesbaden, Za Pan, 1997 (Bibliotheca Nubica
& Aethiopica, 5), pp. 195, 203; nonch a E. WAGNER, Adal, in: E I, 71a72b:
72a, e D. MORIN, Dictionnaire historique afar (12881982), Paris, Karthala, 2004
(Collection Hommes et Socits, s. n.), 3235, s. v. Adal: 33, ove la bielle es-
toire di Polo datata tout court al 1295.
 G. Fiaccadori "%

tutto isolato la Nubia dalle comunicazioni col Mediterraneo.14 N pu esclu-

dersi una certa solidariet con gli ultimi Fatimidi che, rifugiatisi in territorio
nubiano, da qui istigavano alla rivolta contro lEgitto.15 E poco importa che
Costantinopoli fosse allora under the control of the Crusaders,16 poich in-
terlocutori del grecofono rois de Nubie erano manifestamente i Bizantini,
presso i quali egli gi dimorava al tempo di Alessio III (ma certo unallenza
fra Nubiani e Crociati sembra profilarsi dopo il 1274, in esito al Concilio di
Lione).17 La pagina del cronista d infatti luce, fra Gerusalemme e Costanti-
nopoli, su contatti e relazioni dai quali fu alimentato nei secoli, ben oltre lim-
pulso iniziale, il peculiare Graecismus dei regni cristiani di Nubia.18 Un Gra-
ecismus assai meno conservativo di quanto non si ritenga per solito; e forse
non del tutto estraneo allinserzione (naturalmente polemica) di Manuele I
Comneno fra i destinatar della famosa lettera del Prete Gianni, che larcive-

14
W. Y. ADAMS, Nubia, Corridor to Africa, Princeton, NJ, P.U.P., 1977, 456 (739);
VANTINI, Il Cristianesimo, 276. Cf. S. HILLELSON (C. E. BOSWORTH), Nuba, 2. His-
tory, in: The Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. by C. E. Bosworth & al., VIII/1 (131),
Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1993, 90a91b: 90ab.
15
U. MONNERET DE VILLARD, Storia della Nubia cristiana, Roma, P.I.O.S., 1938
(OCA, 118), 197 s. (cf. 225: inesatto); WELSBY, The Medieval Kingdoms, 75 ss. (265).
16
Cos WELSBY, The Medieval Kingdoms, 76 s. e n. 48 (265), che rinvia a
J. W. CRAWFOOT, Christian Nubia, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 13, 1927, 141
150: 148 s., ma ignora CERULLI, Etiopi in Palestina, I, 140 s., 143 s. per la cappella
nubiana del Golgota o di Adamo, e O. F. A. MEINARDUS, The Christian Kingdoms of
Nubia, Cahiers dhistoire gyptienne 10, 1967, 133164: 159164 (The Nubians
in the Holy Places), nonch, pi in generale, A.-D. V. DEN BRINCKEN, Die Nationes
Christianorum Orientalium im Verstndnis der lateinische Historiographie von der
Mitte der 12. bis in die zweite Hlfte des 14. Jahrhunderts, Kln Wien, Bhlau
Verlag, 1973 (Klner historische Abhandlungen, 22), 243262 (4. Die Nubier); cf.
ROSTKOWSKA, The visit of a Nubian king, 114 n. 5.
17
Vd. supra e n. 3. Per il cenno al Concilio di Lione, G. VANTINI, Sur lventua-
lit des rapports entre le Concile de Lyon (1274) et la Nubie, tudes nubiennes,
Colloque de Chantilly (26 juillet 1975), Le Caire, I.F.A.O., 1978 (Bibliothque dtude,
LXXVIII), 337345, e ID., Il Cristianesimo, 243.
18
Vd. T. HGG, Greek Language in Christian Nubia, in: CE vol. 4, 1170b
1174a, con bibliogr.; e ora ID., Greek in Upper Nubia: An Assessment of the New
Material, in: Actes de la VIIIe Confrence internationale des tudes nubiennes (Lille
1117 septembre 1994), Lille, Universit Charles-De-Gaulle Lille III, 1998 (Cahiers
de recherches de lInstitut del Papyrologie et dEgyptologie de Lille, 17), III. Etudes,
113119: 114 ss., e WELSBY, The Medieval Kingdoms, 236 ss. (272). Inoltre, A. AJTAR,
Catalogue of the Greek Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum
(I. Khartoum Greek), Photographs by W. Godlewski, Preface by Hassan Hissein &
W. Godlewski, Leuven Paris Dudley, MA, Uitgev. Peeters, 2003 (OLA, 122),
XIX s. e n. 9, e gi ID., Greek Funerary Inscriptions from Old Dongola: General
Note, OC 81, 1997, 107126: 115 s.
"& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

scovo Cristiano di Magonza avrebbe portato con s da Costantinopoli nel 1170:

ma anzi congeniale al relais bizantino della leggenda intorno a quel favolo-
so monarca, divenuto per tempo rex et sacerdos dun remoto paese africano
(com gi per linterpolatore di Alberico delle Tre Fontane).19
Determinante per lidentit etnica del rois de Nubie senzaltro la cir-
costanza che egli si esprimeva en sen langage: vale a dire in greco, lantica
lingua di cultura ancor viva nel suo regno, come dimostra la continuit duso
nei papiri, pergamene ed epigrafi darea nubiana.20 Per questo egli pot co-
municare con il cronista e gli altri baroni franchi a mezzo di latimiers o in-
terpreti: dal greco, non certo dal nubiano o dalletiopico, la cui conoscenza
stupirebbe davvero nella Bisanzio dellepoca.
Quanto alla precisa localizzazione del suo dominio, si pu naturalmente
pensare al regno di Macuria (Muqurrah) o Dongola (Dunqulah, dal nome
della sua capitale): la Grande Nubia, in parte corrispondente allodierno
Sudan e islamizzata solo dal 1317; il suo sovrano re di Nubia per eccel-
lenza anche presso gli autori di lingua araba.21 Ma non escluderei il regno
meridionale di Alwah o Alw (lantica Aldia, Ala), con capitale Soba/
Sbah (la Soba Noba della tradizione abissina),22 fiorente corridor to Afri-
ca governato allora da prncipi cristiani;23 o uno dei piccoli Stati settentrio-
nali vassalli della Grande Nubia, ugualmente improntati di cultura bizanti-

19
Testo della lettera in F. ZARNCKE, Der Priester Johannes, I., Abhandlungen
der philol.-hist. Classe der Kgl. schsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften 7, 1879,
8271039: 909924 [= E. ULLENDORFF C. F. BECKINGHAM, The Hebrew Letters of
Prester John, Oxford, O.U.P., 1982, 184189]; vd. ora La lettera del Prete Gianni, a
c. di G. Zaganelli, Parma, Pratiche Ed., 19902 (Biblioteca medievale, 13), 5295 =
Milano Trento, Luni Ed., 2000 (Biblioteca medievale, 73), 5295 per la vers.
latina, con ampie indicaz. e bibliogr. nellIntroduzione, 744 = 742, e nella Nota
informativa, 45 s. = 43 s. Cf. E. CERULLI, Prester John, in: DEB 133 s., e gi ID.,
Prete Gianni, in: Enciclopedia Italiana, XVIII, Roma, I. E. I., 1935, 216f218a;
altre indicaz. in A. PONTANI, Paralipomeni dei Turcica: gli scritti di Giano Lascaris
per la crociata contro i Turchi, Rmische historische Mitteilungen 27, 1985, 213
338: 324 ss. Inoltre, PIRENNE, La lgende du Prtre Jean, 8386 (La Lettre
lEmpereur de Byzance), cui si oppone I. BEJCZY, La Lettre du Prtre Jean, une
utopie mdivale, Paris, Imago, 2001, 1383 in partic. (non convincente), con la rec.
di M.-L. DERAT, Aethiopica. International Journal of Ethiopian Studies 5, 2002, 239
242: 241 s., dei quali E. ULLENDORFF, ivi, 7, 2004, 288.
20
Cf. supra, n. 18: in partic., HGG, Greek Language in Christian Nubia, 1172 ss.
(1173 s.), e WELSBY, The Medieval Kingdoms, 238.
21
WELSBY, The Medieval Kingdoms, 92 s., 251; cf. MONNERET DE VILLARD, Storia,
172 ss.
22
C. CONTI ROSSINI, Piccoli studi etiopici, Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie 27, 1912,
358378: 365 ss., con le indicaz. nel mio Teofilo Indiano, 17 s., n. 52.
23
Vd. MONNERET DE VILLARD, Storia, 147157; ADAMS, Nubia, Corridor to Afri-
ca, 536539 (753); WELSBY, The Medieval Kingdoms, 254 s. (273) in partic., con la
 G. Fiaccadori "'

na:24 forse quel misterioso Dotawo sito nel Mars o Nobadia (la Bassa
Nubia, provincia settentrionale di Macuria) e comunque sovrapponibile a que-
sta che esisteva fin dal XII secolo intorno al Gabal Add (ad-Daww dei
mss. arabi medievali), c. 55 km a sud di Qasr Ibrim (la romana Primis Par-
va).25 lo Stato nubiano che rimase pi a lungo cristiano, in relativa autono-
mia dal suo parent kingdom e ben oltre la rovina di questo, di cui assunse
anzi il ruolo dal 1365/6 in sguito allabbandono dellantica Dongola, spe-
gnendosi poi lentamente verso il 1500.26 I documenti nubiani di Qasr Ibrim,
che assicurano circa limportanza del Dotawo, ne conoscono un re, Bas(i)l(ios),
asceso prima del 1199 e ancora sul trono nel 1200:27 ma prudente resistere
alla tentazione di scorgere in lui, o nellignoto suo successore, il rois de
Nubie incontrato a Bisanzio da Robert de Clari.

SUMMARY
In A. D. 1204, a king of Nubia who had been a pilgrim to Jerusalem was met
by the French chronicler Robert de Clari at the court of Constantinople. Here the
former was questioned, through interpreters, by the Frankish barons then gathe-
ring around the newly restored Emperor Alexios IV. That king has been lastly
identified with the Ethiopian ngu Lalibla (r. 11851225 ca.), whose legendary
relationships with Jerusalem are well known. Such a doubtful identification has
even crept into a standard reference work, the Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium.
Yet, in accordance to previous scholarship, the king in question is more likely to
have been a Greek-speaker Nubian ruler of either the kingdom of Alwa (Alwah)
or the kingdom of Makuria (Muqurrah) or rather of one of the latters vassal
states, possibly Dotawo in Lower Nubia.

rec. di S. DONADONI, Orientalia n.s. 73, 2004, 270273: 273, e gi E. ZYHLARZ, I reami
della Nubia prima dellIslam: uno sguardo storico sul Sudan antico e medievale,
RSE 3, 1943, 237271: 268 ss.
24
Cf. ROSTKOWSKA, The visit of a Nubian king, 115 e n. 9.
25
MONNERET DE VILLARD, Storia, 140 ss.; ADAMS, Nubia, Corridor to Africa, 466
s. (741), 531536, 542 (752); ID., Dotawo, in: CE vol. 3, 922b923a; Jabal Ad-
d, ivi, vol. 4, 1315ab; ID., Qasr Ibrm, ivi, vol. 7, 2036b38a; WELSBY, The
Medieval Kingdoms, 250254 (273).
26
J. M. PLUMLEY, The Christian Period at Qasr Ibrim. Notes on the MS finds, in:
Nubia. Rcentes recherches, 101107: 105 s.; ID., Qasr Ibrim and Islam, Etudes et
travaux (Warsaw) 12, 1983, 157170: 164 ss.; VANTINI, Il Cristianesimo, 272 ss.; WELSBY,
The Medieval Kingdoms, 251 e 254, con terminus post quem agli anni 60 del sec. XVI:
The kingdom of Dotawo seems to have vanished in the intervening period.
27
G. M. BROWNE, Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrm, III, London, Egypt Explo-
ration Society, 1991, 14 (t.) = 54 (tr.), nr. 37.34 (26 feb., s.a.); 16 = 56, nr. 38.57
(30 dic. 1199); 18 = 58, nr. 39.57 (27 giu., s. a.); 20 = 59, nr. 40.3 (16 ag. 1200).
Cf. J. M. PLUMLEY, New Light on the Kingdom of Dotawo, in: tudes nubiennes,
231242: 234, 239 s.
 .

-

MATRES LECTIONIS

IV . ,
, , , -
,1 , -

(, , ,
.). , -
, matres lectionis,
, , .
, -
, matres lectionis -
.
, vOo so\f ( *sawp), m\s e\n ( *ayn),
@AC be\ra\ ( *bira\), , \ (\) \ (\)
-
.
, ,
,2 , ,
.
matres
lectionis . -

:
.3 -

1
. : S. A. FRANTSOUZOFF, South Arabian Minuscule Writing
and Early Ethiopian Script of Pre-Axumite Graffiti: Typological Resemblance or Ge-
netic Interdependence? // S. UHLIG et al. (eds.) Proceedings of the XVth International
Conference of Ethiopian Studies (Wiesbaden, forthcoming).
2
., : C. B ROCKELMANN, Syrische Grammatik mit Paradigmen,
Literatur, Chrestomathie und Glossar. 13. unvernderte Auflage (Lpz., 1981) 6.
3
Die Schrift der asa. (altsdarabischen. . .) Inschriften ist im groen und
ganzen eine reine KONSONANTENSCHRIFT (M. HFNER, Altsdarabische Grammatik
(Porta linguarum orientalium. Sammlung von Lehrbchern fr das Studium der orien-
talischen Sprachen hrsg. von R. Hartmann, XXIV) (Lpz., 1943) 9: 4).

. . .
 S. Frantsouzoff #

, , , dmrly sbhhmw, -
(
). , -
, -hmw -
, (-humu\).4
, , ,
(IIII . . .), w u\ o\ (, ywm ,
scriptio defectiva ym), y e\ (,
hmyr, - ).5
, ,
-
a.\6 ., y w
, -
.. .., ,
, -
, byn bn , twr tr ,
(be\n *bayn, to\r *tawr).7
, , -
matres
lectionis, , -
, -
.
4
W. LESLAU, . : HFNER, Altsdarabische Grammatik // Journal of the
American Oriental Society, 69 (1949) 98.
5
A. F. L. BEESTON, A Descriptive Grammar of Epigraphic South Arabian (L., 1962)
2:1; ID., Sabaic Grammar (Journal of Semitic Studies Monograph No. 6) (Manchester,
1984) 1:8. FHR,
(E. B ERNARD, A. J. DREWES, R. SCHNEIDER , Recueil des
inscriptions de lthiopie des priodes pr-axoumite et axoumite. Introduction de
Fr. Anfray. T. I: Les documents. T. II: Les planches (P., 1991) [ RIE] 188/3,
189/2[3]; HR),
. , () -
y.
HR, -
HR (. C. CONTI ROSSINI, Un documento sul cristianesimo nello Iemen ai
tempi del re ara\hbl Yakkuf // RRALm, ser. 5a, vol. XIX, fasc. 8 (Roma, 1911) 748),
, , .
6
BEESTON, A Descriptive Grammar... 2:2; ID., Sabaic Grammar... 1:9. -
Yhwd (=\\, )
(ID., Sabaic
Grammar... 1:9; . @MDO, -
D@MDO).
7
L. E. KOGAN, A. V. KOROTAYEV, Sayhadic (Epigraphic South Arabian) // The
Semitic Languages / Ed. by R. Hetzron (L. N. Y., 1997) 223.
# Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

, -
matres
lectionis.8 -
, .
,
, :
1. y w u\ (, e\ o\);
2. matres lectionis
, -
(. IV . VI .) ,
, ;9
3. a\ ,
w, y (-
; . snw Sana\
fsy \), , -
(, ),
(. }u
}iNA).10
, . .
:
-
, , , , -
, -
y w ,
, .
matres lectionis
, -
( 11 ),
: IV .
8
La notation des voyelles en saben
CH. J. ROBIN, Les inscriptions de lArabie et les tudes arabes // Arabica, 48 (2001)
570577.
9
. : ROBIN, Les inscriptions de lArabie et les tudes
arabes, 572.
10
ROBIN, Les inscriptions de lArabie antique et les tudes arabes, 553555, 573.
, CH. J. ROBIN, Lcriture
arabe et lArabie // Pour la science (dition franaise de Scientific American), dossier
n 33: Du signe lcriture. Les naissances de lcriture. Lvolution de lcriture. La
pratique de lcriture (octobre/janvier 2002) 63, 64, 68.
11

, IV VI . -
, ,
.
 S. Frantsouzoff #!

, -
, .
, , -
matres lectionis, , -
.

-
, -
.
matres lectionis -
12 .
(, -
) .13 -
, ,
,
matres lectionis w y, -
. :14
I. :
1. :
(RIE 180; . . K);
2. :
dz/sdttM | /ngt (RIE 185 bis I/89; . RIE 185 bis II B/1011:
| ; . . UU#);
3. 1 sing. perf.:
w-mhdkM (RIE 191/38; . . HFq /
n/15 );
(RIE 193 I/31; . . D);
(RIE 194/9; . . );
II. :
1. 3 m. pl. -o\mu\:

12
., : P. MATTHIAE, Le matres lectionis dellarabo preislamico // RSO,
38 (1963) 233234.
13
. Zum Knigsnamen MHDYS der aksumitischen Mnzen (Exkurs von
M. Kropp) W. HAHN, Eine axumitische Typenkopie als Dokument zur sptantiken
Religionsgeschichte // Jahrbuch fr Numismatik und Geldgeschichte, 46 (1996)
9798.
14
matres lectionis
.
.
15
, ,
, -
, .
#" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

) :
lhmMm, bgMm, (RIE 185 bis I/9, 10; . RIE 185 bis II B/11, 12:
, ; . CAJ, ); w-wldMm (RIE 185 bis I/25;
. . );
) :
bshkMm (RIE 190 A/6; . . F{);
w-rkMm (RIE 190 A/3, 4; . . R{);
w-whbkMm (RIE 190 A/3; . . a{);
(RIE 193 I/30; . . F{);
(RIE 193 II/9; . . D{);
2. 3- 1 pl. perf. (?):
(RIE 185 II/4; . RIE 185 I/3: fnn; -
: r);
III. ( ):
1. :
Odn (RIE 185 bis I/1; . RIE 185 bis II B/1: ; . RIE 188/1, 189/
12: p);
dqOqm (RIE 185 bis I/7; . RIE 185 bis II B/9: ; . .
\);
ksMm (RIE 185 bis I/1; . RIE 185 bis II B/1: ; . RIE 188/2:
zI);
w-d-srOq (RIE 185 bis I/21; . RIE 185 bis II C/30: ; . .
O[ , 16 );
w-b-mMgs (RIE 191/2; . . JU);
2. J :
:: Hoc signo victor eris, (
MHDYS);17

16
W. LESLAU, Comparative Dictionary of Geez (Classical Ethiopic). Geez-
English/English-Geez with an index of the Semitic roots (Wiesbaden, 1987) 564.
RIE 185 I/19, ..-
,
(.., ( ,
) // . -
/ . . . . . . . . . . 2- .,
. . (., 1990) 167).
17
. HAHN, Eine axumitische Typenkopie... 87: n 2; 8889. . -
-,
MH.89 MHDYS AE.1, MH.89a MHDYS AE.1,
MH.89c MHDYS AE.1, MH.89d MHDYS AE.1, MH.89f MHDYS AE.1, MH.89g
MHDYS AE.1, MH.441 MHDYS AE.1, MH.442 MHDYS AE.1 (S. C. H. MUNRO-
HAY, The Munro-Hay Collection of Aksumite Coins (Supplemento n. 48 agli Annali
dellIstituto Orientale di Napoli, 46 (1986), fasc. 3) (Napoli, 1986) 3840, 4142,
pl. XXXIX b).
 S. Frantsouzoff ##

( ).18
, -
: w u\ o\, y e\. a\ .
, matres
lectionis (
). -
, :19 -
.20 -
, ,
,
. -
, -
, , -
, , , -
. :
IV . ,
.
, , -
, matres
lectionis .
\ (\)21 , -
RIE 193 I, II. -
18
. MH.456 Gersem AE.1, MH.457 Gersem AE.1, MH.206 Gersem AE.1,
MH.207 Gersem AE.1, MH.208 Gersem AE.1, MH.209 Gersem AE.1, MH.210
Gersem AE.1, MH.212 Gersem AE.1, MH.213 Gersem AE.1a, MH.214 Gersem AE.1a
(MUNRO-HAY, The Munro-Hay Collection of Aksumite Coins, 8083).
, ,
, -
(12701974), , , -
( XVIII . . . )
: J qT wI .
? , ,
-
: , ,
, .
19
,
. : Matres lectionis finden sich in den im Pseudosabischen Alphabet
geschriebenen Geez-Texten (HAHN, Eine axumitische Typenkopie... 98). ,
, . .
-
, .
20
. I/1, I/3 ( ), II/1 ( ), III/2 , , II/2.
21
, , -
, - .
#$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

-
,22 , -
, ; (RIE 193 I/3) (RIE 193 I/31),
(RIE 193 I/3-4, 6) (RIE 193 II/3). ,
mater lectionis -
3 m. pl. 1 sing. perf.23
, . .
IV V .,
-
-
. , .-
, \ -
.24 -, ,
-
22
,
(. E. LITTMANN, Sabische, Griechische und
Altabessinische Inschriften (Deutsche Aksum-Expedition hrsg. von der Generalverwal-
tung der Kniglichen Museen zu Berlin. Bd IV) (Berlin, 1913) 4246: Nr. 1213),
, , -
XX . -
, ,
., (. RIE, I, 279).
(LITTMANN, Sabische, Griechische und Altabessinische
Inschriften, 4648: Nr. 14) -
(RIE, I, 282). , , RIE 194
RIE 193 I.
,
. . , , , ,
- (. . . , -
\ \ ( ) //
(1962, 6) 119125). , -
, -
, .
23
. II/1.
24
VIIXII . (LITTMANN, Sabische, Griechische und Altabes-
sinische Inschriften, 42), IXXII . (, \ \-
119), , VII . (S. C. H. MUNRO-HAY, Aksum. An African
Civilisation of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh, 1991) 93, 262). IXXII . -
Encyclopaedia
Aethiopica (S. C. H. MUNRO-HAY, D. NOSNITSIN, Danel, ha ani, E II 8485).

-\\ X . -
, , , (. -
-
. XXII /
 S. Frantsouzoff #%

. ! -
, -
. ,
, , -
:
, ;\,
(RIE 232).
, , ,
matres lectionis
\ VII
IXXII. IV V .

SUMMARY
The question of the existence of matres lectionis in Geez has not yet drawn
the attention of researchers. In the middle of the 4th cent. A.D., the Ethiopic con-
sonant alphabet was transformed into a syllabic script; however, before this re-
form, some irregular attempts were undertaken to render the long vowels and
with the characters w and , and with y. They proved to be limited mostly to the
royal Geez inscriptions engraved in South Arabian writing (RIE 185 bis I; 191),
although this phenomenon is also attested in some texts compiled in Ethiopic
script (RIE 180; 193 I, II; 194), including the legends on the coins of the Aksumi-
te kings MH DYS and Gersem. In contrast to the Epigraphic South Arabian lan-
guages, the use of the w or y for rendering , even at the end of a word, is not
found in Geez. It is interesting to note that there is a small number of partly
vocalized inscriptions in which syllabic symbols are employed side by side with
matres lectionis. Among them, two were compiled by a certain hadni (hasni)
Danel (RIE 193 I, II), and they are usually dated from the 7th to the 12th cent.
A.D. However, the transitional nature of their script testifies that the texts of
Danel, and consequently those written during his reign, date back to a more
ancient period that directly followed the reform of the Geez writing, probably the
late 4th early 5th cent. Thus the analysis of a purely linguistic problem may result
in a conclusion of considerable importance for the history of Aksum.

.. .. (.., 1965) 44/1619 (. ), 62 (.),

443 (.)).
.
 Getatchew Haile
Hill Museum & Manuscript Library
Collegeville

THE MA SH AFA GE NZA T

AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE
REGARDING THE THEOLOGY
OF THE ETHIOPIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH

Introduction
The funeral ritual of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church is called Msha f
G nzt or Book of Shrouding and the practice is fthat, or absolution.
There is undoubtedly an etymological and practical relationship between the
Gz gnzt and the Arabic ganzah funeral. However, there are notewor-
thy differences in the practice. Whereas the Arabic verb gannaza, from which
ganzah is derived, means to conduct the funeral service, the Gz verb
gnz means to shroud the dead body in prayer. That is, anzah refers to
the entire service of the ritual, while gnzt refers to the individual shrou-
ding. The difference between the two is the difference between the whole and
a part of the whole. According to the directory of the Msha f Gnzt, shroud-
ing or gnzt is performed seven times during the fthat.
Assuming that the service is indeed an absolution for the remissions of
sins, one of the several theological implications of the service is clear. Even
though the ritual is called Msha f Gnzt, or Book of Shrouding, its ulti-
mate purpose is to absolve, to set free, to let loose or release the dead person
from the bondage of his/her sins. As such, it seems to conflict with and put
into question the relevance of the practice of confession (nssha), which, as
laid down in the Churchs canon laws, including the Msha f Fws Mnfsa-
wi, conditions absolution on repentance and suffering penance.
The foundation of the fthat ritual is Mt. 16:19: I will give you the keys
of the kingdom of heaven, and whatever you bind on earth, shall be bound in
heaven, and whatever you loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven.1 Through
this ritual, the clergy are free to absolve those among the dead who neither
repented nor confessed their sins and fulfilled the penance meted out to them.
Internal evidence suggests that the present Msha f Gnzt is a local com-
pilation and, as it is sometimes assumed, was not translated from Coptic Ara-
bic, despite the obvious relationship between Gz gnzt and Arabic gan-

1
See also Mt. 18:18.
 Getatchew Haile #'

zah (which could be the residue of an earlier ritual supplanted by the present
one). The history of the ritual, as narrated in its introduction, is the first piece
of evidence supporting this conclusion. It is related to the story of the finding
of the True Cross. One may recall that one of the versions of the latter story
states that Queen Helen, who found the Cross, was instrumental in causing
Judas (Yhuda), a certain Jew who helped her find the Cross, to be baptized
and elevated to Bishop of Jerusalem with the name Cyriacus (Kirakos).2 The
Msha f Gnzt extends this story and maintains that the queen found also
the hidden or lost funeral ritual, which Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus
used for shrouding Our Lord. It was hidden again after it was used for shroud-
ing the same Joseph and Nicodemus. Thereafter, Archbishop Benjamin of
Alexandria (Benjamin I, who held the office from 623 to 662?) discovered it
and sent (a copy?) to Ethiopians, having attached to it his petition: |Pc"
cx" &|" z\" vH:|P" &|`e#" And you, the people
of Ethiopia, remember me in your prayer(s); forget me not.3
As we shall see, the text of the Mshaf Gnzt contains excerpts from the
Ftha Ng t The Law of the Kings and rat z-Abba Pakw mis or (Mo-
nastic) Rules of Pachomius [Regulae Pachomii], quoted almost verbatim
from their respective Gz versions, which points toward the rituals native
character. The directive for the shrouding of monks and nuns and the exclu-
sion of that for bishops when quoting from the Ftha Ng t may show,
moreover, that the ritual was composed in the monasteries (Dbr Hayq sti-
fanos?) which kept the country in turmoil with theological and Christological
controversies from the time of Emperor Susnyoss (16071632) conversion
to Catholicism.
The most interesting evidence, however, is the insertion, in a quotation
from the Ftha Ngt, of the sentence HO" Jwz*" #M" Jxe"
&|w" v+z" `ez*"" If she [a woman who dies during, or immediate-
ly after, childbirth] does not have a clean dress, she shall not enter church.
Presumably, the authors of this sentence were referring to the poor economic
conditions of their surroundings, which again points to local composition.
I present here two excerpts from the Mshaf Gnzt, chosen because
they highlight the purpose of the ritual. The first is from the directive, which,
for a reason that will become clear shortly, does not appear in all the manu-
scripts of Msh a f Gnzt. The second is a story of a sinner who benefited

2
See ms. EMML 1763, fols. 23a27a, see GETATCHEW HAILE and WILLIAM F. MA-
COMBER, A Catalogue of Ethiopian Manuscripts Microfilmed for the Ethiopian Man-
uscript Microfilm Library, Addis Ababa and for the Hill Monastic Manuscript Li-
brary, Collegeville, vol. V, Collegeville, (Minnesota) 1981, p. 218; see also IGNAZIO
GUIDI, Textes orientaux indits du martyre de Judas Cyriaque vque de Jrusalem,
ROC 11 (1906), 337351.
3
See ms. EMML 3402, fol. 26b; see n. 8 below.
$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

from the performance of the ritual on his behalf. The compilers of the Msh af
Gnzt included it as concrete evidence of the necessity of the ritual. I note
that, as a reflection of the theological and Christological controversies, the
version of the book printed in Tnae z-Gubae printing press4 (owned and
operated by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church) and the majority of the manu-
scripts do not agree with the first excerpt on some crucial points, while the
printed edition has excluded the second excerpt all together.
Editing the entire text, although important, may not be an easy task. In the
collection of the Msh a f Gnzt manuscripts one clearly sees numerous var-
iations.5 The text printed in Tnae z-Gubae printing press is similar to
none of the several manuscripts I investigated. One reason for this variation
is related to a theological controversy between the adherents of the S gga
and Sost Ldt on one side and the adherents of the Qbat and Karra theo-
logical schools on the other side. The Msh a f Gnzt I am interested in
belongs apparently to the S gga group who, as we have now learned from an
unedited Acts (gdl) of Metropolitan Slama (18411868), instruct to give
Communion to the dead.6 My interest in the ritual lies in its contribution to
the history of the Ethiopian Church. Whether or not there are churches and
monasteries that, for example, give Communion to the dead today cannot be
determined from the manuscripts. The S gga adherents have been considered
heretics and excommunicated at the Church council of Boru Meda in 1878,7
and the ritual published by the Church does not contain this particular recom-
mendation.

4
OK " | "" H:| " IH " T{, Tnae z-Gubae Printing Press,
Addis Abba 1944 Eth. C. [1951/52 A. D.]; for the recent German translation, s.
FRIEDRICH ERICH DOBBERAHN, Der thiopische Ritus in: HANSJAKOB BECKER HER-
MAN HLEIN (Hrsg.), Liturgie im Angesicht des Todes: Judentum und Ostkirchen, St.
Ottilien 1997 (Pietas liturgica 9, 10), I, 137316; ID., Der thiopische Begrbnisri-
tus, in: ibid., I, 65784 [text]; ID., Der thiopische Begrbnisritus, in: ibid., II,
8591036 [translation]; ID., Weitere Formulare zum thiopischen Begrbnisritus,
in: ibid., II, 13971432 [translation].
5
ERNST HAMMERSCHMIDT, thiopische Handschriften vom Tnsee. 1: Reisebericht
und Beschreibung der Handschriften in dem Kloster des heiligen Gabriel auf der
Insel Kebrn, Franz Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden 1973 (Verzeichnis der orientalischen
Handschriften in Deutschland XX, 1), p. 129, ms. Tnsee 20 [= Kebrn 20], fols.
2ra99rb.
6
See DONALD CRUMMEY and GETATCHEW HAILE, Abun Slama: Metropolitan of
Ethiopia, 18411868: A New Gz Biography, JES 37/1 (2004), pp. 540, here pp.
22, 36.
7
DONALD CRUMMEY, Orthodoxy and Imperial Reconstruction in Ethiopia 1854-
1878, Journal of Theological Studies 29 (1978), pp. 427442, here pp. 440441.
 Getatchew Haile $

The two excerpts come primarily from ms. EMML 3402 (A), and they
have been collated with ms. EMML 3562 (B).8 For the quotations from the
Ftha Ngt (FN)9 and the rat z-Abba Pakwmis (SP),10 which are rath-
er extensive, I have relied almost wholly on the published versions. I limited
the study to two manuscripts because the informational value to be had from
using more would not have justified the effort. The punctuation, save for the
quotation from the FN and SP, is that of A, but paragraphing is mine. Words
in parenthesis are supplied for clarity; they are some times supported by B.

8
GETATCHEW HAILE, A Catalogue of Ethiopian Manuscripts Microfilmed for the
Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library, Addis Ababa and for the Hill Monastic
Manuscript Library, Collegeville, vol. VIII, Collegeville, (Minnesota) 1985, p. 242;
and vol. IX, 1987, p. 42, respectively.
9
IGNAZIO GUIDI (ed., tr.), Il Fetha Nagast o Legislazione dei Re codice eccle-
siastico e civile di Abissinia, Napoli 1897 (text), 1899 (tr.), chapter 22, pp. 142145
(text), 205208 (tr.).
10
AUGUST DILLMANN, Chrestomathia Aethiopica, edita et glossaria explanata,
Addenda e corrigenda adiecit Enno Littmann, Lipsiae 21941 [reprint, Darmstadt 1967],
p. 64.
$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Text*
(A, fol. 4a, B, fol. 3a) veO" x" J" Oe" oe"  TI""
M" z" OoO" |" ezw" Tc&e" T|K"
Y|" vz% " 1 OK" |K# " 2 vvY`z% " vvO|J"
vv{B3""
*mQ" |K#" z" e" RHz" 4 e" |"
T&\dH+T" z[v|"5 v" H+" Y|" xv#"6 )%OP["
*|" 05v&|"" #OJ""7 c+" R`T" m" x`D"
+H" Ke" e" zSz%" *&O" My" vR" Tp
Hv""8 (B, fol. 3b) v" v`"9 OemH" Hxc&" 10 Hxc&|"
HM|" 11 Hmc&e" 12 Hp" 13 HODT 14" He|" 15
ToP16 vR" H:|" " |xH#"17 veO" x" J" Oe"
oe" &|J#"18 `RpP" HF|" TYGP"" T"
P19 vJxe" Ke" *eO" |O`" vz%" O" yP" Jxe"
Ke" vOYz" cR|"20 vO" v+" H:e"21 K`" vO"
Hve" TdH&B" HO_{*" RB" Hxe" TdH&B" HcR*"
v\"22 H:P"23 %z"" *|H#" H:P" %OemH"24 |`c25"
|`"26 vR"27 vP"28 !IH+B"29 |"30 02 R}z"
Hmc&e" %Hp31 "HOKT""32 x`G" Ow`F|" (A, fol. 4b)
vz*GP" vz" Ta33 Jc}P" THO" JO|"34 ez"
HO" x`D""
T" vH#" *Mx" TH+" e" SJ""35 *|K#" ez"36
v+|" vO" Y`z%" e" zSz%"" T" xv#" IH" +" R"
#" v+z" &fP" O""
fv" " H" R\"" #\" eH+" " Ow`Fz""
Jvc#" F|" Jxc" zF" #" R{z"37 |m"" "
vH#" *H+" E " " v T^" |K#" O" Y`z" z%"
OK" Y#" Tz" `" v" XJe" T^"" vH#" "
K+|" +|" |K#" O" mQ" v" Y#" Tz"" `"
v" ^x" T^"" vH#" " IS"" |K#" O" mQ"
v" Y#" c" Tz" v" KTe" T^" vH#"38 ST"
" dT+|" |K#" O" *mQ" c" Tz"" v$ T^"
vH#"39 +" " "" *|K#" O" mQ" K#\" v" dx"

A = EMML 3402; B = EMML 3562; FN = Ftha Ngt, SP = rat z-Abba
Pak mis. If a variant reading comprises more than one word, its beginning is marked
w

by one asterisk (*) whereas the end is marked by a number referring to the apparatus.
If the variant is represented by a longer passage, its beginning is marked by two
asterisks (**) and the end by two asterisks and a number; in turn, a variant within
such a passage is designated, at the beginning, by the asterisk (*), and by the asterisk
with a number at the end. For the description of EMML 3402 and EMML 3562, see
n. 8, above.
 Getatchew Haile $!

T^" vH#"40 p" _e"41 d""42 x#" Tz"43 v" v+z" (B, fol.
4a)`ez*" HO"44 " mc&c" ezdJT"45 {yz" *HO" "
p" Ooc"" HO" " Mw,"46 e|" *vO" Y`|"
MGP"47 exP" vvO`&GP"" **HO" 48 " F"
x" ez" X+" OI|"" *oO" TY""49 *OC" p"
OC" Oe" Od|" Mw*" v(A, fol. 5a)" Ooe O"
Y`z%50 |K#" v&" |Kz""**51
*T[" S" |K|" 52 JP" *TYB" oe"
TP" v#`" 53 vvO`&GP" O" #" #K" voO"
&xK+`"" vO" v+" &"54 v+J" vJ" Y" c|"
T" yM|" HHT" *T[" S" H:|" eU"55 *H&m"
F|"56 " cH:" *Mx" H" AH" TeH+B" eT""57
*" IH+B"58 ox" |" **ezdJU"59 {yz"" *v"
c"60 v" Onx`" xH#"61 {"" *xv#" H:z" Onx`"
H:z" " x"" ex" ez" Onx`" v`" H"
e"62 TeH+B"**63 ez" R`#""
(B, fol. 3a) **fv" Uz|" xc&|" vH&" " vOH" `d""
x" " vJ" Jxe" &H|" yz%" J" IH+D"
vv+z" `ez*" eO" U|" K"" HO" Jwz*" #M" Jxe"
&|w"64 v+z" `ez*""
&v" T|"65 *ToO" "66 J" z%" "
^" eO" *OK" x[c&e"67 `" O" Hv&{" [|"
Y" +ae" *T[" Uz|" x68 Oc"69 " z%"
&H#" T&x`" TO" vOH" `| Pz% "
&JP" *v"" "70 " T{" 71 `c#K" *vW["
,GP"72 H#"73 *O" &xP"74 ez" v+z" `ez*" *vH"
xP""75 **76 `" mc&e" " xx" H:z" ""
(B, fol. 4a) T[" zO" H:z" xz" O_|" =H#" H:z"
|K|" T#" T"" oP" oO" OTF\" Ax"77 Tz"
H" HTe&"" Hv+^|" H(A, fol. 5b)H" R{" QO"
Hv+z" `ez*"" ^" OTF\""78 O" #" eT"79 voO"
&xK+`"" O" *Av" Tz"80 Oc"81 P" H"" vH"82
|Kz" OTF\"83 Jy" vt"84 vO" v+H:" &" H+ae""
W`" vT(B, fol. 4b)`" #" W#[" vcR|"" {M" vT`"85
#" z%K" vcR|""
O" v\" vH| ["86 zmx["" HO"87 zFH:P"
*$OH" |K#" v\" t`w""88 HO" &zFH:P" vXJe|"
H|" O"89 |X+B" HnJ"" *T" vdx|" H|""90 eO"
v%H|"91 |vM" c#" v" dx" cR"92 oO" Ov[" exKz*B"
H&xK+`"" OC" o" OC" "" v" v0 H|"
*xv#" vez" Onx]B" vOJ|" %&+" vH+H&|" %&+"93 e"
0 H|"" *`# "94 " P" H:z" "" v" v\"
*v#H|" $vH|"" eO"95 v$H| `"96 &"97 cRz""98
$" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

vO" v+" w" =Qe" HOy"99 [" T"100 |M"

HHcz%""101 *vH:z" 102 v $H|"103 |x#" =H:P" od"
v&+" T" ez" v+z" `ez*" |H#" 104 F|" *"
p|"105 =H:P" v" od"106 e"107 H:z%" HUz"108
vT" H:P" 109 T" 110 " 111 xP" IH" "
" " zB" *=I" H+H&z112 eO" [x#" xJ" "
*O" M"113 O"114 mT" oO" ]115 (A, fol. 6a) *HHC"
H"116 *P" v&" ev""117
v" v\"118 v^H|" v*H|"" v)v*3H|""119 v"
vzSz"120 O|" v\"121 O"122 zaP" Hv"" *`"
vH:|" oc+" t`w""123 eO" *vt" " m`y"124 v"
`e}e"" RB"125 fv" H" Pc+"" vz" av+J" T[" U(B, fol.
5a)z" v )05O|" eze[" H:z%" v" &xK+`"" *RB"
J" H" HF|" Hp|"126 v`" H:P" " t`w""
" v+GP"127 eO" v+" HeKo" vTdH" v"" RB"128
P" v+" YB" oe" P" v#`" *P" F"
[z"129 HO" c" v+B" *H:z%C" HUzC P"130 e"
v&"" z" xJ" vz" x`z" &xK+`" wMz*}P""
H[c&c"131 HO" *Av# =H:" xH" HT""132 H" Jy"
vtP"" eO" " *AH" vM}P" }P" IB""
fv"133 " THT" Jyz%"134 TM[|" eO" Jy" J" vv+B""
eO" o" &xK+`" m" m[""
*HF" Uz"135 TRB" &z" IH+B" O" z["
Mx"" &Y" Jwc&B" &J"136 x" &&" Y`}""
I" =}" H&xK+`" x#"" #" zX+" vO^B" O"
&x" o"" *|P" F|" mde|" p|" O|"
|+J" v" &xK+`"" |#" m%K"137 v=H#" &+"" fv"138
zP" *vz%" H|"139 xJ#" *vY`|" v`Dz"140 &(A,
fol. 6b)xK+`" xJ#" eO" O|" |J"141 IH" H" Hc#" Tz%"
HT""

(A, fol. 115a; B, fol. 8a) *+" T" v+"142 AH:" xc&"
wJ" vKz*" A`" &`G" H&xK+`" &x`" W" H"
Hxz" `ez*|"" AH:" 143+&e" pe" xc&" oe" `G"
H&xK+`" ez" z*" A`" J" H#" wJ " T"
Hv#B" +Y" " xJ" w" ^F" T=B" H&xK+`"
zY"144 [o" T&|"" v#Bc" &cT" TB"" P"
" v&[" "" ,e" &z" vv" &|" Jm"145
OH&B" vJ|" `=e"
(B, fol. 8b) T" Uz" z%"146 wJ" "147 z%" +&e" pe"
oaP" Hv#B" 148 " HA" m" Hv#B" cH" v"
&xK+`"149 vx#" T" |F" O" `" v"150 " O"
 Getatchew Haile $#

AH:" v#B" O" " z%" T|"151 " IH+B"" v+" *T|"
Hv#" Uz%""152
O"153 OJ" &xK+`" " vMJT" Oz" ""
xN" ez" O" z%" vTdH" x" Po"154 m" TH#"
JOz" z`" v" d(A, fol. 115b)|" z"" `" Tez,z%"155
&e" " TB" +" c#T" " #" m"" ["156
+&e" pe" zeH:" Hz%" OJ" *vz" z%" O" \T"
O`F" " v+H:" OJ"157 z*" O" |cO" DT""
vez% { " \" =H:P" xJ|" #"" *H" SF\"
&X+" 158 Hv&P" H" H" OH&GP" *v|J|"
vO"159 Uz%"160 vH" eK" z*" O" Tv+" AH:" ez,{"
v#" z%" " O|Mz" {Mz*|"161
m*N" TP" Y" =H:" "162 " v#B" H" H"
HTe&" O"163 H" x[" t`w" vz*B" vv+z" `cz*"
e" $H|"164 cH:" H&xK+`" vx#" `" x""165
O" v+B" z%" OJ" c"166 vMJT" ez"167 O"
AH:" yz%" v#B"168 T`c#" e" d" {Mz" ez" "" m*N"
+&epe"169 TP" c" O" vv" T" |`Tz"170 |D""
x["171 t`w" e" O(B, fol. 9a)m" O|""172
v" O" *OJ" v+B173 c" &B" *O" `"
Hv#B" " &"174 T" TKmB" {Mz" ez" " v"175
v+H:" Hv#B" w" z" ^F#"176 H" T#"177 &m"
|eR" T"178 Y"179 v#B"180 v+H:" " J" O"
|wJK" T="181 O]`"" e"182 O" H:z" &|" *t`w"
Tz"183 eO" vz" H:|" vz" YB" P" H`e}e"
*" O(A, fol. 116a)m" Y" Om" e" Tc&J" AH:""184
m* N " 185 +&epe" " O" H:z" |D" vWo"
vKO" x[" t`w" e"186 O|""
T" v" `"187 vMJT" " ["188 &" &c#e"
`c}e"189 ez" z%" O"" " Hz%" OJ"" v+H:
" Hz*" e" |T" v+""190 fv" T" v+"191 OK`"
Hz*" e" vz" RB" Mm%" H+&e" pe"" vz"192 Y"
T" Mw" vR" M|"" x" ez" |"193
m*N" TP"194 zYK" "" cxN" H&xK+`"
M" eH:" H&xK+`" O" TK[" e[" H"
&""195 [e" J" HOYz%" vH:{" H&|" R`T"
zzO" eH{|" vH:z" Ke" OTo"196 v" KoJ" T 197
vH:z" e&e" H&m" p|"" mS" cR|" +" J"
HHO" HT" S""198
$$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

1. B Tz%"
2. B omits.
3. B omits.
4. B mS" =H#" &+" z" e" nH" |z,e" P" F|"
RHz"
5. B z" z[v|"
6. B adds IH+B".
7. B OJ" cH:U"
8. B adds mO" My" vR" [" &O" Tp" vR" H:|""
fv" Uz|" xc&|" vH&" " vOH" M`d" Mx" "
vJ" Jxe" &H|" yz%" J" IH+D" vv+z" `ez*"" eO"
U|" K" HO" Jwz*" #M" Jxe" &|w m" v+z" `ez*""
K&v" T|" ToO" " J" z%" " ^" eO"
OK" x^c&e" `" O" Hv&{" [|" Y" +ae" ["
Uz|" Kx" Oc" " z%" &H#" T&x`" TO" vOH"
`|" Pz%" &JP"" " v" " T{" `c#K"
v*GP" (sic) &H#" O" xP" ez" v+z" `ez*" vH"
MxP"" `" mc&e" " xx" H:z" (B, fol. 3b) " HO"
" mc&e" v\" H:z%" !Rzv" Hp" Rzv" HMw*" Rzv";
A omits at this place and places toward the end.
9. B omits.
10. B Hxc&"
11. B HM|" RB" v\"
12. B Hmc&e"
13. B Hp"
14. B HODT" HM|"
15. B Hxc&|"
16. B ToP"
17. B xH#"
18. B &J#"
19. B #"
20. B OYz" cR|"
21. B omits.
22. B v\"
23. A omits.
24. A |J" OemH""
25. A v|`c#"
26. A v|#"
27. B vR"
28. B vT"
29. B !IH+GP""
30. A |"
31. B Hp" %
32. B HMw*" ODT" "
33. B omits.
 Getatchew Haile $%

34. B JO}P"
35. B H+" e" IS"
36. B |K#" |Kz" v"
37. A Rz"
38. B vT^"
39. B Y`z" z%" OK" T" Y#" Tz" `" v"
J" T^" vH#"
40. B RB" O" mQ" v" Y#" v" XJ" T^" m"
v+z" `ez*"" v" vJ"
41. A adds _e"
42. B |K#" RB"" T" Y#" T!T^"
43. B omits.
44. B HO"
45. B ezXJP"
46. A OC" p"
47. A O" Y`z" MGP"
48. B HO"
49. A omits.
50. B HOC" Mw* " p" Oe" Od|" vO"
X&O}P" HMw*" HMw*|" vO" Y`z%" " v+z" Ooe"
exP"
51. **FN HO" " Oz*" F" #" oO" TY" TI*""
HO" " T" Mx" #" {Mz" TY""
52. A T"
53. A YB" oc"" U" v#[" H`e}e"
54. B omits.
55. This is according to the FN; A [ " eU"; B _B " eT"
56. FN omits.
57. FN T_B" eT" #w+" H" AH" F"" T["; B
cT" H" AH" F"
58. FN " IH+B" H&m" F|" A IH+B" "
59. B H&m" F|" _B" ezdJT"
60. B v" e"
61. B " xH#"
62. B e" zSz%" v\" H:z" Onx`" " " xv#"
H:z" " [" x" ex" ez" Onx`" v#`" v`"
e"
63. **FN +H&" vz*B" H:z" W#z"" T[" z%" x`"
HYB" ez" O" v#`" v[" Y" #M" e" TeH+B
64. B adds m"
65. FN T|"
66. A omit.
67. A OK" x[c&e""; B OK" x^c&e"
68. A Kx" [" Uz|"; B [" Uz|" Kx"
69. AB Oc"
$& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

70. A "; B v"

71. A T{" FN P{"
72. B v*GP"
73. AB &H#"
74. A x" B O" xP"
75. A vH" Mx""
76. **B places toward the beginning.
77. A O" Av#"
78. B omits.
79. B adds OTF\"
80. B Av#" H&xK+`" Tz"
81. B HO"
82. B vH"
83. OTF`"
84. B vtP""
85. B vv" T`"
86. B v\" H:z%" vHz" ["
87. B HO"
88. B $OJz" |Kz" t`wz" v\" H:z%""
89. A O"
90. B [" v%H|"
91. A omits.
92. B omits.
93. B xv#" vv&+B" ez" Onx`" vH+H&|" !&+" vOJ|" !&+"
94. B \" " "
95. B omits.
96. B omits.
97. B adds &c#e" `e}e" eO" `"
98. This paragraph is a drastic rephrase of the FN.
99. A Oy"; B HOy"
100. A T""
101. SP HHcz%/ HHHz%"; B HHHz%"
102. SP v&+ " B vH:|"
103. B e" $H|" v#H|" v$H|"
104. SP |H#"
105. AB p|" ""
106. A omits.
107. A e"
108. AB v" &xK+`"
109. A adds Fz,B"; AB add HUz"
110. A " B omits.
111. AB "
112. B OJz" H+H&z" =H:" &+"
113. A M" O" Y"; B Hz" Y"; AB plus Axz" J"
114. B omits.
 Getatchew Haile $'

115. AB (A, fol. 6a)&xK+`"

116. AB HH" +J"
117. A ev"v&" voO" &xK+`""; B cv P""
118. B omits.
119. B v)^!H|"
120. B zSz"
121. B omits; A adds v\"
122. B O"
123. B v\" H:P" t`w" `P" vH:|" oc+" eO"
vtP"
124. B vtP" " m`yP"
125. B RB"
126. B M" J" RB" zv&" F|" p|"
127. A omits.
128. B RB"
129. B M" [|"
130. B H:z%" HUz" "
131. B H[c&c"
132. B xH" =H#" HT" Av#"
133. B AH:" vMz%" I&" z%" zm" \" O" z%" I&B"
fv"
134. A JyP"
135. B F" HO" Uz"
136. B &J"
137. B F|" p|" H" v&xK+`" v&" &c#e"
`e}e" O|" |#" #K"
138. AB HO"
139. AB omit.
140. This is according to FN; AB voT" v]D"
141. A |+J"
142. A O|" v"
143. B omits.
144. B zDY" T=H#" #"
145. B FHm" =H:"
146. B adds xc&"
147. B adds vz*B"
148. B HH&B" Hv#B"
149. B adds vz" v#B"
150. B ez"
151. B Tz"
152. B vz" T|" Uz%" Hv#""
153. B adds v+B"
154. A TH#"
155. A omits.
156. A adds z%"
% Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

157. A omits.
158. B &TF\" " H" &W"
159. A v=H#" |J|" O" `=e"
160. B omits.
161. B adds cQ" z%" +&e" pe" " v" O]["
162. B omits.
163. B O"
164. B $OJ""
165. B omits.
166. B c"
167. B adds z%"
168. B adds `" Hv#B"
169. B omits.
170. B |TF`z"
171. B adds H:z%"
172. B Oz""
173. B v+B" z%" OJ" vFJT"
174. B `" Hv#B" B" "
175. B v"
176. B ^F#"
177. A omits.
178. B omits.
179. B TD
180. B Y"
181. B Tz%" =" "
182. B e"
183. B Tz" v`" Tz" t`w" vz" v+""
184. B #" Om" e" T" c&J" [#" RTo"
Om" e" ez" c&J" |" AH:#""
185. B adds z%"
186. B adds S"
187. B `"
188. B omits.
189. B adds ["
190. B " Hz*" e" T" v+B""
191. B adds &"
192. B vz"
193. B z" |YM|"
194. B z%" &&e" pe"
195. B adds vx" TM[z%"
196. A omits.
197. B T"
198. B " S"
 Getatchew Haile %

Translation
(A, fol. 4a; B, fol. 3a) In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy
Spirit.
We write this introduction to the funeral ritual1 that we have compiled
from the Sinodos and the F tha Ng t. One shall absolve with this book,
according to its directives, its sequences, and its classes.
First, let them absolve (using the prayers), the departure of the soul, (by
Athanasius) and the passing of the soul that came from Jerusalem and was
found in the hands of Queen Helen, and read over (the dead person) the 150
psalms of David, 15 Prophets, Songs of Solomon, the Praises of Mary, the
Gate of Light.2 And read3 (over the water) the Gospel of John, to the end,
and bathe and baptize the corpse.4 (B, fol. 3b) Also, provide a cross for a
man, a woman, children, priests, deacons, laymen and women, and baptize
them with water of prayer, saying, In the name of the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Spirit. You shall not remove the undergarment of priests from their
body. Then shroud them with new clothes, that it may signal with this that
they have new clothes in the kingdom of heaven, as the Apostle Paul has
said, As we are clothed in the image of the earthly, likewise we shall be
clothed in the image of the heavenly.5
Perform for (the dead) seven shroudings, setting for them seven crosses
one at the head side, one at the feet side, one at the right, one at the left, and
three on them. Let them also kindle twelve lamps for a priest, seven for a
deacon, and four for laypeople. Putting on lights (A, fol. 4b) for them is for
the recognition of their translation from the world of darkness to the world of
light.
Then let the people recite (the psalm from) aleph to gimel.6 Let them
perform the absolution (beginning) at home to the end, according to the di-
rective. Then, let them read (prayers) on salt and water and sprinkle the house,
removing the carpet.

1
I. e. the Mshaf Gnzt.
2
These are the contents of the Ethiopic Psalter.
3
In the directive, the subject interchanges frequently between they, the clergy,
and you, obviously the priest in charge. When in general, the object is referred to
as either he (singular masculine) or they (plural masculine). The soul is femi-
nine. The verb is mostly in the imperative.
4
The beginning and the end of the instruction are not clear. It could mean, ...the
Gate of Light and the Gospel of John, to the end. And having read (all these over the
water), bathe and baptize the corps.
5
I Cor. 15:49.
6
These are the alphabetical marks of the subdivisions of Ps. 118/119.
% Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

When they bring out the shrouded one from his dwelling, let them carry
wheat, incense, and lights. Let the clergy put on their clerical vestments, carry
censers and chant. Also, let them read at the second station,7 daleth, he, (and)
vau and absolve according to the directive of this book. And let them lift up
the dead and rest at the third station, read zain, cheth (and) teth, and absolve as
before. Again, let them lift up the dead and rest at the fourth station, read jod,
caph, (and) lamed, and absolve as before. Again, let them lift up the dead, and
take (him) to the fifth station, read mem, nun, (and) samech, and absolve like
before. Let them take the dead to the sixth station, read ain, pe, (and) tzaddi,
and absolve like before. Let them go to the seventh station, read koph, resh,
(and) shin, and bring in the dead into (B, fol. 4a) the church. If he is a priest,
let them make him greet the tabot; if he is a deacon, (just) the sanctuary.8 If it
is a layman or a woman,9 (let it be) according to the order (they observed)
when they were alive. And let them lie down according to their ranks. If it is a
priest, let them bring him in, inside the curtain, before the altar. But if it a
deacon, a monk, a nun or a layman, (let it be) outside (A, fol. 5a) the sanctu-
ary, according to the directive, and absolve the grand absolution.
After the completion of the absolution, let (the clergy) make (the dead
person) taste from (Christs) holy body and his honored blood, according to
their rank, so that they may be pure before God, as Our Lord has said in the
Gospel, He who ate my body and drank my blood will have eternal life.10
After the completion of the prayer, let the high priest kiss him bidding him
farewell. And let the people who are with him kiss him. Let (the high priest)
spill on him oil, and have him greet the tabot. And then let them take him to
the tomb and read tau, say the Prayer of Burial and the Prayer of Incense. Let
them bring him into the tomb and make him lie near those who are his equals
to his rank.
(B, fol. 3a) And when a woman dies in childbirth or during the time of her
confinement in childbed,11 let them bath her and shroud her in another dress
she had not used when giving birth, and pray over her (body) in church; for
death has purified her. But if she does not have clean clothes, let her not enter
church.12

7
M raf.
8
Mqds.
9
Anst, in plural.
10
Jn. 6:54. This sentence is neither in all manuscripts nor, of course, in the FN;
but in the manuscripts in which it is found, the point is made in more than one place
and unequivocally, e.g. B, fol. 22a: xJ" TYB" Hz%" v" O" M"
voO" &xK+`" Make the corpse eat from the body (of Christ) so that he
may be purified before God.
11
Hrs.
12
This sentence is not in the FN, and appears to be at variance with the preceding
sentence.
 Getatchew Haile %!

Bathing the dead before they shroud him is necessary; it is not an inven-
tion, for the book of Acts tells that they had bathed the disciple Tabitha,
whom Peter raised after she died.13 If this was unnecessary, the faithful would
not have practiced it during the time of the Disciples; and (the Disciples) did
not forbid them. Moreover, the dead become filthy as a result of their sick-
ness, and so, it is necessary that they do not let them into church without
bathing them. Let the priest raise incense and read the Prayer of Incense.
(B, 4a) After the Prayer of Burial and all the prayer(s) of absolution are
completed, let them bring from his possession and put it before his teacher14
so that he may give alms (on his behalf), be it to the poor, the wretched, the
elderly, and (A, fol. 5b) the orphans or to the church. Let the teacher dispense
(it) so that he may be a witness before God that he has given alms. If (people)
only fast and pray, it will not be sufficient without the absolution of the tea-
cher, as Our Lord has said to Peter, Whomever you bind on (B, fol.4b) earth,
let him be bound in heaven, and whomever you loose on earth, let him be
loosed in heaven.15
Do like this on the day (the person) rested and is buried. If it is possible
for them, let them absolve and celebrate the Eucharist 40 days. If it is impos-
sible for them, (let them do it) on the third day, as the Resurrection of the
Word; then on the seventh day, for his soul reaches (on that day) the seventh
heaven, before the throne of the glory of God, whether righteous or sinful.
Then also on the twelfth day, let them read at the tomb seven times during the
day and seven times during the night16 for twelve day.17 Let them raise in-
cense, reciting the Prayer of Incense. Let them again perform (the ritual) on
the thirtieth day and fortieth day, because Our Lord had ascended the heavens
on the fortieth day.
As abba Pachomius has said, If one of the brothers dies, let them absolve
him every hour/day18 with Prayer of Incense. On the fortieth day, let all the
saints19 assemble in church at compline, and the priests apportion incense,
and the deacons all the holy fathers perform prostration, as much as they can,
before him who has died. Then, let them spill their tears on the incense and
incense vigilantly all night, for I have found which says, He will be like an
infant when he stands before (A, fol. 6a) the Creator. And for those who
prayed it will be a great reward.

13
Acts 9:36.
14
I. e. confessor father.
15
Cf. Mt. 16:19.
16
B has three times during the night and three times during the day.
17
The expression, for twelve days, is apparently added as a result of corruption
of the sentence.
18
Cf. SP which also has the variants like the ritual manuscripts.
19
I. e. the monks.
%" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Again, let them celebrate on the sixtieth day, eightieth day, and on the one
hundred eighty-third day.20 Moreover, let them celebrate at the anniversary,
as the commemoration of the fathers. Let them commemorate him in prayer(s),
and Mass. For the Eucharist benefits him very much, and brings him close to
Christ. Similarly, when Moses prayed for Reuben (B, fol. 5a) 215 years after
he died, he earned him forgiveness from God.21 Similarly, it is incumbent
upon us, priests and deacons, that we celebrate for (the dead with) incense
and the Eucharist that will be their redemption, for (celebration) has redeemed
Isaac in the likeness of a ram. Similarly, his holy body and his honored blood
will be a redemption for them; it will be for them peace and rest. If one adds
(more) to it, it will be a great reward for him as well as the dead. We say this
only regarding the servants of God. As for the sinners, even if they give the
poor the wealth of the whole world, it will not benefit them, because when
they were alive, they were haters (of almsgiving). When he leaves the world,
he will have no mercy, because there is no partiality with (God). For God is
righteous, and he loves righteous deeds.22
And let not a priest, one of whose relatives dies, grieve over him like the
rest of the heathens. Let him not tear his clothes nor dwell long in mourning,
nor pull his hair. Rather, let him give thanks to God very much. Let him be
perseverant in his trying like the righteous Job. O you, priests, and deacons, it
is necessary that you pray to God and be alert23 at all times. When you are
invited on that day, eat in measure and with the fear of God (A, fol. 6b), for it
is necessary that you pray on those who are translated from this world.

(A, fol. 115a; B, fol. 8a) One of the brothers reported thus: There was a
rich man in a certain city who neither feared God nor did good to the poor or
the churches. There was in that city a bishop, a holy man who feared God; he
was the son of the wicked rich man. He used to preach his father and admo-
nish him, saying, Father, fear the judgment of God; control yourself and stay
away from sin. But his father did not listen to him. Rather, he increased
doing wicked things. He added sin to sin. His time was finished in lawless-
ness and filth.
Then (B, fol. 8b) the rich man died. The bishop grieved (because) he
loved his father very much. He mourned his father very much and petitioned
God, with much fasting and vigilance, in order that he may show him at what
place his father was, how he was, and what had happened to him. He said,
What is (the consequence of) death to my father?

20
B has 163 days.
21
Deut. 33:6 (?).
22
Ps. 10/11:7.
23
The word is nquhan, alert, watchful, vigilant. It could be a misreading of
nsuhan clean, pure, which also B has.
 Getatchew Haile %#

An angel of God came and had him tour, in a dream, the places of damna-
tion. He brought him to a certain place. It was in the likeness of a very deep
pit filled with darkness, a pit dug of (A, fol. 115b) fire and brimstone. Smoke
came up from it, and a very bad, stinking, and reeking smell emitted from it.
The bishop was astounded; he asked the angel about this awful and very
much fear-inspiring place. The angel said to him, This place is called hell.24
There dwell in it all wicked rich people who neither have mercy25 (upon the
poor) nor do good to their friends and who pass their time in violence and
crime, and die without repentance. This place of tribulation is where you
father is. He is buried in the lowest of the low.
When (the bishop) woke up from his sleep, he took all the money his
father left behind and divided (it) among the poor and the wretched. He fas-
ted, prayed, and celebrated the Eucharist in the church for him for forty days.
He petitioned God with much agony and tears.
The same angel came to him (and) took him, in a dream, to the place
where his father was way down in damnation (below) his head up to his
neck.26 When the bishop woke up from his sleep, he added fasting to fasting,
abstinence, and vigilance. He celebrated the Eucharist up to half (B, fol. 9a)
a year.
The angel came to him again in a dream and took him to the same place
where he showed him his father. Behold, (his father) had come out from
damnation, (but) he was way down in damnation from his waist. He cried,
and said to his father, O father, this was what I feared for you and preached
you. (But) you did not want to listen to me. His father answered, saying,
Make haste, O my son, so that you may rescue me from (this) bitter torture.
Add fasting and prayer, and abandon not (the celebration of) the Eucharist
and almsgiving, because of your prayer(s) and because of the body and blood
of Christ (A, fol. 116a) half of my body is saved, but half of my soul is still in
Hades.
When the bishop woke up, he increased fasting, praying, and vigilance,
being in sackcloth and ashes; celebrated the Eucharist up to a year.
Then he saw, again in a dream: Behold, Our Lord Jesus Christ has come
down to that place, and gave an order to the same angel: He said to him,
Bring out that soul; let her come to me. When he brought her, (the Lord)
said, I have forgiven this soul for the sake of the toil and effort of the bishop,
and for the sake of my body and my blood. Bathe her with the water of life
and bring her in to Paradise.

24
The word is ghannm Gehenna.
25
Lit. they teach; obviously for iyymh ru they have no mercy; B has
iyymhru.
26
Lit. from his head to his neck.
%$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

When (the bishop) woke up from his sleep, he rejoiced very much, and
praised God. We, too, let us pray to God so that he may have mercy upon us
and forgive us our sins, and make us worthy of his kingdom, by the prayer of
Our Lady Mary, the ladder of petitions; and by the prayer of John the Baptist,
the star of the field and wilderness; and by the prayer of Stephen, the Arch-
deacon and the Protomartyr;27 now and always and forever. Amen.

SUMMARY
The funeral ritual of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church is an important source on
the history of the Churchs Christology. There are several variants of the ritual,
reflecting, among others, the 17 th-century theological and Christological
controversies regarding the incarnation of the Word. The ritual studied here belongs
to the Sgga group.

37
This is arguably an indication that the ritual was composed in the monastery of
Dbr Hayq stifanos, Ambassl, Wllo (Amhara).
 Marilyn E. Heldman
The University of Missouri-Saint Louis
Monica S. Devens
St. Louis University Law School

THE FOUR GOSPELS OF DA BRA MA AR:

COLOPHON AND NOTE OF DONATION*

The focus of this article is the dedicatory colophon and the note of dona-
tion of the Four Gospels of Dbr Mar. With elaborate Canon tables, a
preface of three full-page miniatures, and four evangelist portraits, the Dbr
Mar Gospels is a manuscript de luxe. The three miniatures showing the
Crucifixion, the Holy Women at the Tomb, and the Ascended Christ are the
earliest known example of what is recognized as an iconographically distin-
ctive Gospel preface. Thus, because of the significant position of this manu-
script in the history of Ethiopian manuscript illumination, the translation and
discussion of the colophon and note of donation is preceded by a brief dis-
cussion of the relationship of the preface miniatures of the Four Gospels of
Dbr Mar to other Ethiopic illuminated manuscripts of the Four Gospels
dating to the late 13th and 14th cent.
Although a prefatory cycle of Christological miniatures appears in several
of the earliest extant illustrated Gospel books, namely the 6th-cent. Greek Ros-
sano Gospels and the Syriac Rabbula Gospels dated A.D. 586,1 the earliest
extant Christological preface in an Ethiopic Gospel book is found in the so-
called Gospels of abba Iysus Moa of Dbr Hayq stifanos dated A.D.
1280/81.2 This is probably not the first Christological preface ever to have
been produced for an Ethiopic manuscript of the Four Gospels, but, because

* Dr. Monica S. Devens is responsible for the translation of the colophon and the
note of donation. She also provided provisional translations of the additional notes,
which require further study, and thus do not appear in their entirety in this publication.
1
See J. LOWDEN, The Beginnings of Biblical Illustration, in: Imagining the
Early Medieval Bible, ed. by J. Williams (University Park PA: the Pennsylvania State
University Press, 1999), 959.
2
See W. F. MACOMBER GETATCHEW HAILE, A Catalogue of Ethiopian Manu-
scripts Microfilmed for the Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library, Addis Ababa
and for the Hill Monastic Manuscript Library, Collegeville, vols. IX (Collegeville,
19751993) [in the following: EMML], here V, 293301, no. 1832. M. E. HELDMAN,
An Ethiopian Miniature of the Head of St. Mark: Egyptian Influence at the Mona-
stery of St. Stephen, Hayq, in: Ethiopian Studies, Dedicated to Wolf Leslau on the
occasion of his seventy-fifth Birthday (November 14th, 1981) by friends and collea-
gues, ed. by S. Segert and A. J. E. Bodrogligeti (Wiesbaden, 1983), 554568.
%& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

this is the earliest extant prefatory cycle of Christological miniatures, writing

the history of the Christological preface in Ethiopian manuscript illumination
must begin with this manuscript. Most earlier Ethiopic manuscripts of the
Four Gospels did not survive what Getatchew Haile has termed a systematic
destruction of the past on religious grounds, which occurred some time after
the establishment of the so-called Solomonic dynasty in 1270.3 Furthermore,
the late Sevir B. Chernetsov observed evidence of the destruction of historical
writings during this same period.4 The fourteen-miniature Christological pre-
face of the Gospels of abba Iysus Moa begins with the Annunciation to
Mary, ends with the Ascension of Christ, and includes full-page miniatures of
Christs Infancy and Passion.5 This Christological preface cycle served as the
essential model for the fourteen-miniature Christological preface in the manu-
script of the Four Gospel created ca. 1320 at Dbr Hayq stifanos for the
monasterys abbot, Krstos Tsfan, although the miniatures of the latters
Gospel book are by no means always direct copies of the former.6 This exten-
ded Christological preface inspired the creation of similar prefaces in other
Ethiopic manuscripts of the Four Gospels of the late 14th and 15th cent.7
The Christological preface of the Dbr Mar Gospels, preceded by a
set of elaborately decorated Canon tables8 and followed by four Evangelist
portraits, is limited to only three full-page miniatures the Crucifixion, the
Holy Women at the Tomb, and the Ascended Christ. In Marilyn Heldmans

3
GETATCHEW HAILE, Who is Who in Ethiopias Past, Part II: the Zagwe Royal
Family after Zagwe, Northeast African Studies 7, no. 3 (1985), 41, 47 n. 2.
4
S. B. CHERNETSOV, The Crisis of Ethiopian Official Royal Historiography and
its Consequences in the 18th Century, in: Proceedings of the Eleventh International
Conference of Ethiopian Studies, ed. by Bahru Zewde, R. Pankhurst, Taddese Beyene
(Addis Ababa, 1994), I, 87. The earliest extant chronicle is considered to be that of
the emperor Amd Syon I (13141344).
5
The miniatures of this remarkable manuscript have not been published in their
entirety; for a complete list of the miniatures, EMML V, 293301.
6
For lists of the miniatures of the Christological prefaces of these two manu-
scripts of the Gospels produced at Dbr Hayq stifanos, see HELDMAN et al., Afri-
can Zion: the Sacred Art of Ethiopia (New Haven & London, 1993), 176177.
7
These include the Kbran Gospels (HELDMAN et al., African Zion: the Sacred Art
of Ethiopia, 178179, with further bibliography); the Gospels of Princess Zir Gane-
la, New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M828 (M. E. HELDMAN, The Gospels of Prin-
cess Zir Ganela, an Ethiopic Manuscript dated 1400/01 A.D., unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, Washington University in St. Louis, 1972); and the Four Gospels of the
Metropolitan Museum of the City of New York, No. 1998.66 (H. C. EVANS [ed.],
Byzantium. Faith and Power (12611557), catalogue of an exhibition of the Metro-
politan Museum of Art [New York and London, 2004], catalogue no. 267).
8
Canon tables are a tabular form of Gospel concordance that demonstrate the har-
mony of the Four Gospels. See M. E. HELDMAN, Canon tables, in: E I, 680681.
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens %'

article of 19799 and Claude Lepages article of 1987,10 both authors conclu-
ded that this abbreviated three-miniature frontispiece follows an iconographic
scheme inspired by Late Antique works of art that celebrate major sites of
pilgrimage in the Holy Land. One of the most definitive aspects of the minia-
ture of the Crucifixion is the absence of the body of Christ upon the Cross, an
iconography similar to that of late 6th-cent. souvenir ampullae produced in
Jerusalem.11 Although the miniatures of the Crucifixion in the Gospels of
Abbot Iysus Moa and the Gospels of Krstos Tsfan of Dbr Hayq sti-
fanos also follow this same Late Antique iconographic tradition, the other
two miniatures of the Dbr Mar preface the visit of the Holy Women to
the Tomb of Christ12 and the Ascended Christ with Mary and flanking Ar-
changels Michael and Gabriel bear no similarities to the Christological
miniatures of the Gospel manuscripts of the two abbots of Dbr Hayq sti-
fanos, although the Gospels of Abbot Krstos Tsfan predates the Gospels
of Dbr Mar by only a decade or two.
It is safe to assume that the presently unknown archetype or archetypes of
the three miniatures of the Christological preface had come to Ethiopia befo-
re A.D. 600.13 Furthermore, it is quite unlikely that the illumination of Ethio-
9
M. E. HELDMAN, An Early Gospel Frontispiece in Ethiopia, Konsthistorisk
Tidskrift 48 (1979), 107121.
10
C. LEPAGE, Reconstitution dun cycle protobyzantin partir des miniatures
de deux manuscrits thiopiens du XIVe sicle, Cahiers archologiques 35 (1987),
159196.
11
The subject of this distinctive Ethiopian iconography of the Crucifixion was
taken up again by E. BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA, La Crucifixion sans Crucifi dans lart
thiopien, Bibliotheca nubica et aethiopica 4 (Warsaw, Wiesbaden 1997).
12
The miniature of the Holy Women at the Tomb of Christ follows the Gospel
accounts of Matthew 28:110 and Mark 16:113.
13
The archetypes need not have been souvenirs of the Holy Places produced in
Palestine. John Lowden argues that representations similar to those of pilgrimage art
decorated textiles, carved ivories, painted panels, and the walls of churches through-
out the Mediterranean world (LOWDEN, The Beginning of Biblical Illustration, 54
58). No decorated souvenir lead ampullae from Jerusalem or other such portable objects
have been reported to date at Ethiopian archaeological sites or in Ethiopian church
treasuries. Objects received during the Christian Aksumite period include Canon tables
fragments and Evangelist portraits at the monastery of abba Grima (nda Abba
Grima) datable to the late 6th cent. (HELDMAN et al., African Zion: the Sacred Art of
Ethiopia, 129130) and a souvenir terra cotta ampulla with a portrait of St. Menas
from the great pilgrimage church of St. Menas on the west-north coast of Egypt re-
covered by Paribeni at Adulis (R. PARIBENI, Ricerche nel luogo dellantica Adulis
(Colonia Eritrea), Monumenti Antichi 18 [1907], col. 538, Fig. 54). Ampullae of St.
Menas were produced between 480 and 640, see Z. KISS, Les ampoules de St. M-
nas dcouvertes Km el-Dikka (Alexandrie) en 1969, tudes et Travaux. Studia e
praci. Travaux du Centre dArchologie Mditerranenne de lAcadmie Polonaise
des Sciences 7 (1973), 138154.
& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

pic manuscripts of the Four Gospels remained unchanged over a period of

many centuries. The frontispiece scheme of the Dbr Mar Gospels quite
possibly represents a deliberate revival of Late Antique Gospel decoration.
The three-miniature preface of the Dbr Mar Gospels is repeated in
two preface fragments and in five extant illuminated Ethiopic Gospel books
of the 14th and 15th cent., two of which are known to have been at one time
royal property. An Ethiopic Gospel book in Paris (Bib. Nat., th. 32) was
given by Emperor Syf Arad (r. 13441372) to the church of the Apostles
at the monastery of Qusqam in Egypt.14 Although there is no proof that this
manuscript was created for Syf Arad, the manuscript was royal property at
the time of its donation by the emperor to Ethiopian members of the monastic
community at Qusqam in Upper Egypt.15 Another 14th-cent. Gospel book
with the three-miniature frontispiece, presently in an anonymous private col-
lection, appeared in an exhibition of Ethiopian art in Paris organized by Jacques
Mercier.16 Because the frontispiece of this manuscript is very close in style
and iconography to the frontispiece of the Gospel book sent to Qusqam by
Syf Arad, we may assume that the two manuscripts are of the same appro-
ximate age, i. e. the mid-14th cent. or later. According to the catalogue of this
exhibition, a note in the Gospel book in the anonymous private collection
states that Emperor Naod (r. 14941508) presented this manuscript to the
monastery of Dbr Libanos (Asbo) for the commemoration of the transla-
tion of the bones of Tkl Haymanot on the 12th day of Gnbot (May 20).17
14
The note of fol. 1r, added after the manuscripts was copied, gives no date;
however another note added at Dbr Qwsqwam Qusqam (fol. 207v) includes a
date of A.D. 1381. H. ZOTENBERG, Catalogue des manuscrits thiopiens (Gheez et
Amharique) de la Bibliothque nationale (Paris, 1877), 2429. See also LEPAGE, Re-
constitution dun cycle protobyzantin partir des miniatures de deux manuscrits thio-
piens du XIVe sicle, 159196. For the popular pilgrimage site of Dbr Qwsqwam
or Qosqam/ Qusqam in Egypt, see L. MACCOULL, Holy Family Pilgrimage in Late
Antique Egypt: the Case of Qosqam, in: Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses
fr Christliche Archologie, Bonn, 22.28. September 1991, Jahrbuch fr Antike
und Christentum Ergnzungsband 20 (Mnster, 1995), II, 987992. On the associa-
ted monastery, see AB SALIH, The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt and Some
Neighbouring Countries, ed., tr. by B. T. A. Evetts, A. J. Butler (Oxford, 1895), 224
227; it is noteworthy that the primary compiler of this account was a 12th-cent. Coptic
priest, Ab al-Makrim. See, J. DEN HEIJER, Coptic Historiography in the Ftimid,
Ayybid and Early Mamlk Periods, Medieval Encounters 2, no. 1 (1996), 7781.
15
There is no reason to suspect that the emperor would have sent a manuscript of
some antiquity as a gift to the monastery.
16
JACQUES MERCIER (ed.), Larche thiopienne. Art chrtien dthiopie, 27 sep-
tembre 2000 7 janvier 2001, Paris 2000, catalogue of an exhibition at the Pavillon
des Arts (Paris, 2000), 4445.
17
MERCIER, Larche thiopienne, 45. The commemoration of 12 Gnbot celebra-
tes the translation of the bones of Tkl Haymanot to the monastery of Dbr Libanos
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens &

Thus, this second manuscript was royal property at the time of its donation
to Dbr Libanos (Asbo). These acts of royal donation suggest that monarchs
of the early Solomonic dynasty held manuscripts of the Four Gospel de-
corated with the so-called Late Antique three-miniature preface in high re-
gard.18 An undated Gospel book in the collection of the Walters Art Museum
of Baltimore19 may be compared stylistically with the Gospel book in Paris
(Bib. nat., th. 32) and the Gospel book presently in a private collection.20
Two fragmentary sets of a three-page preface, presently separated from the-
ir original manuscripts of the Four Gospels, are more closely related stylistical-
ly to the miniatures of the Gospels of Dbr Mar: a frontispiece fragment
with a Crucifixion miniature which is presently in the collection of the Institute
of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa,21 and the three-miniature preface of a frag-

(Asbo) of wa in 1410. Unfortunately, the entire note (of donation?) is not included
in the catalogue entry which refers to the note as a colophon. Evidently the manu-
script was not presented to the monastery when Naod visited Dbr Libanos in Ja-
nuary 1495 (TADDESSE TAMRAT, Church and State in Ethiopia, 12701527 [Oxford,
1972], 292294), because the note is said to mention the names of Mrha Krstos
(1497) and Petros (abbot 14971523), the ninth and tenth abbots of Dbr Libanos
(Asbo). It is also possible that the note was added when abun Petros was abbot.
A passage in the Life of Mrha Krstos refers to the emperor Naod transferring
the bones of Tkl Haymanot in a golden box at the time of his visit, but this does not
necessarily refer to yet another translation. On this point, see S. KUR (ed., tr.), Actes
de Marha Krestos, CSCO 330/331, SAe 62/63 (Louvain, 1972), 90 [text], viii, 82 [tr.].
18
It is possible that this three-miniature Gospel frontispiece was recognized as a
Late Antique revival and thus was associated with the Christian Aksumite past. The-
re is a passage in the Life of Mrha Krstos in which the emperor skndr (r. 1478
1494) likens his relationship with abun Mrha Krstos with that of Kaleb and abba
Pntlewon: see KUR, Actes de Marha Krestos, 97 [text], 88 [tr.]. This comparison
may have been suggested by the Life of St. Pntlewon; on the other hand, it may
represent a broader 14th- and 15th-cent. pattern of identification with the Christian
Aksumite past.
19
D. E. HOROWITZ (ed.), Ethiopian Art, The Walters Art Museum (Baltimore, 2001),
catalogue no. 10, pp. 9697. The museum purchased the manuscript from the Nancy
and Robert Nooter Collection, prior to which the manuscript was in the possession of
the proprietors of the Craft Caravan of New York, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Knopfelmacher.
20
The group of Gospel manuscripts illuminated with the three-miniature preface
have similar measurements: Dbr Mar Gospels, 28.218.5 cm; Paris, Bib. nat.,
th. 32, 2918 cm; private French collection, 2918.5 cm; Baltimore, Walters MS
W.836, 26.717 cm. Cp. also Stockholm fragment, 27.518.5 cm; Addis Ababa frag-
ment, 29.519 cm (s. below).
21
Addis Ababa, Institute of Ethiopian Studies, inv. no. 3475ab, two separate
leaves. The Crucifixion miniature is painted on the verso side of a single parchment
leaf; a tholos or tempietto with conical roof is painted on the recto side. The tholos
composition routinely concludes the set of decorated Canon tables, thus indicating
that the miniature of the Crucifixion was the initial miniature of a three-miniature
& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

mented Ethiopic manuscript of the Four Gospels in the National Museum,

Stockholm,22 divided between the National Museum and a private collection.23
Luxury manuscripts of the Four Gospels decorated with the three-page
preface continued to be produced in the early years of the 15th cent. Mercier
reports that a Gospel book with this distinctive three-miniature frontispiece,
presently the property of a church near Dbr Mar, was produced during
the reign of Emperor Yshaq (r. 14141429).24 All of these manuscripts ap-
pear stylistically to be later in date than the miniatures of the Gospels of
Dbr Mar. Hence the importance of the translation of the colophon and
the note of donation in the Gospels of Dbr Mar in this paper offered in
memory of Sevir B. Chernetsov whose work enriched our understanding of
Ethiopian history.
The reader will note that the spelling of the name of the monastery and
that of its founder is notably inconsistent. The forms in the most recent note
(fol. 76r, col. B), which was added in the 19th cent., follow the present-day
spelling, i. e. Dbr Mar and Gbr Msql. The place name, Dbr Mar,
appears in the colophon and additional notes in the following variations: Dbr
Marya, Dbr Maara, Dbr Mar, Dbr Mrya.25 The name of the

preface. HELDMAN, An Early Gospel Frontispiece in Ethiopia, 107121; C. NOR-

DENFALK, Bokmlningar frn medeltid och renssans i Nationalmusei samlingar
(Stockholm, 1979), figs. 200202; HELDMAN et al., African Zion: the Sacred Art of
Ethiopia, 130-31. This leaf and the leaf with a portrait of the Evangelist Matthew
were detached from the manuscript of the Four Gospels in the library of the church of
Maryam Syon at Lake Zway (S. CHOJNACKI, Major Themes in Ethiopian Painting,
Aethiopistische Forschungen 10 [Wiesbaden, 1983], 490).
22
Stockholm, Nationalmuseum, B 2034. HELDMAN, An Early Gospel Frontispie-
ce in Ethiopia, 107121; NORDENFALK, Bokmlningar frn medeltid och renssans i
Nationalmusei samlingar, 1621; HELDMAN et al., African Zion: the Sacred Art of
Ethiopia, 131132.
23
Catalogue of Sotheby & Co., Western Manuscripts and Miniatures (5 Decem-
ber 1994), catalogue no. 53, with photograph of the tholos miniature. For a drawing
of the Crucifixion miniature of the verso, see BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA, La Crucifixion
sans Crucifi dans lart thiopien, 121, fig. 108.
24
MERCIER, Larche thiopienne, 44. Nevertheless, the popularity of this three-
miniature Gospel preface was displaced in the late 14th cent. by a Christological pre-
face based in part on the preface miniatures of the Gospels of Abba Iysus Moa of
Dbr Hayq stifanos. Consisting of up to twenty full-page miniatures, some of
which are framed by trilobe arch embellished with arabesque patterns, this distincti-
ve Christological preface is found in such manuscripts as the Gospels of Princess Zir
Ganela (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M828) (see n. 7 supra), and the Gos-
pels of the Metropolitan Museum of Art of the City of New York, no. 1998.66 (see
n. 7 supra).
25
Another variation in the spelling, Dbr Mara, is found in a land grant of
Lbn Dngl: C. CONTI ROSSINI (ed., tr.), Documenta ad illustrandam Historiam, I.
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens &!

founder and first abbot has also undergone changes in spelling and perhaps
meaning, from Kbur Msql to Gbr Msql.

***
Translation of the Colophon: fol. 230v, col. B (see Pl. II)
In glorification of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, this book
was copied at Dbr Marya in [this] holy place, for abun Mahdnt
Krstos, and I, Isayyyas, the sinner,26 am the one who copied it. Fur-
thermore, this Gospel was copied in the Year of Grace 525 [A.D. 1340/
41] during the reign of Amd Syon. And the aqqabe sat of the
place Dbr Maara was abun Kbur Msql.
He who copied it and he who commissioned it and he who read it and
he who heard its words and believed, may God have mercy on them in
the Kingdom of Heaven. Amen and amen. And this Gospel was fi-
nished on 10 Taa [6 December 1340].
Note of Donation: fol. 231r, cols. A & B, 23 lines (see Pl. III)
And Mahdnt Krstos gave it [this Gospel book] to the [Archangel]
Gabriel of Dbr Mar so that God would have mercy on him in the
Kingdom of Heaven with the saints and the martyrs forever and ever.
Amen and amen.
And it was entrusted to God and to the throne of power so that people
would not sell or barter or remove it from this place. If anyone sells it
or barters it or removes it from this place, let him be anathematized in
heaven and on earth, by the mouths of the Twelve Apostles, by the
mouths of the Fifteen Prophets, by the mouths of the Three Hundred
Eighteen Orthodox Fathers,27 and by the mouths of the Seventy-Two
Disciples. If anyone scratches it or effaces it, let him be anathematized
forever. Amen and amen.
And furthermore, this Gospel was given to [Archangel] Gabriel in the
Year of Grace 525 on 13 Miyazya, on Easter Day, during the reign of
Amd Syon [21 April 1340 A.D.]. It was Mahdnt Krstos and Isayy-
yas, his brother, who gave it to Gabriel of Dbr Mar. May God be-
stow the salvation of their souls and their bodies. Amen, amen, and amen.28

Liber Axumae, CSCO 54/58, SAe 24/27 (Parisiis Lipsiae 19091910 [repr. Lou-
vain, 19611962]), 39 [text]; G. W. B. HUNTINGFORD, The Land Charters of Northern
Ethiopia (Addis Ababa, 1965), 5153.
26
For several examples, see TADDESSE TAMRAT, The Abbots of Dbr-Hayq 1248-
1535, JES 8, no. 1 (1970), 90.
27
The Three Hundred and Eighteen Orthodox Fathers are the bishops who sat at
the Council of Nicaea. They are commemorated on 9 dar: G. COLIN (ed., tr.), Le
synaxaire thiopien. Mois de H _ edar, PO 44 (Turnhout, 1988), 276279.
28
An added note takes up the final 8 lines of column B.
&" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

***
The colophon not only establishes the date of the production of this im-
portant manuscript, but it also provides a few essential insights into the early
history of the monastery.29 The illuminated manuscript of the Four Gospels
was formally presented to the church dedicated to Gabriel of the monastery at
Dbr Mar on 8 April 1341 when abun Gbr Msql, the monasterys
founder,30 was abbot, his title being aqqabe sat. It is more commonly known
that the title aqqabe sat, literally Keeper of the Hours, as for the hours of
prayers (?), was assumed by the abbot or head of the monastery at Dbr Hayq
sti fanos, the abbot of the monastery of Sana (Tana) Qirqos at Lake Tana,31
and by the abbot of the ancient monastery of abba Mt t a at Dbr Libanos
near Ham.32
Dbr Mar is situated in a mountain landscape about 600 meters above
the high Hawzen plateau in the district of Gralta in Tgray.33 Located far
above the secular world of the plateau, abun Gbr Msql chose an ideal
site for his monastery.34 The rock-hewn church of the monastery at Dbr
Mar, one of a number of rock-hewn monastic churches in Gralta,35 was
placed by David Buxton in his category of Tgrean basilica churches datable
to the late 13th or early 14th cent.36 Neither the date of birth of abun Gbr
Msql of Gralta nor the date of the establishment of his monastery at D-
br Mar is known, but it is safe to assume that the monastery could not have
been founded much earlier than A.D. 1300 and that the monasterys estab-

29
Priests are attached to the church at Dbr Mar, but there is no longer a
monastic community at the site.
30
KINEFE-RIGB ZELLEKE, Bibliography of the Ethiopic Hagiographical Traditions,
JES 13, no.1 (July 1975), 7475. The church at Dbr Mar possesses a manuscript
with the Life (Gdl) of abun Gbr Msql; the text has not been published.
31
TADDESSE TAMRAT, The Abbots of Dbr-Hayq, 90 and 98, n. 57, citing the
Life of Yafqrnn gzi. Although the discussion of this title in the Encyclopaedia
Aethiopica treats it as an essentially imperial office, this was not strictly the case
(S. KAPLAN, Aqqabe sat, in: E I, 292293).
32
C. CONTI ROSSINI, Levangelo doro di Dabra Libanos, RRALm, ser. V, 10
(1901), 197.
33
R. PLANT, Architecture of the Tigre, Ethiopia (Worchester, England, 1985), 44.
34
A mountain is so closely associated with a monastic setting that the Geez
word dbr means mountain, region where there is a monastery, and monaste-
ry: W. LESLAU, Comparative Dictionary of Ge ez (Classical Ethiopic) (Wiesba-
den, 1987), 121.
35
See the list of rock-hewn churches in Gralta in PLANT, Architecture of the
Tigre, 30.
36
D. BUXTON, The Rock-Hewn and Other Medieval Churches of Tigre Province,
Ethiopia, Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity 103 (1971),
5257.
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens &#

lishment preceded the excavation of the rock-hewn church. Gbrel, to

whom the original altar tablet (slla) of the church at Dbr Mar was dedi-
cated, is the Archangel Gabriel.37 In stating that the Gospel book was given
to Gabriel, rather than to the church of Archangel Gabriel, the author expres-
sed how the altar tablet was regarded it was quite literally the personifica-
tion of the saint to whom the altar tablet was dedicated.38 According to an
additional note of fol. 231v, col. B, the church building (bet krstyan) was
consecrated on 28 Sne, but unfortunately the year is not indicated.
The rock-hewn church at Dbr Mar is not presently known as the church
of the Archangel Gabriel. Abba Tewelde Medhin Joseph reported that there
are two churches at Dbr Mar, one known as nda Giyorgis, the other as
nda Maryam, i. e. dedicated to St. George and St. Mary.39 The list of rock-
hewn churches published by Roger Sauter, following the report of Abba Tewelde
Medhin Joseph, states that the rock-hewn church at Dbr Mar (the primary
church) is dedicated to St. George.40 It is not uncommon to find that the name
of a church, i.e. the dedication of the altar tablet, appears to have changed.41
The combination of dedications to the Virgin Mary and Saint George suggests
that two additional altar tablets (sllat) were dedicated in the mid-15th cent. or
later, after the cult of the Virgin had been mandated by Emperor Zra Yaqob,
when portraits of the two saints were frequently placed together in devotional
images.42 The 19th-cent. note on fol. 76r, col. B, which refers to a gift for the
commemoration of Giyorgis without citing the date of the commemoration,
apparently refers to the annual commemoration of St. George.43 Ruth Plant

37
A later note on fol. 14r (col. B, line 12) refers to the archangel as Gbrel
Mbssr i. e. bearer of good news (Luke I: 2628).
38
On the dedication of the altar tablet and thus the altar and the church itself, see
GETATCHEW HAILE, A History of the Tabot of Atrons Maryam in Amhara (Ethio-
pia), Paideuma 34 (1988), 1822.
39
Abba TEWELDE MEDHIN JOSEPH, Introduction gnrale aux glises monolithes
du Tigrai, in: Proceedings of the Third International Conference of Ethiopian Stu-
dies, Addis Ababa 1966 (Addis Ababa, 1969), I, 96.
40
R. SAUTER, glises rupestres au Tigre, A 10 (1976), 167.
41
For example, the primary altar of the dynastic church of Ykunno Amlak was
dedicated to abba Mtta; a later dedication of another altar tablet to the Virgin gives
the church its present name of Gnnt Maryam (Garden or Paradise of Mary).
42
M. E. HELDMAN, The Marian Icons of the Painter Fr Seyon. A Study in Fif-
teenth-Century Ethiopian Art, Patronage, and Spirituality (Wiesbaden, 1994), 175
178; HELDMAN et al., African Zion: the Sacred Art of Ethiopia, catalogue nos. 95 and
102. See also GETATCHEW HAILE, The Mariology of Emperor Zra Yaqob of Ethio-
pia, OCA, 242 (Rome, 1992).
43
The date of the primary commemoration of St. George is 23 Miyazya (May 1).
It is no surprise to learn that the church owns an 18th-cent. manuscript of the Life of
St. George.
&$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

who first visited Dbr Mar in the late 1960s reported that the rock-hewn
church of Dbr Mar was known as abun Gbr Msql and a second
church, in a primitive cave and at that time only used for shelter, was known
as abun Abraham.44 Sauter noted that there were numerous tombs around
the church.45
The dedication of the church to abun Gbr Msql as noted by Plant
refers to the founder of the monastery of Dbr Mar, Gbr Msql of Gral-
ta, whose renown is apparently limited to the area of northern Ethiopia within
the old governing unit of Gralta. The scribe described himself as I, Isayy-
yas, the sinner, a phrase which typically appears in monastic signatures46
and which signifies that Isayyyas was a monk. Isayyyas states in the co-
lophon that the book was copied for abun Mahdnt Krstos, who was also
a member of the monastic family at Dbr Mar. In the final lines of the
note of donation, it is written that Mahdnt Krstos and Isayyyas, his
brother, gave the book to Gabriel of Dbr Mar, which suggests that the
men were siblings rather than just fellow monks. An added note on fol. 14v
refers to the priest Mahdnt Krstos, and a second added note gives the
dates of the deaths of these two members of the monastic community.47 The
manuscript was commissioned by a priest-monk of the monastic community
at Dbr Mar and copied by a monk-scribe at Dbr Mar for the monaste-
rys church of St. Gabriel.
The four months that elapsed between the day of completion of the Gos-
pel text (6 December) and the presentation of the Gospel book on the fol-
lowing Easter (8 April) were probably given over to the creation of the deco-
rated Canon tables, the three full-page preface miniatures, and the four au-
thor portraits that introduce each of the Four Gospel texts. With the completion
of the illuminations and final assembly of the quires, the quires were sewed
together to wooden endboards.48 Because the scribe Isayyyas does not expli-

44
PLANT, Architecture of the Tigre, 4445.
45
SAUTER, glises rupestres au Tigre, 167.
46
For several other examples of the use of this phrase, see TADDESSE TAMRAT,
The Abbots of Dbr-Hayq 12481535, 90. For signatures of monk-painters who
describe themselves as sinners, see M. E. HELDMAN, The Marian Icons of the Painter
Fr Syon. A Study in Fifteenth-Century Ethiopian Art, Patronage, and Spirituality,
Orientalia biblica et christiana 6 (Wiesbaden, 1994), 2425, 5253.
47
Fol. 231r, col. B (the final 8 lines).
48
For a discussion of the distinctive method of sewing the endboards and the
quires together, see J. A. SZIRMAI, The Archaeology of Medieval Bookbinding (Ash-
gate: Aldershot, 1999), 4550. Some of the quires with worn gutters were repaired in
the early 1970s at the governors palace in Mqle, a process which required re-
sewing the quires; the wooden endboards were replaced at this time. On the project
of repairing manuscripts at Mqle, see R. COWLEY with fitawrari ALEM TEFERU, The
Study of Geez Manuscripts in Tgre Province, JES 9, no. 1 (1971), 2125.
Pl. II. Four Gospels of Dbr Maar, fol. 230v, col. B
(photo: M. E. Heldman)
Pl. III. Four Gospels of Dbr Maar, fol. 231r
(photo: M. E. Heldman)
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens '

citly state that he was the painter, we may assume that he played little or no
part in producing the miniatures or decorating the Canon tables. These beau-
tiful illuminations, which transformed the Gospel book given by abun
Mahdnt Krstos and Isayyyas into a luxury manuscript, were painted by
another person, a monk who had received his artistic training within a monastic
setting.49
The painter of the miniatures (decorated Canon tables, three miniatures of
the preface, and four Evangelist portraits) may have come from another mo-
nastery in northern Ethiopia. The iconography of the preface miniatures and
the decoration of the Canon tables are the work of an accomplished painter
who had access to visual models, some perhaps of considerable antiquity.
The library of a recently-established monastery such as Dbr Mar would
not have had a large store of illuminated manuscripts that could provide vi-
sual models, but it is safe to assume that, then as now, important manuscripts
could be borrowed from other monastic establishments. The Gospel manu-
script from which the text was copied may have been borrowed, too, and may
have been decorated with Canon tables, author portraits, and even a Gospel
frontispiece that would have provided visual models. Older monasteries in
the general vicinity of Dbr Mar where a pre-13th cent. illuminated Gospel
manuscript may have been located include the monastery of abba Mtta at
Dbr Libanos (Ham, Eritrea); the monastery at Dbr Dammo, where abba
Iysus Moa, according to his hagiography, trained as a scribe; the monastery
of St. Pntlewon (Abba Pntlewon) near Aksum; and the monastery of
abba Grima (nda Abba Grima) at Mdra near Adwa.
The addition of a colophon an inscription giving the date of the com-
pletion of the manuscript, the name and perhaps the scriptorium of the scribe,
and the name of the person for whom it was copied and a note of donation
was not standard practice among Ethiopian scribes. However, like the Four
Gospels of Dbr Mar, the Four Gospels of Iysus Moa at Dbr Hayq
stifanos presented by the founder of the monastery, aqqabe sat Iysus
Moa, contains a note of donation.50 The priest abun Mahdnt Krstos
49
See M. E. HELDMAN, Creating Religious Art: the Status of Artisans in High-
land Christian Ethiopia, Aethiopica. International Journal of Ethiopian Studies 1
(1998), 131146.
50
EMML V, pp. 293301. The note of donation by Iysus Moa is on fol. 24v.
Taddesse Tamrat, in his article on the history of the abbots of Dbr Hayq (The
Abbots of Dbr-Hayq, 12481535, 87117), utilized the material in the added notes
of this manuscript. Aqqabe s at Krstos Tsfan of Dbr Hayq, following the
model of his successor, commissioned an illuminated manuscript of the Four Gos-
pels (Addis Ababa, National Library, MS 28) in c.1320 for the monastery. The Gos-
pels of Krstos Tsfan carries neither a colophon nor formal note of donation, but
Krstos Tsfan is named in prayers that accompany miniatures in the Gospel Book;
his Gospel book also holds a number of added notes of land grants that are published
' Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

apparently occupied a position of importance at Dbr Mar. The date of his

death on 29 Tqmt is recorded in a brief addition note on fol. 231r, col. B,
so that his memorial service (tzkar) could be observed in perpetuity. The
day of the death of the scribe Isayyyas is also included in this note.
Both the colophon and the note of donation are carefully structured, fol-
lowing the pattern of clauses observed by G. W. B. Huntingford in Ethiopian
land charters. These include an invocation, the reason for the grant or gift,
name of the grantor, an immunity cause, followed by the sanction.51 Althou-
gh the colophon begins with an invocation, In glorification of the Father and
the Son and the Holy Spirit, the note of donation commences directly with
the name of the donor who gave the book so that God would have mercy on
him in the Kingdom of Heaven. The immunity clause warns against removing,
damaging or destroying the manuscript; the sanction guarantees that the one
who disregards the immunity clause will be anathematized, in this case by the
mouths of the Twelve Apostles, the Fifteen Prophets, the Three Hundred
Eighteen Orthodox Fathers and the Seventy-Two Apostles fairly typical
choices, but atypically expansive in the number of powers that will pronounce
anathemas.52 The scribe Isayyyas was familiar with the procedure of com-
posing formal charters of donation.

***
The colophon begins at fol. 230v, col. B, following the explicit of the
Gospel of John on col. A, and continues on the following recto (fol. 231r)
where it is followed by the note of donation. Later notes, however, were added
at various points within the manuscript where blank areas of parchment were
available. Nevertheless, the availability of blank parchment was not the only
reason for adding important notes within the monasterys primary manuscript
of the Four Gospels. The Gospel book is the most important manuscript in
by PAULOS SADU, Un manoscritto etiopico degli Evangeli, RSE 11 (1952), 928;
for the miniatures of the Gospels of Krstos Tsfan, see HELDMAN et al., African
Zion: the Sacred Art of Ethiopia, 176177. Additional notes in the Gospel Book of
aqqbe sat Iysus Moa establish that Krstos Tsfan was an aqqabe s at of
Dbr Hyq (TADDESSE TAMRAT, The Abbots of Dbr-Hayq, 9598).
51
HUNTINGFORD, The Land Charters of Northern Ethiopia, 47, 1621.
52
HUNTINGFORD, The Land Charters of Northern Ethiopia, 20. The sanction of the
added note of fol. 4v, col. B (probably of the mid-15th cent.) is more unusual: And
God will oppress him who oppresses them from the Tree of Life in the heavens, and
may his portion be with Judas [Yhuda] and Fola. Judas [Yhuda] is the Seller of
the Lord. In the Ethiopic Apocalypse of the Virgin, The Vision of Our Lady Mary,
we learn that Fola was condemned because he sold his daughters for an ox. See M.
CHANE (ed., tr.), Apocrypha de Beata Maria Virgine, CSCO 39/40, SAe 22/23 (Roma,
1909 [repr. Louvain, 1955]), 77 [text], 65 [tr.].) The names of Judas and Fola are also
included in the added note of fol. 232r, col. A.
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens '!

the church treasury or library, indeed it is an essential possession. The text,

the life of Christ as recorded by Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, is read during
the church service, during which the presence of the book symbolizes the
real presence of Christ among the congregation.53 In highland Christian
Ethiopia, it was the custom to use the Gospel manuscript as a repository for
records of dates of deaths, in order to commemorate the deceased, and for
records of gifts presented to the church.54 The traditional manner of producing
a manuscript of the Four Gospels guarantees a number of blank areas of
parchment, which are free to receive additional notes. According to the
standard practice for the production of manuscripts of the Four Gospels
established during the Late Antique period in the Mediterranean world and
followed assiduously by Ethiopian scribes, each Gospel text begins on the
first recto of a quaternion (quire composed of eight folios).55 In Ethiopian

53
As stated in the first lines of the Gospel of John: In the beginning was the
Word. The Word was with God, and the Word was God.
54
Often important records were entered into the primary manuscript of the Four
Gospels of a church, the Gospel Book that was carried into the church for the cele-
bration of liturgy. Several such Gospel Books are presently known as Wrq Wngel
or Wngel Wrq (Golden Gospel); they are the Four Gospels of Dbr Libanos
near Ham (A. BAUSI, Su alcuni manoscritti presso comunit monastiche dellEritrea.
Parte terza, RSE, 41 [1997], 1323) and the Gospels of Iysus Moa at Dbr Hayq
(EMML V, 293301). Gilt metal plates cover the wooden endboards of the Four
Gospels of Dbr Libanos. The wooden endboards of the Gospels of Iysus Moa of
Dbr Hayq were originally decorated with gold plates (TADDESSE TAMRAT, The
Abbots of Dbr-Hayq, 92, the text of a note on fol. 339v; bwrq wbbrur, gold
and silver were omitted in the translation). The Life of Marha Krstos refers to the
writing of a Golden Gospel [wngel za-wrq]: KUR, Actes de Marha Krestos, 101
[text], 92 [tr.]. Many golden covers (and Gospel manuscripts, too) were lost during
the uprising led by Ahmad bin Ibrhim al-zi in the early 16th cent. Among the
many accounts of looting in the history of his jihad is the note of a book of gold,
with a human image inside, (IHB AD-DN AHMAD, Futh al-Habaa: the Conquest
of Abyssinia, tr. by P. L. Stenhouse [Hollywood CA, 2003], 249). It seems likely that
this is a reference to an illuminated Gospel Book with golden covers, a Wrq Wn-
gel. For the stripping of the monastery of Dbr Hayq of its gold, but not its books,
see IHB AD-DN AHMAD, Futh al-Habaa, 270273. The church of the Trinity at
Clqot in ndrta, Tgray is said to have a Wrq Wngel. In medieval Europe, a
splendidly illuminated Gospel Book was known as a Codex Aureus, such as the Co-
dex Aureus of Canterbury (Stockholm, Royal Library, MS A.135) and the Codex
Aureus for Speyer Cathedral (Escorial, Codex Vitr. 17), either because of a golden
cover or the gold leaf that embellished the miniatures.
55
P. MCGURK, Latin Gospel Books from A.D. 400 to A.D. 800 (Paris/Brussels,
1961), 710. Reprinted as Introduction to Latin Gospel Books from A.D. 400 to A.D.
800, in his Gospel Books and Early Latin Manuscripts, Variorum Collected Studies
606 (Aldershot, England, 1998), essay VI: 710. In Ethiopian manuscripts of the Four
Gospels, the pattern of eight folios (four bi-folios) per quire may be altered in order to
'" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

practice, each Gospel is introduced by a full-page miniature of the evangelist-

author painted upon the verso of the final leaf of the preceding quire. The
recto of this leaf is often free of text.
The additional notes, while terse, present information about the community
and its supporters. In the colophon, the monasterys founder and first abbot,
Gbr Msql of Gralta,56 is identified with the distinctive title of aqqabe
sat,57 a title that continued to be used by his successors. The added notes
yield neither the year and nor the date of Gbr Msqls death. The short
undated note of fol. 14v, written at the order of abun Mrqoryos, states that
abun Kbur Msql gave (whab) arable land (graht) for his tzkar. The
longer and difficult note of fol. 231v (also undated), written at the order of
aqqabe sat Gbr Msql during his lifetime, includes lists of donors who
gave fields to Gabriel, i. e. the church of St. Gabriel, as well as a list of persons
with the dates of their annual commemoration. Three later additional notes
include abun Gbr Msql among the saints within the sanction clause.58
The successor of aqqabe sat Gbr Msql, perhaps his immediate suc-
cessor, was aqqabe sat Tna Krstos. That he was abbot after 1388 is
established by the additional note of fol. 178v179r which aqqabe sat
Tna Krstos caused to be written. The note orders the commemoration
(tzkar) of one abun abba Slama pappa s on the 20th of the month of
Nhase.59 The date of this commemoration confirms that this abun abba
Slama pappa s is the man who was the Metropolitan of Ethiopia from1348
until his death in1388.60 In addition, the note concerning the tzkar of abba

facilitate the placement of the opening of each Gospel text upon the first recto folio of
a quire, following the Late Antique scribal tradition of beginning each Gospel on a
new quire. See P. MCGURK, The Irish Pocket Gospel Book, Sacris Erudiri 8, no. 2
(1956), 249269, reprinted in McGurk, Gospel Books and Early Latin Manuscripts.
56
Gbr Msql of Gralta is not to be confused with the better known Gb-
r Msql, the disciple and successor of abba Samuel of Dbr Halle Luya; see
S. KAPLAN, The Monastic Holy Man and the Christianization of Early Solomonic
Ethiopia, Studien zur Kulturkunde 73 (Wiesbaden, 1984), 8.
57
The additional note (fol. 231v, col. A & col. B lines 112) was written when
Gbr Msql was aqqabe s at. In posthumous references to an abbot of Dbr
Mar, the title abun replaces the title aqqabe s at.
58
The phrase by the mouth of abun Gbr Msql appears in the sanction
clause of the following notes: fol. 14r, col. B; fol. 114r, cols. A & B, following the
list of pericopes of the Gospel of Luke; and fol. 178r, cols. A & B, following the list
of pericopes of the Gospel of John.
59
The note is written in the upper margins of the portrait of St. John and the
Gospel incipit.
60
The manuscript of the Synaxary published by Budge (London, British Library,
Or. 661) begins the reading for 20 Nhase with On this day died abba Slama the
interpreter, see E. A. W. BUDGE, The Book of the Saints of the Ethiopian Church
(Cambridge, 1928), IV, 1232. The Synaxary recension published by Guidi lists the com-
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens '#

Slama commands ...and observe, all of you priests who are blessed through
his hands, his tzkar on the 20th of the month of Nhase. Do not forget him.
The phrase all of you priests who are blessed through his hands refers to
those priests of Dbr Mar who had been ordained by abun abba Slama,
whose prerogative as Metropolitan Bishop of the Ethiopian Church was the
ordination of all priests and all deacons as well as consecration of all new
altar tablets (sllat).
That Tna Krstos was aqqabe sat during the reign of Emperor Dawit
(13821413) is also indicated by the additional note of fol. 76r, col. A, a
record of the grant of gw lt land to Gabriel of Dbr Mar by Emperor Dawit.
Abun Tna Krstos is named posthumously in four of the additional no-
tes. The note of fol. 4v, col. A (final 9 lines) also contains the name of Empe-
ror Zra Yaqob (r. 14341468). The note on fol. 231r, col. B (final 8 lines)
gives the date of death of three members of the monastic community in the
following order: Mahdnt Krstos on 29 Tq mt, Isayyyas on [date ille-
gible] Sne, and abun Tna Krstos on 20 Mggabit. The order of the
three names in this list, written by three different hands, suggests that abun
Tna Krstos outlived Mahdnt Krstos and Isayyyas. Abun Tna
Krstos died on 20 Mggabit, yet a line at the bottom of fol. 13v (bottom of
the page) states that his tzkar was to be commemorated on 9 Sne.61 Accor-
ding to another posthumous note, abun Tna Krstos gave (whab) arable
land (graht) to Gabriel (fol. 13v, col. B).
Both 14th-cent. abbots of Dbr Mar, aqqabe s at Gbr Msql and
aqqabe sat Tna Krstos, gave grants of land to the monastery. Gbr
Msql must have brought family land with him when he founded the monas-
tery.62 Because monastic leaders frequently came from land-owning fami-
lies,63 it is quite possible that aqqabe s at Tna Krstos also brought
family land to the monastery. The notes concerning the royal g wlt grant of
memoration of abba Slama on 21 Nhase; see I. GUIDI (ed., tr.), Le synaxaire thio-
pien. III. Mois de Nahas et de Pguemn, (traduction de S. Grbaut), PO 9 (Paris,
1912 [repr. 1981]), 359. The bishop of Ethiopia was one of three metropolitan bishops
appointed by the Egyptian patriarch, the other two were the bishops of Damietta and Je-
rusalem (EVETTS, The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt and Some Neighbouring
Countries, 33, n. 5). On the contribution made by abba Slama to the Ethiopian Church,
see A. VAN LANTSCHOOT, Abb Salama, mtropolite dthiopie (13481388) et son
rle de traducteur, in: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Ethiopici (Roma 2
4 aprile 1959), Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 357 (Roma, 1960), 397401.
61
We are unable to explain this disparity. The tzkar is to be observed upon the
anniversary of a persons death.
62
Whether the donation of land for his tzkar was a reallocation of land or an
additional grant of land is unknown. For a discussion of land grants of abbots, see
D. CRUMMEY, Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia from the Thir-
teenth to the Twentieth Century (Urbana and Chicago, 2000), 4243.
63
KAPLAN, The Monastic Holy Man, 5459.
'$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Emperor Dawit during the abbacy of Tna Krstos64 suggests that the
monastery and its abbot had attained a level of importance, because Emperor
Dawit more than any other ruler of the 14th and 15th cent. undertook a pro-
gram of strengthening ties between the court and monastic leaders by gran-
ting lands to their monasteries.65 The undated note of fol. 76r, col. A not only
describes the gwlt land given by Emperor Dawit for his tzkar on 9 Tqmt,66
but also lists gw lt lands given by Emperor Yshaq (r. 14131420) for the
celebration of his tzkar on 30 Tqmt.
Less can be inferred about later abbots of Dbr Mar. Aqqabe sat
Mksimos was abbot of Dbr Mar during the reign of Zra Yaqob (1434
1468).67 Dates of the abbacy of aqqabe s at Mqabis68 and of aqqabe
sat Gbr Maryam have yet to be established. Aqqabe sat Gbr Mar-
yam gave land to the monastery of Dbr Mrya [Mar] for the tzkar of
abun Gbr er, presumably a deceased worthy of the monastery.69
A short undated note written for one abun Mrqoryos, evidently a mem-
ber of the monastic community, is of interest because it refers to his chil-
dren, both male and female,70 terminology which refers to a monastic com-
munity composed of both monks and nuns. The pattern of dual monasteries
with both male and female monastics apparently had a long history in Ethio-
pian monasticism.71 A 15th cent. holy woman Krstos mra established a

64
Two brief notes on fol. 4v, col. A, follow the explicit of the Gss awe rat, a
synoptic preface to the Gospels. In addition, there is an incomplete note on fol. 14r,
col. A, at least three lines of which appear to have been scraped away; below this note
of col. A, is a block of text, 14 lines in length, that has been rendered illegible by
smudging the ink; the note of col. B, a continuation of the erased block, is the partial
record of what appears to have been a rancorous challenge to the leadership of the
monastery. A note of fol. 76r, col. A restates the incomplete statement concerning the
gw lt land given by Dawit of note fol. 14r col. A. For a discussion of g w lt land, see
CRUMMEY, Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia, 812.
65
KAPLAN, The Monastic Holy Man, 5455.
66
This is the date given in the Ethiopic synaxary for the commemoration of Em-
peror Dawit: BUDGE, The Book of Saints of the Ethiopian Church, I, 135; G. COLIN
(ed., tr.), Le synaxaire thiopien. Mois de Teqemt, PO 44 (Turnhout, 1987), 5253.
67
Mksimos is named as aqqabe s at in the notes of fol. 4v., one of which
includes the name of Emperor Zra Yaqob.
68
He caused the note of fol. 114r, col. A to be written.
69
Note of fol. 178r, cols. A & B. The sanction clause of this land grant includes
a penalty of divine punishment by the mouth of Our Lady Mary, which is unique
among the additional notes of this manuscript. However, this particular sanction clause
appears in a land charters of Syf Arad (r. 13441372) (HUNTINGFORD, The Land
Charters of Northern Ethiopia, 32).
70
Note of fol. 14v, written in the upper margin of the portrait of St. Matthew.
71
The Life of abun Z-Mikael Argawi, the traditional founder of monasticism
in Ethiopia, suggests that the pattern of double monastery was introduced to Ethiopia
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens '%

hermitage at Lake Tana after receiving her monastic habit at the monastery of
abun Tkl Haymanot at Dbr Asbo. When her fame as a holy woman
attracted young women, she established a monastery there becoming the ab-
bess [ mm mnet], while Isaac, a monk, became the head of the lesser com-
munity of monks drawn to her monastery, the church of which was dedicated
to the Archangel Michael.72 That the rite of monastic investiture was identi-
cal for men and women is demonstrated by the Life of Zena Maryam, an
Ethiopian holy woman of the late 14th cent. The novice received from the
abbot the tunic (qmis) and the belt or leather cord (qnat), while the mona-
stic cap (qob ) and the scapular (askema) were bestowed after a period of
spiritual apprenticeship.73 A nun owed her allegiance to the abbot from whom
she had received her monastic tunic and belt; he was her spiritual father, and
she his spiritual daughter.74 This pattern of allegiance is corroborated by the
Portuguese priest Francisco Alvarez who lived in Ethiopia between 1520 and
1526. He observed that nuns are not cloistered, nor do they live together in
convents, but in villages, and in the monasteries of the monks ... and the nuns
give obedience where they receive their habits.75
A brief note on fol. 230v, col. A (final 8 lines) states that the commemora-
tion of Tmharnn Maryam, a woman who gave brocade to the church of St.
during the Aksumite period with the institution of monasticism itself; see I. GUIDI, Il
Gadla Aragw, MRALm, ser. V, 2-1, 1894, 5496. Whether or not this is actually
so, the author(s) of the Life of abun Z-Mikael demonstrate that they considered
the double monastery to be typical of Ethiopian monasticism, a pattern which abun
Z-Mikael brought from Egypt. Double monasteries in Egypt go back to the time of
St. Pachomius, whose sister established a monastery near his and became the mother
of her community; see The Life of Pachomius [Vita Prima Graeca], tr. A. N. Atha-
nassakis, (Missoula, Montana, 1975), 4547, 176177. This pattern was followed by
St. Basil and his sister Macrina (Vita S. Macrinae Virginis, in: PG, vol. XLVI (Paris,
1863), cols. 9591000), and by Paula who established a monastery for women at
Bethlehem beside the male monastery of Jerome (ANNE E. HICKEY, Women of the
Roman Aristocracy as Christian Monastics, Studies in Religion no. 1, [Ann Arbor
MI, 1987], 3031).
72
E. CERULLI (ed., tr.), Atti di Krestos Samr, CSCO 163/164, SAe 33/34 (Lou-
vain, 1956), 5052 [text], 3436 [tr.].
73
E. CERULLI, Atti di Zena Maryam, monaca etiopica del secolo XIV, RSO 21
(1946), 140, 142143.
74
Allegiance of the nun to a spiritual father was the pattern in the Egyptian Church
(IRIS HABIB EL-MASRI, A Historical Survey of the Convents for Women in Egypt up
to the Present Day, Bulletin de la Societe dArcheologie Copte 14 [19501957],
8384, 8688). A similar institution existed in the Greek Church (CATIA GALATARIO-
TOU, Byzantine Womens Monastic Communities: the Evidence of the Typika, Jahr-
buch der sterreichischen Byzantinistik 38 [1988], 287).
75
FRANCISCO ALVARES, The Prester John of the Indies: A True Relation of the
Lands of the Prester John, ed. G. F. Beckingham and G. W. B. Huntingford, Hakluyt
Society Publications, 2nd ser., 114 (Cambridge, 1961), I, 200202.
'& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Gabriel, was to be observed on 10 Hamle, but gives no indication of her

relationship with the monastery. She may have been an important member of
the local ruling elite. This note mandating the commemoration of a woman
may be contrasted with an additional note (fol. 114r, col. A) written by the
order of aqqabe sat Mqabis, regarding the commemoration of Smon
who, with his wife, gave grat amaqwy (?) for his tzkar on 11 Hamle.76
Although Smons anonymous wife is identified as a donating partner in this
record, her commemoration is not mandated in the additional notes.
The list of persons to be commemorated in the note of fol. 231v, col. A
col. B, written by the order of aqqabe s at Gbr Msql, includes the name
of Yabik gzi on 25 Trr. The man to whom this commemoration refers
may be the powerful ruler (mkwnnn) of ntrta (ndrta), the district in
which Dbr Mar is located. The note does not include any identification of
this man, but a reference to the deceased ruler of ntrta would have needed
no further identification.77 Yabik gzi was destroyed by Emperor Amd
Syon after 1319 because the governor refused to recognize the sovereignty
of the emperor.78 The colophon of the Kbr Ng t (The Glory of the Kings)
identifies Yabik gzi, the upright and God-loving governor [mkwn-
nn], as the authority who approved the production of this document in
Gz, the literary language of highland Christian Ethiopia.79

76
Smon could not, of course, stipulate the date of his tzkar while he was still
living. This note was apparently written on or after 11 Hamle, the date of Smons
death. Abun Mqabis evidently ordered the note to be written as a record of the
donation that Smon and his wife had made for his tzkar prior to his death.
77
An unpublished manuscript of the Life of Gbr Msql preserved at Dbr
Mar might throw some light on this question of his connections with the monastery.
78
In a historical note in the Four Gospels of Dbr Hayq (EMML 1832), Amd
Syon states that God gave me into my hands the ruler of ntrta with all his army, his
people, his relatives and all his country as far as the cathedral of Aksum (TADDESSE
TAMRAT, The Abbots of Dbr-Hayq, 9596). A land grant of Yabik gzi is dated
1319; see CONTI ROSSINI, Levangelo doro di Dabra Libnos, 200201. His defeat is
recorded in a grant of Lbn Dngl (CONTI ROSSINI, Liber Axumae, 3031 [text], 36 [tr.]).
For a discussion of the conflict between local rulers in northern Ethiopia and Empe-
ror Amd Syon, see TADDESSE TAMRAT, Church and State in Ethiopia, 7374, 251.
79
The colophon alleges that the K br Ngt was translated from a Coptic ma-
nuscript belonging to the Throne of Mark the Evangelist [i. e. the Egyptian Patriarch]
into Arabic in the Year of Mercy 490 [A.D. 1226] in the country of Ethiopia during
the reign of King Lalibla, explaining that God neglected to have it translated into the
speech of Ethiopia during the reigns of the Zagwe kings because they were not Israe-
lites, i. e. descendants of Mnilk, son of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, in
other words, descendants of the Aksumite kings (C. BEZOLD, Kebra Nagast. Die Herr-
lichkeit der Knige, Abhandlungen der kniglich Bayerischen Akamedie der Wis-
senschaften, Phil. Class., Bd. XIII, 1. Abteilung [Munich, 1905], 138 [tr.], 172173
[text]; E. A. W. Budge ( tr.), The Queen of Sheba and Her Only Son Menylek [Lon-
 M. E. Heldman, M. S. Devens ''

A post-1530 land charter of Emperor Lbn Dngl, recorded in a manu-

script presently in Paris (Bib. nat., MS dAbbadie 152), renewed royal grants
of land to monasteries of northern Ethiopia, lands given for the support of the
annual commemorations of past emperors, lands given for the salvation of
their souls.80 This charter names Abba Nftalem as the abbot of Dbr Mara.
However, the name of aqqabe sat Nftalem does not appear among the
notes of the Four Gospels of Dbr Mar, nor is there a record among the
additional notes of this renewal of land charters. All of the additional notes,
with the exception of the 19th-cent. note of fol. 76r, col. B, appear to have
been written before 1530.
The majority of additional notes in the Four Gospels of Dbr Mar are
records regarding tzkar, the annual commemoration of the dead, among which
notes are records of grants of land for the provisioning of the commemora-
tive meal, a significant element of the tzkar. These records are simple nota-
tions that do not follow the formal pattern of land grants or charters as outli-
ned by Huntingford in his The Land Charters of Northern Ethiopia. The
notes that record the dates of commemoration of members of the monastic
community and of those who gave gifts to the monastery for their commemo-
ration are documents of obligation. The living members of the community
received the responsibility for the memorial services and the associated com-
memorative meals in remembrance of the dead. The duty of commemorating
the dead and preserving their memory among the living passed from genera-
tion to generation.

SUMMARY
The colophon and note of donation of Dbr Mar Gospels, a manuscript
historically important for its illuminated Canon tables and Christological preface
consisting of three full-page miniatures, not only provide a dated record of the
production of the manuscript in A.D. 13401341, but also yield information con-
cerning the history of the monastery and its founder. Additional notes, copied
over the years into various blank spaces within the manuscript, consist primarily
of records of grants of land made to the monastery of Dbr Mar and records
concerning the annual commemoration of deceased members of the community
and of laity who gave gifts to the community for their annual commemoration.
Complete translations of the additional notes are not included in this essay.

don, 1922], 228229). Sevir B. Chernetsov recognized the political message of the
colophon of the K br Ngt as a literary manifestation of the legitimate claim of
Yabik gzi for the throne of Ethiopia (a passage from Chernetsovs unpublished
History of Ethiopia quoted by M. KROPP, Zur Deutung des Titels Kbr ngt,
OC 80 [1996], 108115).
80
HUNTINGFORD, The Land Charters of Northern Ethiopia, 5153, no. 43; CONTI
ROSSINI, Liber Axumae, 3941 [text]; 4648 [tr.].
 Steven Kaplan
Hebrew University of Jerusalem

ETHIOPIAN PRISONERS OF ZION:

THE STRUGGLE FOR RECOGNITION
IN A BUREAUCRATIC SETTING

Introduction
No Ethiopian community anywhere in the world has been as seriously
and completely transformed during the past quarter century as that of the
Beta Israel (Falasha).1 In 1977 only about 100 Ethiopian Jews lived in Israel.
By 2004 immigration and natural growth had brought the number of Ethio-
pians in Israel to over 85,000. At the same time Beta Israel communal life in
Ethiopia came to an end as virtually the entire community emigrated. Although
the dramatic airlifts of Ethiopians to Israel in both 1984 and 1991 were celeb-
rated in Israel as the fulfillment of the Zionist dream, their adjustment to the
reality of Israeli society and its adjustment to them has not always been smooth.
Conflicts and difficulties have arisen in almost every sphere of activity.2
The purpose of this paper is to explore a previously unexamined aspect of
the Ethiopian migration and their status in Israel: the designation of certain
immigrants as Prisoners of Zion (PZ).3 Although it concerns only a small
fraction of the Ethiopians in Israel, we shall attempt to demonstrate that the
issues which emerge through the examination of this topic, have implications
1
Ethiopian Jews were, until recently, most commonly designated by the term
Falasha. They also used the term (Beta) Israel (House) of Israel, to refer to them-
selves. They have in recent years been the subject of a vast literature. For detailed
bibliographies s. STEVEN KAPLAN SHOSHANA BEN-DOR, Ethiopian Jewry: an Anno-
tated Bibliography, Jerusalem, 1988; HAGAR SALAMON STEVEN KAPLAN, Ethiopian
Jews. An Annotated Bibliography 19871997, Jerusalem, 1998; SHALVA WEIL, Bi-
bliography on Ethiopian Jewry (19982001), Paris: Society for the Study of the Ethio-
pian Jewry, 2001. For a concise overview s. STEVEN KAPLAN, Bet srael, in: E I,
pp. 552559.
2
For general surveys of Ethiopian life in Israel s. STEVEN KAPLAN CHAIM RO-
SEN, Ethiopian Jews in Israel, in: David Singer Ruth R. Seldin (eds.), American
Jewish Yearbook 1994, New York, 1994, pp. 59109; STEVEN KAPLAN HAGAR SA-
LAMON , Ethiopian Immigrants in Israel: Experience and Prospects, London, 1998.
3
Both English and Hebrew versions of the book by BARUCH MEIRI RACHAMIM
ELAZAR, The Dream Behind Bars: the Story of the Prisoners of Zion from Ethiopa,
Jerusalem, 2001, have been published. In neither version, however, is there a discus-
sion of the designation of certain individuals as PZ or of the process by which they
are chosen. 126 Ethiopian PZ are listed in this book.
 S. Kaplan 

which extend far beyond the small number of individuals directly effected.
Indeed, we shall argue that precisely because of the formal bureaucratic orga-
nization of the definitional process, this case allows us to see issues in a
clearer light than do larger less formal determinations.
As I shall attempt to demonstrate below, the process of determining who
is a PZ is a microcosm of the larger problem of identity politics for Ethio-
pians in Israel.4 Not surprisingly therefore at the heart of the PZ process is a
series of struggles over the narrative process. These include not only the ques-
tion of who tells the story, but in what language and form (oral or written) it
is told. Most importantly it includes the issue of what is considered a correct
narrative and who makes this determination.
The data for this study is based on my personal experience for almost a
decade as member of the sub-committee which determines which Ethiopians
are accorded the status of PZ. During this period, I have participated in over
thirty meetings, during which several hundred files were discussed and a si-
milar number of applicants and witnesses interviewed.5

Prisoners of Zion
Throughout the history of the Zionist movement, Jewish activists and po-
tential immigrants to Israel were confronted by governments who opposed
their attempts to reach Palestine and later the State of Israel. While actively
opposing to the existence of Zionism and the State of Israel, some states le-
gislated against a wide range of Jewish activities including the teaching of
Hebrew, religious instruction and most ritual observances; others outlawed
the organization or promotion of emigration to Israel albeit tolerating most
forms of religious practice. Whatever the specific legal rubric, hundreds of
Jews found themselves emprisoned either because of their Jewishness or be-
cause of their attempts to promote or organize aliyah (immigration to Israel).
While some of these activists such as Ida Nudel and Anatoly (today, Natan)
Scharansky became the subject of international attention, most languished in
anonymity. Similarly, while those emprisoned in the Soviet Union were fre-
quently discussed in the Israeli and world media, those in other lands gar-
nered far less attention.
In response to this historical reality, in 1992 the Knesset (Israeli Parlia-
ment) passed Prisoners of Zion Act.6 Under this legislation a resident of Isra-

4
As the footnotes below indicate, many of these issues which arise in the discus-
sion of the PZ are relevant in other contexts as well.
5
In addition, on 7 July 2003, I conducted an hour-long interview at the Ministry
of Immigrant Absorption with the two Ministry staff members.
6
From 1 April 1973 to 8 June 1992, benefits were paid under agreements signed
with the Treasury.
 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

el is recognized as a PZ, as a relative of an imprisoned PZ or of a martyr

under the following circumstances:7
(1) Someone who was arrested, detained or deported for a period of at
least six months because of Zionist activity in a country where such activity
was prohibited, provided that he is an Israeli citizen according to the Law of
Return8 and a resident of Israel;
(2) Someone who was arrested, detained or deported for a period of at
least six months because of his Jewishness in a country hostile to Israel, pro-
vided that he is an Israeli citizen according to the Law of Return and a resi-
dent of Israel;
(3) Someone who was arrested, detained or deported because of the rea-
sons listed in clauses (1) and (2) above and disappeared and six months have
passed since his arrest, and he would be eligible according to the Law of
Return of 1950;
(4) Someone who was a resident of the Land of Israel before the establish-
ment of the State, and because of his activities in order to establish the State,
was arrested, detained or deported for at least at least six months, provided
that he is an Israeli citizen according to the Law of Return and a resident of
Israel.
As we shall discuss below, those recognized as PZ or as their heirs are
entitled not only to the honour bestowed upon them, but under certain circum-
stances monetary compensation through Israel Institute for Social Security.9
For the purposes of implementing the law, three committees were esta-
blished under the auspices of the Ministry of Immigrant Absorption to deal
with cases of prisoners from (1) Arab Lands, which includes Iran (2) Eastern
Europe, which includes the Soviet Union and other former Communist Coun-
tries (3) Ethiopia. At a latter date this was expanded to include, (4) pre-State
Jewish underground organizations such as Etzel, Lehi, and Ha-haganah.
In practice, the Ethiopian committee, while dealing with immigrants from
that one country, deals with cases of those emprisoned in Ethiopia, Sudan
and in a small number of cases, Kenya and Djibouti. This distinction is of
considerable relevance, because despite the numerous ups and down of Isra-

7
The Law of Prisoners of Zion and their Families 1992, with amendments:
http://www.nevo.co.il/Law_word/law. (My translation of the Hebrew).
http://www.btl.gov.il/English/benefit/pris/pris.htm contains an incomplete
English summary of this material.
8
According to Law of Return, Jews living anywhere in the world are entitled to
claim Israeli citizenship and immigrate to Israel. http://www.lectlaw.com/files/int16.htm
9
www.btl.gov.il/English Tables 13.1 and 13.2.1 for details of the payments being
received. As of 2002 644 PZ from all countries were receiving benefits. This from a
total of about 1,200 awarded PZ status since 1992. Over two-thirds of these had
disabilities of 50% or less.
 S. Kaplan !

el-Ethiopian relations, Ethiopia has never been in a state of war with Israel
and hence is not defined as a hostile country.10 In contrast, the Sudan, through
its membership in the Arab League (League of Arab States) has been in a
state of war with Israel and thus fits the definition of a hostile country (see
above).11 As a result, the criteria for recognition as Prisoners of Zion for
those arrested and emprisoned in Ethiopia are more narrowly defined than
for those incarcerated in the Sudan. While the former must prove that they
were engaged in Zionist activities which led to their arrest or detention, the
latter must merely demonstrate that they were singled out as Jews. As we
shall see, this distinction leads to a considerable degree of confusion among
the applicants and misunderstanding between them and the members of the
committee.

The Committee
As was indicated above, applications for recognition as PZ are reviewed
by four separate committees. For most of the past decade, the committee which
deals with Ethiopian applications has been comprised of three members:12
RE, the chair, a veteran Ethiopian immigrant who has been in Israel for more
than 25 years; JL, who served as an Israeli government agent in the Sudan
during the Ethiopian aliyah of the 1980s; myself: a scholar of Ethiopian stu-
dies. While a second Ethiopian was nominally a member of the committee
for much of this period, he did not attend its deliberations, reportedly in protest
over the decision to accord PZ status to several applicants against his recom-
mendations. Attempts in recent years to expand the committee to include addi-
tional members have not been successful, as successive Ministers of Immi-
grant Absorption have not found the time to make new appointments.13 The
10
On the history of Israel-Ethiopian relations s. HANAN AYNOR, A Guide to Se-
lected Documents on Israel-Ethiopian Relations, Jerusalem, 1986; MITCHEL BARD,
From Tragedy to Triumph: the Politics Behind the Rescue of Ethiopian Jewry, West-
port, 2002; and more generally on Israel-African relations JOEL PETERS, Israel and
Africa: the Problematic of Friendship, London, 1992.
11
On immigration to Israel via the Sudan s. GADI BEN-EZER, The Ethiopian Jewish
Exodus: Narratives of the Migration Journey to Israel 19771985, London and New
York, 2002; TUDOR PARFITT, Operation Moses: the Untold Story of the Secret Exodus
of the Falasha Jews from Ethiopia, London, 1985; LOUIS RAPOPORT, Redemption Song:
the Story of Operation Moses, New York, 1986.
12
In the interest of confidentiality I have identified the committee members by
their initials only.
13
Shortly after the completion of this paper RE was suspended/resigned (the
exact circumstances are disputed!) from the committee and was replaced by DBT, a
retired judge. For some of the background to REs departure from the committee s.
Kol Hazman 30 July, 2004 (Hebrew). At present there are no Ethiopian members of
the committee.
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

members are assisted through the preparation of files and the invitation of
applicants by two workers, GS and DM, of the Ministry of Immigrant Ab-
sorption both veteran Russian immigrants.
The committee meets 4 or 5 times a year. Because of the large number of
Ethiopian applications, the Ethiopian committee meets more often than any
of the other committees. Meetings last between 5 to 6 hours and anywhere
from 10 to 16 files are reviewed, with upwards of 20 applicants and witnes-
ses interviewed. In a typical encounter, committee members are given a file
containing:
1) A formal application for recording the individuals biographical details,
as well as period(s) of Zionist activity, period(s) of emprisonment, injuries or
other problems as a result of emprisonment, names of witnesses;
2) A short biography usually emphasizing the elements of Zionist activi-
ty and emprisonment;
3) A form for statements from witnesses;
4) A summary in several sentences of the most important information
contained in the material above;
5) Any other correspondence between the applicant and the Ministry of
Absorption staff;
6) As of June 2003, many of the files contain a short form sent by the
Association of Ethiopian Prisoners of Zion.
Without exception all of the documents described above are in Hebrew.
However, some applicants also include an original version of their biography
in Amharic or Tigrinnya along with a translation. Some also include medical
records, although these are not necessary or even relevant to the commitees
deliberations, since only after the recognition of an applicant as a PZ is a
determination regarding medical condition made by doctors of the Social
Security Institute.
In the first stage in this process applicants and witnesses involved are
required to fill out a variety of forms. Even a superficial examination of the
completed forms indicates that many Ethiopians have major problems under-
standing their purpose. Dates are often inscribed incorrectly or it is claimed
that the applicant was both active and emprisoned during the same period.14
Witnessess forms are often identical, not only in their wording but also in the
handwriting, because they are completed not as individual testimonies but as
standardized documents.15 In some cases they are signed not by the witness,
but by the applicant himself!16

14
S., for example, File number 311757454.
15
Files 306928064, 30972551, 311757421, 15581606 all contain identical or
largely similar witness statements.
16
Applicants and witnesses have todate been overwhelmingly male. My use of
the male pronoun is, however, meant to be inclusive.
 S. Kaplan #

Thus, the written material in the files serves in most cases as a starting
point for an investigation rather as conclusive affidavits.17 Even in those ca-
ses, in which the applicant does not initially appear to meet the criteria of the
law to qualify as a PZ, he is invited to present his case and bring witnesses.18
After briefly reviewing the file and determining the most important is-
sues raised by the enclosed material, the committee members invite the appli-
cant to enter the room and testify. Witnesses are called in to testify after the
applicant. Although this is not a formal judicial procedure, applicants and
witnesses are usually reminded that as in a courtroom they are expected to
tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. While rules of
hear-say are not strictly enforced, witnesses are frequently reminded to
talk of those matters, which they are familiar with from first-hand sources
and that information which they were told by others will be discounted. Tes-
timonies of both the applicant and witnesses are recorded in summary form
written by one of the staff members, and this material is later added to the
file. Usually a decision is made regarding an application immediately fol-
lowing these testimonies. However, in some cases the applicant may be asked
to produce further witnesses. In cases, in which an applicant claims to have
worked with a particular individual known to have been an aliyah activist in
either Ethiopia or the Sudan, it may be decided to contact that person for
confirmation.19 In such instances, decisions may be delayed several months
until the committee convenes again.
Theoretically, the procedure for determining whether a person can be
awarded PZ status seems straightforward, but only theoretically: written evi-
dence is preferred to oral testimony, official rule is given more validity than
customary usage, and Hebrew testimony over testimony in any other lan-
guage. The principles of Zionism are also given preference over systems of
international law.

17
In the deliberations of the other three committees, applicants and witnesses
have far greater command of Hebrew and the technicalities of the forms. The forms
are thus filled out with much greater accuracy and play a much greater role in the
deliberations of these committees.
18
In cases where the applicants request in denied, he is entitled to present his
case to an appeals committee headed by a judge.
19
In 2002 a consulation process was set up with the Association of Ethiopian
Jewish Organization of Prisoners of Zion. Copies of files are given to the organiza-
tion for comment. A similar process has existed for several years with other commit-
tees. However as of this writing (December 2003) the Ethiopian committee has not
become fully involved because the answers they have written have not been suffi-
ciently detailed. Rather they have submitted either no comment or a standard declara-
tion that the person in question was or was not in prison as a Zionist activist. None of
the files have been returned with a detailed answer.
$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Language
As was noted above, applicants and witnesses involved in the PZ process
are required to deal with a variety of forms all of which are in Hebrew. For
most this presents major difficulties, since they do not read or write Hebrew.20
Here as elsewhere they turn to a variety of figures (their children, social
workers, neighbors, etc.) to assist them with the forms. Inevitably this leads
to misunderstandings. Even in the best of circumstances, the language barrier
and the use of intermediaries means that such forms are secondary documents
which applicants and witnesses alike can disavow with ease.
One of the striking features of the PZ process is that it starkly reveals how
few adult Ethiopians are capable of functioning in Hebrew. Immigrants, many
of whom have been in the country for ten years or more, routinely ask to
testify through a translator. Although it is tempting to believe that in such
cases the immigrants are underestimating their abilities or erring on the side
of caution because of the importance of the process, it appears that most of
those who ask to speak in Amharic or Tigrinnya are, in fact, unable to carry
on a conversation in Hebrew.21
This language barrier is no small matter for, put in the simpliest of terms,
applicants and witnesses who appear before the committee and must con-
struct a narrative which convinces the commitee members that the applicant

20
On the problems adult Ethiopians have had in learning Hebrew s. LISA ANTEBY,
Premire approche de la situation sociolinguistique des immigrants thiopiens en
Israel et de problemes de dalphabtisation chez les adults, Mmoire de D. E. A.,
vol. 5, Paris, 1991; LISA ANTEBY-YEMINI, Les juifs thiopiens en Isral: Les para-
doxes du paradis, Paris, 2004, pp. 113132. In this context, it should be stressed that
translating the forms into Amharic or Tigrinnya would do little to alter this situation,
since most adult Ethiopians who have arrived in Israel do not read or write either of
these languages. Indeed, it might exacerbate the problem because then the social
workers and children who assist them in filling out the forms would not be able to
read them.
21
For a rather idealized portrayal of the language acquisition process s. VARDA
NETZER HANA POLANI, Saga of an Aliyah, Jerusalem, 1988. On the languages of
Ethiopia s. HABTE MARIAM MARCOS, Scholarship of the Ethiopian Languages
Retrospect and Prospect, in: RICHARD PANKHURT TADDESE BEYENE (eds.), Silver
Jubilee Anniversary of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa, 1990, pp. 97
104. Amarinnya (Amharic) is the most commonly spoken language in Ethiopia and
was the dominant language in the regions inhabited by most immigrants to Israel.
A smaller number of immigrants, perhaps 15 % of the total todate, resided in areas
where Tigrinnya was the primary language. For other cultural differences between
these two groups of immigrants s. CHAIM ROSEN, Similarities and Differences be-
tween Ethiopian Jews in Gondar and Tigre, Peamim vol. 33, 1987, pp. 93108
(Hebrew).
 S. Kaplan %

is deserving of recognition as PZ. Few of the stories heard or read by commit-

tee members over the years resemble the clear, linear and highly stylized
accounts published by Meiri and Elazar in their book on Ethiopian PZ.22
Indeed, even if those testifying were capable or interested in producing such
narratives (their written testimonies indicate that this is not the case), the
members of the committee, because of the language barrier, would not hear
them in this form.
One of the curious features of the PZ process todate, is that despite this
language barrier, the commitee has rarely been provided with a translator.
Rather, the Ethiopian chairman served both as chair and translator in almost
all cases. Needless to say, this highly anomalous situation in which he both
produced the testimony through his translation and judges its reliability is
most irregular. Moreover, since his translations are not word for word or even
sentence for sentence versions of the original text, serious question exists as
to the nature of the narrative being evaluated by the other committee mem-
bers, neither of whom speak an Ethiopian language.23

Names
As was noted above anywhere from 15 to 20 applicants and witnesses are
invited to appear before the commitee on a single day. Despite suggestions
from the committee members that some be invited for a morning session
(10 am 12 am) and others for an afternoon session (12 am 2 pm), all are
requested to appear at the same time. No individual appointments are made.
Rather, applicants and witnesses sign a sheet when they arrive and are invited
in to meet with the committee members on a first come, first heard basis.24
The names are read by one of the officials of the Absorption Ministry. Often
there is some confusion as to the correspondence between the names written
on the list and those which appear in the files. In part, at least, this is due yet
again to the transition from Amharic to Hebrew. Names on both the list and

22
MEIRI ELAZAR, The Dream Behind Bars.
23
Although it appears of little practical consequence, it should be noted that
Hebrew is not the native language of any of the committee members or ministry staff.
Rather, it functions as a common means of communication as the shared language
and official language of the state. Applicants to the other three committees have a
greater knowledge of Hebrew, while the committees have several members who know
the relevant languages. Since the departure of RE from the committee a translator has
usually been provided, but in some cases translations are provided by applicants or
witnesses invited on the day.
24
This process is not unique to this committee and is common in Israel. Non-
citizens wishing to have their visa renewed by the Israeli Minister of the Interior in
Jerusalem commonly have to arrive at the office two hours or more before it opens
(8 am) to sign their name to a list.
& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

the files are Hebrew transliterations of Amharic names, a form which easily
leads to mis-pronunciation.25
In addition, it must be kept in mind that when Ethiopian immigrants arrived
in Israel most of them had their names changed. In many cases this was part of
a process of Hebraization whereby strange and difficult to pronounce Ethio-
pian names were replaced by Hebrew alternatives. Although this Hebraization
policy was conducted following consultation with a number of veteran Ethio-
pian immigrants, it was strongly criticized and eventually dropped.26
More generally names were changed to meet the needs of the Israeli im-
migration bureaucracy. In Ethiopia, the Beta Israel, like other residents of
northern Ethiopia had no family names. Both men and women were identi-
fied by a personal name and the name of their father. Women did not change
their names upon marriage. Individuals were addressed by their personal na-
mes i. e. Taddesse Tasfa = Ato (Mr.) Taddesse. Thus in a simple nuclear fa-
mily (the exception rather than the rule among Ethiopians) a father and mother
had different names from each other and from their children. Taddesse Tasfa
could be married to Nigat Biru. Their children could include Girma Taddesse
and Maskaram Taddesse. In Israel, such family units were commonly identi-
fied by a single last name, usually the second name of the father, i. e. the
mothers father-in-law and the childrens paternal grandfather. Thus they
would become Taddesse Tasfa, Nigat Tasfa, Girma Tasfa and Maskaram Tas-
fa. Not surprisingly, this produced a considerable amount of confusion regar-
ding the identification of applicants and witnesses.27
In order to resolve this confusion surrounding the names of individuals, at
the outset of each interview, whether of an applicant or a witness, the person
is asked to produce his/her identity card: teudat zehut. This document, produ-
ced by the Israeli government, contains the persons Israeli name, picture,
and basic details such as date of birth, marital status, etc.28 It is significant to
note that in what is overwhelmingly an oral process among people with a
limited knowledge of Hebrew, the opening act the presentation of the

25
Modern Hebrew unlike the Ethiopian Semitic languages is written in an un-
vocalized form without any indication of vowel sounds.
26
DANIEL BERGMAN, The Names of Ethiopian Jews and the Changes in Israel: an
Examinaiton of Changes in a Symbolic System, M. A., Hebrew University, 1986.
(Hebrew); ANTEBY-YEMINI, Les juifs thiopiens, pp. 4253.
27
In my 7 July 2003 meeting with the Ministry officials, they did not appear to
have prior knowledge of this issue!
28
On the problems in collecting such simple data from Ethiopians in Israel s.
SHALVA WEIL, It is Futile to Trust in Man: Methodological Difficulties in Studying
Non-Mainstream Populations with Reference to Ethiopian Jews in Israel, Human
Organization vol. 54 no. 1, 1995, pp. 119. On the Ethiopians confrontation with
the identity card and other aspects of literacy s. ANTEBY-YEMINI, Les juifs thiopiens,
pp. 3861.
 S. Kaplan '

identity card is an obvious assertion of the priority of Hebrew over other

languages, government documentation over any other claims, and of the written
over the oral.

The Interface of the Oral and the Written

The issue of names and the presentation of the identity card brings to the
fore another outstanding features of the PZ process: the comparative lack of
independent written material. In two exceptional cases, prisoners held in Um-
Requbeh, Sudan and in Djibouti, written lists of the prisoners exist. Most of
the individuals named in these lists have already been granted PZ status. In
the event that new claimants come forward, a simple check of the lists is all
that is needed to confirm or deny their status. As in the case of the identity
card, the power of the written word is clear and unchallenged.
In most other cases of PZ, however, no written records exist. Prison files
from Ethiopia or the Sudan, if they exist are not available. Neither are there
written lists of those who were active in either the Sudan or Ethiopia. Accor-
dingly, in determining who is entitled to PZ status, the committee deals al-
most exclusively with oral materials. A striking part of this process is the
manner in which these oral sources are transformed into written text which
then become the documents of record.29
Having recorded their recollections as written documents (the application
and the biography) applicants are called upon to tell their stories yet again in
front of the committee members. This oral performance and that of the wit-
nesses are transformed yet again into written summaries which then become
the documents of record. Again it is interesting to note in this context, that
committee proceedings are not taped. Thus the applicants and witnesses
oral Amharic narratives are preserved as written Hebrew summaries. No re-
cord of the applicants own words, in their language, as spoken is preserved.

Whose Truth?
As was noted above, the testimony of the applicants before the committee is
usually followed by the testimony of one or two witnesses. During the early
years of the committees work, applicants often brought relatives with them as
witnesses. While such testimonies were not excluded, it was explained that

29
This represents a marked contrast to the other three committees. Not only are
the applicants and witnesses far more capable of completing the forms which must be
submitted to the committee, but also written documentation of the claims in the form
of court records, newspaper accounts, and organizational records are far more acces-
sible. Although aliyah activity in the Sudan was comparatively well organized, this is
not the case for Ethiopia. In contrast, the other three organizations often have records
from aliyah organizations which operated during the relevant periods.
 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

support produced through the words of less interested parties would be prefer-
red. By the end of the 1990s, it was exceedingly rare for relatives to appear as
witnesses. Although the problem of testimonies from family members has been
resolved, it is still useful to note the (usually unspoken) assumption of the com-
mittee that evidence offered by a comparative stranger is inherently more relia-
ble than that of a relative. As I shall discuss below, attempts to save strangers
are also more highly valued in the determination of PZ status, than attempts to
save family members. Thus, while it is doubtful if any of the committee mem-
bers would state it explicitly, the committees decisions articulate a value sys-
tem which values broader communal loyalties over specific family interests.
In this context we would do well to remember a point mentioned in pass-
ing at the beginning of this article. Although in principle the status of PZ may
be wholly honorary, there can be little doubt that most applicants are well
aware of the potential financial benefits. It must be remembered that the Ethio-
pian community is among the poorest in Israel. The majority of Ethiopian
adults are not employed and in many households there is no working adult.
Social Security benefits of various types are thus crucial to the economic
survival of many families.30 The suggestion that some applicants are more
interested in the honorarium than the honor should not be ruled out.

The Zionist Imperative

One particularly sensitive subject in the committees deliberations is the
issue of Zionist activity. In the course of time, the committees definition
of Zionist activity has come to include such actions as checking the route out
of Ethiopia, organizing a group or groups, guiding them, providing them with
(illegal) travel documents or provisions.31 In and of itself, the attempt by a
person to leave Ethiopia does not constitute Zionist activity. Nor does an
attempt to leave with a group primarily composed of family members meet
the committees criteria.32

30
On the economic circumstances of Ethiopians in Israel s. KAPLAN SALAMON,
Ethiopian Immigrants, pp. 1315. On the impact of the latest economic policies s.
Ha-aretz July 11, 2003, p. B4 (Hebrew). Payments to PZ themselves range between
1,500 to 3,500 New Israel Shekal depending on the extent of the applicants disability.
However, families of those killed are entitled to much higher benefits (78,000 NIS)
under the conditions laid down in the Soldiers Families Law. ($1 = 4.4 NIS at this
writing). They are also entitled to reductions in property tax, television license fees,
and payments for medications.
31
What if any compensation an individual received at the time for his actions has
generally been deemed to be irrelevant.
32
Here as in the exclusion of witnesses, family loyalty is not a primary value.
Indeed, the underlying message is that the testimony of and attempts to save family
members is less valued than the testimony of and attempts to save strangers.
 S. Kaplan 

One of the implications of this definition is that people who were in the
same group, were arrested at the same time, and spent the same period in the
same jail are not necessarily granted the same status by the committee. While
the person who organized or led the group would probably be granted the
title of PZ, the other members would not. This point cannot be stressed too
strongly. PZ status is not a measure of a persons courage or how much they
suffered, but a recognition of the activities which preceded their emprison-
ment. Nevertheless, the narratives constructed by applicants often place a
clear emphasis on the suffering endured and on its continued impact on the
applicants lives. Ethiopian Jews inured to an Israeli absorption bureaucracy
and social welfare system which rewards need rather than achievement, shape
their testimonies to emphasize not the activities which led to their emprison-
ment, but their incarceration and its consequences.33
The centrality of Zionist activity to the PZ process is not limited to its role
in committee members determinations. At the heart of the PZ phenomenon
is an assumption of a globalized and somewhat timeless Israeli identity. Isra-
eli citizens are recognized and rewarded for actions which they took prior to
becoming Israeli citizens. Ethiopians and others, who acted in a similar way,
but did not immigrate to Israel, receive no such recognition. Indeed, in this
particular case, Israeli identity is more important than Jewish identity since
an applicant need not be Jewish to be recognized as a PZ so long as he reach-
ed Israel under the provisions of the Law of Return.34
It should also be noted that the PZ status also assumes the applicants
Israeli identity supersedes the expectation that they will obey the laws of

33
BEN-EZER, The Ethiopian Jewish Exodus. In this context it is interesting to
compare the narratives heard by committee members with those collected and analy-
zed by Gadi Ben-Ezer in his recent book. On a superficial level, the narratives stu-
died by Ben-Ezer are largely similar, if not identical, to many of those heard by the
committee. This is particularly the case with regard to those collected regarding the
experience in the Sudan. Ben-Ezer, who is primarily interested in the psychological
content, notes three central themes in the narratives he analyzes: Jewish identity,
suffering, bravery and inner strength. While all three of these appear in committee
hearings, only the second can be said to be central to most testimonies. For a very
different description of events in the Sudan s. Heroes against the Weak, Yediot
Ahronot, Seven Days, 23 July 2004.
34
Non-Jewish relatives, particularly spouses, of Jewish immigrants are entitled
to enter the country under the Law of Return. Law of Return (amendment no. 2),
57301970*: 4A. (a) The rights of a Jew under this Law and the rights of an oleh
under the Nationality Law, 57121952***, as well as the rights of an oleh under any
other enactment, are also vested in a child and a grandchild of a Jew, the spouse of a
Jew, the spouse of a child of a Jew and the spouse of a grandchild of a Jew, except for
a person who has been a Jew and has voluntarily changed his religion.
 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

their native land.35 In the course of their testimony, applicants routinely ad-
mit to having broken Ethiopian or Sudanese law. Indeed, the claim to have
been jailed for a violation of such laws is a standard part of their application.
Often applicants, having convinced members of the committee that they were
emprisoned are called upon to support the claim that they were not mere
criminals, but ideological motivated prisoners. In this context, it is signifi-
cant to note, that the laws in question while preventing Jews from migrating
to Israel, were often applied in a similar fashion to the population at large.
Thus, the police officer who sold or gave travel permits to members of the
general population is considered a common criminal, while the same person
preparing such documents for his fellow Jews is accorded the special status
of PZ.

Feedback and Resistance

Thus far in this paper, I have been concerned with the manner in which
the Israeli immigration bureacracy imposes its hierarchy of values on Ethio-
pian immigrants in the process of determining who receives the PZ designa-
tion. While there can be little question that the committee members and staff
have a decisive impact on the PZ process, it would be a grave mistake to
assume that Ethiopians have no power to resist and reshape these interactions.
To be sure, the PZ process has not aroused the sort of passion that has driven
people out onto the streets, in a manner similar to conflicts with the Israeli
religious or medical authorities.36 It has, however, produced more subtle
forms of Everyday Resistance to the dictates of the bureaucracy.37 One of
the characteristics which has shaped the PZ process over time is the develop-

35
The use of the term native land in this context is, of course, itself ideologi-
cally loaded. Ethiopian immigrants, the Israeli government, and many other Jewish
organizations view the Ethiopian migration to Israel as a return from exile to their
native land. Cf. STEVEN KAPLAN, The Invention of Ethiopian Jews: Three Models,
Cahiers dtudes africaines vol. 33, no. 4, 1993, pp. 645658, esp. pp. 648651.
36
On the large protests against the Israeli Chief Rabbinates demands that Ethio-
pians undergo ritual immersion s. STEVEN KAPLAN, The Beta Israel and the Rabbin-
ate: Law, Politics and Ritual, Social Science Information vol. 28, no. 3, 1988, pp. 357
370; on the response when it was discovered that Israeli medical authorities were
disgarding Ethiopian blood because of the fear that it was infected with the HIV
virus, s. DON SEEMAN, One People, One Blood: Public Health, Political Violence,
and HIV in an Ethiopian-Israeli Setting, Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry vol. 23,
1999, pp. 159195, and SHALVA WEIL, Religion, Blood and the Equality of Rights,
International Journal of Minority and Group Rights vol. 4, 1997, pp. 397412.
37
STEVEN KAPLAN, Everyday Resistance and the Study of Ethiopian Jewry, in:
TUDOR PARFITT, EMANUELA TREVISAN SEMI (eds.), The Beta Israel in Ethiopia and Isra-
el: Studies on the Ethiopian Jews, London, 1998, pp. 113127.
 S. Kaplan !

ment of feedback as the process shapes the testimonies of applicants and

witnesses. In some cases this has significantly streamlined the process. The
aforementioned example of applicants learning not to bring relatives as wit-
nesses is a case in point.
On the other hand, as members of the community came to better under-
stand the PZ process testimonies have also evolved to meet the criteria, rais-
ing concerns that applicants are attempting to beat the system.38 This is
clearly demonstrated with regard to the period of incarceration claimed by
applicants.
In the initial written presentation of his case, an applicant for PZ status is
requested to place his activities and emprisonment in two different chronolo-
gical contexts:
1. On the application form the applicant is requested to provide the dates
of his activity and emprisonment: for example 3/6/823/1/83;39
2. In the biography he is requested to place these events in the chronologi-
cal framework of his life story: While I was working for the police, I be-
gan...
The first of these presents applicants with a variety of problems. Written
calendars were rare in rural Ethiopia and even more so in Sudanese refugee
camps. Applicants and witness thus often have only a general sense of the
relevant dates.40 Moreover, in traditional Ethiopia the most common calen-
dar differed from that used in the West in two respects: (1) it was divided into
13 months: twelve of thirty days each and an additional month, at the end of
the year, containing five days only; (2) from September 11 to December 31
the Ethiopian calendar is 7 years behind the Gregorian, while for the remain-
der of the year the gap is 8 years. Thus, for example, fall of 1991 corresponds
to 1984 in the Ethiopian calendar. Since the verification of a story often de-
pends on determining when a particular individual was emprisoned and for
how long, these different calendric systems coupled with the lack of written
calendars and exact reckonings present a considerable difficulty.
Despite these objective difficulties in the reckoning of dates, it is rare
today for applicants to claim that they were in prison for less than 6 months.
Indeed, witnesses who are uncertain regarding the months or year or even the
seasons of an applicantss arrest, are often quite confident that the period was
at least six months. It is difficult to escape the conclusion that just as word
has spread that the testimony of relatives is not accepted by the committee, so
do the crucial importance of a six-month term of emprisonment has also be-
come commonly understood.

38
This concern is frequently mentioned in committee deliberations as well as in
my meeting with Ministry officials on 7 July 2003.
39
In Israel such dates are recorded: day/month/year.
40
Cf. ANTEBY-YEMINI, Les juifs thiopiens, pp. 5455.
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Finally, it should be noted that while the PZ process has been going on for
over a decade, no end appears in sight. As of December 2003 there were 150
Ethiopian files waiting to be evaluated, more than the other three committees
combined. As every file is reviewed and completed, a new file or two appears
to take its place. Increasingly, the applicants are not recent arrivals, but those
who have been in the country a decade or more. Although it may well be that
some of them have only recently discovered that they may be eligible for bene-
fits, it appears more likely that the explanation is to be found in Israelis, and
among them particularly Ethiopians, deteriorating financial situation. Under
such circumstances, the rewards available to those designated as PZ are a po-
tential lifeline, for many immersed in or on the edge of poverty. As word spreads
of the possible benefits, the committee finds itself engaged in a Sisyphian task.

Conclusion
Viewed solely in terms of its technical aspects, the process of awarding
PZ status is a bureaucratic determination guided by formal criteria and objec-
tive considerations. However, as I have attempted to demonstrate in this ar-
ticle at the heart of the PZ process lie a number of criteria which reflect clear
ideological preferences and hegemonic intentions. These include the asser-
tion of the supremacy of the written over the oral, of the official over the
customary, of Hebrew over all other languages, of broader communal loyal-
ties over family interests and of Zionism over the laws of other nations. While
there can be little question that the committee members and staff have a deci-
sive impact in shaping the PZ process, it would be a grave mistake to assume
that Ethiopians have no power to resist and reshape these interactions. Thus
the PZ process constitutes a microcosm of the encounters between Ethiopian
immigrants and the Israeli absorption bureaucracy as they struggle to define
the place of Ethiopian Jews in Israel.

SUMMARY
The purpose of this paper is to explore a previously unexamined aspect of the
Ethiopian migration to Israel: the designation of certain immigrants as Prisoners of
Zion (PZ). This designation which carries with it both symbolic recognition, and in
some cases monetary rewards, is reserved for those who were imprisoned or detain-
ed because of their attempt to emigrate to Israel. This paper demonstrates that the
process of determining who is a PZ is a microcosm of the larger problem of identity
politics for Ethiopians in Israel. At the heart of the PZ process is a series of strug-
gles over the narrative process. These include not only the question of who tells the
story, but in what language and form (oral or written) it is told. Others issues which
arise concern the reckoning of dates and the status of immigrants prior to their
arrival in Israel. Most importantly it raises the question of what is considered a
correct narrative, and who is authorized to make this determination.
 Manfred Kropp,
Orient-Institut Beirut

ANTIQUAE RESTITUTIO LEGIS.

ZUR ALIMENTATION DES HOFKLERUS
UND EINER ZEUGENLISTE ALS IMAGO IMPERII
UND NOTITIA DIGNITATUM
IN EINER URKUNDE
DES KAISERS ZA RA YAQOB
IM CONDAGHE DER HS. BM OR. 481, FOL. 154

Einleitung
Das im Folgenden edierte, bersetzte und leicht kommentierte Textstck1
ist in der Forschungsliteratur zur thiopischen Geschichte kaum bekannt,2
geschweige verffentlicht. Seine Bearbeitung erfolgt aus verschiedenen Grn-
den. Zunchst ist diese editio princeps im Zusammenhang mit meiner Neu-
bearbeitung der Chronik des Zra-Yaqob zu sehen, die ich seit einiger Zeit
fr das CSCO vorbereite.3 Sodann ist es eine Ergnzung zur rat Gbr
(Ordnung [des Hofes und] des Banketts), deren Niederschrift in die Zeit
des Kaisers Zra-Yaqob zu setzen ist, und die ich in einer editio princeps,
allerdings ohne den Versuch einer durchgehenden bersetzung, lediglich mit
ersten Skizzen zu einer solchen und einem Realien- und sprachlichen Kom-
mentar gegeben habe.4 Es bleibt zu hoffen, da die Kumulierung gesicherter
1
Teile der Studie wurden von mir vorgetragen: Le chroniqueur et ses matriaux.
Un document additionnel au Ser'ata gebr du temps de Zara Yaqob. Vortrag gehal-
ten am 27. April 1998 im Rahmen des Sminaire gnral Lhistoire qui se construit,
lhistoire qui soublie am Institut de Recherches et dtudes sur le Monde Arabe et
Musulman (IREMAM, Aix-en-Provence).
2
Vgl. aber TADDESSE TAMRAT (1972), Church and State in Ethiopia, 12701527.
Oxford, 153; auf Seiten 269ff. wertet er zwar das r at G br (in verschiedenen
Hss.) aus, fhrt aber seltsamerweise das ihm bekannte Dokument aus BM Or. 481
nicht an, wie er es an der anderen Stelle falsch charakterisiert (land grant attributed
to him [Dawit] refers to at least two such campaigns).
3
Vgl. PERRUCHON, JULES (1893), Les chroniques de Zara Yeqob et de Baeda
Mrym, rois de'thiopie de 1434 1478. (Bibliothque de lcole pratique des
hautes tudes. Sciences philologiques et historiques. 93.) Paris; KROPP, MANFRED
(198384), La rdition des chroniques thiopiennes: Perspectives et premiers r-
sultats. Abbay. 12. [ersch. 1985]. 4972.
4
Vgl. KROPP, MANFRED (1988), The rat gbr: a mirror view of daily life at the
Ethiopian Royal Court in the Middle Ages. In: Proceedings of the Eigth Internatio-
$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Texte eines Tages die Mglichkeit eines eingehenden Verstndnisses dieser

komplizierten Verwaltungstexte aus dem mittelalterlichen thiopien erff-
nen wird. Diese in historischer, aber auch sprachlicher Hinsicht wichtige
Urkunde aus der Zeit des groen thiopischen Kaisers und Kirchenreformers
Zra-Yaqob (14341468 n.Chr.) erffnet mit ihrer ausfhrlichen Zeugen-
liste einen tiefen Einblick als notitia dignitatum in die Reichsstruktur, aber
auch die Prosopographie der Zeit. Auch wenn die Aufhellung der zahlrei-
chen Eigennamen und Titel noch nicht gnzlich mglich ist, so mgen doch
die hier gegebenen Anmerkungen einen Beitrag zu einer solchen in der Zu-
kunft leisten. Die Situierung und Bewertung des Textes in seinem Umfeld
der materiellen berlieferung als Marginalie einer Handschrift des Alten
Testaments, genauer einer Monumentalhandschrift, die Octateuch, Evange-
lien, die apostolischen Kanones des Senodos und einige andere theologische
Schriften umfat, ber verschiedene Abschriften in mehreren Kodices hin-
weg sowie die Charakterisierung seiner Textnatur mit Hinsicht auf die Kate-
gorie Urkunde bzw. Urkundensammlung stand bisher noch aus und fhrte
in der Heranziehung einer erhellenden und fruchtbaren Paralelle zu den Rechts-
verhltnissen einer anderen zeitgenssischen Kultur die aber an einem
wichtigen gemeinsamen Erbe, dem des byzantinischen Reiches partizipiert
wie auch thiopien zu Einfhrung einer treffenden Terminologie. Zu-
gleich gelang es damit, dem besonderen sprachlichen Charakter des Textes,
der deutlich ber den rein pragmatischen Rechtsbereich hinausweist, gerecht
zu werden.5
Als ich zu einem Beitrag fr ein Buch zu Ehren Sevir Chernetsovs gebe-
ten wurde, bot sich die vorliegende Arbeit an. In langen Jahren der Korre-
spondenz und der direkten Zusammenarbeit wurde diese Urkunde von uns
beiden mehrere Male diskutiert; Sevir Chernetsov fertigte eine eigene ber-
setzung ins Englische an. Von vielen seiner Kommentare habe ich profitiert,
in argumentativer Auseinandersetzung damit meine eigenen Ansichten pr-
zisieren knnen. Der schriftliche Ausdruck meines Dankes war verbunden
mit dem Wunsch und der Hoffnung auf ein noch lange anhaltendes wissen-
schaftliches Gesprch mit dem Freund in der Zukunft. Der Tod hat dieser
Hoffnung am 3. Februar 2005 ein Ende gesetzt. Das Gesprch mit dem Freund
wird weitergehen, ohne hier auf Glauben und Hoffnung anspielen zu wollen,
nal Conference of Ethiopian Studies.University of Addis Ababa [2630 November
1984]. Ed. by Taddesse Beyene. Addis Abeba. Vol. 1. 219232 [Auch gedruckt in
Northeast African Studies. 10. 1988. 5187].
5
Gewisse Parallelen der Darstellung mit meinem in Druck befindlichen Aufsatz
Dizesen und Missionsauftrag: Ein Edikt Kaiser Zara-Yaqobs ber zwei Kloster-
sprengel in Eritra aus dem Condaghe der Hs. British Museum Or. 481 alias MIDaf
T.fut von Amba Geshe. In: Mlanges de lUniversit Saint-Joseph. = Mlanges la
mmoire de Louis Pouzet s. j. (19282002) sind damit nicht zu vermeiden, erhhen
aber die eigenstndige Lesbarkeit der vorliegenden Studie.
 M. Kropp %

die auch zwischen Freunden verschieden sein knnen. Im Gedchtnis und

der vergegenwrtigenden Vorstellung geht das Gesprch weiter auch in
einer der Erinnerung paradox entgegengesetzten Erinnerung in der Zu-
kunft.

1. Die Urkunde im Originaltext

Dokument BM Or. 481, fol. 154ra154va (Zeile 15). Die vom histori-
schen Standpunkt aus gelehrte und sichere Orthographie des Textes wurde
belassen; sie ist umso erstaunlicher, da es sich mit Sicherheit um ein Reskript
einer Originalurkunde aus einem anderen Kodex handelt. Die amharischen
Sonderbuchstaben werden mit Ausnahme von h nicht verwendet; Palatali-
sierung zuweilen durch die Vokalisierung i angedeutet; durch folgen-
des Alef oder Ayn der sechsten Ordnung. Desgleichen wurde die Punktati-
on beibehalten, auch wenn sie an zwei Stellen gegen die Versabtrennung des
Reimprosastcks im Abschlu verstt. Eine sichere Buchstabenrestitution
und die Ergnzung des nicht mehr in roter Tinte ausgefhrten Namens der
Hl. Jungfrau Maria, die auch in der Originalurkunde gefehlt haben knnten,
wurden in eckigen Klammern angebracht. Der Text ist in sorgfltiger Schrift
durch die drei Kolumnen durchgeschrieben (Siehe Pl. IVVII); lediglich die
sanctio des Schlusses ist als Paragraph abgesetzt, wie das ganze Dokument
von den folgenden religis-poetischen Stcken und einer weiteren Rechtsur-
kunde aus der Zeit des Lbn-Dngl und des Glawdewos durch Punktlini-
en und Punkthaufen getrennt ist. Da der ganze Kodex bis auf die enthaltenen
Miniaturen eine genaue Replik seiner Vorlage aus Amba-Geshen ist, liegt es
nahe, diese sorgfltige Textgestaltung auch schon dort anzunehmen. Der Text
wurde nach der Abschrift noch einmal korrigiert, wie die Ergnzungen auf
Zeile beweisen.

Fol. 154ra154va (Zeile 15).

(154ra) v:z,z " x " J " Oe " oe " z% "
Y`| " W` " #Y " ` " px " zWT " se&e "
TO " W " v  # O| " T[ " mzH: " HvI "
J " v " O| " "^ " " AH: " vT[ " &w "
v` " Q " O " " Y`z%c " " T " I "
|| " TO " | " " vOYz " x " HK&T "
v\ " " vJ# " Fz " xz^ " " e " O "6
OYz " *| " #Y " `z% " DR| " Om_ "
&xK+` " e " ` " T[ " J " T[z] "7
6
Auf Zeile hinzugefgt.
7
Ms. Tz* " Kontamination aus der prpositionalen Wendung und dem
auch mglichen und hufigen einfachen Akkusativ der Zeit.
& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

&+ " z` " &H " Y| " H " W# " T_B "
e " OYz " J " `z% "8 DR| " Om_ "
&xK+` " #Y " ` " px " c#[ " Oe " O "
v&| " T " DR| " O " K`| " K} "
&| " [R`T]9 vKH&v " OK " fv " KH "10 Oe "
ezx " =H: " W^*} " " ez " zYH:P "
O " v[ " ^w "  ( I " e^ " # " \ "
=H:P " " xH# " " R " v[ " z% " e " O "
[ " O " T[ " J " *| " #Y " H " v\ "
" F " &z, " vJz " jM " TH# " ^t "
Rc^ " ze " " M " w " T " voO "
=H# " W^*| " " TMH# " veO " &xK+` " + "
=H# " TeH " =H:P " eR " &z, " vJz " jM "
z " Y`z " mO " #Y " ` " px " HFz "
xz^ " [R`T]11 IH# " {Mz% " H[R`T]12 xz^ "
x[ " : " H " K# " ^w "   I "  ! "
c^ " H " xz^ " ^w "  I " c^ " HT`C "
zW` " >J| " v[&]13 >K " T " m " cH+ "
v[x " M " " v| " `K+ " v`C " jM "
hR " vOT " vO[T " jM " hR " z% " Y`| "
" T " I " Av# " T " " #Y " He`n "
+c " Av " #Y " ` " px " H " Fz,B "
T[ " ^ " J#C " H " z " v " ` "
T " xz^ "  T " p "  T " v+z " wm* " v+z "
`ez* "  HcHez*GP " xoJ| " ! mQe ! z%^ " v& "14
T " ! O` " O^ " ! [H]v+z "15 x`C " R "
T " z[ " yP " O[[ " ` " y " ` " I "
K " [ " v& " R " Ow "" =H# " O " xz^ "
OemJ " &c#e " zM " " TMH# " O "
&|D " eR " c& " K " IT " mH+Te "
x " mHwe " v "" Tv& " n " z# "" "
n " vTH# " vTL^C " H " \ " &^w " OM "
U " Hv| e{ " ^ dd " | " vT`C " O "
8
Sic! Das Epitheton scheint noch als auf die zuvor genannten Knige bezogen,
bzw. die pluralische Rektion von daher gedacht wirkt nach; ein pluralis maiestatis
mte sich auch auf das folgende Attribut und die Rektion des Verbs auswirken.
9
Lcke fr eine nicht ausgefhrte Rubrizierung.
10
Konj.: H "?
11
Lcke fr eine nicht ausgefhrte Rubrizierung.
12
Lcke fr eine nicht ausgefhrte Rubrizierung.
13
In Hs. versehentlich als Zahl 7 (%) gelesen.
14
Konj.: z%%^v& " in Parallele zu rat Gbr.
15
Ms. vv+z% ".
 M. Kropp '

&| " z# " OKH# " GP " | " &+ "16

x[ " `e}e " & " n " vH# " [x " n "
{ ` " vhR " ^t " Rc^ " :z,| " "
e " w " Q+J " w " x`+J " +&e " pe "
w " Le " " O " #Y " &z, " & " x^ "
&z, " ^ " vJz*L| " " I " &z, " m "
vJz*K| " +I &z, " vJz " jM " " HI m "
xM| " R`T "17 ^ " xM| " O`p`e m "
" ^e " `x " c m " +{ " [ " x "
^ " +{ " x\ " mHwe " T " RemJ " t| " +{ "
_ " Q+J e " R| " +{ " `z% " TI no| "
O+ " (154rb) I` " `R " `e}e " Pz% " J# "
H " K " voO " W^*z " #Y " vz% " OJ "
" pUe " |+J " mc " K " `e " ^ "
Rc_z " T " Q+J H&m " xz^ " &^e "" x[ "
: " H&m " F| " x[ " &c#e " nv+ "
c| " TK " H " Ko " H&mp| " A[ " "
OemJ " xz^ " +{ " m " e&e ^ " "
wpT " &c#e " xz^ " +{ " m " " "
O_{* " ^ " " `e " R`T " xz^ " +} "
m " H:e " " x[ " &c#e " ^ " +{ " vH "
" ^ " m " H&m " p| "18 vH# " "
_ " T " ^ " H&m " p| " xz " &c#e " "
" x " ^ " t| " +{ " xe " x " "
x[ " Oe " oe "" OemJ " v+| " wm* " +{ " Axz "
" &c#e " v+| " wm* " +{ " " R`T " v+z "
wm " `e}e " ` " " v# " H " Pz% " ! v+| "
TeH " xz^GP " " ] " " TeH " &\ "
" vH " ^e " W " TeH " &\ " vH " G " ^e "
zJ " O " TeH " &\ " vH " T "19 ^e " c "
OeH " &\ "" v+| " X " ^e " [ " TeH " &\ "
v+| " K " " ^e " w " |# " OeH " &\ "
" H&m " O+ " Axz% " TeH " &\ " nm,{| " "
z " vd " TeH " &\ " ^ " " ^m " Rc^ "
=H# " v`e}e " TeH " v+z " x` " m " v+| " ^m% "

16
Konj. & "?
17
Konj. R`T "? Da es sich hier um einen einfachen Personennamen handelt,
ist Maryam in scharzer Tinte geschrieben, keine Lcke zur spteren Rubrizierung
gelassen.
18
Konj. p| "?
19
Konj. U "? Der Schreiber neigt dazu, Eigennamen als hufige, einfache Wr-
ter zu verlesen.
  Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Rc^ " w` " # " TeH " v+z " x` " OY " v+| "
v` " Axz% " " {e " TeH " OY " v+| "
wn| " v[| " v+| " m%| " +{ " &` " vc " TeH "
v+z " wn| " Ue " v " m " ` " x^DT " TeH "
&\ " ^ " Ue " v " ze " TeH " &\ " ^ " R] "
^e " x^ " m " " R] " zY " m " vH "
v " [w " P " ^e " `e "" o " T "
H "" ^ " ^e " Rz% "" H&m " Rf " x " # "
x`DT " TeH " &\ "" vR} " ^e " z# " TeH " &\ "
" zcQ " " " TeH " &\ " xez " _ ""
Rc_ " Tw` " TeH " &\ "" vH " ox " v " `v# "
TeH " &\ "" &z " ^ " vJz*K| " ^m% " Rc^ "
cx[ "" # " Mv " vd "" TeH " e " a "
&z, " m " vJz*K| " ^m% " Rc^ " Axz " *| "
{ " TeH " e " a "" &z, " vJzeM "
^m% " Rc^ " ze " "" " w " TeH " e "
a " &z, " IJ " | " ^m% " Rc^ " j "" TeH "
e " a "" &z, " c`v| " | " ^m% " Oc^ "
[ " TeH " e " a " eR " T` " H "
v\ " T^ " K " IT " x " TeH " T^ " eR ""
U| " K " IT " JvR`T " TeH " &\ "" Hn "
X& " &`&e " TeH " &\ "" (154va) Hc " H " &zo "
JyP " >Js " c^*z " #Y " z " e`z " mO "
#Y " ` " px " TH# " Jv# " vx " vo[ "
&| " [R`T]20 JBx " v " J+ " JD "
|OK " TMT " `, " eBx " v] " OJ "
zY` " HKe " xx "" TeH " x`z " J " H "
U " H# " `, " D " `x "" H[ " &B "
vP "21 ez " c&J " x "" " IH+GP " HH "
wK# " c+` " #x "" HHO " HT " S ""
TFHP " vR " H&xK+` " " HcR " c[^ "
HT` " vYB " oe " vP " v#` " zv " He`z "
&| "" O " &||J " Hz* " OK " Y`| " "
Tcd " " m[ " " + " zI "" "
" T " O " OC " Y| " OC " Y{| "
OC " d| "" OC " O:| " Odc| "" OC "
" e| "" TFHP " vTI " x`DT " eKo "
px "" vTI " v&| " K`| "" vTI " n "
cR{| "" HHO " HT " S ""

20
Lcke fr nicht ausgefhrte Rubrizierung.
21
Konj. `vP "? Vgl. das Wort in AS; man kann an Kontamination mit
amharisch [v" denken.
 M. Kropp  

2. U bersetzung mit erstem Realienkommentar

in Anmerkungen
<invocatio> (Beginnend) mit dem Lobpreis des Vaters und des Sohnes
und des Heiligen Geistes! <\invocatio>
<definitio> Dies ist eine Ordnung, erlassen von unserem Knig Zra-
Yaqob, genannt (mit dem Thronnamen) Konstantin, <\definitio>
<factum/datum> im 15. Jahr seiner Herrschaft und vier Jahre und vier
Monate, nachdem er den Emprer Bdlay vernichtet hatte,22 whrend seines
Aufenthalts in der Region von Iba, (genau) am 4. (Tag) des Monats Miya-
zya.23 <\factum/datum>
<narratio> Die Ordnung ist nicht neu,24 nein, sie ist altererbt.25 Seit der
Zeit, da (die Bundeslade von) Zion (Jerusalem) verlie (und nach thiopien
kam) zur Regierungszeit des (Knigs) bn-L-Hakim,26 wurden die Prie-
ster der Zionskirche des Hofes immer alimentiert,27 bis zu den Tagen der

22
In der Schlacht bei Gomit in Dwaro, am 25. Dezember 1445 n.Chr. = 29. Tahsas
1438; die muslimischen Quellen geben einen Tag spter an; mglich da der christliche
Chronist das Ereignis aus dem Grund des Weihnachtswunders des Sieges ber die
Unglubigen einen Tag vordatierte; vgl. PERRUCHON, Les chroniques de Zara Y e-
qob, 63; DERAT, MARIE-LAURE (2002) laboration et diffusion du rcit dune victoire
militaire: la bataille de Gomit, dcembre 1445. OC 86. 87102, hier 8790.
23
Entspricht dem 30. Mrz 1448 n.Chr. = 4. Miyazya 1440 th. Stils. Wie auch in
anderen Urkunden rechnet der Chronist die wenigen Monate des Jahres des Regie-
rungsantritts von Zra-Yaqob als erstes Regierungsjahr; vgl. Kropp Missionsspren-
ge, Anm. 8.
24
Wrtl.: von heute.
25
Wrtl.: von alters her. Hier klingt bereits das beherrschende Rechtsthema an:
Rechtssetzung und Rechtsfindung ist immer die Herstellung des guten alten Rechts,
im mittelalterlichen Europa wie im christlichen thiopien; Recht wird gefunden, nicht
geschaffen, denn das Recht ist alt. Vgl. KERN, FRITZ (1965), Recht und Verfassung im
Mittelalter. (Libelli. 3.) Darmstadt [Nachdruck aus Historische Zeitschrift. 120. 1919.
179]; KROPP, MANFRED (2004), Das gute alte Recht. Schriftlichkeit und Mndlich-
keit in der Praxis des thiopischen Knigsrechts. In: Blicke gen Osten. Festschrift
fr Friedrich Heyer zum 95. Geburtstag. Hrsg. von Martin Tamcke. (Studien zur
Orientalischen Kirchgeschichte. 30.) Mnster. 293310.
26
Die durchgngige Verschrnkung von rechtslufiger Gz-Syntax und links-
lufiger amharischer Syntax, die den gepflegten Kanzleistil des Dokuments auszeich-
net, macht die Bezge der Satzergnzungen hier: Zeitangaben ambivalent, eigen
tmlich gleitend. Somit ist die Abtrennung und Einordnung in einen gegebenen Satz
in der bersetzung willkrlich; der Originaltext spielt geradezu mit satzbergreifen-
den Doppelfunktionen der einzelnen Elemente.
27
Wrtl: waren sie, indem sie aen (von den Provisionen des Hofes). Dbtra
Syon bezeichnet die Zeltkirche Maria-Zion im mobilen Hoflager des thiopischen
Knigs.
 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Herrschaft des rechtglubigen und gottliebenden Knigs Dawit,28 da er (auf

Kriegszug) ins Land Adl zog.29 Von jener Zeit an wurde es ausgesetzt, und
die Knige, die nach ihm regierten, dachten nicht mehr daran, bis zur Regie-
rung seines Nachkommen, des rechtglubigen30 und gottliebenden Knigs
Zra Yaqob, <\narratio>
<arenga> welcher trunken vom Geist wie die Propheten, eine Sule des
Glaubens wie die Apostel, und den unsere Herrin Maria mit der Milch der
(Heiligen) Schrift aufzog. <\arenga>
<narratio> Als der (Heilige) Geist die Idee fate,31 versammelte er sein
ganzes Heer(lager), Mnner und Frauen, und befragte sie, wie es sich ver-
hielt mit den 120 Sauermilchbroten und den 15 Krgen Bier (fr den Klerus
der Zionskirche). Alle (antworteten und sprachen: Ja sicherlich, das war so
bis zu der Zeit, da der Knig Dawit zum zweiten Male in das Land Adl
zog! Diejenigen aber, die das die ganze Zeit ber geleugnet hatten, der
Voll(amtsinhaber) der raqw masra der (Knigin) Balt iDna Tsfa-Sy-
on (und dessen) Vize-(Amtsinhaber) Z-Nagba schenkten dem (endlich) Glau-
ben und beschworen es vor dem ganzen Heer im Namen des Herrn, der alles
beherrscht,32 zusammen mit allen Amtstrgern der ite Knigin B alt
iD na. <\narratio>
<dispositio> Diese Ordnung erlie unser Knig Zra-Yaqob: Fr die
Priester der Marienkirche,33 (und zwar) fr die obere und die untere Mari-
enkirche und (fr die Priester) von Dbr-Ngwdgwad, welche ministrie-
28
Regierte von 13801412 n.Chr.
29
Vgl. TADDESSE TAMRAT, Church and State, 153 und Anm. 2, wo, im Zirkel-
schlu hier, die Urkunde als Beleg fr die Feldzge angefhrt wird; nach arabischen
Quellen (al-Maqrizi und der Walasma-Chronik) ist der wichtigste Feldzug nach Adal
und Zeila in das Jahr 14023 n.Chr. zu setzen; vgl. TADDESSE TAMRAT, Church and
State, 149 und Anm. 3.
30
Die Hs. setzt hier den Plural, der aber an besten als Nachwirkungsfehler des
vorausgehenen Knige erklrt, bei dem nicht das bliche Epitheton steht.
31
Der Plural des Verbs wird als Respektsplural bezogen auf den den Hl. Geist
aufgefat. Inhaltlich nher lge die Deutung als der Hl. Geist ihn daran erinnerte,
was aber eine doppelte Emendation zu H bedingte.
32
Die Formel Herr des Alls oder hnlich geht im christlich-orientalischen For-
melschatz besonders auf syrische Vorbilder zurck; es wre interessant, die gerade in
der Zeit des Zra-Yaqob markant auftauchenden Formeln auf ihre direkten Vorla-
gen hin zu untersuchen; vgl. WINKLER, GABRIELE (2000), Das theologische Formel-
gut ber den Schpfer, das homoousios, die Inkarnation und Menschwerdung im
Spiegel der christlich-orientalischen Quellen. OC 84. 117177, hier 128131.
33
Der Name Maria ist im Text weil spter in Rot einzufgen ausgelassen.
Mit Kirche wird im Kontext dbtra wrtl. Zelt bersetzt. Es handelt sich um die
verschiedenen Zeltbauten des beweglichen kniglichen Hoflagers. Allerdings lt
gerade Zra-Yaqob in seiner spteren Lieblingsresidenz festere Holzbauten errich-
ten, freilich nicht ohne da dies sein Chronist als Neuerung und Ausnahme vermerkt.
Pl. IV. Hs. British Museum
Or. 481, fol. 154ra
Pl. V. Hs. British Museum
Or. 481, fol. 154rb
Pl. VI. Hs. British Museum
Or. 481, fol. 154va
Pl. VII. Hs. British Museum
Or. 481, fol. 154vb
 M. Kropp  '

ren,34 (sind jeden Tag [?] zu liefern) 110 Sauermilch(brote) und 13 Krge
(Bier); fr die Zionskirche aber 10 Sauermilch(brote) und 2 Krge (Bier).35
(Was die dafr zu Lieferungen verpflichteten) Lndereien betrifft, wurden eben-
so gwlt-(Lande)36 bestimmt: Im (Land) Wgi:37 Azagwha, mnzn, Qtfo
(und) Ansglen im (Land) Wrb: Yhywg im (Land) Angot: Drhage;
weiterhin (als Leistungsverpflichtung) fr das (Land) Fsgar38 tausend m-
ma39 als Fastenzeitabgabe; als Regenzeitabgabe40 (ebenfalls) tausend mma.
(Auch) diese (letztgenannte) Verordnung ist nicht neu, sondern (die Lei-
stung), die (seine Majestt) Knig Amd-Syon der (Truppe) Nsr-Qana41

34
Wrtl.: (am Tore) warten, also die Priester, die jeweils ununterbrochen in
der Kirche sind und die anstehenden Gebete und Riten verrichten.
35
Was insgesamt die oben genannten 120 Brote und 15 Krge ergibt.
36
G wlt, oft als Lehen bersetzt, sind Lndereien, die von allgemeiner Steuer-
pflicht befreit sind, dafr aber bestimmten Zwecken dienen. Entweder zur Versor-
gung kniglicher Dienstmannen und Gefolgsleute, oder aber zur Versorgung zumeist
kirchlicher Institutionen oder Einzelleistungen; das letztere ist hier der Fall.
37
So geschrieben; intendiert ist die affriziert-palatale Aussprache; die hier ge-
whlte vereinfachende Umschrift verfhrt hnlich wie die frhe orthographische Praxis
des Gz zur Andeutung der im ursprnglichen Syllabar nicht vorhandenen Laute.
38
In spterer amharischer Aussprache Ft gar.
39
Das Wort mma bezeichnet heute das thiopische Nationalgewand, die Wickle-
toga aus Baumwollstoff, deren Drapierung eine eigene, genau differenzierende Sprache
im Bereich der nicht-verbalen Kommunikation darstellt. Ursprnglich ein Lngenma
fr Stoffe, die Lnge die fr eine Toga notwendig war, werden in der nicht-monetren
konomie des mittelalterlichen thiopien Abgaben und Steuern sowie andere Werte
(Preise) in mma gerechnet. Das Wort bezeichnet dann, wie auch die Namen anderer
Stoffe, oft auch die Steuer direkt, neben etwa Gewichtangaben fr Edelmetalle (Unzen
etc.). In diesem Sinne als Wertangabe (im Bereich der Metalle Feingewicht) findet
es sich z.B. im Sr at Gbr als Mengenangabe fr Gewrze. Damit wird es mglich
sein, Relationen herzustellen zwischen den Mengen jeweils als Wertmastab ange-
setzter Materialien und anderer Waren; in zitierten Falle zwischen Gewrzen und Stof-
fen. Wichtig ist es, die Vergleichsmenge als Ersatz fr einen (Geld-) preis zu sehen,
und nicht etwa jeweils den betreffenden Stoff als gefordert anzusehen.
40
Wie die Martinsgans sind die Abgaben an den jahreszeitlichen Rhythmus der
Landwirtschaft, aber mehr noch an die Bedrfnisse des Hofes gebunden. Fastenzeit
und Regenzeit sind Perioden der Ortsgebundenheit des sonst mobilen kniglichen
Hoflagers. Dafr ist die effektive Versorgung mit den notwendigen Gtern an Leben-
smitteln, aber auch z. B. an Feuerholz eine wichtige Voraussetzung.
41
Wie der Name sagt, Adlertrompete, ein Musikkorps des kniglichen Heeres.
Die dem kniglichen Heereszug beigegebenen verschiedenen Musikkorps waren ein
wichtiger Bestandteil des Heeres, wenn man die Auffassung der Zeit bedenkt, da eine
Eroberung vollzogen ist, wenn der Heereszug mit klingendem Spiel eine Landschaft
durchzogen. In den Chroniken wird stereotyp geschildert, da der Heereszug, besonders
aber dessen Musik eine unwiderstehliche Wirkung Furcht und Schre ken fr den
Feind, ehrfrchtige Unterwerfung bei den Untertanen hervorzurufen in der Lage ist.
! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

gegeben hatten. Jetzt aber hat sie unser Knig Zra-Yaqob (den genannten
Priestern) gegeben, im Tausch dafr das Land Drago (an die Truppe Nsr-
Qana).42
Weiterhin (betreffend) die (Knigs-)boten die nach Fsgar entsandt sind,
einer der Dbtra, einer der Diakone und einer der (Y-)Bet Tbaqi Haus-
wchter der Kirche, fr diese drei (sind zu stellen) drei Maultiere, drei q-
mis Hemden, drei leichtgewebte Brokatgewnder,43 drei mdgdra(?)44
aus leichter Baumwolle.45 Weiterhin rief er (der Knig) in Erinnerung, da zu
Lasten (und fr Lieferung aus) den bet gbr Bankettkchen zur Rechten
und zur Linken (den genannten Boten) eine aman mwabya Pflichtanteil
beim Bankett46 zustehe, (und zwar) im Mae eines mgrr @rr den Feind-

42
Aus welchen Grnden dieser Tausch vorteilhaft oder aus technischen Grn-
den erforderlich war, geht aus dem Text nicht hervor. Da er vollzogen wurde, lt
solche Grnde als wahrscheinlich annehmen, ansonsten liee die Gleichwertigkeit
der Lieferungen aus den betreffenden Lndereien einen solchen Tausch als ber-
flssig erscheinen. Tausch, gar Verkauf von gwlt-Lndereien, die eigentlich eine
solche Entfremdung ihrer Natur nach nicht erleiden sollten, ist nach Ausweis der
Urkunden in der Hs. BM Or. 481 nichts Ungewhnliches, zumindest vonseiten des
Monarchen.
43
Hier nach der Konjektur und Parallele zum rat Gbr bersetzt (KROPP, The
rat gbr); Hs. hat groe tura (?) aus Brokat. Zu turabi vgl. DSSTA TKL-
WLD, Addis yamara mzgb qalat. Addis Abba, 1962 a. m. = 1970 n. Chr.,
s. v., 1268b.
44
Wie das vorangehende tura ein unklares Wort; beide bezeichnen Kleidungs-
stcke. Wie die Stoffbezeichnungen sind die Fachtermini fr Kleidungsstcke zu-
meist fremden Ursprungs, in der Regel arabisch. Die Verformung der ursprnglichen
Wrter durch mndliche Weitergabe und Anpassung an das thiopische (Amharische)
ist oft sehr gro, oft willkrlich. So gelingt die Rckfhrung auf das ursprngliche
Wort erst, wenn die Sache selbst bekannt ist. In vorliegenden Fall kommt hinzu, da
die Originalschreibung erst durch Kollation mit der Originalhandschrift aus Amba-
Geshen zu besttigen, bzw. zu ermitteln wre. Fr den Moment bleibt nur, die beiden
Termini in einem Verzeichnis unbekannter (amharischer) Wrter in mittelalterlichen
Urkunden zu buchen, in der Hoffnung auf aufhellende Parallelen in anderen Texten.
Befragungen von gebildeten Mnchen und Klerikern anhand des ebenfalls in vie-
len Termini unklaren S r at Gbr in thiopien (seit 1984 in unregelmigen
Abstnden) haben mir bisher nur bei wenigen Wrtern zur Aufklrung verholfen.
Der zeitliche Abstand ist doch zu gro; auch werden sich die dahinterstehenden Rea-
lien stark verndert haben, durch andere ersetzt worden sein.
45
Die hier angefhrten genauen Bezeichnungen der Abgaben stehen im Gegen-
satz zu den eher summarischen Angaben fr mma oben. Hier handelt es sich um
spezifische Lieferungen an einen genau definierten Personenkreis.
46
(Cmmr) Aman ist ein Bezirk des kniglichen Hoflagers, in dem ein genau
bestimmter Personenkreis Anrecht auf tgliche Speisung hat. Nach Ausweis des
rat Gbr lautet die Form Aman mwabya; es ist nicht zu entscheiden, ob es
sich im text um eine Verderbnis oder eine Variante im Altamharischen handelt.
 M. Kropp !

zum-Tribut-Zwingers (?) (Hohlma) Hirse-Brot (?), Ihrer-Majestt-Bier

und gr-bkki (Fu-auf-Dich)47 (?)-(Brot) das Ganze entsprechend (der
Ordnung fr) Kirche und Klerus der Kreuzes- und der Jesus-Kirche (im Hof-
lager). <\dispositio>
<obligatio, promissio> (Diese Ordnung) wurde niedergeschrieben, wobei
(folgende) Wrdentrger beschworen, sie nicht anzufechten:
der sDaf-lam von Siwa (wa Schoa) Qlementos
der qlbas von ndagbtan Bzzanu
der qaI von Dmbi Tkku
der qaI von Wgdu B-Mlu
fr Amhara weiterhin diejenigen (Bckermeister), die das Sauermilch-
brot backen
der moyo von Mnzh Lbt
sta (?) zur Rechten asasa (?) von Dawnt.48
Weiterhin (folgt die Liste derjenigen), die unter Strafe der Verfluchung
mit eigenem Mund beschworen, da sie die (oben genannten gwlt-)Lande
nicht antasten wrden:49

Mwabya als nomen instrumentalis bezeichnet nach Ausweis des S rat Gbr die
besonderen Speisen insbesondere Teile eines Schlachttieres die jeweils be-
stimmten Wrdentrgern o. . zustehen. Solches ist bis in die Zeit des Kaisers M-
nilk fr die Bankettordnung nachzuweisen, bzw. einen anschaulich-drastischen
Humor. Bei dem ersten Ausdruck sieht man frmlich den tributpflichtigen Unter-
worfenen unter der Last des angeschleppten Tributs wanken, bei dem zweiten ver-
mutet man eine Anspielen auf die Form des Brotes nachdem man den Fu darauf
gesetzt hat.
47
Die vorausgehenden zwei Ausdrcke gehren wohl einem bestimmten bro-
kratischen oder militrischen Jargon des kniglichen Hoflagers an, fr den wir
andere Beispiele haben. Die Existenz eines spezifischen Jargons lt sich fr thio-
pien auch fr andere Berufsgruppen nachweisen. Im vorliegenden Falle handelt es
sich, soweit die Metaphorik erklrbar und durchsichtig ist, um einen eher grimmig-
sarkastischen Ton. Das Bier ihrer Majestt ist eine besondere Qualitt des traditio-
nellen Bieres (Jlla), die auch sonst, neben verschiedenen Sorten des Honigweins
(mes) erwhnt werden. Der Bezug auf die knigliche Majestt druckt zweifellos eine
hohe Qualittsstufe aus.
48
Die genannten Titel von Wrdentrgern sind z.T. gut bekannt (IDaf lam etc.);
moyo, sta und asasa sind hier zum ersten Mal belegt. Allen gemeinsam ist die Bin-
dung an eine bestimmte Region bzw. Regionen. Daraus folgt nicht, da dies sprach-
lich Wrter der jeweiligen Regionalsprache sind, auch wenn diese Vermutung zu-
nchst naheliegt. Es knnen auch diese Regionen durch bestimmte historische Ereig-
nisse und Vorgnge gebundene Titel sein.
49
Die erste Liste bezieht sich klar auf diejenigen, die fr die Produktion und
Lieferung von Brot und Bier der Ordnung im Hoflager verantwortlich sind. Die nun
folgende bezieht sich auf die Wrdentrger, in deren Regionen augenscheinlich die
in Frage stehenden gwlt-Lande liegen.
! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

gzi Gouverneur50 von Angot Gbr-Krstos

der qaJ von Wg B-Dlu
der qaJ von Wrb Fntay
sowie fr Fsgar in Sachen (der Lieferung der genannten tausend) m-
ma der raqw-masra51 Akwtet.52 <\obligatio, promissio>
<subscriptio/testimonium/datum>53 Gegeben zu der Zeit unserer Metro-
politen abba Mikael und abba Gbrel und des Bischofs abba Yohanns;54
zur Zeit der Kniginmutter ite Knigin gzi-Kbra,55 der ite Knigin
baltihat zur Linken an-ayla, der ite Knigin zur Rechten Zan-Zela,
der ite Knigin balt-iD na Zan-Klla,56 des bDtwdd zur Rechten

50
Der Titel ist deutbar: der in der Hand hat, bzw. kauft. Die weibliche Form
findet sich im Titel bestimmter Kniginnen wieder; s. u. wsrbt gze(y)t.
51
Er ist eine Art Zeremonienmeister und berwacht zugleich die Kche und
deren Zulieferungen. Der Versuch einer Etymologie und bersetzung knnte sein
der ferne hlt, wre damit parallel zu dem spteren klkla-Dienst, d.h. der Amts-
trger, der den Zugang zum Knig bzw. dem jeweiligen Wrdentrger regelt, damit
eine wichtige Machtstellung innehat, die immer wieder umstritten war. Generell
sei hier auf die verschiedenen Endungen bei sonst gleichen Titeln verwiesen, die in
der Regel Personalsuffixe sind, die den personalen Bezug angeben: -a als fem. sg.
verweist auf die Knigin, also der Knigin Zeremonienmeister. Das oft bezeugte
-e mein zeigt den Wrdentrger des Knigs selbst an, wre also raq masre, oder
etwa im Titel der Knigin selbst it-e, wo der erste Bestandteil noch nicht befriedi-
gend gedeutet ist. Hufig ist zudem ein weiteres suffigiertes Element -ge Ort,
Platz (itege usw.), was semantische Parallelen in Titelformen etwa im Arabischen
hat.
52
Die Sprache des Dokuments ist oft knapp, ja lckenhaft. Als aide-mmoire
setzt sie zuweilen die Kenntnis von Text und Realien voraus.
53
Die langen Zeugenlisten haben in ihrer Ausfhrlichkeit die Funktion, die tat-
schlichen Zeugen des Rechtsakts spter benennen zu knnen. Fr den Historiker
ergeben sich zwei Fakten darber hinaus: die Konfiguration von mtern und Amts-
trgern zu einem gegebenen Zeitpunkt ist in dieser Flle nur schwer zu erfinden;
einmal mit anderen Quellen kontrolliert, verbrgt sie die Authentizitt des Textes.
Zum anderen liefert sie wertvolle Informationen zur Prosopographie und politi-
schen Geographie der Zeit.
54
Die drei thiopischen Bischfe der ersten Regierungszeit des Zra-Yaqob (ab
1438 n.Chr.). Er teilte den beiden ersten Amhara und wa als Dizesen zu. Die drei
werden in verschiedenen Dokumenten der Zeit als Zeugen genannt. Sie sind wohl
alle vor 1458. n.Chr. gestorben. Der Kaiser, der in seiner nationalen Kirchenpoli-
tik z.B. in der Ausshnung mit den Eusthatianern deutlich die Unabhngigkeit
der thiopischen Kirche vom Patriarchen in Alexandrien im Auge hatte, hat sie nicht
mehr ersetzt. Vgl. TADDESSE TAMRAT, Church and State, 228230; 235236; 245.
55
Die Mutter des Zra-Yaqob, die Juniorknigin des Knigs Dawit; vgl. TAD-
DESSE TAMRAT , Church and State, 220 und Anm. 2.
56
Die drei wichtigsten Frauen und Kniginnen des thiopischen Hofes; weitere
werden unten genannt. Balt Bihat wie die ersten beiden Titel ursprnglich lauten
 M. Kropp !!

(Z-)?-Maryam,57 des bD twdd zur Linken Mrqoryos, des Vize-ras zur

Rechten arb-Sgd, des geta58 zur Rechten Frdy-Ab, des geta zur Lin-
ken Gbru, des qlbas Amd-Msql, des zaqw not-geta Fre-Mikael, des
wsJ-mgwazt-geta59 Rtu-Amlak, des Jqaqnat mIene60 Dlarad Grma
Krstos.
Dies waren die Beauftragten, die vor der kniglichen Heeresversammlung
(diese Ordnung) niederschreiben lieen.<\subscriptio/testimonium/datum>
<testimonium/datum> <div=Kleriker> Zu dieser Zeit (waren im Amt)
der qomos61 Natnael
der qys-DaIy Beichtvater des Knigs Zkaryas
der Iera(n)g-masre62 Amd-Mikael
der liq dbtra Kirakos
der liq kahnat von Dbr-Ngwdgwad Gbr-Iysus.63
Whrend (im Amte waren)
der aqqabe s at Ammha-L-Syon von Hayq64
der liq diyaqonat der Stadt Syon (= des kniglichen Heerlagers), der
geta zur Rechten der Kreuzeskirche stifanos
sein (?) Vize zur Linken nbaqom

ist die Inhaberin eines Kronguts Bihat; der zweite ist nicht direkt deutbar, aber in
Parallele wird iDna ebenfalls ein Krongut benennen. Die Namen sind Thronnamen
(Zan/an = ihre Majestt), die sich nur im zweiten Element unterscheiden, damit
durch den Namen schon die Stellung angeben. ayla = ihre Strke, Klla = hat
sie gekrnt sind deutbar; zela bleibt unerklrt; u.U. arab.: ayl Schleier. Die K-
nigin zur Linken z.B. trug nach Ausweis der Chronik des Zra-Yaqob den Persone-
nennamen Fre-Maryam (PERRUCHON, Les chroniques de Zara Y eqob, 55).
57
Der Name Maryam ist sicherlich verderbt; es fehlt ein zweites Namenselement.
Ein BDtwdd zur Linken hie Amd-Msql (PERRUCHON, Les chroniques de Zara
Y eqob, 10), doch kann es sich dort um einen anderen Amtstrger handeln.
Vgl. Chronik des Zra-Yaqob, die berichtet, da zwei Tchter des Knigs zu
Bhtwdd ernannt werden, nachdem deren Ehemnner der Rebellion im Amte ber-
fhrt wurden (PERRUCHON, Les chroniques de Zara Y eqob, 10, 14, 55, 95).
58
Wohl zusammengesetzt aus ge-ta rtlichkeit zu deuten; Bezeichnung allge-
mein fr Herrn, Vorsteher oder Aufseher.
59
Vielleicht der Fhrer des zentralen Trosses im kniglichen Heereszug.
60
Eine Kategorie der Hofrichter.
61
Gleichbedeutend mit hegoumenos?
62
Er ist nach Ausweis des rat Mng t der Hter des Horns mit dem knig-
lichen Salbl.
63
Eine in der Chronik des Zra-Yaqob fters erwhnte Persnlichkeit; gehrte
mit dem nachfolgenden aqqabe s at zur engsten Entourage des Herrschers.
64
Der Abt des Klosters Hayq, dem traditionell die im Range dritte Wrde des
Reiches aqqabe s at des Stundenwchters, der den Ablauf des kniglichen Ar-
beitstages regelte, zustand. Amma-L-Syon wird in vielen anderen Urkunden,
darunter denen des Condaghe des Klosters Hayq erwhnt.
!" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

der gweta zur Rechten der Jesus-Kirche Ngdu

(sein) Vize Mretawi
(sein?) Vize zur Linken Zkaryas
die gweta zur Rechten der Marienkirche Pawlos, (sein) Vize Gbr-
Iysus, der gweta zur Linken B-ayl-Syon, (sein) Vize Grad,
der liq zyaqonat zur Rechten B-Dlu, (sein) Vize Fre-Addam
der liq diyaqonat65 zur Linken bt-Iysus, (sein) Vize Sg-z-Ab
der y-zaqw nat gweta zur Linken Aybas-k-Ab, sein Vize Gbr-
Mnfs-Qddus
der gweta der Hauswchter der Kreuzeskirche Habt-Syon
der gweta der Hauswchter der Jesus-Kirche Gddu
der gweta der Hauswchter der Marienkirche Krstos-ary, (sein)
Vize Abu.
Dies waren die (Vorsteher der) drei Kirchen mit ihrem Klerus. <\div =
Kleriker>
<div = weltliche Wrdentrger>. (Weiterhin waren Zeugen):
Vize-awfari Sgay mit seinem Gefolge66
der zan Blw ras Wsny mit seinem Gefolge
der bal diho ras Twld-Mdn mit seinem Gefolge
der bal Damo ras67 Wsne mit seinem Gefolge.
der bet an a ras68 Grad mit seinem Gefolge
der bet DayI Vize-ras Abba-Tkun mit seinem Gefolge
der Vize-liq mIene69 Habtu mit seinem Gefolge
der Vize-qaqetat At-Anbsa mit seinem Gefolge
Vize-raqu masra zur Linken Kwllu-b-Krstos mit dem bet gbr
raqu masra zur Rechten Barya-Gzu, mit dem bet gbr y-mng bet
bzrwnd Habtu (und dessen) Vize Tadewos, mit dem mng bet Jbaqat
y-brkt bet y-zaqunat gweta70 Zir-b-Wsn, mit bet Jbaqat y-mogs

65
Die verschiedenen (Vulgr-?)formen fr Diakone werden unterschiedlos ge-
braucht? Oder sind sie in der jeweiligen Zusammensetzung des Titels spezifisch?
66
Die bersetzung konventionell. Das in Frage stehende Wort zir kommt als Ele-
ment in verschiedenen Titeln vor und ist in der Deutung unklar. Es kann wohl Sol-
dat o. . heien. Auf der anderen Seite haben die hohen Wrdentrger am Hofe
einen Geschftstrger, der im r at Gbr und in den Chroniken mzkk r genannt
wird; die stereotype Auffhrung des zir nach dem Hauptwrdentrger, lt auch an
diese Figur bei Hofe denken.
67
Dieser und die vorangehenden Frstennamen (ras) scheinen sich auf bestimm-
te ihnen zugewiesene Lndereien bzw. Regionen zu beziehen.
68
Dieser und die folgenden Frstennamen sind durch die ihnen zugewiesenen
Dienstorte im Hoflager charakterisiert.
69
Wie das nachfolgende qaqetat eine Kategorie von Hofrichtern.
70
Das hierarchisch tief gegliederte Gefge des Hofstaats spiegelt sich in den im
lnger werdenden Titeln der niederen Chargen.
 M. Kropp !#

abbza zur Rechten Zra-Abrham mit seinem Gefolge, (und) dem mogs
abbza71 zur Linken Tsfa mit seinem Gefolge
der azmari ras zur Linken Gbray, der zan azmari zur Rechten Tna,
der bal bgna72 zur Rechten, der drba mu ay ras Zkryas,
zur Rechten (?) Ammha-l-Syon
der ras zur Linken Madntu
der liq mkwaso73 bn, (seinem) Vize Abrham mit ihrem Gefolge
der y-bgama ras Tku mit seinem Gefolge
der Vize-zan tskami74 Danu mit seinem Gefolge
der y-bst gre75 masre Gmbar mit seinem Gefolge
der ybal qnJb abbza76 Rsbu mit seinem Gefolge <\div = welt-
liche Wrdentrger>
<div = weltliche Wrdentrger; die Sphre der Kniginnen>
der raqu masra der (Knigin) b altihat zur Linken Sbrddin und
sein Vize Hzb-Anbsa mit ihrem gdisJn77 und agrod78
der raqu masra der (Knigin) b altiDat zur Rechten Habt-Dawit,
sein Vize Fntay und ihrem gdistn und agrod
der raqu masra der (Knigin) balt sDna Tsfa-Syon, sein Vize
Z-Nagba mit ihrem gdisJn und agrod

71
Brauer des Gnaden-Biers (?); auch hier wieder ein Beispiel fr den Jargon
des Hoflagers.
72
Die verschiedenen Hofmusikkorps, durch ihre Instrumente (bgna Harfe)
usw. charakterisiert. Azmri ist der Snger, Barde.
73
Nach Ausweis der Chroniken das Double des Knigs, der in der Schlacht die
kniglichen Gewnder anzulegen und das Schlachtro zu reiten hatte.
74
Tskami und bgama mit dem Transport von Gert und Vorrten beauftragte
Truppen.
75
Im r at Mng t genannte Wrde; er hat die Kontrolle ber bestimmte Zelte.
76
Brauer einer bestimmten (Bier-?)sorte.
77
Versuchsweise zu deuten als ich bestehe darauf, da du mir gibst; vgl. GUIDI,
Vocabolario, 779. Er wre ein weiteres gutes Beispiel fr den, ironisch, euphemisti-
schen, oder hier sarkastischen Jargon des Hoflagers. Der gdist ist auch in der
Chronik des Zra-Yaqob bezeugt und war wohl der Steuereintreiber von Prinzessin-
nen und Kniginnen, mit entsprechend blem Leumund; der Chronist fhrt des fte-
ren Klage darber, wie er die Provinzen aussaugt und unterdrckt; vgl. PERRUCHON,
Les chroniques de Zara Y eqob, 96 und passim.
78
Undeutbarer Audruck; es handelt sich um ein Korps von Sngern bzw. Snge-
rinnen, in Parallele zu den anderen wichtigen! Musikkorps, die besonders fr
die Prozessionen und den kniglichen Heereszug wichtig waren; vgl. GUIDI, IGNAZIO
(1922), Contributi alla storia lettararia di Abissinia. I. Il Serata Mangest. RRALm
ser. V. Vol. 31. 6589, hier 74 und Anm. 3. Die Agrod sind wichtige Akteure beim
Blumenfest des Knigs im September und fhren die Totenklage beim Tode von
Prinzessinnen.
!$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

der raqu masra der ite Knigin y-galagl gzyt Go mit ihrem
gdistn und agrod
der raqu masra der ite Knigin y-wsrbat gzyt79 Grad mit
ihrem gdistn und agrod <div = weltliche Wrdentrger; die Sphre der
Kniginnen>
<div = weltliche Wrdentrger; Provinzgouverneure>. An syuman mdr
Provinzgouverneuren waren anwesend:
der s.Daf lam80 vom Amara Abnaz mit den Amtstrgern von Amara
der s. Daf lam von Damot Dl-b-Maryam mit seinem Gefolge81
der nga i82 von Wllqa Giyorgis mit seinem Gefolge
Unzhlig aber waren (die Teilnehmer an der) kniglichen Heeresversamm-
lung, die (zum Erla und Besttigung der Verordnung) nicht notwendig waren.
<arenga>
<vers> Unser Knig Zra-Yaqob erlie diese Verordnung erfllt von Ein-
sicht und Weisheit und entflammt in Liebe zu unserer Herrin Maria <\vers>
<vers> deren beide Flgel der Jungfrulichkeit ihn schtzen vor dem Gift
der infamen Schlange <\vers>
<vers> und die am Ende der Tage einladen wird zu einem neuen Fest
<\vers>
<vers> zusammen mit den Dienern ihres Sohnes, den sanften Tauben, die
die bse Schlange besiegen werden, <\vers>
<vers> (ihres Sohnes), der seine Feinde ins Seol werfen wird, den Ab-
grund, <\vers>
<vers> und ber sie jeden Morgen die Axt schicken wird, die sie vernich-
tet! In Ewigkeit, Amen. <\vers> <\arenga>
<corroboratio> Ich beschwre euch, bei der Rechten des Herrn, der der
Himmel und Erde errichtet hat, bei dem heiligen und verehrungswrdigen
Blut, das vergossen wurde zur Vergebung der Snden, diese Verordnung nicht
zu bertreten <\corroboratio>

79
Titel von Kniginnen, die im Bezug zu beim Bankett verwendeten Geschirr ste-
hen. Gzyt die in der Hand hat, verfgt ber ist als zweites Titelelement spezifi-
ziert durch eine nach amharischer Weise vorgestellte Bezeichnung: glagl Dienst-
geschirr (?) und wsrbt. Bei letzterem handelt es sich um ein Gef aus Gold oder
Silber gearbeitet oder damit verziert fr Honigwein. Das Wort kommt aus dem Arabi-
schen. Dort ist es als maraba, miraba belegt in der Bedeutung kleiner Krug in
Becherform; vgl. DOZY, REINHART P. A. (1881), Supplment aux dictionnaires arabes.
Vol. 1.2. Leiden, 741b; der Wechsel von b/w im Anlaut ist des fteren belegt.
80
Wrtl.: Rinderschreiber, wohl als Funktionsbezeichnung gedacht; er fhrte
ursprnglich das Register der als Steuerrealie wichtigen Rinder. Traditioneller Titel
fr die Gouverneure mehrerer Provinzen.
81
Da hier zir parallel zu s yuman gesetzt ist, liegt nahe, es als Gefolge zu deuten.
82
Der alte Paralleltitel zu ngu Knig, der nach der aksumitischen Zeit nur in
der Bedeutung Gouverneur bestimmter Provinzen gebraucht wird.
 M. Kropp !%

<sanctio> Doch verdammt sei der, der sie aufhebt, abkrzt oder bertritt,
ihre Statuten verletzt oder der ihre Ukrunde von ihrem Platz nimmt, sei es
Knig oder Knigin, sei es Metropolit, sei es Frst oder Gouverneur, sei es
Man oder Frau! <\sanctio>
<coroboratio> Ich beschwre euch bei dem Gott Ahbrahms, Isaaks und
Jakobs, beim Gott der Propheten, beim Gott der Gerechten und der Mrtyrer.
In Ewigkeit, Amen.<\corroboratio>

3. Materieller Kontext der Urkunde und U berlieferungsweg

Der in vieler Hinsicht bemerkenswerte Text ber die Ermittelung und
Neueinsetzung alter Rechtsbestimmungen am Hofe des Kaisers Zra-Yaqob
ist sicherlich zeitgleich mit dem Geschehen von einem Hofkleriker, wahr-
scheinlich dem s.hafe t zaz dem Kanzler verfat und niedergeschrieben
worden. Sicherlich nicht nur einmal in dem goldenen Buch der Kirche
Dbr-gziabher-Ab von Amba-Geschen, sondern in verschiedenen wei-
teren Handschriften hnlicher Funktion der genannten Zeugen und vor allem
aber der beiden begnstigten Klster. Die Bibliotheken der Klster Dbr-
Maryam und Dbr-Bizn (Eritra) sind bisher nicht nher erforscht worden;
es sollte aber nicht verwundern, wenn in Archivkodices dieser Institutionen
(goldene Evangeliare oder hnlich) weitere Abschriften dieser Urkunde
auftauchten.
Der Text steht im Anschlu an den als Haupttext durch Randverzierun-
gen etc. gekennzeichneten Octateuch und die Evangelien, genauer auf einem
Blatt zwischen dem Ende des Johannesevangeliums und dem Senodos, den
Kanones der Apostel. Direkt im freien Teil der letzten Kolumne des Haupt-
textes steht eine Schenkungsurkunde von Kaiser Iyasu I. an das Kloster Qws-
qwam; dadurch und durch die amharische Sprache des Textes als sptere Bei-
schrift gekennzeichnet. Auf der gegenberliegenden Seite finden sich, in der
gleichen Hand wie der Haupttext des Senodos geschrieben, eine Sammlung
von Urkunden, jeweils suberlich durch horizontale Linien getrennt, von
Amd-Syon bis Zra-Yaqob und skndr. Sie alle haben mit der Kirche
Dbr-gziabher-Ab in Amba-Geshen zu tun; die jngsten Stcke in
der gleichen Handschrift und suberlich im Anhang des Haupttextes geschrie-
ben, also deutlich nicht spter Ergnzung, stammen aus der Zeit des Kaisers
Fasilds, geben damit einen terminus post quem fr die Entstehung des
Kodex.
Die thiopische Handschrift im Britischen Museum unter der Nummer
Orient 481 (Nummer II in Wrights Catalogue of the Ethiopic Manuscripts in
the British Museum) entstand zu Beginn des 17. Jhdts. in Gondr, sehr wahr-
scheinlich zur Zeit des Kaisers Fasilds (16321667 n.Chr.). Der Haupttext
des groformatigen Kodex (ca. 3040 cm) umfat den Octateuch, die vier
Evangelien, die Apostelkanones und einige weitere Schriften zur Kirchen-
!& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

ordnung. Darber hinaus aber diente die Handschrift als Archiv: freie Seiten
und Kolumnen sind von spterer und unterschiedlicher Hand mit Rechtsur-
kunden vielfltiger Art beschrieben.
Genaugenommen wurden aber schon Teile von solchen Glossenarchiven
bei der Abschrift des Haupttextes aus den Vorlagehandschriften bernom-
men und an den betreffenden Stellen von der gleichen Kopistenhand in den
Haupttext, freilich ohne Randverzierungen, eingetragen. Aus dem Inhalt der
Urkunden dieses Archivteils knnen wir entnehmen, da die Vorlagekodizes
Bibelhandschriften, das alte Testament und Evangeliare aus zwei Kirchen
des berhmten Klosterbergs Amba-Geschen waren: Dbr-gziabher-Ab
und Dbr-Maryam. Dieser Berg diente als Relegationsort fr die knigli-
chen Prinzen bis zur Zeit der muslimischen Invasion des Ahmad b. Ibrahim,
genannt Gra, der Linkshnder. Folgerichtig befassen sich viele der Ur-
kunden mit Erbbesitz und Lehensgtern von Mitgliedern der kniglichen
Familie. Dies mag auch der Grund gewesen sein, da man sie in Gondr mit
abschrieb: manche der Besitztitel hatten weiter Gltigkeit und wurden daher
im Text in Kodizes von Kirchen verwahrt, zu denen die kngliche Familie
eine besondere Beziehung hatte.83
Einmal erstellt diente die Handschrift nun auch weiterhin zur Aufnahme
neuer Urkunden, also als Archiv. Aus den ltesten dieser zustzlich einge-
schriebenen Dokumente, erkenntlich an der anderen Hand in der Schrift und
der eher zufllig gewhlten Eintragungsstelle, knnen wir entnehmen, da
sich der Kodex spter in der Kirche Dbr-Brhan-llase in Gondr befand,
deren Grndungsgeschichte auch z.T. erzhlt wird, und deren Landbesitz aus
Schenkungen und Lehen in einzelnen Urkunden verzeichnet ist. Ja die Hand-
schrift BM Or. 481 selbst, die frher entstanden ist, war ein Teil dieser Schen-
kungen.
Nach thiopischem Rechtsbrauch werden in Institutionsarchive nicht nur
die Dokumente eingeschrieben, die die betreffende Institution (Kirche, Klo-

83
Andere Urkunden dieses Archivs wurden behandelt in KROPP, MANFRED (1989
1990), Dann senke das Haupt und gib ihr nicht im Zorn: Eine testamentarische
Verfgung des Kaisers 'Amd-Seyon aus dem Archiv der Hs. BM. Or. 481. Orienta-
lia Suecana. 3839. [Festskrift till Gsta Vitestam, edited by T. Kronholm, Uppsala].
92104; ID. (2004), Four Gwelt documents of 'Amd-Seyon from the Archive of the
Church of Dbr-Egzi'abeher-Ab on Amba-Geshe. Afrique et Histoire. 2. 213-234.
Diese Einzelarbeiten sind Teil einer umfassenden Studie ber den Komplex des MIDa-
f Tefut und das darin enthaltene Archiv als Beitrag zur thiopischen Sozial- und
Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Mittelalters. In der Synopse mit analogen Handschriften
und Archiven, etwa des Klosters Hayq, besonders in der Hs. EMML 1832, das gol-
dene Evangeliar von Hayq ist eine Darstellung mit Bezug auf Realien und Sprache
in Gemeinsamkeit, aber auch regionaler und chronologischer Verschiedenheit und
Entwicklung fr Kernregionen des thiopischen Reiches in der Zeit seiner Blte vom
14. bis zum 16. Jhdt. mglich.
 M. Kropp !'

ster etc.) direkt betreffen. Es gibt auch Zeugenurkunden, die Schenkungen,

Verleihungen etc. an andere Institutionen bezeugen. Diese Urkunden sind
Kopien (Mehrschriften), die auf Anordnung des Veranlassers des Rechtsak-
tes angefertigt und verteilt wurden. So konnte man die Rechtssicherheit er-
hhen; bei spteren Unklarheiten oder Streitigkeiten konnte man die Mehr-
fertigungen vergleichen, evtl. Abnderungen und Flschungen erkennen. Die
beschriebene Struktur thiopischer Archive erklrt, da in der Archivhand-
schrift der Kirche Dbr-Brhan-llase eine Zeugenurkunde ber die Land-
ausstattung der neugegrndeten Kirche in Drsge zu finden ist. Der Klerus
der Kirche war Zeuge fr die besagte Schenkung und schrieb darber folge-
richtig eine Urkunde ins Archiv ein.84
ber das weitere Schicksal der Handschrift ist nur zu vermerken, da sie
zu den vielen Bchern gehrte, die Kaiser Tewodros II. bei der Plnderung
von Gondar in seine Festung und Residenz Magdala schaffen lie, wo sie in
die Bibliothek der Erlserkirche kam. Dort wurde sie Teil der Kriegsbeute,
die das englische Expeditionskorps nach dem Fall der Festung nach England
brachte. Die zusammengeraubte Bibliothek des Kaisers Tewodros II. bildete
eine reiche Vergrerung der Sammlung thiopischer Handschriften im Bri-
tish Museum.
Die besprochene Urkunde des Zra-Yaqob gehrt also zum Reskript-
Bereich, d.h. Urkunden, die sich bereits in dem bzw. den abgeschriebenen
Kodices aus Amba-Geshen fanden. Dies fhrt auf eine weitere Frage: Wel-
che Beziehung herrscht zwischen diesen Vorlagen und dem berhmten Ge-
schichts- und Urkundenbuch von Amba-Geshen, dem MIDaf Tefut? Nach
einer grndlichen Durchsicht der Texte in der Hs. BM Or. 481 kam ich zu
einem Vergleich mit der Inhaltsangabe der Texte des MIDaf Tefut, wie sie
Andr Caquot gegeben hat.85 Das Ergebis war einfach: die nachzuweisenden
Texte stimmten berein. Damit war vom inhaltlichen Standpunkt aus die Iden-
titt der Vorlage der Hs. BM Or. 481, zumindest in den wichtigsten Teilen,
mit dem MIDaf Tefut gesichert. Freilich konnte diese Erkenntnis nicht
durch Autopsie oder photographische Dokumente gesichert werden. Wie mir
B. Hirsch mitteilt,86 besitzen Roger Schneider () und Jacques Mercier Mi-
krofilme von zumindest Teilen des Werks; bisher haben sie keine Studien
darber vorgelegt.
Nun wurde von anderer Seite, aufgrund der Miniaturen und der Textzu-
sammenstellung Octateuch, Evangelien, Kanonessammlung die inhalt-
liche und formale Intentitt der Kodices BM Or. 481 und des MIDaf Tefut

84
Bisher provisorisch verffentlicht auf der Web-Seite des Thesausrus Linguae
Aethiopicae; URL: http://www.uni-mainz.de/Organisationen/TLA/texte/deresge.html.
85
CAQUOT, ANDR (1955), Aperu prliminaire sur le MaIDafa T.fut de Gechen
Amba. AE 1. 89115.
86
In einem Brief vom 12. 10. 1998.
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

festgestellt. Es handelt sich fr den Octateuch und dessen Miniaturen um die

Nachahmung eines berhmten byzantinischen Vorbilds.87 Dieser Kodex ist
erhalten, war es damit auch zur Zeit der Abschrift des Haupttextes in Form
der Handschrift BM Or. 481 zusammen mit den darin enthaltenen Urkunden.
Der Grund fr diese Abschrift war nun einmal, einen wichtigen theologi-
schen Text fr eine der unter kniglichem Schutz und Frderung stehenden
Kirchen in der neu gewhlten und energisch ausgebauten Residenz Gondr
zur Zeit des Knigs Fasilds zu haben. Sicherlich waren die in der Hauptsa-
che die knigliche Familie bzw. Institutionen in ihrem Bereich betreffenden
Urkunden in der neuen Residenz genauso wichtig.
Bleibt noch anzumerken, da hnliche Kodices (als Octateuch mit An-
hngen) und den charakteristischen Miniaturen in den Bibliotheken der Klster
Dbr-Maryam und Dbr-Bizn nachgewiesen sind, wie auch fr ein Klo-
ster in Sahart, aus dessen Bestand die Hs. Martini etiop. 5, heute in der Bi-
blioteca Forteguerriana in Pistoia stammt.88 Alles diese Kodices zusam-
mengesehen belegen eine systematische Kirchenpolitik des Kaisers Zra-
Yaqob, die sich in Schenkungen von reich ausgestatteten Bibelhandschriften
an die wichtigsten Klster seines Reiches manifestiert.
Fr die oben angesprochene zusammenfassende Studie ber die Urkun-
den aus dem Condaghe des MIDaf Tefut, wie wir nun abschlieend die
Sammlung benennen knnen, wird freilich die Kollation der Texte in der
Vorlage aus Amba-Geshen entscheidend sein. Trotz der groen Sorgfalt der
Abschrift in BM Or. 481 ergeben sich doch Zweifelsflle, die u.U. auch auf
die nichtliterarische, stark vom Amharischen der Zeit beeinflute Natur der
Texte zurckzufhren sind, mit der der Kopist in oder aus Gondr nicht imm-
mer zurechtkam. Unter diesem Vorbehalt der berprfung des Wortlauts der
Vorlage stehen somit die bisherigen und auch die vorliegende Arbeit. Dies ist
in sich wiederum eine Aussage ber die gegenwrtigen Verhltnisse im ge-
liebten aber leidgeprften thiopien und ber die Zugnglichkeit seines hi-
storischen Erbes.

87
Vgl. FIACCADORI, GIANFRANCO (1995), Prototipi miniati dellOttateuco etiopi-
co. Bollettino del Museo Bodoniano di Parma. 8. 71102, und African Zion. The
Sacred Art of Ethiopia. (1993) Catalogue by Marilyn Heldman with Stuart Munro-
Hay. Edited by Roderick Grierson. New Haven (usw.), 177f.
88
Vgl. FIACCADORI, Prototipi miniati, 73, 79; FIACCADORI, GIANFRANCO (1993),
Bisanzio e il regno di Aksum. Sul manoscritto Martini etiop. 5 della Biblioteca
Forteguerriana di Pistoia. Bollettino del Museo Bodoniano di Parma 7. (Quaecum-
que recepit Apollo. Scritti in onore di Angelo Ciavarella. Pubblicati per cura di An-
drea Gatti). 161199, hier 170171.
 M. Kropp "

4. Die Textgattung Condaghe;

Parallelen zu sardischen Texten und a thiopische Eigenart
Der Begriff Condaghe ist im Vorstehenden schon fters verwendet wor-
den. Da er weder in der historischen orientalistischen Forschung allgemein
noch in der thiopistischen im besonderen mit einer Ausnahme89 ein-
gefhrt ist, sollen hier einige Errterungen ber seine Bedeutung als termi-
nus technicus im Ursprungsbereich, den sardischen Judicati des Mittelalters
als organische Nachfolger der byzantinischen Verwaltungsstruktur, die we-
der gewaltsam noch formal je beendet wurde, folgen. In verschiedenen Kir-
chen und Klstern der Insel sind Urkundenbcher erhalten, die sich dadurch
auszeichnen, da sie unterschiedliche Rechtsakte, die aber alle in irgendei-
ner Form die jeweilige Institution betreffen einfach chronologisch geordnet
aufzeichnet, zugleich aber auch sprachlich gestaltet, und dies in der Volks-
sprache Sardisch, die damit zu einer der frhest verschrifteten romanischen
Sprachen zhlen kann. Zu Ursprung und Begriffentwicklung des Wortes Con-
daghe so brigens ins italianisierender logudoresischer Form eines Stan-
dard- oder Honoratiorensardisch des 17./18. Jhdts.; die streng sardische Form
wre Kondake hier eine Auswahl von Definitionen aus der entsprechen-
den Forschungsliteratur:
Raccolta di atti riguardanti negozi giuridici; registro in cui sono
raccolte e annotate le memorie inventariali, gli atti giuridici (acquisti, dona-
zioni, vendite, permute ecc.) e le decisioni giudiziarie relative al patrimonio
di un chiesa, di un monasterio; o Atto con cui si constituisce un lascito, una
donazione a favore di chiese o monasteri (Bonazzi).90
Die Herkunft aus dem byzantinischen Griechisch ist klar: kontkion Stb-
chen, auf das eine Papyrus- oder Pergamentrolle aufgerollt wird. Daraus
dann spezifisch liturgische Rolle, weil Mess- und Gebettexte in dieser Form
angefertigt wurden; nebenschwingende Mitbedeutung kurzer Text. Es
mssen wohl auch bald juristische Dokumente in dieser Art verwahrt worden
sein. Das sardische Wort weist Angleichung und damit Kontamination mit
der altsardischen Endung -aghe auf.91

89
Vgl. KROPP, MANFRED (2003), Die dritte Wrde oder ein Drittel des Reiches?
Die verschiedenen Versionen der Biographie des Hl. Iysus-Moa als Ausdruck sich
wandelnder Funktionen des Textes. In: Saints, Biographies and History in Africa.
Saints, biographies et histoire en Afrique. Heilige, Biographien und Geschichte in
Afrika. Hrsg. von Bertrand Hirsch und Manfred Kropp. (Nordostafrikanisch / West-
asiatische Studien. 5.) Frankfurt am Main. 191205, hier 200, Anm. 15.
90
Vgl. Il Condaghe di San Nicola di Trullas. (2001), A cura di Paolo Merci.
(Biblioteca Sarda. 62.) Nuoro, 743.
91
Vgl. Il Condaghe di Santa Maria di Bonarcado. (2002). A cura di Maurizio
Virdis. (Centro di Studi Filologici Sardi. Testi e Documenti.). Cagliari, XIXIII.
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Testo scritto che vale a comprovare il compimento di unazione giuri-

dica (ossia un atto volontario destinato a creare o a confermare o a estendere
o a modificare diritti e obbligazioni) ovvero lesistenza di un fatto giuridico
(ossia di un avvenimento o di uno stato di fatto che producono conseguenze
giuridiche): ma per raggiungere la prova necessario che il documento obbi-
disca sia nelle procedure del suo farsi, sia nelle caratteristiche esteriori, sia
nella forma del dettato a regole determinate, in grado appunto di conferirgli
tale capacit certificante.92
Sei nun die Natur der Urkunde ffentlich oder halbffentlich: auch wenn
nicht vom Souvern direkt ausgehend, sondern von untergeordneten Autori-
tten, bten, Bischfen etc., die Feierlichkeit von Text von Niederschrift in
irgendeiner Form ist entscheidend und trifft damit die allgemeine Definition
von Urkunde im Sinne historischer Quellenkritik als Schriftstck angefer-
tigt unter Wahrung bestimmter Formen ber Vorgnge rechtlicher Art.
Wichtig zu sehen ist die ursprngliche private Natur und als reine Zeu-
genurkunde, die nicht in sich Rechtskraft hat, sondern wiedern von den Zeu-
gen beschworen und erneuert werden mu, speziell im Falle eines Rechts-
streits. Im bergang zu greren, auch einen lngeren Zeitraum, der natrli-
cherweise die Lebenszeit der genannten Zeugen bersteigt, umfassend,
gewinnen die Condaghi als Urkundenbuch ich habe zuweilen an eine deut-
sche bersetzung als Urbar gedacht einen juristischen Wert in sich als
Beweisurkunde; ja in manchen Fllen ist der Charakter einer Dispositivur-
kunde zu erkennen.
Im thiopischen Falle der materiellen Verbindung mit einem heiligen, ewig
gltigen Text ist dies deutlich angelegt und beabsichtigt: schon die privaten
Urkundensammlungen der Zeugen wurden mit Vorzug in einem Psalter ein-
getragen; in den betreffenden Institutionen finden die Condaghi als Margina-
lia und Beischriften Eingang zumeist in Evangelientexte, aber auch andere
Bibelhandschriften, und partizipieren damit am sakralen Wahrheitscharakter
des Haupttextes. Dies wird dadurch deutlich, da sie ihren Urkundenwert
durch Transskript in eine andere (Evangelien)handschrift, wie in vorliegen-
den Falle der Hs. BM Or. 481 nicht verlieren; ja sie sind auch ortsunabhngig
(Transfer von Amba-Geshen nach Gondr). Diese eigene Rechtskraft als Text
ist gegeben materiell in der Vereinigung mit Bibeltexten; inhaltlich und text-
lich wird sie bekrftigt z. B. durch die feierlichen Zitate des Herrscherwortes
des Zra-Yaqob und abschlieende Frbitt- oder Poenformeln, die zudem
in feierlichem, liturgischem Tone gehalten sind. Wichtig ist zu sehen, da
dieses liturgische Herrscherwort nicht eigentlich der Schwur- und Verflu-
chungsformen bedarf, die sonst solche Verfgungen auszeichnen.

92
Vgl. Il Condaghe di San Pietro di Silki, 911; zitiert die Definition von F. Pratesi:
Nolo aliud instrumentum in: Francesco dAssisi. Documenti e Archivi. Codici e
Biblioteche. Milano, 1982. S. IIIV.
 M. Kropp "!

Im Falle des Sardischen waren die Condaghes eng mit der Verschriftung
der Volkssprache Sardisch verbunden; im Falle des thiopischen beschrnkt
sich der Einflu der gesprochenen Sprache (Wiedergabe des Herrscherwor-
tes etc.) auf die Syntax, die Terminologie; erst sehr viel spter im 18. Jhdt.
kommen durchgngig amharische Formeln vor. Aber fr beide gilt die zu-
sammenfassende und prgnante Charakterisierung von Ignazio Delogu, die
vor allem auch der Textnatur, der impliziten narrativen Kraft und dem sthe-
tischen und literarischen Wert dieser Texte gerecht wird:
Siamo di fronte a materiali verbali organizzati, nella maggior parte
dei casi, come veri e propri nuclei narrativi, sia per finalit pratiche e proba-
torie, sia per una intenzionalit narrativa della quale credo di aver indicato la
ragione intrinseca nel bisogno di risarcimento che ogni attivit espressiva ha
in s, indipendentemente dal fatto che essa coincida o meno con una consa-
pevole intenzionalit estetica.93 In der Tat, wie ich schon in der Bearbeitung
einer Urkunde des Kaiser Amd-Syon zunchst erstaunt, dann immer mehr
ergriffen, angemerkt habe, atmen diese Texte des Geist des lebendigen Wor-
tes, im Sinne Nietzsches, weil das Wort lebendig Wort war, da es ein ge-
sprochen Wort war und sind damit von groer rhetorischer Kraft. Man kann
sich vorstellen, wie sie in der Beweisfhrung eines Prozesses vorgetragen,
berwltigend gewirkt haben mssen. Dies gilt auch fr die zunchst trocken
und langatmig erscheinenden Aufzhlungen und Listen.94

5. Historische Aussagen der Urkunde

Als Primrquelle, d.h. nicht als Produkt der erzhlenden Tradition, kommt
allen Angaben des Textes eine besondere Bedeutung zu. Sollten sie sich mit
denen der erzhlenden Quellen widersprechen, wre ihnen im quellenkriti-
schen Verfahren der Vorzug zu geben. Zra-Yaqob hat dieses Dekret in Iba,
im Sden Schoas erlassen. Iba wird genannt in der Chronik des Zra-Yaqob
unter der Provinzen des Sdens, in der sich der Kaiser mehrere Male auf-
hlt.95 Mit diesen genauen Daten der Urkunde ist es mglich ein Mosaik-
steinchen zu dem zu schreibenden Knigsitinerar des Zra-Yaqob zu liefern.

93
Vgl. Il Condaghe di San Pietro di Silki. (1997), Testo Logudorese inedito dei
secoli XIXIII pubblicato dal Giuliano Bonazzi. (Cagliari, 1900). Traduzione, intro-
duzione, note e glossario a cura di Ignazio Delogu. Sassari, 42.
94
Vgl. dazu eine Bemerkung von STIER, FRIDOLIN (1981), Vielleicht ist irgendwo
Tag. Heidelberg, 269f.: Was kann der Text dafr, da die Leute das Lesen, Vortra-
gen verlernten. Lngst keine Analphabeten mehr, sind sie Aphoneten geworden
Ich mache mich anheischig, den Stammbaum Jesu so zu lesen, da die Hrer auf-
horchen.
95
PERRUCHON, Les chroniques de Zara Y eqob, s. v.; vgl. HUNTINGFORD, GEORGE
WYNN BRERETON (1989), The Historical Geography of Ethiopia, from the First Cen-
tury AD to 1704. By the late G. W. B. Huntingford, edited by Richard Pankhurst
"" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Dann erhalten wir einen vorzglichen Einblick in die Rechtspraxis des

kniglichen Hofes, genauer, wenn auch etwas spekulativ gesagt, in den All-
tag von Streit und Intrigen um materielle Vorteile oder Verpflichtungen, der
sich hier als zwischen den Gefolgsleuten der verschiedenen Kniginnen und
Teilen des Hofklerus ahnen lt. Nach gezielten Indiskretionen und Klagen
ber einen gegenwrtigen Zustand, der nicht dem guten alten Recht gem
sei, wird eine Heeresversammlung einberufen, die mit dem Herrscher zu-
sammen die rechtsfindende und rechtsprechende Krperschaft ist, wobei, im
Text ausdrcklich gesagt, fr den betreffenden Fall nur eine bezeichnete Grup-
pe zustndig ist, der Rest der Versammlung fr den Rechtsakt eigentlich nicht
gebraucht wird. Auf eine eindringliche Befragung folgt das Eingestndnis
der beklagten Seite und die feierliche Wiederherstellung des alten Rechts
fr ewige Zeiten,96 in der Textfassung untersttzt durch ein abschlieendes
Stck religiser Reimprosa, das den Schutz der Hl. Jungfrau auf den Herr-
scher herabruft.
Die ausfhrlichen Listen der beteiligten Personen, sei es als Klger, Be-
klagte oder Zeugen haben groen Quellenwert in verschiedener Hinsicht.
Nicht alle angefhrten Personennamen sind schon im bisher bekannten Ono-
mastikum belegt; in ihrer spezifischen Form geben sie wertvolle Aufschlsse
fr die sprachliche Entwicklung in der Region und der Zeit, wie sprachlich
gesehen, auch das in den Titeln, geographischen Namen und Realienbezeich-
nungen enthaltene Gut sehr interessant ist. Es zeigt im Vergleich z. B. mit
den fast zeitgleichen Urkunden aus dem Condaghe des goldenen Evangeli-
ums des Klosters Hayq deutlich eine regionale Variante des alten Amhari-
schen, das hinter der leicht geezisierten Form des Textes hindurchschimmert.
In Verbindung mit den zahlreichen, oft hierarchisch ber mehrere Ebenen
gegliederten Titel und mter gibt uns die Urkunde wertvolle Aufschlsse
zur Prosopographie des thiopischen Reiches in der Mitte der Regierungs-
zeit des Kaisers Zra-Yaqob. Die Authentizitt der Angaben wird teilweise
durch bereinstimmung mit den anderen Urkunden aus dem Condaghe ab-
gesttzt; daher kann auch den hier erst- und einmalig belegten Angaben Glau-
ben geschenkt werden.
Die Struktur der zumeist sprechenden Titel erlaubt Aussagen ber die Struk-
tur und Gliederung von Hof und Reich. Dabei ist klar zwischen verschiede-

(Union acadmique internationale. Fontes Historiae Africanae. Series Varia. 4.) Ox-
ford, 80, 103. Es ist durch den Flu Wrari von Klat getrennt, wo sich nach Aus-
weis der Urkunden des Condaghe der Hs. BM Or. 481 der Herrscher fters aufgehal-
ten und Verordnungen erlassen hat.
96
Es handelt sich dabei um Topoi, die gerade durch ihre hufige Verwendung in
der thiopischen Historiographie deutlich darauf hinweisen, da die Realitt oft das
ganze Gegenteil war; vgl. zu einer Sequenz der Wiederherstellung von verschiede-
nen, sich widersprechenden guten alten Rechten, KROPP, Das gute alte Recht.
 M. Kropp "#

nen Kategorien der Zuordnung von Amt und Amtstrger zu unterscheiden.

Hier ist zuerst die persnliche Zuordnung zu den Groen des Reiches zu nen-
nen: die auf den Herrscher selbst, dessen Kniginnen, zur Rechten und zur
Linken, und die weiteren hchsten geistlichen und weltlichen Wrdentrger
bezogenen mter. Diese, zumeist symmetrisch verdoppelt in rechts und links
damit den Aufbau des Hoflagers anzeigend gegliederten Titel erhalten ihre
hierarchische Feingliederung zunchst durch Angaben des jeweiligen Dienst-
orts (bet hays, Marienkirche oder hnlich), dann durch eine Funktionsan-
gabe (Sauermilchbrotbcker, Hirsebierbrauer etc.). Entsteht so durch die geord-
nete Titelwelt ein Bild des Mikrokosmos des Hofes, so wird dieses ergnzt
durch die auf Regionen und Provinzen des Reiches bezogenen Titel, die in
ihrer Summierung eine imago imperii, ein Bild des Reiches ergeben. Dabei
darf man freilich nicht direkt von den Titeln auf die geographische Wirklich-
keit des Reiches schlieen. Nur allzu oft sind solche Titel historisches Erbe,
verkrpern eher Anspruch auf frher Gewesenes denn die aktuelle Situation.
Hier ist in jedem Einzelfall anhand weiterer Indizien zu prfen, inwieweit
etwa ein Knigsbote von Fsgar tatschlich seinen Amtbereich hatte, ihn
verwaltete und das gehrte sich ausbeutete. Fr mgliche mterhu-
fung in der Hand einer Person gibt der Text Beispiele. Die Flle der Titel und
mter wird weiter vergrert durch die mgliche Kombination zweier oder
mehr der genannten Zuordnungs-, eigentlich Amtslegitimationskriterien. Diese
ermglicht es, da sich der Mikrokosmos des Hofes in den verschiedenen
Provinzen des Reiches jeweils wiederspiegelt, wie umgekehrt die geographisch-
historische Struktur des Reiches ihren treuen Reflex in der mterstruktur des
Hofes findet. Dabei ist nicht nur die Doppelung von rechts und links zu be-
achten, sondern auch die mgliche, freilich nicht konsequent durchgefhrte
Spiegelung in der weltlichen und kirchlichen Sphre. Hier hat sich bei allem
Bemhen eines Kaisers Zra-Yaqob doch die Sonderstellung der kirchlichen
Sphre auch gegenber dem expansiven Gestalten des Herrschers, der sich
vor allem auch als Fhrer und Reformer seiner Kirche verstand, behaupten
knnen. Wichtiges Indiz dafr ist gerade das Scheitern und die weitgehende
Rcknahme seiner Verwaltungsreformen schon unter seinem Sohn B-d-
Maryam, die sich im Verschwinden vieler (neuer!) Titel und den Rckgriff
auf die altgewohnte Reichsstruktur ausdrckt. Somit sind Urkunden aus der
Zeit des Zra-Yaqob durch ihr titularisches und protokollarisches Sondergut
klar erkenntlich und z.T. auch zu datieren.
Zu den Realien des tglichen Lebens, hier den beiden fr die Steuer- oder
Fronleistung wichtigen Produkten Brot und Bier in der Vielfalt beider Sorten
ist anzumerken, da neben dem Wert der Grundsubstanz Korn auch die auf-
wendige Arbeitsleistung fr die Herstellung des Endprodukts eine groe Rolle
spielt. Die genannten Bcker und Brauer sind wohl eher als Aufseher der
jeweiligen Arbeitsprozesse anzusehen; die eigentliche Arbeit war in der Re-
gel Frauen berlassen.
"$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

In allen genannten Dingen ist die vorliegende Urkunde eine wichtige und
inhaltsschwere Ergnzung zu den bisher bekannten historisch-erzhlenden
und Urkundentexten zu Kaiser Zra-Yaqob.

6. Der Autor
Die Frage nach einem Autor des Textes zu stellen, erscheint modern, ana-
chronistisch, sind doch fast alle pragmatischen Texte des Mittelalters, nicht
nur des thiopischen, der Natur nach anonym. Nun zeichnen sich aber gerade
die Texte der Urkunden und der Tradition aus der Zeit des Kaisers Zra-
Yaqob durch bestimmte Besonderheiten aus, die die Frage nach dem Urhe-
ber angemessen erscheinen lassen. In allen diesen Texten ist zu beobachten,
da die Verhltnisse des Alltagslebens am Hofe, speziell der praktischen
Verwaltung, noch spezieller der Hofordnung des Banketts und der brigen
Alimentation bestimmter Personengruppen am Hof eine groe Rolle spielen.
Schon in der sogenannten Chronik des Herrschers sind beachtliche Textteile
solcher Hofordnungen aufgenommen. In der bekannten und zu Recht be-
rhmten Chronikensammlung der Hs. Oxford No. 29 finden sich daneben
weitere Texte aus der Verwaltungssphre, die durch ihr altamharisches Voka-
bular grte Schwierigkeiten der Deutung verursachen. Es ist sehr ungewhn-
lich, da Texte dieser Sphre verschriftlicht werden, zumindest fr das thio-
pien des 15. Jhdts. So liegt der Schlu nahe, da ein Verwaltungs- und Hof-
beamter, in dessen Aufgabenbereich die in diesen Texten geschilderten
Vorgnge und Regelungen fielen, diese in eigener Initiative schriftlich nie-
dergelegt hat; nicht nur, um damit ihre korrekte bermittlung an weitere
Generationen zu sichern, sondern auch um einem fr die Zeit ungewhnli-
chen, wenn nicht einzigartigen literarischen Gestaltungsdrang nachzugeben.
Die sogenannte Chronik des Zra-Yaqob atmet gnzlich diesen Geist der
retrospektiven Wrdigung der Ttigkeit eines groen Herrschers aus der Sicht
eines Verwaltungsbeamten. Als Amt und Titel eines solchen Historikers, der
ausnahmsweise, und mit Hinsicht auf die Persnlichkeit Zra-Yaqobs para-
dox-ironischer Weise kein Kleriker war, lt sich der raq masre ausmachen,
der Zeremonienmeister, aber auch Kchenchef, in dessen Amtsbereich alle
die in den genannten Texten beschriebenen Ttigkeiten fielen. Sicherlich,
der Zeremonienmeister ihrer Majestt, nicht einer der Kniginnen oder ande-
ren Amtstrger, die in den Texten genannt werden. Er wird bei der Abfas-
sung der vorliegenden Urkunde mitgewirkt haben; und seinem Drang zur
Verschriftlichung des sonst nur mndlich weitergetragenen Amts- und Be-
rufswissens ist es zu verdanken, da wir heute ber diese ungewhnlichen
Dokumente zur thiopischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte des 15. Jhdts.
verfgen.
 M. Kropp "%

7. Sprach- und Stilfragen

Der Text der Urkunde wre auch ohne die direkte Zuschreibung in die
Zeit des Zra-Yaqob nach stilistischen Merkmalen klar zuzuweisen. Dafr
ist die Reimprosa am Schlu der Urkunde anzufhren, die sich in praktisch
allen anderen Urkunden des Kaiser finden; z.B. die Verordnung ber Dize-
sen und Missionssprengel in der gleichen Hs. BM Or. 481, fol. 208r.97 Die
sorgfltige sprachliche Gestaltung und Sprachkraft, wenn nicht Sprachge-
walt des Textes ist bereits oben in der Errterung des Fachbegriffs Condaghe
herausgestellt. Das Zentrum des Textes liegt in der lebendigen, fast theatra-
lisch zunennenden Schilderung des Prozehergangs und den rhetorisch wirk-
samen, auf den Wortkaskaden von Titeln und Namen aufbauenden Listen,
die im Textzusammenhang den Charakter nchterner brokratischer Aufzh-
lung ganz verlieren. Diese im Ganzen pompse Gestaltung der Urkunde wird
freilich optisch nicht umgesetzt, materialisiert; es handelt sich eben nicht um
eine Pergamenturkunde mit goldenen Intitialen, prchtiger Kanzleischrift, Sie-
geln und Bullen. Eine Materialisierung des sthetischen Gehalts ist in der
historischen Wirklichkeit nur phonetisch in der feierlichen Rezitation anzu-
nehmen.

SUMMARY
Emperor Zra Yaqob (14341468 A.D.) was not only a zealous religious
reformer in his country; he also showed himself an energetic reformer of the inter-
nal structure of the Ethiopian Christian kingdom. Thus his Chronicle appears to
be written by a member of his chancery and has a good deal of pure administrative
texts to offer, besides the personal memoirs of this highly ranked clerk. In the
appendix to this Chronicle, and not by chance, very significant texts are found:
besides the Imperial songs in Old Amharic a collection of juridical and adminis-
trative documents, including the r at G br, the regulations of the royal banquet.
Being an important addition to the r at Gbr, the text (from MS British Muse-
um, Or. 481) presented here can be regarded as belonging to the same category.
Furthermore the text is transmitted as an original document issued together with
the respective proclamation, which enhances its documentary value. From the
general and comparative point of view it is interesting to observe that the law
represented here in the details of the alimentation of the clergy at the Royal court
is not the product of the autonomous decision of the souvereign, but has to be
retreived from the ever-existing body of laws handed down from the past. The
extensive list of testimonies court officials, clerics and high-ranked nobility
is a most welcome addition to our prosopographical knowledge of medieval Ethio-
pia in the mid of the 15th cent.

97
Vgl. KROPP, Dizesen und Missionsauftrag (im Druck).
 Basil Lourie;
St. Pe;tersbourg

S. ALYPIUS STYLITE,
S. MARC DE THARMAQA
ET LORIGINE DES MALKT E E T: HIOPIENNES*

Les pices potiques appeles malk (effigie)1 appartiennent un genre

extrmement populaire en thiopie; elles taient une composante sine qua
non des cultes des saints, de la Vierge ou mme du Christ et de la Trinit.2
On y bnit chaque partie du corps humain dun saint (ou bien du corps
symbolique dun tre incorporel) par une louange spcifique cette partie.
Lorigine de ce genre de lhymnographie hagiographique napparat pas avoir
t lobjet de quelque recherche que ce soit. Les thiopisants taient tou-
jours inclins le considrer comme une invention propre la tradition thio-
pienne, sauf lunique exception rcente de Kirsten Pedersen qui a indiqu un
parallle dans lhymnographie latine catholique tardive (Revelationes Sanc-
tae Birgittae, dites Anvers en 16113 ), ce qui pourrait tre lindice dune
origine latine des malk . Pourtant, on ne saurait adhrer avec enthousiasme
cette hypothse: on aurait prfr, en tant que possible source trangre des
malk , une tradition hymnographique bien tablie dans son milieu dori-
gine, en aucun cas une tradition marginale comme cest le cas des Revela-
tiones Sanctae Birgittae dans lhymnographie catholique.
Dailleurs, le second genre trs populaire de lhymnographie hagiogra-
phique thiopienne, les salm, qui va toujours de pair avec les malk , trouve
ses origines dans un genre hymnographique byzantin trs respectable, celui
de chairetismoi (do proviennent, ds le VIe sicle, les clbres kondakia).
A priori, on serait en droit desprer une origine de mme ordre dimportance
pour les malk ...

*
Cet article est bas sur une confrence donne Hamburg en 2003, dans le
cadre de la 15th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, o nous avons partici-
p avec le regrett Sevir Chernetsov, mon matre et ami. Ce voyage en Allemagne est
devenu pour lui le dernier.
1
V. A. DILLMANN, Lexicon linguae Aethiopicae, Lipsiae 1865 [repr. New York
1955], col. 51a; W. LESLAU, Comparative Dictionary of Geez (Classical Ethio-
pic), Wiesbaden 1991, 313; KIDAN WLD KFLE, OK " ce " Y " Ov
" nI| " Ke, Addis Abba 1948 amt mhrt [1955/56 A.D.], 266.
2
M. CHANE, Rpertoire des salam et malkee contenues dans les manuscrits
thiopiens des bibliothques dEurope, ROC 18 (1913), 183203, 337357.
3
K. STOFFREGEN-PEDERSEN, The Malke: An Ethiopian Prayer Form with Latin
Origin?, dans: Taddese Beyene (ed.), Proceedings of the Eighth International Con-
 B. Lourie "'

1. Les proto-malk
dans le;loge byzantin de S. Alypius Stylite
Nous avons effectivement une sorte des malk byzantines dans un dos-
sier hagiographique du VIe sicle, reprsentant un culte trs important pour
la socit byzantine de lpoque. Cest une Vie de S. Alypius Stylite par An-
toine de Sainte-Sophie, un officier de la Cathdrale de Constantinople (BHG
66d).4 Aprs avoir mentionn les pieds du stylite (naturellement, des mem-
bres les plus principaux pour la personne dont le devoir est de demeurer de-
bout), lauteur adresse des louanges loquentes aux mains du saint, puis ses
yeux, pour conclure par la sentence suivante: Je pense donc si quelquun
reprsente par la parole les membres humains, cest--dire tte ou mains ou
pieds, dont chacun membre agit exactement dune manire propre... selon la
rgle de la pit... il verrait, lorsquil voudra voir la totalit du corps muni de
lme, personne que le grand Alypius....5
Malgr une raret vidente des pareilles pices dans les uvres hagiogra-
phiques byzantines subsistantes, nous sommes en prsence dun style quasi
officiel de la capitale du VIe sicle donc, de lpoque des contacts les plus
intensifs entre Constantinople et Aksoum. En ce qui concerne la raret de ces
proto-malk byzantines, elle peut fort bien sexpliquer par la raret gn-
rale des loges aux saints du VIe sicle qui sont parvenues jusqu nous.
Quoiquil en soit, il ne sagit nullement dune tradition marginale (con-
trairement aux Revelationes Sanctae Birgittae au-dedans de la tradition ca-
tholique) et, fait encore plus important, cest cette poque quon modela la
vie religieuse dAksoum daprs les cultes de Constantinople.6
Cela suffit pour une hypothse de travail, savoir, celle de lorigine cons-
tantinopolitaine des malk thiopiennes, apparues, selon nous, lpoque
des liens troits entre les cultes officiels des deux capitales, Constantinople
et Aksoum.
Dsormais, il ne reste que de trouver des sources communes lhagiogra-
phie byzantine et lhagiographie thiopienne, contenant des pices quon
peut dfinir comme des proto-malk .

ference of Ethiopian Studies. University of Addis Ababa [2630 November 1984].

Vol. 2 (Addis Ababa, 1989), 547560.
4
F. HALKIN, loge historique de saint Alypius par Antoine de Sainte-Sophie
(BHG3 66d), dans: IDEM, Indits byzantins dOchrida, Candie et Moscou (Bruxelles,
1963) (Subsidia hagiographica, 38), 167210.
5
HALKIN, loge historique, 201202.
6
Cf. . , :

, 2 (8) (2000), 137207.
# Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Il se trouve quune telle source existe. Cest un dossier hagiographique de

S. Marc de Tharmaqa, ou, daprs son nom grec, de Thrace, personnage
aussi important qunigmatique de lhistoire du monachisme thiopien.
Nous y voyons les mmes proto-malk : une louange anglique sy adres-
se, conscutivement, lme, au corps, aux yeux, loreille (sic! au singulier,
pour des raisons inconnues), aux mains, aux narines, aux pieds. Ce nest pas
tout: ce Marc habite une montagne situe, daprs le texte de sa Vie, prcis-
ment en thiopie. Il existe cependant quelques difficults non ngligeables:
la Vie de ce S. Marc (ci-dessous VMT) est trs peu connue maintenant en
thiopie et ses date et milieu dorigine restent encore tablir. Dans les para-
graphes qui suivent, nous essayerons de retracer le sort de la Vie thiopienne
de S. Marc et de placer lorigine de sa lgende hagiographique dans le milieu
commun des relations religieuses entre Constantinople et Aksoum.

2. Le dossier hagiographique
de S. Marc de Tharmaqa
La Vie complte de S. Marc de Tharmaqa tait un sujet dattention des
orientalistes depuis longtemps, vu sa reprsentation massive dans les tradi-
tions en langues syriaque7 et arabe. Les versions (ou peut-tre la version)
arabes, quoique pas encore tudies en fait, pas mme dites, sem-
blent toutes avoir t traduites du syriaque.8 Dailleurs, il existe une traduc-
tion franaise de la version arabe, faite partir dun manuscrit gyptien.9 Il
ny a aucune trace de ce S. Marc dans lhagiographie en langue copte.10 On
ne trouve pas de notice au sujet de S. Marc dans le Synaxaire copte en arabe,
malgr le fait que la Vie arabe se rclame de 21 Barmdah (16 avril).
7
Editio princeps: V. SCHEIL, La Mort de Mar Marcos, ou Dernire Entrevue de
Mar Marcos et de Mar Srapion, Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie 12 (1897), 162170;
dition critique, avec une traduction anglaise et une tude de A. E. LOOK, The History
of Abba Marcus of Mount Tharmaka. A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the
Graduate School of Yale University, in Candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philo-
sophy (Oxford, 1929) (une brochure de xxvii + 23 pages, relativement difficile
trouver).
8
Sur le dossier arabe, on ne pourra consulter que G. GRAF, Geschichte der christ-
lichen arabischen Literatur, Bd. I (Vatikan, 1944) (Studi e testi, 118), 536; Bd. II
(Vatikan, 1947) (Studi e testi, 133), 505. Le R. P. M. van Esbroeck ma dit que la Vie
arabe est beaucoup plus rpandue dans les manuscrits.
9
. AMLINEAU, Contes et romans de lgypte chrtienne, T. II (Paris, 1888), 55
73: Histoire de Marc le Solitaire. Le nom de la montagne dans le manuscrit est
corrompu en Barmak, une faute habituelle dans la graphie arabe, bien saisie par le
traducteur (p. 57, n. 1).
10
Comme la not Mgr Sauget dans sa revue du dossier de S. Marc que nous
essayons de complter ici: J.-M. SAUGET, Marco di Atene, eremita sul monte Tarmaqa,
santo, dans: Bibliotheca Sanctorum, T. VIII (Roma, 1967), col. 701703, spc. 702.
 B. Lourie #

Du cot grec, nous avons la mme Vie complte de S. Marc (BHG 1039
1041)11 ainsi que sa version slavonne.12 Ldition critique de la Vie grecque
est prface par une courte tude, malheureusement entreprise sans connais-
sance quelconque de la partie orientale du dossier. Lauteur est loin de poser
la question dune possible correspondance entre les toponymes de Thrace
et de Tharmaqa ou celle du syriaque comme une possible langue de lori-
ginal (lopinion jamais prouve, mais plusieurs fois propose par les orien-
talistes). Au lieu de tout cela, lauteur nous propose de ranger la lgende de
S. Marc parmi les lgendes hagiographiques engendres par la lutte des or-
thodoxes contre les iconoclastes au VIIIe sicle sans avoir indiqu, dans
notre lgende, un seul trait spcifique aux lgendes allgoriques de cette p-
riode.13 On verra plus loin que le culte byzantin de S. Marc ait t bien tabli
vers la fin du VIIIe sicle, ce qui suffit exclure une date aussi basse pour la
composition de sa Vie grecque.
Aux cts des Vies, nous avons des mentions de S. Marc dans les calend-
riers des traditions grecque14 et syrienne occidentale (monophysite).15 Et,
enfin, il y a une notice dans le Synaxaire thiopien qui na pas t puise dans
son modle copto-arabe. Cette notice-l fera bientt lobjet de notre attention
spciale.

11
Editio princeps de la recension BHG 1039 par le Pre Daniel Papebroch dans
les Acta Sanctorum Martii III (Anvers, 1668), 40*43* (sous le 5 mars); 3me d. (Pa-
ris, 1865) *33*35; aujourdhui accessible dans ldition critique de Christine Ang-
lidi (. . , (*0/10391041),
8 [1989], 3359). Je remercie M. Cyrille Khroustalev pour maider dob-
tenir la publication dAnglidi.
12

, , ,
, dans: . . 2531 (oscou,
1912), cols. 24842496; ldition de la version slavonne, dont le sens est parfois
obscur, sest toujours appuye sur loriginal grec publi par D. Papebroch. On dev-
rait en outre se questionner propos dune version gorgienne.
13
, , p. 39. Les lgendes hagiographiques symboliques et all-
goriques existaient toutes les poques. Cest pourquoi Ch. Anglidi, aprs la lecture
dun article unique dIhor evenko Hagiography of the Iconoclast Period ne sau-
rait que profiter de celle du livre du P. Hippolyte DELEHAYE, Les passions des martyrs
et les genres littraires. Deuxime dition, revue et corrige (Bruxelles, 1966) (Sub-
sidia hagiographica, 13 B).
14
Dans le Synaxaire de Constantinople sous la date du 5 mars, ce qui garantit
lacceptation du culte au niveau officiel vers le IXe ou Xe sicle. H. DELEHAYE, Sy-
naxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Bruxelles, 1902) (Propylaeum ad Acta
Sanctorum mensis Novembris), 509*510*.
15
Sous la date du 20 ayyar (mai): P. PEETERS, Le Martyrologe de Rabban Sliba,
Analecta Bollandiana 27 (1908), 129200, p. 153.20: A\~g nO}gN et Marc
Trmqy. Ce martyrologe jacobite subsiste dans un manuscrit du XIVe sicle.
# Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Il y a, en outre, une autre pice encore, qui nexiste que dans le dossier
syriaque, qui nous permit de mieux saisir limportance du culte de S. Marc
chez les monophysites syriens. Cest une Rvlation de Abba Marc de la
Montagne de Tarmaq que Dieu lui montra au sujet des mes des hommes
subsistante dans un unique manuscrit du XIVe sicle o elle fait suite au rcit
classique de Macaire (le Grand ou dAlexandrie) de contenu similaire, trs
rpandu dans les recensions grecques et orientales.16 Nous navons aucun
indice permettant dattribuer cette Rvlation de S. Marc une tradition gyp-
tienne (contrairement lopinion dA. van Lantschoot, expose sans preuves
bases sur les traditions manuscrite ou hagiographique17 ). Ce qui est certain,
cest quelle est un tmoin en soi de la vnration dont jouissait S. Marc chez
les monophysites syriens dautrefois: plac au mme niveau que S. Macaire,
au mme titre que les Pres fondateurs du monachisme.18
Ce dossier, duquel nous avons provisoirement exclu sa partie thiopienne,
nous fait voir le culte de S. Marc rpandu seulement chez les Byzantins et les
Syriens monophysites, sans aucune trace dune tradition gyptienne copte.
Les manuscrits copto-arabes, en absence des tmoins en copte, ne prouvent
que le fait dacceptation du culte par lglise copte tardive, aligne sur la
tradition syrienne jacobite (avec certitude, ds le XIIIe sicle,19 partir de
lpoque de composition du Synaxaire copte en arabe, celui qui ne fait pas
mention de S. Marc de Tharmaqa). Cela nous fait penser lpoque du VIIe
sicle (lunion monothlite entre lglise de Constantinople et une partie des
monophysites modrs, les jacobites, tout dabord de la Syrie Occidentale,
lorsque des liens vivants entre les traditions hagiographiques byzantine et
syro-occidentale encore existaient) comme un terminus ante quem pour la
naissance du culte de S. Marc. Mais ce terminus demeure tre prcis da-
vantage.

3. Vie de Gre;goire dAgrigente par Le;once de Rome:

une uvre poste;rieure dans le me[me sillage
Lhagiographie byzantine nous fournit une source qui nous aidera de pr-
ciser le milieu dorigine de VMT. Il sagit dun roman hagiographique portant
sur un personnage de la fin du VIe sicle, S. Grgoire, lvque dAgrigente

16
A. VAN LANTSCHOOT, Rvlations de Macaire et de Marc de Tarmaq sur le sort
de lme aprs la mort, Le Muson 63 (1950) 159189.
17
VAN LANTSCHOOT, Rvlations, 161.
18
On notera que lhypothse de Baumstark sur lattribution notre Marc des
mmr dun autre Marc, lauteur asctique du Ve sicle, est maintenant intenable. Cf.:
A. BAUMSTARK, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur mit Ausschlu der christlich-
palstinensischen Texte (Bonn, 1922), 348, Anm. 16 (pour la p. 91).
19
Cest--dire aprs le dclin de linfluence armnienne.
 B. Lourie #!

en Sicile. Sa Vie, crite en grec par un Lonce, presbytre de Rome, est da-
table de 750 environ 820.20
La Vie par Lonce est peu prs un roman hagiographique, un similaire
aux Passions piques daprs la classification du P. Delehaye.
Parmi les nombreux pisodes lgendaires, on retrouve notamment le p-
lerinage du hros en compagnie des moines, le plus g rpondant au nom de
Marc et un des ses disciples portant celui de Srapion. Comme on a bien
saisi, la paire Marc et Srapion a son origine dans notre VMT (o Srapion
est le nom du narrateur qui rencontre S. Marc).21 Cela indique que VMT est
devenue une uvre classique vers la priode entre 750 et 830, ce qui nous
amne au dbut du VIIIe sicle (plus probablement, au VIIe sicle) comme au
terminus ante quem pour la composition de VMT elle-mme.
La figure de S. Grgoire dAgrigente est encore plus troitement lie
lthiopie. Sa Vie et plus particulirement son titre (dAgrigente) ont
contribu limage de S. Grigntios des Omrites, hros dun autre roman
hagiographique sur un personnage (plus ou moins historique) du VIe sicle.
Son trange nom Grigntios driverait dAgrigente.22 Ce Grigntios se r-
clame dun vque-missionaire H. imyar immdiatement aprs la guerre en-
tre thiopie et ltat juif de Du-Nuwas en 520s.
VMT est donc utilise dans une Vie quon lisait dans le contexte de lhagio-
graphie connexe aux martyrs de Nagran. En soi, cela ne prouve rien, mais
pourrait nanmoins tre de valeur dans une argumentation cumulative visant
replacer VMT parmi les traditions hagiographiques byzantines du VIe sicle,
poque o les relations entre Byzance et Aksoum taient encore troites.

4. Le Synaxaire e;thiopien et le culte syrien

Tournons-nous prsent vers le Synaxaire thiopien, en date du 29 san
(23 juin).23
Il est important de distinguer entre les deux pices que nous y rencon-
trons, le salm (une pice potique de quelques lignes) et la Vie courte (noti-
ce synaxairienne elle-mme).

20
Daprs une tude rcente, ...jeder Zeit zwischen etwa 750 und kurz vor 830;
A. BERGER, Leontios Presbyteros von Rom, Das Leben des Heiligen Gregorios von
Agrigent. Kritische Ausgabe, bersetzung und Kommentar (Berlin, 1995) (Berliner
byzantinistische Arbeiten, 60), 48.
21
Cf. BERGER, Leontios Presbyteros von Rom, Das Leben des Heiligen Gregorios
von Agrigent, les commentaires, pp. 351352 (et pp. 158159 pour le texte).
22
BERGER, Leontios Presbyteros von Rom, Das Leben des Heiligen Gregorios
von Agrigent, 7375, et maintenant A. BERGER, Das Dossier des heiligen Gregen-
tios, ein Werk der Makedonenzeit, 22 (2001), 5365.
23
I. GUIDI, Le Synaxaire thiopien. Le mois de San, Haml et Nahas, I: Mois de
San (Paris, 1906) (PO 1, fasc. 5), 696697.
#" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Le salm se lit, en paraphrasant des pisodes remarquables de VMT: Sa-

lut Marc! Lorsque son temps fut termin, alors que Srapion24 tait Dabra
Tormq (a hRH[ ), annonant le saint vangile de Matthieu quand la
langue de lange du ciel dit: Debout, coutez, son corps sleva de 20 cou-
des. Cette pice dorigine thiopienne est prcieuse parce quelle est un
tmoin de la connaissance de VMT en thiopie, donc, de la connaissance de
sa version thiopienne.
Daprs la Vie courte, Marc est un roi de Rome qui, aprs 5 ans du
rgne, est devenu forc de se marier. Nayant aucune envie de laisser sa vie
dascte, il se tint devant limage de Notre Dame Puis il alla, traversant
sans bateau la mer de Jricho et arriva au Dabra Tormq dans un lieu aride; il
passa dans la vie dascte 60 ans. sa mort, les anges lensevelirent avec
gloire.
La fin de cette Vie provient de notre VMT, mais le dbut, un rcit dun roi
de Rome trs pieux qui a prfr la gloire dans les cieux la gloire terrestre,
provient dune autre source. Le vrai nom de ce roi est Maurice (582602).
Les lgendes de Maurice sont connues dans un extraordinary number of
transformations25 dans la Byzance du VIIe sicle. Le texte le plus proche du
ntre ne subsiste quen syriaque,26 dans une recension jacobite,27 mais tra-
duite du grec28 . Notre roi Marc est situ devant le choix entre la saintet et
la vie dun homme ordinaire, comme Maurice dans le texte syriaque, mais
pas comme Maurice dans le reste des lgendes byzantines (o il est un p-
cheur repenti qui doit choisir entre lenfer et le royaume de ciel). Dailleurs,
comme Maurice dans une partie des traditions byzantines connues depuis la
moiti du VIIe sicle,29 le roi Marc prit sa dcision aprs la prire devant une

24
Un signe dinterrogation pos ici par Guidi (qui na pas connu VMT) doit tre
supprim.
25
J. WORTLEY, The Legend of the Emperor Maurice, dans: Actes du XVe Con-
grs international dtudes Byzantines, vol. 4 (Athnes, 1980), 382391, spec. 382;
voir, pour la filiation des lgendes, larticle tout entier.
26
F. NAU, Les legendes syriaques dAaron de Saroug, de Maxime et Domce,
dAbraham, matre de Barsoma et de lEmpereur Maurice. Texte syriaque dit et
traduit (Paris, 1910) (PO 5, fasc. 2), 773778.
27
Chez WORTLEY, par erreur, possibly Nestorian (The Legend of the Emperor
Maurice, 387). En fait, NAU tait perplexe, pourquoi les jacobites vnrent un em-
pereur chalcdonien (Les legendes syriaques, 773). Mais il faut tenir compte de
lunion monothlite existante dans le VIIe sicle.
28
P. SCHREINER, Der brennende Kaiser. Zur Schaffung eines positiven und eines
negativen Kaiserbildes in den Legenden um Maurikios, dans: Byzance et ses voi-
sins. Mlanges la mmoire de Gyula Moravcsik loccasion du centime anniver-
saire de sa naissance. Rdig par Th. Olajos (Szeged, 1994) (Acta Universitatis de
Attila Jzsef nominate. Opuscula byzantina, IX), 2531.
29
WORTLEY, The Legend of the Emperor Maurice, 384.
 B. Lourie ##

icne (celle de Notre Dame, au lieu de celle du Sauveur de Chalki dans les
rcites byzantins), tandis que Maurice de la recension syriaque reut deux
visites dun ange. Enfin, dans un rcit grec de Sina, on a dit de lunique fils
survivant de Maurice (personnage connu par des autres lgendes byzantines)
quil est devenu le moine Sina.30 Dans notre texte thiopien, ce nest pas
un fils, mais lempereur lui-mme qui est devenu le moine.
Nous sommes en prsence dun culte de Maurice, n Byzance mais mieux
prserv chez les jacobites syriens. Notre notice thiopienne nest quun
amalgame de deux lgendes, celle de Maurice et celle de Marc de Tharmaqa.
Un amalgame de la sorte ne serait point possible en dehors dun milieu
arabophone, o les noms de Marc (oi Mrqus) et Maurice (oi Mawri-
qyus) ne diffrent gure graphiquement. On a naturellement postuler un
original arabe pour notre Vie courte thiopienne provenant dun milieu syro-
jacobite o le culte correspondant de Maurice a subsist plus longtemps qu
Byzance.
Dailleurs, notre notice appartient aux matriaux quon a placs dans le
Synaxare thiopien vers le fin du XVIe sicle, lpoque de la prdominance des
Syriens arabophones dans la culture ecclsiastique des jacobites de lgipte.
Nous avons tirer de cette discussion un nouvel indice de limportance
du culte de S. Marc chez les Syriens jacobites.

5. VMT en e;thiopien et le culte en E;thiopie

Lunique manuscrit de la version thiopienne de VMT a t trouv tout
rcemment par Alessandro Bausi. Cest le manuscrit thiopien EMML 7602,
XIVe sicle, fols. 2ra6vc, non dcrit dans le catalogue de la EMML qui sarr-
te aprs le numro 5000.31
Sans trancher tout le corpus de lhagiographie thiopienne, nous fourni-
rons quelques rfrences S. Marc.
Dans une prire incluse dans la Vie de S. Aaron, on voit S. Marc entre les
Pres monastiques byzantins, gyptiens et thiopiens: HR\U  hRH[
Marc deTormq.32

30
Ldition du texte grec est en prparation par B. Flusin et A. Bingelli. Trad.
franaise: F. NAU, Les rcits indits du Moine Anastase (Paris, 1902) (extrait du Re-
vue de lInstitut Catholique de Paris [1902], nos. 12), 3031.
31
Alessandro Bausi ma surprit par une nouvelle de lexistence de ce manuscrit
lors de ma communication la 15th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies
(Hamburg, 2125 July 2003) dans laquelle jessayais de prouver lexistence, au moyen
ge, dune version thiopienne de VMT, que je tenais pour perdue. Je le remercie de
tout mon cur.
32
B. TURAIEV, Vitae Sanctorum indigenarum. II. Acta S. Aaronis et Philippi. (Lou-
vain 1961 [repr. de ld. de 1908]) (CSCO 3031 / SAe 1314), 157 (texte), 141 (tr.
latine).
#$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Il y a encore une mention de notre Marc dans la Vie de Yfqerana Egzi .

Aprs un pisode de la visite auprs du saint de Gabra Qirqos de lle Kobr
qui servit la messe chez lui, son hagiographe ajoute: Et cela est pareil ce
quon rapporte de lAbbas Marc de Dabra Tormq (` HR\U a
hRH[).33
Enfin, dans la Vie de Libnos ( 116 et 524), parmi les louanges adres-
ses au hros de la Vie, on le compare avec dautres saints, y compris S. Marc
de Dabra Tormq.34
Dans le 524 de cette Vie notre Marc est mentionn titre dun vera-
mente ripudiatore del regno (tr. de Bausi), cest qui fait rfrence la Vie de
S. Marc dans la recension courte du Synaxaire.
On voit donc que notre toponyme nigmatique avait sa tradition de la vo-
calisation bien tablie.

6. Syriaque ou grecque, Tharmaqa ou Thrace?

Dans le contexte de lhistoire du culte, dj quelque peu tablie, il sera
plus commode de discuter des problmes philologiques, tout dabord celui
de langue de loriginal.
Tharmaqa (syriaque transpos aux recensions arabes et thiopiennes),
comme une lectio difficilior, semble a priori plus convenable que Thrace
pour tre originale. Mais personne ne sait o est-elle situe, cette Montagne
de Tharmaqa. Heureusement, la situation de Thrace nest pas beaucoup
mieux: daprs VMT dans toutes les versions, la montagne en question, soit-
elle de Tharmaqa ou de Thrace, se trouve en thiopie.
Tous les auteurs modernes taient convaincus que la localit de la mon-
tagne de S. Marc est un lieu mythique.35 Cette montagne de S. Marc, est-elle
vraiment aussi imaginaire quon le pense?

I. WAJNBERG, Das Leben des Hl. Jfqerana Egz . thiopischer Text, hrsg. und
33

bersetzt (Rome, 1936) (OCA 106) 24.

34
A. BAUSI, La Vita e i Miracoli di Libnos (Louvain, 2003) (CSCO 595
596 / SAe 105106) 48 et 200 (texte), 29 et 115 (tr. italienne). La rfrence est indi-
que par A. Bausi. La localit Dabra Tormq nest mentionne que dans le 116. Je
remercie A. Bausi pour me faire connatre ces rfrences.
35
Cf. LOOK, The History of Abba Marcus, vii, xiv. Daprs Paperbroch, son
nom est un nom corrompu de (une montagne et un dsert en Libye),
daprs Look, cest une corruption dune translittration grecque du
A~g syriaque (dailleurs atteste nulle part dans les textes grecs quelconques!).
Enfin, daprs Anglidi, la Thrace est bien Thrace, mais, cette fois, cest une localit
relle en Libye connue par lunique mention en latin dans le Martyrologe de Jrme
comme lendroit du martyre dEugne et Macaire sous Julien (in Tracia civitate
Gildoba). Toutefois, la Passion grecque de ces mmes martyrs mentionne cette
place une autre ville, y . Lunique mention dans une source
 B. Lourie #%

Le toponyme syriaque Tharmaqa est connu dailleurs, quoique dans une

forme indirecte dun ethnonyme Tharmeqy (A\~g), dans le Roman sy-
rien dAlexandre36 compos comme une uvre de lidologie officielle dans
les dernires annes dHraclius (630s),37 simultanment avec la proclama-
tion de lunion monothlite. Ici, il replace lethnonyme thraciens dune
manire on ne peut plus vidente. Rapportons la traduction de Budge: Then
Alexander said to Macedonians, To you I speak, ye inhabitants of the
land, Macedonians, Thracians (A\~ g
Tharmeqy), Greeks, Thessalo-
nians, and peoples of every race.38
Pour lauteur syrien du roman le toponyme Tharmaqa tait un quivalent
familier de Thrace. Il connaissait mieux ou dans la ralit ou dans la
tradition littraire, cela est sans importance Tharmaqa que cette Thrace
prs de Constantinople. En outre, il savait que sa Tharmaqa portait le nom de
Thrace en grec.
Il sagit donc dun cas particulier de lapplication du nom Thrace une
localit en dehors de la Thessalie, distincte de Tracia latine en Libye et de
Thrace dans les montagnes de Caucase, mentionne dans certaines sour-
ces coptes des VIe et VIIe sicles.39 Nous allons nous proccuper de la loca-
lisation de notre Thrace-Tharmaqa, mais, pour le moment, notons qu lpo-
que, le nom de Thrace pouvait tre appliqu une localit loigne et smi-
lgendaire.
En grec, cette Thrace en Ethiopie est un hapax legomenon. En syria-
que, cette Tharmaqa est connue, du moins, dune source contemporaine
VMT o elle est un quivalent la Thrace grecque. Cela nous fait opter

latine du Ve sicle dune localit connue en grec sous un autre nom ne saurait point
tre suffisante pour faire ce nom Tracia attractif pour, ou, du moins, connu lha-
giographe grec ou syrien qui travaillait 200 ou 300 annes plus tard. Anglidi se
rfre ici ( , 3738), en outre, une consid-
ration gographique: la montagne doit tre situe prs dune mer et prcde dun
trs long chemin dAlexandrie travers un dsert. Mais il est clair (cf. ci-dessous),
mme pour Anglidi, que la mer dans VMT est la Mer Rouge. Donc, aucun lien actuel
entre le Martyre dEugne et Macaire et VMT na t dmontr.
36
E. A. W. BUDGE, The History of Alexander the Great being the Syriac Version,
edited from five manuscripts, of the Pseudo-Callisthenes with an English transla-
tion (Cambridge, 1889) [repr.: Amsterdam, 1976], 60 (texte), 33 (tr.).
37
G. J. REININK, Die Entstehung der syrischen Alexanderlegende als politisch-
religise Propagandaschrift fr Herakleios Kirchenpolitik, dans: C. Laga, J. A. Mu-
nitiz, L. van Rompay (eds.) After Chalcedon. Studies in Theology and Church Histo-
ry (Leuven, 1985) (OLA 18), 263281.
38
BUDGE, The History of Alexander the Great, 33 et note 1.
39
Sur la littrature copte qui fait mention dune Thrace de Caucase, v., par
exemple, P. DEVOS, De nouveau sur Chrysostome et Chalkdn, Analecta Bol-
landiana 113 (1995), 107114. vrai dire, lhistoire du toponyme Thrace dans
lantiquit et le moyen ge vaudrait une monographie spciale.
#& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

pour Tharmaqa comme le toponyme original et pour le syriaque comme la

langue de loriginal de VMT. Les traductions du syriaque au grec au VIIe
sicle (ou au dbut du VIIIe) sont parfaitement possibles: le cas le plus cl-
bre est celui de la Rvlation de pseudo-Mthode dOlympe (compose en
syriaque en 790s, traduite en grec quelques dcennies plus tard).

7. Ge;ographie de VMT
La montagne Tharmaqa est situe au bord de la mer de Chttites (A[\_K,
A\SK,40 ; S. Marc buvait de leau de mer. Il sagit de la Mer
Rouge, comme la bien observ Anglidi, tout en indiquant qu lpoque du
christianisme antique, on nommait des Chttites les habitants de la pnin-
sule Arabique, cest--dire, des H.imyarites.41
On y accde en traversant un grand dsert, ce qui correspond la gogra-
phie de lgypte et de Soudan, bien quon puisse, comme la dit un marchand
interrog par le moine Srapion, y parvenir assez vite par eau. Cela indique
un point la cte montagneuse de la Mer Rouge au sud de Soudan, donc, en
rythre contemporaine. En effet, cela correspond la localisation aprs
(mg esc, d42) la mer des Chttites dans VMT.
Il y a encore un indice prcieux qui ajoute de la vracit la description
gographique toute entire. Aprs un long chemin dans le dsert, Srapion se
revigore dun lgume qui sappelle acacia (zOh}, en grec racine de lacacia
de dsert e). Il sagit de lAcacia vera ou Acacia
arabica, gomme arabique, dont leffet dun mdecine universel et dun
nutriment est connu depuis lantiquit, spcialement dans la rgion aride aux
deux cots de la Mer Rouge.43
La dure du trajet permettrait de prciser davantage, mais Anglidi consi-
dre avec raison que celui de quarante jours rapport dans la version
grecque na quune valeur symbolique, sans rapport avec la ralit. Il est en
tout autrement avec le texte syriaque.
Le chemin dAlexandrie Tharmaqa se divise aux parts suivantes: Alexand-
rie arrt au dsert cause de lpuisement aprs 40 jours de route (pisode
avec lacacia; dans le texte grec, aprs 20 jours); encore 7 journes de route
dans le dsert jusqu la montagne (idem dans le grec); 3 jours de lascension
la montagne (en grec le temps nest pas spcifi; on a limpression quelle

Dans un des mss: A\O}J des thiopiens.

40

, , 3839.
41

42
Corrompu dans le grec: d h dans le titre,
mais k N k d w w h
dans le lieu correspondant (p. 46, lignes 3233).
43
Cf., par exemple, un article Acacia Flowers and Gum dans la Herb & Sup-
plement Encyclopedia: http://www.florahealth.com/flora/home/USA/HealthInforma-
tion/encyclopedias/AcaciaFlowers.asp.
 B. Lourie #'

sest accomplie dans une journe); 7 journes de route sur le col de la mon-
tagne jusqu lendroit o demeurait S. Marc, au bord de la mer (idem dans le
grec; avec 4 journes (en syriaque, 12) du chemin lAlexandrie, on arrive
un total de 39 jours, ce qui suppose la rencontre avec S. Marc au 40e (en
syriaque, au 70e).
Cosmas Indicopleusts nous informe, au dbut du VIe sicle, que la route
de lAlexandrie lAksoum occupe 60 journes.44 On doit donc localiser notre
montagne, loigne de lAlexandrie de 57 journes, sur la latitude dAksoum,
plus ou moins, mais au bord de la mer. On aurait raison de nommer une pa-
reille place, comme le fait VMT, en entre de lthiopie (O_J AldshC45 ).

8. Conclusions
La Vie dun saint qui le prsente comme le contemporain (pour ne pas
dire, lavatar), de S. Paul de Thbes46 , reste toutefois une source historique
de grande valeur. Elle reflte trs bien des dtails de la colonisation monasti-
que de lEmpire dAksoum aux VIe et VIIe sicles, y compris aussi impor-
tants que lorigine byzantine des certains moines (S. Marc diplm, daprs
la lgende, de lcole philosophique dAthnes) et leurs connexions syriennes.
Tout cela saccorde trs bien lpoque des liens troits entre Constanti-
nople et Aksoum (ds le dbut du VIe sicle jusquau dbut du VIIe sicle),
souvent avec une mdiation syrienne, et des Pres syriens qui ont t les
fondateurs du monachisme thiopien.
Enfin, les proto-malk dans VMT, plus labores que dans la Vie plus
ancienne de S. Alypius Stylite, reprsentent des spcimens dun style poti-
que disparu assez rapidement chez les Grecs et les Syriens, mais qui a appor-
t le fructum multum (Jn 15:5) sur le terrain thiopien.47

Addenda
1. Sur le ms thiopien contenant une copie unique de VMT, voir main-
tenant (sans toutefois une mention de VMT): G. FIACCADORI, Aethiopica
minima, Quaderni Utinensi VII (13/14) (1989) [publ. 1993] (Percorsi filoso-
fici. Immagini e documenti. Biblioteconomia e bibliografia. Res orientales)

44
W. WOLSKA-CONUS, Cosmas Indicopleusts, Topographie chrtienne. Introduc-
tion, traduction et notes. T. I (Paris, 1968) (Sources chrtiennes, 141) 356/357 (grec /
franais).
45
Le grec tant moins prcis: dans les limites de lthiopie (v. citation dans la
note 42).
46
P. P[EETERS], [revue de] B. Turaev, -
, Analecta Bollandiana 26 (1907), 125126, spc. 126.
47
Je remercie Mlle Hlne Bormotova (Montral) pour ses efforts de corriger
mon franais.
$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

145165, spc. 150, 161163 (IV. EMML 7602: il Libro dei Santi di Tullu
Guddo).48
2. Sur le problme dorigine des malk , on a publi une tude de GEZA-
HEGN GETATCHEW, Is Latin the Origin of the Mlk?, dans: Baye Yimam et
al. (eds.), Ethiopian Studies at the End of the Second Millennium. Proceed-
ings of the XIVth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies. November
611, 2000, Addis Ababa. Vol. 3 (Addis Ababa, 2003), 19361962, conte-
nant une critique, un peu trop dtaille, de larticle de Kirsten Stoffregen-
Pedersen (voir n. 3 ci-dessus), mais ddie surtout lopinion propre de
lauteur sur la provenance des malkee directement dun livre biblique, le
Cantique des Cantiques. Il est noter quici, il y a une faute mthodique. Au
niveau littraire, le Cantique nest quun texte rotique o lattention aux
diverses parties du corps de lobjet dune adoration sexuelle sexplique natu-
rellement. Au niveau symbolique, o lamante du Cantique se prsente, par
exemple, lglise, les parties de son corps sont prives du sens physique. En
deux cas, aucun lien avec les malk , dont lide centrale nest quune expli-
cation symbolique des parties du corps physiques (ou, sil sagit des tres
incorporels, des parties de leurs corps symboliques, mais considrs par ana-
logie avec les corps physiques). Cest une attitude spcifique au culte des
saints (et, plus prcisment, au culte des reliques) et, donc, lhagiographie,
dont les racines sont chercher dans une tradition hagiographique. La nou-
velle tude de Gezahegn Getatchew nest en fait quune rptition lgre-
ment modifie dune thse ancienne sur lorigine indigne des malk .

SUMMARY
The article focuses on possibly the earliest prototypes of the Ethiopian malk ,
which are to be looked for in some Byzantine hagiographical works of the 6th and
7th cent. In this respect, the most important source is the Vita of St. Mark of Thar-
maqa, whose popularity was extremely high within both the Chalcedonian and
Syro-Jacobite camps. Within the article, five aspects of the Vita are investigated:
1) date, 7th cent.; 2) original language, Syriac; 3) St. Marks itinerary, from Alexan-
dria through the desert and the mountain ridge up to a location on the Read Sea
coast near the latitude of Aksum; 4) the make-up of the Ethiopian hagiographic
dossier: 4.1) Marks Ethiopic Vita is known from the unique copy, but it might
have been widespread in the Middle Ages; 4.2) the reading in the Ethiopic Syna-
xary (29 Sne) is an amalgam of two short hagiographies, those of Mark and of
the Byzantine Emperor Mauricius, conflated somewhere within the Arabic-spe-
aking Syrian Jacobite milieu; 5) historical background of the Vita, monastic co-
lonization of the Aksumite kingdom in the 6th and 7th cent. by the Byzantine
monks, including those of Syrian origin.

48
Grce lamabilit du M. Dnis Nosnitsin jai obtenu une possibilit de procu-
rer quelques rfrences davantage.

Andreu Martinez
dAlos-Moner
University of Hamburg

THE SELLING OF THE NE GUS :

THE EMPEROR OF ETHIOPIA
IN PORTUGUESE AND JESUIT IMAGINATION

pera a reputao tanto val o que he como o que se ima-

gina e o mundo se governa pello que lhe fazem crer.1
Os padres o sairo a receber ao caminho mais de mea le-
goa, e decendose lhe foro beijar a mo, como he costume,
vindo elle na mulla com seus quatro cavallos a destra, vesti-
do de veludo cramesim, coroa de ouro na cabea e outras
duas muito maiores e mais pezadas diante levadas por duos
pagens de cavallo; soavo diante as trombetas que no so
mal entoadas e oito ataballes em cima de quatro mullas. O que
tudo com muita gente de pe e de cavallo, que vinha iunta,
fazia hum acompanhamento assas grandioso e realengo.2

European imagination once saw the political leader of the Christian king-
dom of Ethiopia, the ngu (ngu ngt), as the true embodiment of the
Prester John. Such an identification gained special intensity during the centu-
ry-long period when Portugal and Christian Ethiopia were in close contact.
The Portuguese sailors, colonial officers and the countless clerics that prowl-
ed in the Indian Ocean commonly referred to Christian Ethiopia and to its

1
Letter of Loureno Pires de Tavora to el-Rei [D. Sebastio], 19 July 1561, in:
JOS DA SILVA MENDES LEAL (ed.), Corpo Diplomtico Portugus [E-c.], IX. Relaes
com a Curia Romana, reinado de el-rei O. Sebastio (continuao), Lisboa, Typo-
graphia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1886, 300303, here 303 [ for ones
honour, what is believed matters as much as what actually is, and the world is gover-
ned through what we are made to believe.]
2
P. Emmanuel de Almeida ad Praepositum Generalem So. Iesu, Gorgorra, 16 Iun.
1628, in: CAMILLO BECCARI (ed.), Rerum Aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales ine-
diti a saeculo XVI ad XIX, vols. IXV, Roma 19031917 [in the following: RASO],
here XII, 247289, esp. 269 [The fathers went to encounter him more than half a
legua away, and as he stepped down they kissed him, as was the habit, on the hand;
he was riding a mule, with four other horses on his right, and dressed in velvet crimson,
with a golden crown on his head, and another two crowns, much larger and heavier,
carried by two pawns on horses; in the front, trumpets were being played, together
with eight atabals on top of four mules. Altogether, along with the train accompaning
them by foot and on horses, it made a grandiose and royalish impression.]
$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

ruler as the Preste. They believed him to be a powerful monarch, lord over
dozens of kingdoms and, what was more important for a society still anima-
ted by the Crusader spirit, a decisive ally in the war against Islam.3
Such a love story between the medieval eschatological myth and the
Portuguese explorers was, however, a short lived one. The different Portu-
guese embassies that visited Ethiopia between 1520 and 1541, and the Jesuit
mission that ran between 1556 and 1632, provided Europe with a tamed
and more realistic image of its ruler. It turned out that the Preste cum
ngu was a weak ruler, constantly harassed by both Muslim armies and by
internal revolts (local rulers, Flaa, Galla), and of dubious Christian faith. In
short, the Ethiopian Preste proved to be an illusion, the result of a misunder-
standing,4 of ignorance, or of both.
By the time of the Jesuit mission the image of the Ethiopian ruler had
completely changed. The Spaniard Pedro Paez put things with crystal clarity
when he suggested to his friend and compatriot Toms de Ituren, right before
embarking upon what was to be a successful career in Ethiopia, that the Preste
was to be found in Catayo rather than in the Ethiopian highlands.5 With
the Jesuits the Preste was, thus, displaced from Christian Ethiopia: relegated
to other lands or to the status of an outdated myth. This process went hand in
hand with an increase in the factual information produced by Europeans on
the land and on the institution of the ngus ng t. Alvaress narrative of
1540 and, to a large extent, the dense annual letters of the Jesuits written
mostly between 1603 and 1632, produced profuse ethnographic descriptions
of this institution, descriptions which still today represent invaluable sources
for the historian. Likewise, the most ambitious Jesuit narratives, written by
Paez, Almeida and Mendes, with their quotations of royal chronicles and of
works such as the F tha ng t, hinted for the first time at the rich indige-
nous literary tradition that upheld the legitimacy, and the government of the
Christian state.6

3
See LUIS FILIPE THOMAZ, Lide impriale manueline, in: JEAN AUBIN et al.
(eds.), La dcouverte, le Portugal et lEurope. Actes du colloque. Paris les 26, 27 et
28 mai 1988, Paris 1990, 35103.
4
A common contemporary interpretation claimed that the name John derived
from gan, a word appearing in such composita as, e. g., gan hoy! (commonly transla-
ted as Your Majesty!) the form of address to the Ethiopian monarch.
5
By Catayo Paez was probably meaning the Tibet of the Dhalai Lama, that his
companion Antonio de Montserrat had recently visited; Diu, letter of 4 December
1602, in: RASO XI, 3235, here 35.
6
Manoel de Almeida, for instance, translated a chapter from the chronicle of
Minas in his Historia de Ethiopia a alta; see FRANCISCO MARIA ESTEVES PEREIRA (ed.,
tr.), + : Qe ; Historia de Mins Adems Sagad, Rei de Ethiopia, Lisboa 1888
[Extrahido do Boletim d Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa: n. 12, 7.a serie
1887], 7.
 A.M. Martnez $!

But besides transforming the European perception of Royal Ethiopia, the

writings and deeds of the Latin missionaries present many questions still unans-
wered by historians. One of the most prominent regards the figure who turn-
ed out to be such a deceptive embodiement of the Prester John. The Christian
ruler of Ethiopia was identified with the highest and the most powerful cate-
gory that European political ideology could offer at the time. Accordingly,
Z-Yaqob and especially Susnyos were repeatedly presented to the wider
Portuguese and European public as true Emperors over a truly Ethiopian
Empire. With very few exceptions, this was to be the standard way of pre-
senting the Solomonic monarchy in Jesuit texts up to the times of the expul-
sion.7 Now, if we assume, as historical evidence seems to suggest, that cate-
gories such as those of Emperor and Empire were misnomers in the Ethio-
pian reality, the transformation of the Preste into the Emperor of Ethiopia
demans a more critical analysis that it normally receives: how did the figure
of an Ethiopian Emperor emerge? what role did the Jesuit mission have? and
above all, why was the term emperor chosen instead of king, which was
widely used in naming the diversity of rulers the Portuguese Jesuits and
non-Jesuits were encountering in the East?

The Indigenous Evidence

Before attempting to answer to these questions let us first look at the indi-
genous evidence and at the way local terms have been translated in modern
academic European editions. What do these texts tell us about the real
name of the Emperor of Ethiopia? The well-known title ngu and its deri-
vative ngus ng t, both steming from the root nga, were used by the
Aksumite kings at least since the time of 4th-cent. Ezana, and, later, by the
rulers of the Solomonic dynasty up to the 20th cent.8 This title is overwhel-

7
It is useless to list the references to the use of Emperor and Empire in the
Jesuit correspondence. Perhaps more interesting is to report those rare occasions when
king and kingdom were used. This was, for instance, the case of an Italian ver-
sion of an annual letter from 1613 (Archivium Romanum Societatis Iesu, Goa 39
I bis, Annua 1613, fol. 103110v). Another version in Latin of the same letter goes
back to the typical Imperatoris and Imperio (in: RASO XI, 293312). Ignoring
which of the two comes first though it was probably the Latin, which was after
Portuguese a commonly used language in the missions the Italian version shows
that the title Emperor of Ethiopia, though preminent, was not unique, and that at
least on some occasions there were doubts within the Jesuit order as to its propiety.
8
To become king, ruler; to rule, see WOLF LESLAU, Comparative Dictionary of
Ge ez (Classical Ethiopic), Wiesbaden 1987, 392f.; on the title, its historical back-
ground and possible origin see, e. g., WERNER VYCICHL, Le titre de Roi des Rois
#W " Y|. tude historique et comparative sur la monarchie en thiopie, A 2,
1957, 193203; ANDR CAQUOT, La royaut sacrale en thiopie, A 2, 1957, 205
218.
$" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

mingly present in three seminal works of the Solomonic monarchy: the Kb-
r Ng t, from ca. 1321 (The Glory of the Kings),9 where the Queen of
Sheba bears the name of ng t azeb; the Ftha Ng t (The Justice of the
Kings), from the 15th/16th cent.;10 and the r at Mng t (The Regula-
tion of the Kingdom), from the time of rs Dngl, yet based probably on
the earlier original from the time of Amd Syon I (r. 13141344).11
For the sake of this enquiry, however, the royal chronicles are more hel-
pful in answering this question, as they portray the rulers in the context of
their lifes and, hence, unveil more practical uses of the royal titles. If we
focus on the period around the Jesuit mission, one of the most prolific in
royal chronicles, the pattern is repeated. The Chronicle of King Lbn Dn-
gl (r. 15081540), written probably around 15921605,12 uses, e. g., such
expressions ngu sadq, ng t leni and mng t, which Conti Rossini
translated as Re giusto, regina Eleni and regno.13 In the chronicles of
his successors, produced between 1563 and 1605, his sons Glawdewos and
Minas are identified both with the typical title of ngu and by that of mar.14
A bor-rowed term, mar (or mari) was not a proper royal title as it did not
add any power or status to that of ngu, but was meant to stress the
bearers saintly status and religious piety.15 In translating the first term here
again, philological accuracy oblige, the editors opted for the European equi-
valent of king, whilst mar remained untranslated. The same term of ngu
appears in the Chronicle of Lbn Dngls grandson, rs Dngl,16 al-

9
See CARL BEZOLD (ed., tr.), Kebra Nagast. Die Herrlichkeit der Knige, Mn-
chen 1905; recently, ROBER BEYLOT, Du Kebra Nagast, Aethiopica. International
Journal of Ethiopian and Eritrean Studies 7, 2004, 7483.
10
See IGNAZIO GUIDI, Il Fetha Negest o Legislatione die Re codice ecclesia-
stico e civile di Abissinia, Napoli 1897 (text), 1899 (tr.); PAULOS TZADUA (tr.) PETER
L. STRAUSS (ed.), The F tha Ngst. The Law of the Kings, Addis Ababa 1968.
11
JOSEPH VARENBERGH, Studien zur abessinischen Reichsordnung (er ata Man-
get), Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete 30, 1915, 145, here 1;
see also IGNAZIO GUIDI, Storia della letteratura etiopica, Roma 1932, 48, 92.
12
CARLO CONTI ROSSINI (ed., tr.), Storia di Lebna Dengel, re dEtiopia, sino alle
prime lotte contro Ahmad ben Ibrahim, Roma 1894, 24 [RRALm ser. V, 5, 3, 1894,
617640].
13
CONTI ROSSINI, Storia di Lebna Dengel, 5, 6 [text], 14, 15 [tr.].
14
On Glawdewos, see WILLIAM EL. CONZELMAN (ed., tr.), Chronique de Galwd-
ws (Claudius) roi dthiopie, Paris 1895, 12, 17, 35, 62 [text], 127, 130, 142, 158,
[tr.]; and IV for the date of production. On Minas, see ESTEVES PEREIRA, Historia de Mi-
ns, Adems Sagad, rei de Ethiopia, 17 [text], 37, [tr.]; and 6 for the date of production.
15
LESLAU, Comparative Dictionary of Ge ez, 356.
16
CARLO CONTI ROSSINI (ed., tr.), Historia Regis Sarsa Dengel (Malak Sagad).
Accedit Historia gentis Galla, curante [et interprete] I. Guidi, Parisiis Lipsiae 1907
(CSCO 20, 21 [SAe 3, 4]), 3 [text], 5 [tr.].
 A.M. Martnez $#

though here the much rarer term of hase/ase untranslated in the Italian
text is also employed.17 In its turn, the Chronicle of Susnyos, the Catho-
lic Emperor, written probably during the reign of his son Fasilds, refers
indistinctly to ngu ng t and to ngu, which Esteves Pereira agrees with
Conti Rossini in translating into Portuguese as rei dos reis and rei.18
Two elements are also worth mentioning in Susnyoss Chronicle. First,
after his famous coronation in Aksum, which took place in 1609, Susnyos
did not change his title to a more grandiose one. As a matter of fact, this act,
contrary to what the Jesuits would repeatedly sustain, did not add anything to
the status of the ngu, even though the coronation in Aksum, rare in the
history of the Christian kingship as it was only celebrated on three other
occasions,19 was the honorable restitution of an old tradition and the sacred
law of the Kingdom rather than a necessary step towards any superior form
of kingship.20 Second, the term ngu is also used in the Chronicle (as, in
fact, also in earlier Ethiopian documents) to name neighbouring rulers who
did not belong to the Solomonic breed, and were neither Christians no vas-
sals of Ethiopian Christian Kings. This is the case, on several occasions, of
Rubt b. Bd, king of the Muslim state of Sinnr,21 with whom Susnyos
had important commercial ties. This could indicate, on the one hand, that

17
CONTI ROSSINI, Historia Regis Sarsa Dengel, 21 [text], 25 [tr.]; on the meaning
of this term see VARENBERGH, Studien, 3; and DENIS NOSNITSIN, Ase, in: E I,
364f.; For more evidence on the preeminence of the title of ngu during the later
period, see MANFRED KROPP (ed., tr.), Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius
und Mins, Lovanii 1988 (CSCO 503, 504 [SAe 83, 84]), 1, 3 [text], 1, 3 [tr.], and the
so-called Short Chronicle (second half of the 18th cent.) where the title of ngu shares
the space with that of hase, see, e. g., FRANCESCO BGUINOT (ed., tr.), La cronaca
abbreviata dAbissinia, Roma 1901.
18
FRANCISCO MARIA ESTEVES PEREIRA (ed., tr.), Chronica de Susenyos, rei de Ethio-
pia, vols. III, Lisboa 18921900, I, 2, 5 [text], II, 2, 4 [tr.].
19
See EIKE HABERLAND, Untersuchungen zum thiopischen Knigtum, Wiesba-
den 1965 (Studien zur Kulturkunde 18), 94; cp. also a review of the coronation reports
in: STUART MUNRO-HAY, The Coronation of the Emperors of Ethiopia at Aksum,
in: VERENA BLL DENIS NOSNITSIN THOMAS RAVE EVGENIA SOKOLINSKAIA (eds.),
Studia Aethiopica. In Honour of Siegbert Uhlig on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday,
Wiesbaden 2004, 177201.
20
As his Chronicle reports, Susnyos ng bhy bkm ngu ngt
qdamawyyan ll mq dmehu zngu, which Esteves Pereira translates as e alli
foi feito rei, assim como foram feitos reis os reis antigos, que reinaram antes delle,
ESTEVES PEREIRA, Chronica de Susenyos, I, 123 [text], II, 95 [tr.] (ch. 37); for the
coronation ritual, s. VARENBERGH, Studien zur abessinischen Reichsordnung, 15f.
[text], 30ff. [tr.] (III.1.2.).
21
Ngu Snnar Urbat Urbat, rei de Sennar; ESTEVES PEREIRA, Chronica de
Susenyos, 161 [text], 124 [tr.] (ch. 46); cp. VYCICHL, Le titre de Roi des Rois,
199201.
$$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

ngu was not a transcendental category, exclusive of the Imperial Ethio-

pian dynasty, but rather a title that could also be used by regional rulers; on
the other, it may show that the Solomonic monarchy saw a relative degree of
affinity and eveness between its own institutions and those of the neighbour-
ing kingdoms, with which it was culturally much closer related than its claims
of foreign descent asserted.
To sum up, by the 16th-cent. Ethiopian Christian tradition, having developed
a deep-rooted imperial ideology, did not elaborate on a particular connota-
tion for the term ngu. Similarly, faithful to the philological and cultural
context, modern scholars editing and translating contemporary chronicles
avoided the use of the concept of Emperor to render ngu, mar and hase,
preferring either the original Gz terms or the much humbler king. Scho-
lars agreed at least on what the ngu was not. From where then did the
Jesuits take the idea of an Ethiopian Emperor, an idea that contradicted
both indigenous traditions and the empirical accuracy of which their order
was so proud?

The Portuguese narratives

16th-cent. Portuguese narratives on Ethiopia contain a number of interest-
ing details for understanding the Imperial ideology of the Jesuit missio-
naries.
A remark is in order here. The Portuguese did not fully renew European
imagination on the Prester John. They were the heirs of a tradition started at
the dawn of the Renaissance, when mainly Italian merchants and friars first
unveiled the kingdom of Ethiopia to an Europe opening to the wider world.
From Italy the Portuguese not only received the investors and traders that
helped to make possible the Lusitan expansion, but also Italian cosmographi-
cal knowledge, including intelligence on Ethiopia.22 One of the Renais-
sance topos that reached the Portuguese imagination was that of Prester John,
which gained vigour throughout the 15th cent.; but next to it, there were also
the perception of the ngu as an Emperor, ruler over several the num-
ber changes in every account kingdoms or simply as a king.23
But the Portuguese also renewed the European understanding on Ethiopia
in a number of ways. First, at the same time as enforcing the idea of an Ethio-
pian Prester John, they also excited scepticism towards it. Thus, rather than a

22
See LUS DE ALBUQUERQUE, Dilogo luso-italiano nos sculos XV e XVI (algu-
mas notas), Mare Liberum 2, 1991, 97105; LUISA DARIENZO, Linfluenza culturale
italiana alla corte portoghese nellet delle scoperte, Mare Liberum 2, 1991, 107120.
23
On Renaissance accounts of Ethiopia see RENATO LEFEVRE, Riflessi etiopici
nella cultura europea del Medioevo e del Rinascimento. Seconda Parte, Annali La-
teranensi 9, 1945, 331444.
 A.M. Martnez $%

monochromatic imagination, a careful reading of Portuguese narratives, in-

cluding the administrative correspondence (letters, briefs, political sum-
maries), reveals a plurality of perceptions on Ethiopia, of which at least two
diverging images of the Prester John can be clearly distinguished: one seeing
it as a misunderstanding, the other assuming the ngu was the true embodi-
ment of the myth. The first perception was represented largely in the ruling
and learned elite: from the admiral Albuquerque to the intellectuals Goes
and Couto,24 Portuguese intelligentsia was rarely enthusiastic about the idea
of an Ethiopian Preste, something they considered a belief of the plebs. Con-
sequently, in their writings they enforced the use of two classical European
political concepts that the Italian Renaissance had already used: emperor
and, in a minor measure, king.25 Such a praxis, it is to be noted, agreed
with that followed by the papal chancellery in the numerous letters exchanged
with Portugal and Ethiopia during the same period.26 The second perception,
which pervaded up to the second half of the century, was shared by the lower
class and unlearned priests and adventurers, groups to which, to a certain ex-
tent, Alvares, Bermudes, Castanhoso and Correia belonged. 27 In it the Preste
was the most common term designating both Ethiopia and the ngu.28

24
On Albuquerque see Letter from 4 December 1513, in: R. A. DE BULHAO PATO
(ed.), Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque seguidas de documentos que as elucidam,
vol. 1, Lisboa 1884, Carta XLI, 230; on Gois, see his Fides, religio, moresque sub
imperio Pretiosi Ioannis (quem vulgo Presbyterum Ioannem vocant) degentium, una
cum enarratione confoederationis ac amicitiem inter ipsos a Aethiopum Imperato-
res, & Reges Lusitaniae initae, Lovanii 1540; on Couto, see Da Asia-Decada VII
[1612] Lisboa 1777, ibid., Decada VII [1616], 1782.
25
Such a class divide has to be taken with caution, though, as members of the
learned classes also reported marvelous descriptions of Ethiopia, similar to those
associated with Prester John. See for instance Paolo Giovios phantasies on Ethiopia
as reported in: RENATO LEFEVRE, Riflessi etiopici nella cultura europea del Medioevo
e del Rinascimento (Parte Prima), Annali Lateranensi 8, 1944, 989, here 71f.
26
Most of the Papal letters were published by LEVY MARIA JORDO (ed.), Docu-
menta historiam ecclesiae habessinorum [LEVY MARIA JORDO, Bullarium Patro-
natus Portugalliae Regum], Appendix Tomus I, Olissipone 1872; JOO AUGUSTO
DA GRAA BARRETO (ed.), Documenta historiam ecclesiae habessinorum (ibid.),
Appendix Tomus III, Olissipone 1879; some appear also in RASO X.
27
On Alvares and Correias lack of education see MICHAEL KLEINER, Alvares,
Francisco, in: E I, 213ff.; ID., Correa, Gaspar, in: E I, 804f. As for Castanho-
so, he was a simple lay soldier and veteran of Christovo da Gamas expedition.
28
FRANCISCO LVARES, Verdadera informao das terras do Preste Joo das n-
dias [1540], ed. by NEVES GUAS, Mem-Martins: Portugal 1989; MIGUEL DE CASTANHO-
SO, Dos Feitos de D. Christovam da Gama em Ethiopia [1565], ed. by FRANCISCO
MARIA ESTEVES PEREIRA, Lisboa 1898; GASPAR CORREIA, Crnicas de D. Manuel e de
D. Joao III (at 1533), ed. by JOS PEREIRA DA COSTA, Lisboa 1992; ID., Lendas da
India [ca. 1550], Lenden 1976, vols. II, IV.
$& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

A second characteristic of the Portuguese texts was the shaping of narra-

tives with great ethnographic insight but yet with an underlying eurocen-
trism. Lusitan narratives on Ethiopia proved much more detailed than any
European account had been before. They fostered accurate knowledge on the
political structure of Christian Ethiopia and, with ethnographic sensibility,
referred to particularities such as local lords (bahr nga, ras), royal practi-
ces (imprisonment at Amba Guishen), provincial and ethnic composition
(wa, Tgre, Amhara), etc. In parallel, however, the sheer ignorance in the
texts of some key features of Ethiopia betray an underlying political agenda:
this is well epitomized by their use of the title of ngu. To be sure, they did
not ignore this title: for instance, in the closing chapter to the widely-read
Verdadera Relaam, Alvares argued that the Prester John is called acegue,
which means emperor, and is also called negus, which means king.29
However, neither he nor the numerous writers who used his text thought it
necessary to use the indigenous concept, preferring rather to handle a confu-
sing kaleidoscope of terms, which included Preste, Pretiosi Ioannis, Seor,
Rey, Imperador, Rey Emperador and David, sometimes overlapping in one
and the same text30 . A rare exception was the French political writer Jean
Bodin, a reader of Alvares, who in his work La Rpublique repeatedly refer-
red to le Grand Negus dEthiopie.31
Thus, the century of the Portuguese-Ethiopian embassies, of the intense
diplomatic exchanges, offered a paradox: the Ethiopian ngu, despite pro-
gressively unveiling its mysteries to Europe, was still a prisoner of an age-old
European imagination. It appeared that the nguwas to be defined external-
ly, namely by way of what the Europeans believed him to be; but at the same
time, without the Europeans being able to tell exactly who he was.
29
O Preste Joo se chama acague, que quer dizer imperador, e se chama ne-
gus, que quer dizer rei; ALVARES, Verdadera informao, Part II, ch. IX, p. 291.
30
As an example of the Portuguese muddled use of language stands Alvares, who
in reference to Lbn Dngl coined such a term as rei David Preste Joo; ALVARES,
Verdadera informao, Part I, ch. LX, p. 123; ch. LXII, p. 126. The Portuguese va-
gueness in naming the ngu was related to the synonymous and alternate use they
made of Preste, Abassia and Ethiopia, as geographic loci of the Christian
kingdom. Antnio Vasconcelos de Saldanha, in an interesting article on the role of
ideology and law in the Portuguese expansion, shows that Portuguese tradition was
as precise and coherent as any other in the use of titles, although some chroniclers
could give free hand to imperial exaltations; See ANTNIO VASCONCELOS DE SALDANHA,
Conceito de espao e poder e seus reflexos na titulao regia portuguesa da epoca
da expanso, in: JEAN AUBIN, La dcouverte, le Portugal et lEurope, 105129, here
117ff. Saldanhas study is perhaps a hint that the problem with Ethiopia lay less in
a lack of ideas in Portugal than in the absence of a clear purpose: what the Portuguese
wanted in Ethiopia a diplomatic exchange, a colony, a mission, a partner-
ship they did not really know.
31
JEAN BODIN, Les six livres de la Rpublique [1576], Paris 1986, 38, 43, 55, 126.
 A.M. Martnez $'

The Birth of a Jesuit Imperial Narrative

The Jesuit mission was a direct heir of this state of affairs. The project of
a mission of conversion to Ethiopia was the outcome of a multiple imagina-
tion, with mythical, geopolitical and missionary layers; the fascination with
the Preste, the pursuit of a powerful Emperor, and the response to a call from
a pious king were intermingled in one unique project. It comes then as no
surprise that during the early years of the mission, the Jesuits and non-Je-
suits colonial personnel, high clergy engaged in such a project used
topoi inherited from previous generations. From the Jesuit general Ignatius
of Loyola to the visitor Valignano and the Patriarch Oviedo, from King Joo III
to Pope Julius III and Viceroy Pedro Mascarenhas, the ngu received the
whole assortment of titles mentioned above except that of the ngu.32
With the unfolding of the mission, however, an interesting evolution takes
place. The Jesuits living in Ethiopia and those in direct contact with them at
Goa, initially happy with the term Preste much cherished by Loyola
himself33 progressively came to adopt the term king. The missionaries
remained faithful to this term during the first three decades of the first mis-
sion, and also used the term Sua Alteza His Highness, which was the
form of address for kings in the 16th-cent. Iberian Peninsula.34
It could be argued that by then the missionaries, well informed of the
Ethiopian reality, had realised that the limited power held by the ngu at
the time Minas and later his son rs Dngl as well as his meagre terri-
torial dominions, were best expressed by the more modest topoi the Portu-
guese had hitherto been using. Be this as it may, such a praxis was an impor-
tant step in bringing some form of coherence to the muddled European ima-
gination on the Christian Ethiopian ruler. The consistent use of the term king
and the peerage Sua Alteza meant that the once mythical Preste was fully
and with no equivoc incorporated into the secular symbolism of Western po-
litical categories. Henceforth the ngu would be treated by the missionaries
as an European-like king that they could serve and try to reform, in the same
way their peers were so successfully doing in a number of European courts.

32
To gather evidence I generally limited the search to RASO XXII; both for
practical reasons, since this collection allows a handy and quick use of a large amount
of data, and because the documents published there are largely representative of Por-
tuguese and Jesuit ideas on Ethiopia.
33
Recuerdos que podrn ayudar para la reduccin de los reinos del Preste Juan,
in: S. IGNACIO DE LOYOLA, Obras, ed. by CANDIDO DE DALMASES MANUEL RUIZ JU-
RADO IGNACIO I PARRAGUIRRE , Madrid 1997, 10421050.
34
Father Manoel Fernandes in: RASO X, 148f., 211, 307, 330; father Antonio
Fernandes, ibid., 347f. Loyola himself addressed to Glawdewos as V. A.; letter of
22 February 1555, Roma, in: LOYOLA, Obras, 10351042.
% Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

At the same time, although the term Preste survived well into the 17th cent.,
especially in the discourse of the Spanish and Portuguese royal chancelleries,
the incorporation of the ngu into a secular political imagination king,
Sua Alteza paved the way for further experiments in political labeling.
These further experiments came just before the fall of the first mission.
In a letter sent in 1587, the Jesuit missionary Antonio Fernandes, who was to
die in Ethiopia in 1593, explained to Pope Sixtus V the state of affairs in the
mission: i. e., an abandoned flock of Catholics, a well disposed but hesitating
king, etc. But he also pushed forth an idea the missionaries had for some
years been maturing: the envoy to the Ethiopian highlands of a Portuguese
naval expedition, which by stopping Oromo internal incursions, would stren-
gthen the kingdom and convince the king and his subjects of the benefits of
conversion. The interesting point was that, in Fernandes own words, the
success of this project would finally render rs Dngl a true Emperor
and permanent lord both over his own and over other neighbouring peoples
he had never ruled upon; or, as he would also say, the biggest king and
Emperor ever seen in Ethiopia.35
Significantly, after this letter the Imperial topoi, slowly but solidly, gained
terrain and the use of the term king was progressively abandoned. The
missionary that was to replace Antonio Fernandes, Pedro Paez, is perhaps the
one most clearly epitomizing the evolution in the forms of address. Paez,
who due to a seven year-long imprisonment in Yemen could only reach the
Ethiopian highlands in 1603, adopted since the beginning of his successful
career an Imperial discourse. In the letters he sent to Europe and India, he
repeatedly refered to both Z-Dngl and Susnyos as Emperors and cohe-
rently swaped the peerage, from Sua Alteza to Sua Majestad.36 Although
the peerage Sua Majestad, originally first used by Charles V and later adopted
by all the European monarchies, was not exclusive to Emperors, its use by
Paez tells of the elevated and well established status the Ethiopian kingship
had in European eyes: not more but not less respectful than its European
counterparts.
Paez was later followed by other Jesuits in adopting this imperial discourse.
With them the Imperial topoi took hold. If up to their arrival the imperial
terms had been reduced to those of Emperor and Empire, with the second
round of missionaries the whole Christian kingdom acquired an imperial aura.
As early as 1605 Paez refered to the wyzro as the Empress, something that

35
Com eles a de ser verdadeiro Emperador e fixo senhor dos seus e doutros
muitos vezinos, que nunca foro seu; o maior rei e Emperador que nunca ouve em
Ethiopia; Letter of Antonio Fernandes to Sixtus V, 12 July 1587, in: RASO X,
339354, here 343, 348.
36
For instance, Letter to the Jesuit Provincial in Goa, 29 July 1605, Fremona, in:
RASO XI, 6374.
 A.M. Martnez %

later became normal practice.37 Similarly, the important position of bah r

nga was for the first time identified, not as a simple governor, but as Vice-
roy of the coastal province, an expression, needless to say, which was brand
new in the European discourses on Ethiopia and was also opposed to any
indigenous tradition. Likewise, the governors of other provinces (Gog-gam,
Dmbya) were also to be called viceroys and the provinces themselves tur-
ned into internal reinos, or kingdoms. The empire, albeit yet only in a rhe-
torical way, was taking shape.
Although here and then the terms king and Preste appeared espe-
cially in letters from the civil administration, the imperial discourse was
defintely consolidated by the first decade of the 17th cent.38 From then up to
the time of the expulsion, this will be the dominant form of representing the
ngu and his kingdom in Portuguese India and in Europe.

Rhetoric and Power

What lay the origins of the Jesuit imperial discourse? Although a proper
answer to this question would demand a larger and more detailed study than
that given here, the evidence presented above does enable the drafting of a
hypothesis.
The imperial derive, rather than a pure feature of missionary rhetoric, has
to be seen as a sign of something of a concrete reality. It was one aspect of a
global political project that emerged within the missionary enterprise and
that would only blossom by the third decade of functioning of this mission, as
the figures of the late Antonio Fernandes and the early Pedro Paez seem to
prove. This project, by no way present in the instructions written by Saint
Ignatius or even during the troubled years of Oviedos monastic patriar-
chate in Fremona, had as its central element the political empowerment of
the ngu. The Jesuits of the second generation, who initially aimed at a sim-
ple mission of conversion (be it through a top to bottom strategy), seem to
have perceived not only the difficulties of a religious approach amidst a
well rooted and extremely conservative clergy, but also the possibilities that
the ambitious but weak Christian Ethiopian rulers opened up to their skills in
statesmanship.
It is also important to emphasize that the birth of an Ethiopian Empire
was linked to a more global phenomena. This came at a time when in Europe,
after the failed attempt of Charles V, the old notion of a single universal
Empire was being replaced by national Empires, which, in a scattered form,
sponsored the old quest for universal order under one single religion.39 Abroad,
37
See, e. g., RASO XI, 71ff.
38
Of which the most pronounced attestation is the famous description of Ethio-
pian Empire by Manoel dAlmeida (RASO V, 9), and, even more, in the map of Ethio-
pia which accompanies his work: ibid., Tab. I after p. LXIV.
% Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

a number of states encountered by the Europeans began also to be perceived

under the same light: Japan and China, for instance, where the Jesuit narra-
tives suffered at the turn of the 17th cent. a similar evolution as that seen with
Ethiopia.40 Christian Ethiopia, then, began to play a role in western geopoli-
tics. The Jesuits tried there to fulfil a modern western wish: that of having an
Oriental Emperor as a truthful, friendly ally, perhaps a mirror of the Spanish
Philips who, the offspring of a true Emperor, pursued westwards similar dre-
ams where faith and political dominion were equally intermingled.
One shall also see in the Jesuit project the intention of importing to the
Ethiopian highlands a formula that was guiding the centralising dynamics
within the European monarchies: the rex imperator in regno suo.41 The
ngu was a full Christian ally, who, some errors in faith appart, was well
entitled, under the guidance of the Jesuits, to become a true Emperor.
It still remains to be seen, however, how such an imperial project was put
into practice. A further task, thus, would be a historical ethnography of the
most intense years of the mission, those guided by intelligent personalities
such as Paez, Almeida, Acevedo and Antonio Fernandes junior. A study of
some key Jesuit biographies, the fascinating life in the residence of Gorgora,
or the transformation endured, under the sway of the group of new courti-
sans, by the figure of the ngu in its symbolic (attire, discourse) and
pragmatic dimensions (political decisions) would provide interesting ma-
terial to understand how political action and missionary praxis interacted with
missionary narratives. Furthermore, the role played by the Ethiopian ruling
class in the making of an Ethiopian Empire needs to be analysed: did the two
pro-Jesuit ngu, Z-Dngl and Susnyos, know they were Emperors in
European eyes? What role did this idea play in their sudden welcoming of the
Jesuits priests? 42
The purpose of this paper was to draw the attention to the shaping during
the times of Portuguese engagement in Ethiopia of as pervasive a term as that

39
FRANCIS A. YATES, Charles Quint et lide dEmpire, in: JEAN JACQUOT (ed.),
Les ftes de la Renaissance, II: Ftes et crmonies au temps de Charles Quint, Paris
1960, 5797, here 87, 96.
40
Evidence can be easily gathered in the Jesuit annual letters from these Asiatic
missions.
41
See HANS-JOACHIM KNIG, Monarchia Mundi und Res Publica christiana. Die
Bedeutung des mittelalterlichen Imperium Romanum fr die politische Ideenwelt
Kaiser Karls V. und seiner Zeit, Hamburg 1969, 14ff.
42
In developing further these questions, the late Sevir B. Chernetsovs incisive
contributions to the study of Susnyoss reign are still extremely valuable and stimu-
lating; see, e. g., SEVIR CHERNETSOV, The Role of Catholicism in the History of Ethiopia
the First Half of the 17th Century, in: CLAUDE LEPAGE TIENNE DELAGE (eds.),
tudes thiopiennes. Actes de la Xe confrence internationale des tudes thiopiennes,
Paris, 2428 aot 1988, vol. 1, Paris 1994, 205212.
 A.M. Martnez %!

of Emperor of Ethiopia. The Jesuits did not invent the term Emperor of
Ethiopia. This title had been applied to the ngu since the early years of the
Renaissance. As happened with the terms king, Prester John, etc., the
missionaries inherited a whole set of diverging imaginations. Their impor-
tance lay in the fact that they reduced them into a single notion, consolidating
the idea first of an Ethiopian king and, later, of an Ethiopian Emperor. By
way of their systematic and coherent use they rendered such a political fic-
tion tenable and persisting: the ngu actually became the Emperor of Ethio-
pia, at least within the European imagination. After them, and the divulgation
of their ideas by the father of Ethiopian studies, Hiob Ludolph, that topos
would reach much wider and distant fields; one, not unimportant, was that of
historiographical discourse, where the image of an emperor proved too appe-
aling to conform to philological accuracy.

SUMMARY
This paper explores the changing perception of the Ethiopian royal institution
and of its head in Portuguese and Jesuit narratives during the 16th and 17th cent. It
focuses in particular on representations of the emperor through a reading of
well-known narratives Alvares, Castanhoso, Paez, Almeida, Tellez as well
as of missionary correspondence, it reconstructs the different representations of
the Ethiopian monarch: from the mythical status of the Prester John, enjoyed in
the first half of the 16th cent., the ngu came to gain the secular grandeur of
Emperor of Ethiopia, half a century later. The dynamics of such a process, and
its political implications, are here examined.
 Ronny Meyer
Mainz University

RIDDLES AS INDICATOR OF CULTURAL

AND LINGUISTIC CONVERGENCE
IN THE GURAGE REGION*

Ethiopia as a language and culture area

More than 70 languages belonging to four different language groups are
spoken in Ethiopia.1 Most of these languages have only a few thousand spea-
kers, who are usually bi- or multilingual.2 Also among speakers of major
languages bi- and multilingualism is a very widespread phenomenon. The
majority of Ethiopian languages are not taught at schools. Speakers gain their
proficiency in second languages from face-to-face contacts. This multilin-
gualism is not a recent development but has prevailed for several centuries,
as Ethiopian languages have converged in parts of their lexicon, grammar
and syntax. The investigation of the Ethiopian language convergence area
has been a major topic both in Ethiopian studies3 and in general linguistics
for a long time.4

*
I am grateful to the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD; HSP III) and
the SFB 295 Kulturelle und sprachliche Kontakte (Cultural and language contacts)
at Mainz University financed by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche For-
schungsgemeinschaft) who both have supported my several field stays in Ethiopia
from 1998 through 2004. Furthermore, I thank the Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES)
at Addis Ababa University for its cooperation.
1
The analysis and description of Ethiopian cultures and languages was one main
topic in the work of the late Sevir B. Chernetsov, who, being interested in a number
of topics ranging from the early medieval Ethiopian history to Ethiopian folklore
painting, also focused soberly, but often with humor, on the connection between so-
cial, political and environmental circumstances, on the one hand, and cultural and
languages developments, on the other hand. The present article has been inspired by
CHERNETSOV (1980) [for the list of abbreviations used in this paper see p. 186188],
in which he investigates the creation of a socialist nomenclature for Amharic. He
clearly outlines the historical roots of cognitive concepts and their influence on the
respective choice of new terms among Amharic speakers.
2
Cf. MEYER RICHTER 2003:79ff.
3
Cf. FERGUSSON 1976; HAYWARD 2000; LESLAU 1945; 1952.
4
Cf. THOMASON KAUFMANN 1988:133ff. and THOMASON 2001:86. Recently, TOSCO
2000 has raised doubts about the linguistic hypotheses used to postulate the Ethio-
pian language convergence area and denies its existence.
 R. Meyer %#

The Ethiopian culture or cultures have also drawn the attention of anthro-
pologists and historians. Classical works most often suppose a common cul-
ture for all Ethiopian peoples. These works are biased in favor of the Chris-
tian highlanders, i.e. the ancestors of todays Amhara and Tigrinya speaking
communities.5 For such authors convergence means unilateral assimilation
of ethnic groups towards the favored Amhara culture. The focus, there-
fore, is on a kind of imaginary cultural unity within Ethiopia. Levine even
goes further and proposes an Ethiopian culture area characterized by seve-
ral social and socio-economic features.6 Another kind of description of eth-
nic groups in Ethiopia and their respective cultures and histories deals mainly
with single communities and pays little attention to the interrelationship be-
tween different neighboring groups and/or conquerors.7 Such descriptions
concentrate on features which are characteristic for the particular ethnic group
in a locally bounded context. Only a few works try to unite both aspects, i. e.
to describe the specific features of an ethnic group in relation to a general
Ethiopian context.8
In the following I will demonstrate how language and cultural contacts
between neighboring communities can influence each other within a small
area. I will deal with the Gurage languages Muher, Zay and Wolane. Gurage
languages are spoken in an area whose boundaries extend roughly to the
River Awash in the north, Lake Zway in the east and the River Gibe in the
west and southwest. There are approximately twelve Gurage languages, which
belong to two different sub-branches: East Gurage and Gunnn-Gurage.9
While Wolane and Zay belong to separate branches within East Gurage, Muher
is a representative of Gunnn-Gurage. Beside Gurage languages, Amharic
and Oromo are also of importance as linguae francae. While Oromo is re-
stricted to the northern and eastern parts of the Gurage region, Amharic is the
language of administration and education throughout Ethiopia. Most Gurage
speakers are multilingual. Beside Amharic and/or Oromo they often speak
further Gurage languages.
Historically, the Gurage region became a permanent part of the Ethiopian
empire only at the end of the 19th cent. Since then Amharic has grown conti-
nuously into its function as national lingua franca. Due to the changed socio-
political circumstances a Gurage-diaspora emerged in Addis Ababa, which
had an important function as intermediator between the government and the
local people.10 However, long before Amharic started to influence Gurage

5
Cf. among others HAMMERSCHMIDT 1967; PANKHURST 1955 and ULLENDORFF 1960.
6
LEVINE 1974:46.
7
Cf. HABERLAND 1963; HUNTINGFORD 1955; SHACK 1966.
8
See for instance BRAUKMPER 1980; MARKAKIS 1998.
9
Cf. HETZRON 1977.
10
Cf. MARKAKIS 1998.
%$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

languages heavily, there were undoubtedly many permanent contacts with

Oromo, especially for East Gurage and Kistane communities. These contacts
started with the Jihad of Mohammed al-Ghazi (Gra) in the 16th cent. and
continued with the Oromo migration from the southern parts of todays Ethio-
pia to the north.
Socio-economically, the Gurage have been said to belong to a common
culture area characterized by the cultivation of Ensete edulis or false bana-
na.11 At the borders of the Gurage area and in elevated places, however, cat-
tle breeding and the cultivation of crops instead of Ensete edulis can also be
found. In regard to religion Gurage are both Muslims and Christians. Local
religious practices, too, such as Bo- and Dmwawit-cults, are still present.
This diversity suggests that Gurage cultures in fact represent a network of
several close and weak ties which are able to integrate or to react to innova-
tions and contact-induced changes.12 The term culture is interpreted as
communicative processes that result in social constructions of reality and
their objectivations.13 Obviously, culture is not a static system but has the
ability to change in the course of time.

The riddle as research topic in verbal art

Riddles, which are an important part of oral art, represent a special type of
social phenomenon.14 Language is used to transfer social constructions or
concepts between individuals. When in a region different communities have
intense, long-lasting contacts without dominating each other as is the case
in the Gurage area their languages and cultures may converge over time.
But before giving a detailed description of the convergence processes in Muher,
Wolane and Zay, I will deal with the genre of riddle from a general point of
view.
The collection and description of riddles was already a major topic in
verbal art research at the end of the 19th cent.15 Although several riddle cor-
pora from all parts of the world exist, there is no single generally accepted
definition of the genre of riddle. An often-quoted and modified definition
goes back to R. Petsch at the end of the 19th cent. It involves a structural
description of riddles encompassing not only the plain riddle per se but also
introductory and concluding frames.16 The framing of a riddle is said to be of
special importance only for African languages, while in most other riddle

11
Cf. SHACK 1966.
12
Cf. MARKAKIS 1998.
13
I refer to a working definition of culture which is currently used in the SFB 295.
14
HARRIES 1971:377.
15
For an overview see EVANS 1976:166ff or HAMNETT 1967:379ff.
16
For a critical summary of Petschs work see GEORGES DUNDES 1963:111.
 R. Meyer %%

corpora (e. g., English or Finnish) it either does not exist or is only an optio-
nal stylistic device.17 Thus, the plain riddle has been the main focus of atten-
tion. Consequently, definitions of riddles concentrated only on ambiguities
originating out of metaphors or the presence of contradictory expressions.18
Later, however, riddles without contradicting expressions came into conside-
ration, yielding the following definition:
[T]he riddle has been defined as a traditional verbal expression which
contains one or more descriptive elements, a pair of which may be in op-
position; the referent of the elements is to be guessed. Two general catego-
ries of riddles are (1) nonoppositional, in which there is no contradiction
to be found [], and (2) oppositional, in which at least one pair of de-
scriptive elements is in contradiction. The nonoppositional riddles may be
literal or metaphorical [] Oppositional riddles are almost always me-
taphorical or a combination of metaphorical and literal descriptions.19
The metaphor is, thus, the main point of interest in non-literary riddles,
which are also called true riddles. According to Maranda metaphors are se-
mantic interpretations of certain concepts based on a set of cultural (or better
cognitive) rules, which may differ considerably among several communities.20
Lieber modifies Marandas approach in the direction of a semantic analysis
and states:
the true riddle is a semantic game that manipulates the properties of
objects, categories, and classes. The game is played at the level of signifi-
cation of the semantic system of the language.21
Lieber distinguishes three different semantic levels: signification, denota-
tion and connotation. The level of signification involves the defining proper-
ties for items or classes in the real and social world. When several properties
are tied together they may represent natural or social constructions which get
a linguistic realization as word or phrase on the level of denotation. A deno-
tatum may have connotations of certain qualities. A true riddle, thus, consists
of a denotatum, in the form of a metaphor, with additional descriptive proper-
ties from the signification level. Significantly, the denotatum and the additio-
nal properties seem to contradict each other. This contradiction emerges be-
cause the additional properties are not inherent to the class described by the
denotatum. The riddle solver, therefore, has to rearrange certain properties of
the denotatum in order to get the answer of the riddle.22

17
GEORGE DUNDES 1963:113; HARRIES 1971:380, 383; MARANDA 1976:133.
18
Cf. GEORGE DUNDES 1963:111; HARRIES 1976:325.
19
GEORGES DUNDES 1963:116.
20
MARANDA 1976:130.
21
LIEBER 1976:261.
22
LIEBER 1976:259f.
%& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Green and Pepicello (1984) make a new distinction regarding the source
of ambiguity in a riddle. They distinguish metaphorically and grammatically
based riddles. While metaphorically based riddles use ambiguities arising
from cultural categories or constructions, grammatically based riddles re-
present ambiguities in the phonology, morphology, and/or syntax of the lan-
guage system.23 This is a very important distinction because it implicates that
language and culture have to be treated separately. There are cases where one
culture may contain several languages and vice versa.
It is also common sense that the social environment is tightly connected to
the content of riddles.24 People not belonging to a given culture, therefore,
may not understand the meaning of its riddles without an explanation.25 When
a culture or society changes due to social and socio-economic circumstances,
the content and the function of riddles will change, too. Maranda states, for
instance, that the riddle in Finnish has lost its popularity and its social func-
tion due to modernization processes like increasing literacy and spread of
mass media.26 Many scholars also believe that riddles are more productive
and have a wider range of functions in non-literate societies.27 Probably the
different status of riddles in literate and non-literate societies affects the pro-
cess of learning or creating riddles. Maranda, who deals with Finnish riddles,
describes riddling as a process in which the riddle poser uses his cognitive
abilities to create new riddles or to react to a new environment.28 Other au-
thors,29 however, describe riddling not as an active cognitive procedure but
as memorization, arguing that very often only one traditionally or culturally
sanctioned answer is accepted as the solution of a riddle even if other alterna-
tive answers also fit. Green and Perpicello combine both approaches. Accor-
ding to them children first learn culturally sanctioned riddles and reproduce
them. Only when the corpus of traditional riddles is exhausted are new rid-
dles invented.30 The invention of new riddles, according to Lieber, combines
known structures of riddling with new concepts:
[A riddle] serves to structure change by incorporating new categories and
new properties into the existing set, and by relating new categories and
new properties to old ones in its usual process of teasing apart and recom-
bining properties.31
23
GREEN PEPICELLO 1984:201.
24
GREEN PEPICELLO 1984:191; HAMNETT 1967:379; LIEBER 1976:262; MARAN-
DA 1976:128.
25
HARRIES 1976:324.
26
MARANDA 1976:128.
27
Cf. HARRIES 1971:378; MARANDA 1976:128.
28
MARANDA 1976:131.
29
Cf. HAMNETT 1967:385; HARRIES 1976:320.
30
GREEN PERPICELLO 1984:192.
31
LIEBER 1976:263.
 R. Meyer %'

The incorporation of new categories and properties into existing structu-

res may trigger a change of these structures and the loss of old metaphors.
However, reanalysis of old constructions towards a new denotatum will in
turn produce new metaphors. A characteristic feature of this changing pro-
cess is the existence of more than one correct answer to a riddle within the
cultural and social background of the riddlers.
The study of the riddle in Ethiopian languages started32 with Mittwoch, to
the best of my knowledge. Mittwochs article provides 10 riddles in Amharic
with a translation into German with additional remarks on linguistic pheno-
mena.33 Later Leslau presents a very impressive collection of riddles in seve-
ral Gurage languages. The riddles are translated into English with annota-
tions regarding grammatical forms and, less often, cultural phenomena. The
main focus is on the linguistic, not on the cultural, interpretation of the rid-
dles.34 A thorough study of riddles in Oromo has been done by Tamene Biti-
ma. He lists more than eighty riddles in Oromo with an English translation
and gives additional information on the riddling process, i. e. the cultural
background of riddling.35

Riddles in Muher, Wolane and Zay

In the following section I will concentrate mainly on my own riddle col-
lections in Muher, Wolane and Zay,36 i. e. Ethiosemitic languages for which
no riddle corpus has been published so far.
Formal observations
Among the Muher, Wolane and Zay, riddles are used for entertainment
and also for educational purposes among youngsters. Older men and women
know riddles but usually do not pose them freely. To the best of my know-
ledge, there are no riddle sessions lasting for an hour or so as described by
Evans.37 The main occasions for riddling are the early evening hours when
days work has been done, during coffee ceremonies or other informal meet-
ings or while breeding cattle.

32
I consider here only bilingual works with English or German as metalanguage
for explaining/translating the riddle corpora. Beside these works there are many mo-
nolingual riddle collections in the respective languages and bilingual riddle collec-
tions with Amharic as metalanguage (cf. among others ZRIHUN ASFAW 1992:38ff.
and 69f.), which are not easily accessible.
33
MITTWOCH 1907:209ff.
34
LESLAU 1965; 1967/68; 1982.
35
TAMENE BITIMA 2004.
36
The riddles were collected during my linguistic field researches on Gurage
languages from 1998 through 2004.
37
EVANS 1976:171ff.
& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

In all three languages Muher, Wolane and Zay the riddle is a special
text genre with a similar structure consisting of three parts: i. introductory
frame; ii. plain riddle; iii. concluding frame.
In the introductory frame one of the riddlers signals by a formal phrase
that he intends to pose a riddle. When another riddler is ready to solve the
riddle he will agree, again using a strict formula (cf. Appendix I). These
formulas are repeated with every new riddle. After the introductory frame the
plain riddle follows. When the riddle-solver knows the right answer the con-
cluding frame is quite short. The riddle poser acknowledges that the riddle is
solved using the formula You know it! The riddle solver or another person
can now take his turn and pose a new riddle. In the case the riddle was not
solved another common routine for giving the solution exists. The riddle po-
ser first asks for a place name (village or town). Then the riddle solver starts
to enumerate several places. Normally the riddle poser will not accept the
first place and asks for more prestigious places. A place can be given only
once during a riddle session. When the riddle poser has chosen a place of his
convenience, which can take a certain amount of time, he recounts all the
activities he intends to do at this place. In a joking manner he also may use
these activities in order to insult the riddle solver (see examples in Appen-
dix I). Finally, the riddle poser names the solution and the session continues
with a new introductory frame. Every riddle is thus enclosed within a formal
structure.
Semantic and Cognitive Observations
Riddles can be classified according to the semantic field described by the
answer,38 as has been done in Appendix II. The following semantic group-
ings were found: house and household utensils, working tools and places
(outside the house), food, body parts, animals and plants, nature and others.
Although the collected riddle corpora are very small and differ in number, the
majority of riddles deal with items from the house and household utensils,
followed by riddles dealing with nature, animals and rarely plants. Body parts
are quite an unusual topic.
According to Georges and Dundes, there are two basic semantic diffe-
rences in the content of the riddle: A riddle can either be oppositional or
nonoppositional. Among nonoppositional riddles there are literal or metapho-
rical riddles. Literal riddles consist simply of a wh-word question, with the
wh-word itself refering to the answer of the riddle.39
Almost all riddles in Muher, Wolane and Zay are based on metaphor; only
one literal riddle was found in the Wolane example (56). Although there exist
nonoppositional riddles they are relatively few. Good examples for nonoppo-

38
Cf. MARANDA 1976:135.
39
GEORGES DUNDES 1963:113ff.
 R. Meyer &

sitional riddles are examples (7), (9), (10), (14), (20) for Muher; (33), (40),
(43), (45), (50), (55), (56), (60) for Wolane and (68) for Zay. The majority of
the riddles, however, involve metaphorical expressions with an opposition.
Most of them contain a proposition followed by a further comment or modi-
fication which seems to be contradictory to the proposition, i. e. (2), (4), (15)
for Muher; (23), (36), (57) for Wolane and (64), (66), (69) for Zay. Riddles
consisting of a proposition followed by more than one modification are rare.
They appear only in Wolane (33), (42), (53) and all involve nonoppositional
metaphors.
Thus, the main vehicle for posing a riddle in Muher, Wolane and Zay is
the metaphor. There are no grammatically based riddles which appeal to am-
biguities of the language system. Although the corpora are very limited there
are cases where the riddle-answer in different languages coincides. Some
riddles use the same metaphors although they belong to different languages.
Almost identical are the Muher and Wolane metaphors for coffee pot and
coffee cups which are the central utensils of the coffee ceremony in every
Gurage house. The coffee pot is always black and made of clay; the coffee
cups are mostly white. The respective metaphors, riddles (6) and (26), refer
to the coffee pot as mother and to the cups as children. A contradiction arises
due to the naming of the respective colors. A similar metaphor of mother and
child is used when referring to the traditional mill in Wolane and Zay, as can
be seen from riddles (25) and (65). This mill consists of a large, fixed stone at
the bottom the mother and a small, movable stone the child for
grinding the crops. The mother is also a metaphor in riddles (13) for Muher
and (51) for Wolane, here referring to the earth. A traditional womans gar-
ment consists of a dress which is tied by binding a long narrow belt made
from cotton several times around the hips. This belt is the metaphor for the
term way, which also has no apparent starting and ending point. Very similar
are the metaphors for an obstacle in Muher (12) and Wolane (55). Both lan-
guages indicate that an obstacle may damage the skin of a foot like the skin of
onions when peeled or like crops in a mill when crashed. The idea that some-
thing is thrown away in the morning and taken up in the evening is used to
refer to a rope for tying cattle inside the house. In the morning, cattle are
taken away and the rope with which they have been tied is thrown onto the
ground. In the evening, when they return, the rope is taken up again for tying
them up.
Different metaphors for the same denotatum may appear across several
languages, as well as within a single language. Thus, we find different me-
taphors for fire of a fireplace in Muher (3) against Wolane (21), for door of a
house in Wolane (31) and (32) against Zay (67), and for butter in Wolane (39)
and (40) against Zay (67). Wolane speaker very often can use different me-
taphors to refer to a single denotatum, e. g., riddles (22) and (23), which both
refer to the small hole of a fire place inside the house, riddles (31) and (32),
& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

referring to a door, riddles (39) and (40), referring to butter and riddles (43)
and (44) referring to an ant. The reverse case, where one metaphor refers to
two denotata, also appears as in Muher riddle (3) or in Wolane (58).
Although the riddle corpora in Muher, Wolane and Zay are quite limited,
they show that these languages use an identical mechanism for posing rid-
dles. Surprisingly, there are also numerous cases of identical metaphors used
by speakers of two separate languages to refer to the same denotatum.
Linguistic observations
While Muher nqwit and Wolane wunqwit are used to express the concept
riddle, we find the term hibb in Zay. The term *(w)nq( w)it appears, fur-
thermore, in all Gurage languages except Zay. Leslau proposes a Cushitic
origin for this term and compares it with Kabeena unqwta and Alaba ynqi-
ti.40 He also mentions the possibility that there might exist a connection to
Amharic nqoqll and Tigrinya hnqhnqllity, both meaning riddle.41
The Zay lexeme hibb seems to be of Cushitic origin connected with Sidaa-
ma hibb and with Oromo hibbo.42
Kabeena and Alaba are closely related Highland East Cushitic languages
which are spoken in areas adjacent to the Gurage. Based on oral traditions
from the Gurage region and the reconstruction of the sociolinguistic environ-
ment and mechanism in the language contact situation between Kabeena and
Wolane,43 it appears highly improbable that the majority of the Gurage lan-
guages borrowed the lexeme *(w)nq( w)it from either Kabeena or Alaba.
The main reason for this conclusion is that Kabeena and Alaba people may
speak Gurage languages but Gurage people usually do not know Kabeena or
Alaba. Highland East Cushitic languages are of very low prestige among
Gurage speakers. Furthermore, the Kabeena migrated towards their present
living place relatively late, in the 19th cent., so that it is quite unlikely that
they had such an impact on the Gurage languages. This is also indicated by
the fact that other Highland and Lowland East Cushitic languages use the
term hibbo. I would propose, therefore, a different etymology for the term
*(w)nq( w)it. Gz roots beginning with a glottal or pharyngeal consonant
(stop or fricative) often have cognates in East Gurage languages beginning
only with a glottal stop. In addition they possess an inserted nasal n just in
front of the second radical.44 The Gurage term *(w)nq( w)it may, thus, repre-
sent a reconstructed root consisting of a glottal stop emerging from a pharyn-
40
LESLAU 1979a:512; 1979b:72.
41
LESLAU 1979b:72.
42
LESLAU 1979b:231.
43
For the oral traditions see among others CRASS MEYER 2001:176. A language
contact situation in between Kabeena and Wolane is described in CRASS MEYER
2005.
44
Cf. HETZRON 1969; 1972:42.
 R. Meyer &!

geal fricative, a labial element and the ejective plosive q. Such a root in fact
exists in Gz: oqa~ wq know, understand.45 The final -t of *(w)nq( w)it
as well as the vocalization pattern may represent a Semitic template for no-
minals.
In the verbal domain of Gurage languages, too, we find a root *n-q which
also may be connected to *( / w)nq > *nq to know, to understand. Words
built from the root *n-q survive only as special imperatives n (masc.) /
nq j (fem.) what shall I know for you (masc./fem.) in Muher and nu (masc.) /
nu i (fem.) in Wolane. These imperatives are restricted to the introductory
frame of riddles; they do not appear in other contexts or paradigms. This means
that different nominal and verbal forms of a lexeme referring to the semantic
concept of knowing or understanding appear in the introductory frame. The
semantic interpretation of the root *n-q would fit into the Amharic riddle
frame, where productive imperatives of the verb awwq to know still exist.
There is, however, one problem with this reconstruction. The imperatives behave
like biradical verbs. The nasal element n, therefore, must be considered a true
radical assuming its own position in the root, and is thus not an adjunct to the
second radical as was proposed above. This may suggest either that the nasal
element was reanalyzed from a kind of epenthetic consonant to become a true
radical, or that the root is, after all, not cognate with Gz oqa~ wq know,
understand. In the latter case there is a further possible candidate for the ori-
gin of the root *n-q or even *(w)nq( w)it. It may be represented by the Gz
interjection nqw aha!, bravo! well now, hurrah! hail!46 In East Gurage
languages the glottal stop and the pharyngeal fricative would disappear dia-
chronically. What remains then is a root *n-q-a, the pharyngeal fricative hav-
ing left its trace in a vocalic radical. Semantically a kind of imperative would
fit better into the introductory frame of Muher and Wolane because the riddle
solvers utterance is more an exclamation than a true question.
To refer to the verbal expression to riddle, a compound consisting of
the noun for riddle and the verb for to tell is used in most of the Gurage
languages.47 This may indicate that the lexeme *(w)nq( w)it should be consi-
dered a loan or at least an archaic form in the Gurage languages. It is not an
indigenous or productive root from which verbal forms may be built accor-
ding to the common root and vowel pattern. Leslau proposes a Cushitic ori-
gin for the root *oqa~ wq and provides examples from Agaw and Soma-
li.48 Whatever the origin of the term *(w)nq( w)it and its derivations, it is
clear that it has taken on a very specific meaning in the Gurage languages,
surviving only in the introductory frame in riddles and nowhere else.

45
LESLAU 1991:78.
46
LESLAU 1991:31.
47
LESLAU 1979a:512.
48
LESLAU 1991:79.
&" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

The productive verb for to know/to experience, going back to a root

*khl,49 is used in the concluding frame of riddles in all Gurage languages
including Zay. This verb appears uniformly in the perfective aspect in all
languages. If the riddle solver does not know the solution to the riddle, com-
plex sentences with converbs are used quite frequently for mocking.
Regarding the grammatical form of the verbs involved in riddles, it seems
that perfective and imperfective verbs appear quite often but the perfect and
jussive are rarely used. In the corpus the perfect appears only in the Wolane
example (51), and the jussive in examples (25) and (58) for Wolane and (65)
for Zay. Furthermore, one gets the impression that there is a tendency to pre-
fer imperfective verb forms. Although both perfective and imperfective verbs
appear with equal frequency in Muher, in the few Wolane and Zay riddles the
imperfective seems to be the preferred verb form.
Very often the riddles in Muher and Wolane but not in Zay are represented
by an elliptic sentence, with the main clause missing (cf. Muher (1), (6), (8),
(9), (15), (16) and Wolane (21), (22), (26), (28), (29), (31), (32), (33), (34),
(35), (41), (43), (45), (46), (47), (48), (49), (59). In these sentences a wh-
phrase meaning What is it? could have been added, as is the case in
(20) for Muher or (53) for Wolane.
Specific concepts expressed by ideophones, which appear more or less
frequently in everyday speech, are quite rare, as in Muher (1), (15), (19), (20)
and Wolane (22), (23), (33), (58). Furthermore, grammatically based riddles
seem not to exist in Muher, Wolane and Zay. This result is very surprising
because grammatically based metaphors are a very common literary device
in Amharic called sm nna wrq wax and gold.50 It seems that a main
factor for grammatically based metaphors is the existence of a script and a
writing tradition. While Amharic has been written for several centuries, Muher,
Wolane and Zay are only used for oral communication until today.
The above discussion shows that linguistically riddles employ a quite
simple grammar, and focus mainly on the semantic content of a metaphor.
Redundant information, even a verb, may be omitted. Most divergent among
the three Gurage languages is Zay. It uses different terms in the introductory
frame, and there are a number of Zay riddles which either consist of a mix-
ture of Zay and Oromo, e. g. riddle (68), or are purely Oromo, like riddles
(67) and (70). A very strong tendency to use either the Oromo or Amharic
language for oral art can be observed in Zay.

49
LESLAU 1991:277.
50
Cf. RICHTER 1993; 2002.
 R. Meyer &#

Conclusion
In this article I have dealt with riddles from three different Gurage langua-
ges Muher, Wolane and Zay which have many features in common. In
all three languages and even in the contact languages Amharic and Oromo
the plain riddle is embedded in a strict frame which has the same structure in
all the languages. The introductory frames in Muher and Wolane even use the
same lexical expressions, which may also be cognate with Amharic. Further-
more, Muher, Wolane and Zay use only metaphors as a riddling device. These
metaphors are expressed through a minimal set of grammatical forms and
refer most often to objects of the house(hold), food, and nature, i. e. items
that are important for everyday life. Riddles based on language ambiguities
or on specific language expressions like ideophones either do not exist or are
very rare.
This situation seems to fit a multilingual community where the speakers
are familiar with several languages. Here two phenomena can be observed.
On the one hand, speakers of different languages use the same cognitive con-
structions (i. e. metaphors) and grammatical realizations to refer to a denota-
tum but express it in their respective languages. On the other hand, different
cognitive constructions for a single denotatum coexist in the same language.
Social constructions (culture) and languages have begun to converge. It re-
mains open, however, when and from which particular language or culture
these processes originated. It is only possible to state that riddle frames and
the riddling mechanisms are quite similar among the Gurage languages in
question, and also in Amharic and Oromo. Common features among diffe-
rent languages without information about their origin is in fact one main fea-
ture of a language convergence area.51
Riddles in Zay are of special interest in this case. Although Zay and Wo-
lane are closely related genetically, they use different linguistic realizations
in the introductory frame. While Wolane makes use of the same language
material that appears in other Gurage languages, Zay shows a clear Oromo
influence. Not only the introductory frame is borrowed from Oromo, even
the riddles themselves are posed fully or partly in Oromo instead of Zay. This
may indicate that riddles are not the result of an active cognitive procedure of
the speaker but a memorization process of social norms and their linguistic
realization.
When in a geographic area like the Gurage region several communities
have intensive contact over a long time, they may develop a kind of a common
culture of contact, i. e. contact-induced communicative processes that result in
similar social constructions of reality and even in similar cultural expressions.
The end and the starting point of these processes remains, however, a riddle.

51
Cf. THOMASON 2001:89.
&$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

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Appendix I: Riddle frames

In the appendices I have tried to keep close to the original languages with the
English translation. However, in many examples the translation represents only a
rough idea of the concept expressed in the source language. The language exam-
ples are transcribed according to the respective utterances without indicating
morpheme breaks or assimilations.52
Riddles were recorded, transcribed and translated together with TEMESGEN
Wolde Medhin (1998/99; Zway) for Zay, with SHAMIL SAYYID (2000/01, Wolkite)
for Wolane and with ABUBAKR SHERIFO (2004; Wolkite) for Muher. The riddle
structure for Amharic were discussed with SAMIRA AMSALU (2003; Wolkite) and
for Oromo with SAMUEL Adola and DABALA GOSHU (2003; Jimma and Addis Aba-
ba). I am also indepted to AMAN KEDIR KAMSARE (Troms, 2003), who provided
me with an Oromo riddle from the Zway area.
Amharic
Introductory Frame.
A: nqoqql!53 Riddle!
B: mn awqllh (masc. A)! / What shall I know for you!
mn awqll (fem. A)!
Concluding Frame.
When B knows the solution of the riddle:
A: awwqkw! You know it!
When B does not know the solution of the riddle:
A: alawwqkwm! agr sJ! You (mas) do not know it! Give me a place!
B: ambo. Ambo.
52
The following abbreviations are used: A = riddle poser, B = riddle solver.
Amharic either uses nqoqql for both males and females, or has nqoq-
53

qlh for male and nqoqql for female riddle solver.

 R. Meyer &'

A: alfll gmm. I do not like it!

B: gondr. Gondar.

Muher
Introductory Frame.
A: yh nqwit!54 Take a riddle!
B: n (masc. A)! / (What shall I know for you!)
nq j (fem. A)!
Concluding Frame.
When B knows the solution of the riddle:
A: hehnnm! You know it!
When B does not know the solution of the riddle:
B: annin. I dont know it.
A: g name! Give me a country/place!
B: wlqiJe. Wolkite.
A: bnnahuwm! I ate at this place!
B: jimma. Jimma.
A: yhun, jimma n biyaw, nsJew! All right, I shall eat and drink in
bfur tmq jmq j tangaa y ani Jimma! May one load your stuff
ydh. bawroplan tmkina at a mouse, a skunk and a cat! May
y ani ydi! nth? one load my stuff at an airplane and
a car! Shall I tell you?
B: oy! Yes!
A: [solution]
Wolane
Introductory Frame.
A: n (masc.) / ney (fem.) wunqwit! Come a riddle!
B:nu (masc.)! / What shall I know for you!
nu i (fem.)!
When B does not know the solution of the riddle:
A: gbiy wbe! Give me a market!
B: imm gbiy wusd! Take Jimma market!
A: imm gbiy ynztey yrzstey All things that can be found at Jimma
hullm g lih! ih dbb ty market are for me! While I am eating
tilbl at ybu quzn bl! bread with tea eat the shit of a dog!
ih bayr tilhd at bimwr While I am traveling by air travel at
ts l hid! mlsi ! the back of a donkey! The answer

54
This phrase consists of the irregular imperative yh here, take it (mas.) and
the noun nqwit riddle.
' Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Zay
Introductory Frame.
A: hibb! Riddle!
B: hibib! What shall I know for you!
Concluding Frame.
When B knows the solution of the riddle:
A: lhnu! You know (it)!
When B does not know the solution of the riddle:
A: alalho dbr be You do not know it give me
a country!
B: aburn nql! Take Abura!
A: hd, alfcu abrn! Hey, I dont like Abura!
B: admn nql Take Adama!
A: nzrt ygbm bfqi ynbrm After I entered Nazreth55 I will live
ktmy sffnu. y zb rm bbisklt in a skyscraper and the town is big.
yhdm yi ysm mit mit gry I will go for a walk and ride a bike,
ygbm tp yhbm bmusiqy I will drink tea, enter my house
y ffqrm bnzrt yggbx every evening, buy a tape, dance to
bytnu. ldx mlsey? the music that means that I am
living (lit. sitting) in Nazreth. Shall
I tell you the answer?
Oromo
Introductory Frame.
A: Hibbo! Riddle!
B: Hib/Hibbak(a)/Hibiriq/Hibibi! Ask!
TAMENE BITIMA (2004:81) contains many examples for Oromo riddles. What
is important here is the answer hibibi, which seems to be a special variant found
only around Lake Zway (personal communication AMAN KEDIR in 2003). This
form was most probably transferred into Zay as hibib.

Appendix II: Riddle Corpora

Muher Riddles
House and household utensils
(1) bsa buqq, bbar dmbuqq?56 Outside very big, in a river (sinking
sound)?

55
Adama and Nazreth are the respective Oromo and Amharic namings denoting
the same town.
56
The words buqq big thing and dmbuqq sound referring to big object that
sink into the water are ideophones.
 R. Meyer '

wn. Water container made from clay.

(2) ban w tka bzzawm? Although not giving birth he has a lot of
children?
wggn. Small wooden supports around
the central pillar.
(3) arrim rrr im bgb tthut One cut it and cut it into little pieces and
wrq arrim? cut gold in the middle?
sat wem fem. Fire or embers.
(4) t b addgum yrar ynett? One threw it in the morning and picked
it up in the late afternoon?
ynnam wdrn. Rope for tying up a cow.
(5) yrar yadgwitt. tb ynett? One throws it in the late afternoon.
One picks it up in the morning?
gbbn. Mat made of fiber used for
sleeping.
(6) adotwe t ur, deng jawe gwad The mother black, the children white?
gwad?
gbnam sinmmn. Coffee pot and cups.
Working tools and places
(7) bduw blo bm y t ro? He calls one from over there?
weys. Axe.
(8) mmet yt w,annmabbw The place at which the lady of the
mdr mult ? house is sitting bald-headed?
t i ot yt w,annaw mdrn. The place at which the scratched
parts of Ensete edulis is kept for
a certain time.
Food
(9) bf we gwad amora? On top a white large bird?
n ba. Cheese.
(10) hwettwe gbya lahuymum, One sent two to the market, the other
attwe bet t re? one watches the house?
bet trw angubaya. The one who watches the house is
whey.
gbya ylhwuymwe q b m Those that were sent to the market
n bamn,mw. are butter and cheese.
Nature
(11) t b ahunnm. I saw it in the morning. When I returned
t nnbb r qbbthunn m? I missed it?
aw. Dew.
(12) nssiy grd bzba t ,annatt m A small female child makes flour
w

wfi tfi? with a mill, sitting on the way?

' Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

nqurfit. Obstacle.
(13) yadoddi azgald bnntaggd Although I tie the belt of my
b nntaggd ann bem? mother again and again it did not
finish?
zban. It is the way.
(14) b nnamddi g warra g warra My red cow goes from garden
yarrgu? to garden?
mbw jn. It is a torrent.
Animals and Plants
(15) gunnn gafgaff wt, gr sibillwt? A head very big, a leg very thin?
ambin. It is cabbage.
(16) b f e samb a?
w w
On top of a pillar/tree a lung?
man. Tapeworm.
(17) bira tr bqqm? Dry grew out of raw?
ynnam qrrn. It is the horn of a cow.
(18) n ssiy grd ykktt n ambi A cabbage prepared by a small
y mu? female child is tasty?
nb wiy. Bee and honey.
(19) nssiy grd bdbr b nnattm
w
A small female child makes
kwa tbiw? a rustling noise after she
entered the wood?
qme! Louse.
Other
(20) zz bm nzzz, aa bm It says zzz a beetle, It says
gamba;57 men? aa a clay container; what is it?
qbrn. It is a grave.

Wolane Riddles
House and household utensils
(21) bu burd blgd? Red chopped meat in a hole?
ir. Fire.
(22) qqm ll, tqqm ll? It does not come near and does
not go away?
brk. Fire place in a house.
(23) m t mt kk atlt. She feels hotter and hotter but
does not move?
brk. Fire place in a house.
(24) t abg add mit Three friends are carrying one wife?
ytowruwn?

57
The phrase aa bm means to open the mouth.
 R. Meyer '!

gwziyy.58 The three fire stones for cooking.

(25) ndt lmbr lmbr, grd The mother (says) lets stay, lets stay,
lbrr lbrr? the female child (says) lets go lets go?
wof w m. Big and small mill stone.
(26) ndtt tm wold gumr? The mother is black and her children are
white?
bnw sin. Coffee pot and cups.
(27) grd lind two t? A female child hits her mother?
mqtw nt. Mortar and pestle.
(28) tm br bmgr? A black ox at the wall?
tbt. A black clay plate.
(29) mwlt mwlt bd, art At daytime on the ground, at
art bgt? nighttime on the shoulder?
yiri wodr. Rope for tying a cow.
(30) su ulm aywn, d m It does not climb the top and does not
aywordn. go down to the earth?
qt. Sleeping platform on four poles
inside the house or outside under
the eaves.
(31) bdhn mskt tft? A small piece of rug at the backside of
a buffalo?
wozgb. A door.
(32) mwlt mwlt rs, art art At daytime like a corpse, at nighttime
qrz? like a youngster?
wozgb. A door.
Working tools
(33) addi bsr dr zff, addi One sits on the grass, one sits in the
bmey zff, addi bbhr zf dr water, and one sits in the eucalyptus tree?
zff?
zrzr, d w gnm. Sickle, water container and axe.
(34) lddr ym wn gr All female children who come from the
hullm sntrm? top have a small space between their teeth?
gb. Instrument for crushing the tube of
the Ensete edulis.
(35) ml t zft g gbt? It pulls a tapeworm and goes to the
wood?
mrfw ftl. Needle and thread.
(36) qll klt g f? A small axe finished the wood?
ml. Razor blade.
58
There are always three supports made from clay arranged around a fire hole on
which the cooking pot or plate rests.
'" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

(37) btowruy rsn, bn uy When one carries it, is a corpse, when

wurbn? one takes it into the hands it is a lion?
brt. Spear.
Food
(38) yansuw qrz gr wntiy The youngsters from the dga-region59
drs? close the door and dance?
mit. Thick local beer.
(39) bibbimazr wo i babbimazr After one beats it from this side and
wo i mfn atwl i? after one beats it from that side and
brings out a young cow?
s. Butter.
(40) lb agtt gbiy wott? She ties her backside and goes to the
market?
qss.60 Butter.
Body Parts
(41) bibbimazr t bbu qtt At this side one handful of fire wood,
bbbimazr t bbu qtt? at that side one handful of fire wood?
qrb. Eyelash.
(42) hyt rhbu, assr n lu, Two found it, ten took it,
ss t blu? thirty welcomed it?
yin, ntbitw sn. Eye, hand and teeth.
Animals and plants
(43) tm br gwr gwr? A black ox in every garden?
gnd. Ant.
(44) hd hd mey aywodn? It goes and goes but does not cross the
water?
gnd. Ant.
(45) bu br gwr gwr? Red ox in every garden?
wont. Termite.
(46) mwlt mwlt brt art At daytime it is like a stick and at
art mid? nighttime like a river?
ylm tub. Udder of a cow.
(47) hubd lm bmgr dr? A pregnant cow on top of the wall?
thn. Bug.
(48) btm g tm lm? In a black wood a black cow?
ydumi quml. Hair louse.

59
The region is somewhat elevated and therefore cooler. In such a place the main
crop is barley, which is used for preparing the thick beer.
60
Butter and cheese, too, are wrapped in leafs from Ensete edulis which is then
tied together at one side only.
 R. Meyer '#

(49) ttqllb yindtk, t tqun When she feeds she does it like a mother,
t r yabt mitk? when she pinches she does it like
a step-mother?
nt. Bee.
(50) hullm gn trrt tiyn When it goes it always looks back?
yalfn?
yf g. Tail of a goat.
Nature
(51) yaddddi it blamrdey Even if I tie the belt of my mother again
blamrdey lltf blen? and again it does not get finished?
ungwn. Way.
(52) hdy hdy aytq n? It goes and goes and it never ends?
wung. Way.
(53) wnzy ftti, tmy qun, The tree is big, the child is alone and
tyy b i mn gzn? the sheep are plenty what is it?
smy, woriw klb. Heaven, moon and stars.
(54) tilney yanen, tillihey When I look at him he looks at me,
yamben? when I send him away he refuses?
l. Shadow.
(55) bingw tglt nkurt tltt t? She sits on the way and peels onions?
nqrfit. Obstacle.
(56) nn gr mn ymleyn? What fills this house?
lm. Darkness.
(57) nney anney tihd aytrn? It goes to and fro but is not seen?
nfs. Wind.
(58) bmey wust m gb lb It falls into water and makes no noise,
aybl, gm gb k aybl? it goes into the woods and does not rustle?
dbn / gun. Cloud / fog.
(59) bsmy yantr, bd Smaller than heaven, bigger than earth?
ygdr?
qt. Mountain.
(60) biniy aytnzn, bin aytrn? What is not taken with the hand and not
seen with the eye?
hw. Air.
Others
(61) biniy btnkuy barmtiy I distributed it with my hand and
l mkuy? collected it with my tongue?
kutb. Written documents.
(62) ygrd lubm bzlmw The skilled female child goes during
bayr thdt? rain and sunshine?
zntl. Umbrella.
'$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

(63) b bruy aybln? It does not grow after it was planted?

gnys. Corpse.

Zay Riddles
House and household utensils
(64) tt grd gr thdt? A small female child keeps the house
going?
kurrzi [Zay]. Kerosene lamp.
(65) yy lggob lggob tblt, The mother says lets stay lets stay,
grdi lhd lhd tblt? the daughter says lets go lets go?
wof iw mi [Zay). Big and small mill stones.
(66) bdm ybln lm tksx? We eat together, why are you getting thin?
qri Spoon.
(67) sll mf hinkutinf? He looks at you, why don't you cut so
mething for him?
blbl [Oromo]. Door.
Food
(68) snni adi lg dk [Oromo]? A white cow swims on a river?
ii [Zay]. Butter.
Working tools
(69) lqti lmti yytsbr? One throws it to and fro but it does not
break?
qnnnu [Zay]. Spindle.
(70) h n nama llti ilmn The mother looks at the person,
nam ti? the child eats the person?
qww [Oromo]. Gun.

SUMMARY
The topic of this article is the result of long-lasting interactions among diffe-
rent communities in Central Ethiopia and the development and change of the res-
pective culture(s) and languages. These contact-induced cultural and languages
changes are exemplified through a cross-language description of riddles among
the Muher, Wolane and Zay communities. The language and cultural situation in
Ethiopia, in general, and in the Gurage region, in particular, is presented with a
concise survey of the relevant literature. The riddle is dealt with as research topic
in verbal art from a typological viewpoint, and an overview of research on riddles
in Ethiopia is presented. The genre of riddle in the Gurage languages Muher,
Wolane and Zay is discussed in formal, semantic and linguistic terms. Finally, the
results are summarized in a conclusion. The riddles of the respective languages
are listed in two appendices. Appendix I contains introductory and concluding
frames, and Appendix II enumerates the riddles.
 Denis Nosnitsin
Hamburg University

WA WA HABO QOBA WAASKEMA...:

REFLECTIONS ON AN EPISODE
FROM THE HISTORY
OF THE ETHIOPIAN MONASTIC MOVEMENT

Among the traditions transmitted in Ethiopian hagiographic works, those

referring to the encounters between Tkl Haymanot1 and Iysus Moa2
two late 13th-/early 14th-cent. monastic leaders and great Ethiopian saints

1
There is no need to quote all existing scholarly literature on Tkl Haymanots
activities, hagiography and cult, or all works on the history of his monastic founda-
tion, Dbr Libanos of wa. These topics have been discussed in a number of publi-
cations, ranging from brief entries in reference-books to chapters in monographs [for
the list of abbreviations used in this article seep. 239]: s., e. g., BHO 247248, nos.
11281134; CERULLI 1943:228232; TADDESSE TAMRAT 1972:160169; DEB 157158;
KRZ 9293, no. 151; KRISS KRISS HEINRICH 1975:3041; among the recent publica-
tions, s., e. g., BLL in: LTK IX, 12441245; TEDESCHI in: EnSanti II, 11321138;
DERAT 2003, passim. On the hagiographic legend of Tkl Haymanot, s. DERAT 1998,
NOSNITZYN 2003 (concerning the hagiographic reports on the Saints translatio), NO-
SNITSIN 2006, forthcoming (on the Synaxarion commemorative note about the Saint).
Let us only recall that, according to the more or less commonly accepted chronology,
Tkl Haymanot is thought to have lived in ca. 1214/151313; the Saints major
annual feasts are celebrated on 24 Nhase (obitus) and 12 Gnbot (translatio).
2
As is commonly known, abba Iysus Moa was one of the most prominent
representatives of Dbr Hayq st ifanos, which, like Dbr Libanos of wa, is to-
day one of the most venerated monasteries of Ethiopia. However, Iysus Moa appe-
ars to have been somewhat less popular than a number of other holy monks. The
rather local character of his cult becomes evident when compared to the country-
wide veneration of Tkl Haymanot, Gbr Mnfs Qddus, Samuel of Waldbba,
Z-Mikael Argawi, as well as of several other Oriental saints. Iysus Moas com-
memoration is recorded in the Synaxarion, but only in a short notice (26 dar), not
in a hagiobiographic account. His popularity could have been increased by hagio-
graphies of other saints, where he is mentioned as a prominent monastic leader; yet,
the considerable difference between the respective cults of Tkl Haymanot and Iy-
sus Moa is demonstrated, e. g., by the number of manuscripts containing their hagio-
graphies. Whereas Tkl Haymanots hagiographic tradition, represented by a sub-
stantial number of works, is attested by many dozens of manuscripts, the same cannot
be said about the tradition of Iysus Moa (s, e. g., DEB 92; TADDESSE TAMRAT 1970:88
91; KRZ 7879, no. 86; MARRASSINI 1986; TEDESCHI in: EnSanti II, 267271; BAUM
in: BKK XX, 804806).
'& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

are considered central for the reconstruction of medieval Ethiopian church

history. This is reflected in the well-known evaluation given by Taddesse
Tamrat of one such episode: His [sc. Tkl Haymanots] encounter with
ysus-Moa on this second occasion is shrouded with uncertainties in the
traditions, and has become one of the most controversial points in Ethiopian
ecclesiastical history. The controversy basically evolves around the mutual
claims of seniority later advanced by Dbr Hayq and Dbr Lbanos.3 This
controversy has been the subject of a number of studies; yet, the progress
made in the understanding of Ethiopian history and the growing number of
accessible sources offers an opportunity to assess the problem one more time,
at the cross-roads of historical and philological studies. Today, a deeper analysis
of the relevant hagiographies is possible, with the aim not only of coming
closer to the reconstruction of the late 13th-cent. events, but also of tracing the
development of the traditions within their original context, their sources and
interrelations thus correctly assessing their value. The present essay is an
attempt at such analysis.4

I
Before embarking on the analysis, interpretation and evaluation of the ac-
counts I would like to summarize the most important points and acting cha-
racters of the story, according to its classical version as transmitted by the
early-16th-cent. Vita of Tkl Haymanot in the recension of Dbr Libanos.5
Obeying the Lords command,6 Tkl Haymanot, who had converted large
numbers of pagans in the south of the Ethiopian kingdom and worked mi-
racles, sought to take on the monastic habit and learn the monastic rules.

3
DDESSE TAMRAT 1972:164.
4
The essay is drawn from my Ph.D. thesis, The Vita of Tkl Haymanot as a
monument of Ethiopian medieval literature, completed under the supervision of the
late Sevir B. Chernetsov and defended at the Oriental Faculty of St. Petersburg State
University on 20 December 2002.
5
From here on, the text of the Vita of Tkl Haymanot in the Dbr Libanos
recension is quoted after the editio princeps, BUDGE 1906; however, one should note
that this text represents not the original but a slightly reworked variant of that recen-
sion (a problem I have addressed on several occasions: e. g., Nosnitsin 2006, forth-
coming, cp. also n. 34, below). The translation provided in BUDGE 1906 is often erro-
neous; when referring to it, I will attempt, therefore, to rectify it (and simplify the
transcription of proper names).
6
The summary follows BUDGE 1906, chs. 6888 (particularly relevant are chs.
6875, 7781, 8588). In the Dbr Libanos recension of his Vita, Tkl Haymanots
monastic career does not appear as detailed and lengthy as one would expect consi-
dering the time (more than 30 years) Tkl Haymanot spent in different monasteries
(s. the synopsis in BUDGE 1906, ch. 113; 10 years in the community of Bslot
 D. Nosnitsin ''

In order to fulfil his predestination the foundation of the monastery of

Dbr Asbo/Libanos Tkl Haymanot was deemed to become a monk.
Since there are no monasteries in wa, he travelled to the north of Ethio-
pia, seeking to assume the monastic habit there. The first place where he
made a halt is that of abba Bslot Mikael of Ge, the head of a
(unidentified) monastery in Amhara.7 Tkl Haymanot spent ten years there;

Mikael [Amhara], 10 years at Dbr Hayq stifanos, 12 years at Dbr Dammo,

1 year wandering in Tgre and Jerusalem, 29 years in Dbr Asbo; in manuscripts,
there are some differences concerning the last period).
7
While the historical context of the episode is more or less clear (cp. TADDESSE
TAMRAT 1972:112117, 177178), the chronology and historical identity of abba
Bslot Mikael is difficult to ascertain. According to the Synaxarion recension of
Tkl Haymanots Vita which is probably one of the most ancient hagiographic
sources on the Saint (s. Nosnitsin 2006, forthcoming) Bslot Mikael was the
only spiritual teacher of Tkl Haymanot and it was he, one could presume, who
imposed the monkish yoke upon Tkl Haymanot (s. GUIDI 1912:381). However,
the Waldbba recension of Tkl Haymanots Vita does not mention Bslot Mikael
at all, while in the Hayq and Dbr Libanos recensions Bslot Mikael is styled as
Bslot Mika el z-hagr Gsse (e. g., in MS Paris, Bibliothque national de Fran-
ce, th. 342 = Griaule 38 [s. below], fol. 89vb; however, he is Bslot Mikael of
Amhara on fols. 85va, 87ra) and Bslot Mika el z-G (BUDGE 1906, ch. 68)
respectively. It is difficult to identify him as Bslot Mikael of Dbr Gol whose
hagiography was edited by C. CONTI ROSSINI (1905), and who was the spiritual father
of Aron of Dbr Daret (cp. Turaiev 1908:125; E I, 350f.). Dbr Gwl of Am-
hara a historical monastery identical, according to the Vita of Bslot Mikael, to
Dbr Smmona, where Bslot Mikael assumed the monastic habit from Anore-
wos and lived (Conti Rossini 1905:14; there he lays the monastic habit upon Aron)
can hardly be identified with the well-known monastery of Dbr Bahry (in Gassc-
ca, domain of abba Giyorgis of Gasscca/Sgla), the contemporary site of Bslot
Mikaels cult, where his relics were transferred from G[w]lo Mkda (northeastern
Tgray; s. CONTI ROSSINI 1905:5053; SAUTER 1963:275). The identification of Ge
(the region where the important church of Mkan llase was situated) with Gassc-
ca is also problematic, though it is favoured by the local tradition (this identification,
recorded in the Acts of Bslot Mikael preserved in Dbr Bahry of Gasscca [s.
DERAT 2003:116117], may in fact originate from the Acts of Tkl Haymanot; how-
ever, the monastic library of Dbr Bahry needs further investigation). In any case,
Dbr Gwl is traditionally said to have been destroyed during the 16th-cent. Muslim
war and never rebuilt; its precise location remains unknown. In his hagiography,
Bslot Mikael appears as the contemporary of Metropolitan abun Yaqob and
King Amd Syon I (13141334), as a strenuous opponent of the latter and reformer
of the Church and monastic life (s. E I, 493f.). Thus, there seems to exist more
reasons to distinguish between the early Bslot Mikael of Ge (mentioned in
the hagiographic legend of Tkl Haymanot) and the later Bslot Mikael of
Dbr Gwl (as proposed by TURAIEV 1902:53; s. also Getatchew Hailes commentary
to MS EMML 1834, fol. 93b). The Vita of Iysus Moa seems to conflate earlier
and later personages, while stating that Iysus Moa was the spiritual father of B-
  Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

thereafter he proceeded to abba Iysus Moa, the abbot of the famous com-
munity of Dbr Hayq stifanos. Iysus Moa accepted Tkl Haymanot
and vested the new disciple with the monkish garb, becoming his spiri-
tual father.8 After ten years at Dbr Hayq stifanos, an angel appeared
to Tkl Haymanot with a message from God: he should visit other monas-
tic communities and learn the monastic rules; besides, he should go to the
monastery of Dbr Dammo (the place where Iysus Moa had taken his
monastic habit) and receive from its head, abba Yohanni,9 the monastic
cap (qob) and scapular (askema), and obtain therewith the complete
monks habit. When taking his farewell from Tkl Haymanot, Iysus
Moa asked Tkl Haymanot to bring the monastic cap and scapular also
for him, since he had left Dbr Dammo without receiving these parts of
the monastic garb from abba Yohanni. Iysus Moa was aware of the cir-
cumstance that, in case his request was fulfilled, his spiritual son would
formally become his spiritual father.10 Tkl Haymanot reached then
slot Mikael who preached in the entire (country of) Amhara being in the land of
Gol [T[ " J], and ascribes to Iysus Moa the spiritual fathership of cce
Aron of Dbr Drit (KUR 1965:3435 [text]).
8
BUDGE 1906, ch. 75; Iysus Moa receives from an angel the command to vest
Tkl Haymanot with monastic habit (ibid., 69 [text] vW " z " eO " oe "
z% " xa " Jvf " Jxc " T=e). When Tkl Haymanot is
introduced to him, Iysus Moa mentions that he has been directed by the angel, yet
Tkl Haymanot should stay and wait a little bit. Soon, the Abbot vested him with the
monastic garb which is the likeness of angel (ibid., [text] Jvf " Jwc " T=e "
z% " ` " OI|).
9
TADDESSE TAMRAT 1972:158159, 163, 165166; DEB 189; TEDESCHI in: EnSan-
ti II, 13621363. Historiographical notes attached to the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi
(GUIDI 1895:34, 42; s. below) appear to be the primary source on Yohanni, where he
is the seventh after Z-Mikael, the founder of Dbr Dammo (this being chronolo-
gically impossible, s. TADDESSE TAMRAT 1972:158, n. 4), but only the Vita of Iysus
Moa presents an extended hagiographic account of abba Yohannis life. Apart from
this, he seems to be less known and should not be confused with abba Yohanni of
Dbr Sina of Snhit (Krn, Eritrea), or abba Yohanni from Dbr Asa (Tgray).
Considering the name Yohanni and its similarity to Coptic names (Marrassini
1990:37), one should notice that Yohanni can also be explained from the point of
view of Ethiopian onomastics, as a contracted form of the Ethiopic name Ywhanni
([the Lord] has been merciful to me, this variant having been recorded on wall
paintings in the ancient Gnnt Maryam church, s. BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA 1998
1999:189, n. 56).
10
BUDGE 1905, ch. 77, with oil and (monastic) garb standing for qob and
askema respectively. The passage reads: [And Iysus Moa said to Tkl Hayma-
not:] Why are you leaving me? I have not seen you like a son, for I have seen you like
a honourable father. Nevertheless your words about going to my mountain have ple-
ased me, and when you arrive there [you] will receive the (monastic) cap and scapu-
lar; and afterwards you yourself will give (them) to me, and you will become me a
father.
 D. Nosnitsin 

Dbr Dammo and told abba Yohanni that he received his monastic garb
from Iysus Moa. Stating that Tkl Haymanot is the (spiritual) son of
his son, Yohanni bestowed upon him the qob and askema.11 After visits
to other monastic communities of northern Ethiopia and three miraculous
travels to Jerusalem, Tkl Haymanot, following Gods command, return-
ed to Dbr Hayq stifanos and handed the monastic cap and scapular
over to Iysus Moa, in accordance with the latters will.12
At the end of the account, there is a fragment containing Tkl Hayma-
nots monastic pedigree beginning with Anthony the Great, in which the spi-
ritual kinship between the three holy monks Iysus Moa, Yohanni and
Tkl Haymanot is explained once again; however, referring to Tkl
Haymanot, the hagiographer or deliberately leaves out or forgets to mention,
from whom the Saint received the parts of the monastic habit of the first
grade (monastic clothes from Iysus Moa). However significant this
contradiction might be, we can not say that this pedigree reverses the pre-
ceeding account.13
It seems that this version of the story first became widely known because
of the popularity of the Dbr Libanos recension of Tkl Haymanots Vita.
11
BUDGE 1905, ch. 78. Before vesting Tkl Haymanot with the monastic cap and
garb, abba Yohanni questions him; after that, he performs the consecration rite: And
he [abba Yohanni] said: What is your name, and who vested you with the monastic
garb (Jxc " T=e)? And he said: My name is Tkl Haymanot, and abba Iysus
Moa who dwells on an island of the lake, endowed me with the garb of the monk.
And abba Yohanni said: Verily you are son of my son, for I begot him by the Holy
Ghost. And abba Yohanni prayed over the cap and scapular according to the law
(H " w " K " IH " px " e+R " [v]O " M...), and he gave them to our
father holy man Tkl Haymanot.
12
BUDGE 1905, ch. 87, 188189 [tr.]: And on the morrow he rose up and depar-
ted, and he came to the place on the sea-shore, and he walked upon the water, even as
a man walketh on the dry land; and he came unto Iyasus Moa. And when the Abbot
saw him, he rejoiced exceedingly, and said unto him, Where didst thou receive the
[monastic cap and the scapular] (px " e+R) [with thy] holy hands? And Tkl
Haymanot said unto him, In Mount Damo, at the hand of Abba Yohanni. And [he]
said unto him, From this time onward I will cease from the toil of the road; I will be
thy son, and thou shalt be [my] father; give me the [monastic cap and the scapular]
which are in thy holy hands. And [Abba Tkl Haymanot] gave [him] the cowl [the
monastic cap] and the cloak, for the angel said unto him, Hearken unto what he
sayeth unto thee.
13
Cp. DERAT 2003:106107; s. BUDGE 1906, ch. 88, with the somewhat vague
title How the garb of the monk and the rule of ascetic life descended from Anthony
to Takla Hymnt (ibid., 189190 [tr.]): and Abba Msql Moa begot Abba
Yohanni, and Abba Yohanni begot Abba Iysus Moa and Tkl Haymanot, [Iysus
Moa] by the cassock and girdle (vmQe " vo|), and [Tkl Haymanot] by the
[monastic cap and the scapular]; and Abba [Tkl Haymanot gave Iysus Moa the
monastic cap and the scapular], even as we have said before.
  Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Yet, this story in particular its conclusion, which makes Tkl Haymanot
the spiritual father of Iysus Moa, the latter having had no monastic cap or
scapular before was emotionally refuted in another hagiography, the Vita
of Iysus Moa. This work is considered to reflect the point of view of the
monastic community of Dbr Hayq stifanos; it summarizes Tkl Hayma-
nots biography, seeking to prove that the case was only that Tkl Haymanot
gave Iysus Moa the scapular. The same story is repeated, with some variants,
in other hagiographic texts (the Waldbba and Hayq recensions of the Vita of
Tkl Haymanot, the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi), and mentioned in many
other sources. As the most important of these texts were edited, the episode
in question attracted considerable scholarly attention, mainly to the aim of
reconstructing the sequence of developments and ascertaining which of the
two holy monks, Tkl Haymanot or Iysus Moa, held superiority concern-
ing the parts of the monastic habit. Different interpretations of the story re-
sulted in varying understandings of the roles Dbr Libanos of wa and
Dbr Hayq stifanos played in Ethiopian medieval church history. The ques-
tion became even more delicate from the beginning of the 20th cent., when
Tkl Haymanot, Iysus Moa and Z-Mikael Argawi were raised to sym-
bols of Ethiopian Christianity by the Ethiopian Orthodox Twahdo Church.
Summarizing the main points of the studies, one should note that, where-
as the encounters of Tkl Haymanot, Iysus Moa and Z-Mikael Argawi
the prominent 13th14th-cent. monastic leaders are generally thought to
have been historical events, there is a commonly accepted view that hagio-
graphical accounts must be approached critically and evaluated as both histo-
rical events and fictional products.14 The prevailing tendency today is to re-
frain from the positivistic enquiry into the episode as described in the hagio-
graphies (including the monastic investiture performed by the spiritual son
Tkl Haymanot upon his spiritual father Iysus Moa), and attempts to
find out who precisely conferred particular parts of the monastic habit upon

14
S. KAPLAN 1986; cp. E. Cerullis remark in the preface to the Vita of Iysus
Moa (KUR 1965:VVI [tr.]): Un clich commun dans lhagiographie thiopienne
sont les rencontres du saint dont on crit la Vie, avec dautres saints personnages de
lglise qui sont de la mme poque ou plutt quon peut vraisemblement attribuer
la mme poque (cp., however, on the possible historical background of such epi-
sodes, CERULLI 1958:271). The establishment of the identities of the characters inter-
acting with the protagonist of a Vita is thus a common subject of hagiographical. While
pursuing this task, scholars define possible chronological and historical frames of the
narrated events and establish the historical value of hagiographic accounts. In many
cases, reports about encounters of holy monks can be counter-checked against other
hagiographic traditions. The results, however, are different depending on the type of
individual hagiographic work in question. Cp. the typology of such accounts in MAR-
RASSINI 1981: XCIIIC (incontri con personaggi del passato, incontri con personaggi
contemporanei).
 D. Nosnitsin !

whom, when and where.15 One would rather prefer to consider this story as a
reflection of a particular historical process, namely the rivalry between Db-
r Libanos of wa and Dbr Hayq stifanos that started presumably some
time after the death of both saints and left traces in their hagiographies, the
episode in question being one of the main pieces of evidence. As a result, the
accounts with that story have been carefully investigated in order to find the
idea of (spiritual) superiority expressed therein that was thought to have been
functional to earning and consolidating religious and political influence.16
For the later period, the alleged rivalry is fitting with the political and reli-
gious context of the Gondrine kingdom, with the inner struggle of the hou-
ses of Tkl Haymanot and Ewostatewos.17 The idea of the superiority of

15
TADDESSE TAMRAT (1972:165 and n. 5) thinks that the story of Tkl Haymanot
handing over the monastic cap and scapular to Iysus Moa is the result of an incon-
sistent usage of terminology and should not be given historical credibility. Monastic
canons render it impossible that a disciple could perform the monastic investiture
upon his spiritual father. In Taddesses opinion, the system of the grades of monastic
habit was introduced in Ethiopia at a later point: It appears, however, that these rules
of gradual investiture were of a relatively recent date; in the 13th14th cent. the novice
was supposed to assume the monastic yoke only once. Taddesse, pointing to the
Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi as the central source, considers the episode in question to
be partly a result of some sort of confusion and partly a kind of literary invention
of the hagiographer, which was subsequently introduced into other hagiographic works:
This Dbr Damo tradition seems to be the original source of all the controversy, and
was apparently invented by an over-zealous scribe of the monastery to stress the histo-
rical fact that both ysus-Moa and Tkl-Haymanot derived their monastic origin
from the house of Abun Argaw (TADDESSE TAMRAT 1972:166). It is remarkable that
in his important study on the abbots of Dbr Hayq stifanos, Taddesse does not
discuss the episode, only characterizing the relevant passage of the Vita of Iysus
Moa as a highly polemical one (TADDESSE TAMRAT 1970:89, n. 13).
16
As early as 1898, Vasilij Bolotov, the Russian historian of the Early Church,
suggested that versions of the story concerning the spiritual relationship between
Iysus Moa and Tkl Haymanot and their taking parts of the monastic habit reflect
the historical changes in the position of the offices of aqqabe sat and ccge
respectively (BOLOTOV 1898:195, n. 12). . DERAT 2003:105: La substitution prog-
ressive de Tkl Haymanot Iysus Moa, ds le dbut du XVIe sicle, est le signe
que les communauts de ces deux saints taient concurrentes Il sagit dun affron-
tement entre les deux communauts monastiques, par texte interpos, la fin du XVe
et au dbut du XVIe sicle. Perhaps, the same view stands behind the statement in
SIX 1975:2731, esp. 29 and n. 50, where it is said that the head of Dbr Hayq
stifanos was invested with the title and office of ccge already under the King
Amd Syon I (13141344), which was transferred to the head of Dbr Libanos
during the reign of Zra Yaqob after 1445.
17
M.-L. Derat came to the conclusion that different variants of the story in ques-
tion reflect the early stage of the rivalry between Dbr Libanos and Dbr Hayq
stifanos, the later being reflected in the Bl Ngt, the narrative about the reestab-
 " Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

the spiritual father over his son can therefore be interpreted in terms of
the actual religious and administrative submission of one monastic
community to another. If applied to the case of Dbr Hayq stifanos and
Dbr Libanos of wa, this concept provides, a priori, a well-structured
picture for a long period of the Ethiopian church history.18 It is clear, howe-
ver, that the acceptance of one all-embracing model does not remove either
the task of a comparative evaluation of all the pieces of evidence or the need
to reveal and explain, as far as possible, all the contradictions and discrepan-
cies between them.19
A closer look at Ethiopian hagiography reveals that monastic initiation is
often featured in the biographical accounts of Ethiopian saints. However, in
most cases hagiographers record the mere fact of the assumption of the mo-
nastic habit. While describing how the protagonist enters monastic life, they
mention sometimes the monkish tunic or robe (qmis), more frequently
girdle (q nat), monastic cap (qob ) and scapular (askema), or simply un-

lishment of the Solomonic dynasty (in which the role that originally belonged to
abba Iysus Moa is taken over by Tkl Haymanot: one third of the kingdom,
thought to have been previously promised to Dbr Hayq, is promised to Dbr Li-
banos), and is thus to be dated to the late 17th or early 18th cent. (DERAT 2003:9798).
A passage of the monastic chronicle of Dbr Libanos (Zena Dbr Libanos) is
considered to be important in this connection, since it may present the core of the
story to be later developed in the B l Ngt (the account of Tkl Haymanots
intervention in the political struggle and his intercession on behalf of Ykunno Am-
lak), and contain allusions to the testaments in the Vita of Iysus Moa (ibid. 102
103). Regarding the episode under enquiry, M.-L. Derat encounters a difficulty since
she accepts the dating suggested by E. Cerulli: En effet, les actes du Iysus Moa
datant de la fin du XVe sicle apparaissent comme une rponse des auteurs des Hayq
ceux de Tkl Haymanot rdigs au dbut du XVIe sicle. Soit la rponse des au-
teurs de Hayq est postrieure la rdaction de la Vie de Iysus Moa, et reprsente un
remaniement de ce texte aprs le dbut du XVe sicle. Soit, du ct de Dbr Asbo/
Libanos, la vie de Tkl Haymanot a connu des version intermdiaires entre le dbut
du XVe sicle et le dbut du XVIe sicle, dans lesquelles le rattachement de Dbr
Asbo/Libanos Dbr Hayq fut dabord affirm, puis nuanc par lpisode du qob et
de laskma (DERAT 2003:109; s. below).
18
This interpretation of the episode with Tkl Haymanot and Iysus Moa, with
the subsequent conclusions concerning the relations between Dbr Hayq stifanos
and Dbr Libanos of wa, would fit into the picture of the development of Ethio-
pian monastic movement as presented by E. CERULLI 1958:270273.
19
E. g., Turaev pointed out that the suggestion of Bolotov concerning the ri-
valry between the offices of ccge and aqqabe sat (s. above, n. 16) can not be
fully supported by the evidence from the hagiographic tradition of Tkl Haymanot:
the early Waldbba version of Tkl Haymanots Vita has the controversial episo-
de, whereas it is missing in the more recent Synaxarion note on Tkl Haymanot,
24 Nhase (URAIEV 1902:96).
 D. Nosnitsin #

specified monastic garb or clothes (l bs/albas/mlbs m nkw s nna or

ar ut [lit. yoke] m nkw s nna).20 Yet, the exact listing of all the insignia
received by a saint in the course of his monastic career or the precise record-
ing of respective bestowing rituals were not considered obligatory; in a few
cases, the mention of the monastic initiation is missing altogether.21 Hagio-
graphers apparently wanted to attract more attention to the religious and ethi-
cal value of the monastic vow and ensue moral responsibilities and obliga-
tions. Consequently, most of the relevant episodes appear in the form of brief,
loosely formalized hagiographic common places, which only occasionally
include more details.22

20
According to traditional sources, these are parts of the monastic habit and, at
the same time, insignia designating the grades of the monastic profession, up to the
askema, for the perfect monk. The qmis is the traditional long shirt (or tunic),
usually made of undyed material (cp. GUIDI 1901:248; . also KBT 359). The q nat
is a rough leather (or fibre) belt but frequently nothing else but a simple rope (GUIDI
1901:283; c. KBT 387). The qob (Amharic: qob) is a round, flat-topped cap without
brims, made of white or black material (GUIDI 1901:274; KBT 437; cp. an Amharic
idiom yqob s m monastic name). The skema consists of two leather strips han-
ging over the shoulders and crossed on the back and breast, with 12 small crosses
hanging from it (GUIDI 1901:446; c. KBT 729, s. Askema; Clothing: Ecclesias-
tic in: E I, 373, 761763). The term derives from Greek scma habitus, species
(s. LESLAU 1987:43; . DILLMANN 1865:752), this clarifying the meaning of such
term as askema zmlakt ggelikn scma appearence [likeness] of an-
gel. The askema-scapular symbolises the third, highest grade of the monastic pro-
fession, at which the monk reaches the highest degree of purity and obtains the an-
gelic nature (cp. KAPLAN 1984:8183; cp. HAMMERSCHMIDT 1962:221). All parts of
the Ethiopian monkish apparel have parallels in other (Oriental) Christian traditions
(cp. the similar composition of the monastic habit in the Byzantine typika, THOMAS
CONSTANTINIDES HERO 2000, vol. 1, XXII).
21
For the typology of this motive as presented in Ethiopian hagiography, s. Ap-
pendix, with examples from some 22 hagiographies.
22
The terminology used there is, indeed, not quite consequent, yet the accounts
are clear and transparent. There is seemingly no difference in the use of the term lbs
and its plural albas, which mean all the parts of the monastic habit together, with the
exception of the scapular. The term askema (monkish, holy, angelic zmnkw-
sat, qdd st, zmla kt) may appear as a potential source of uncertainty, referring to
both the monastic life in general (as equivalent for ar ut mnkwsnna) and the
scapular as the highest (angelic) grade of the monastic profession in particular. In
fact, the askema symbolizes the monastic profession and monastic life; to take on
the askema may simply mean to enter monastic life, but also to assume the sca-
pular [the angelic habit]. Yet in the sources the term askema is only ambiguous in a
few cases (s. Appendix: Gbr Mnfs Qddus, Yshaq/Grima, Libanos/Mtta,
Nine Saints in the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi). For a similar problem in Byzantine
monastic documents s. THOMAS CONSTANTINIDES HERO 2000, vol. 1, 155, n. 1; cp.
also the Coptic monastic rite, EVETTS 1906:64.
 $ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

The attempts at regarding the hagiographic accounts of monastic con-

secration as reflections of a real practice lead to conclusions concerning the
organization of the Ethiopian monastic institutions. The hierarchical order of
monastic communities based on the three grades of the monastic profession
does not appear to have been commonly accepted across Ethiopian monastic
communities, because of the decentralised character of Ethiopian monasti-
cism and the absence of a strong Church organization.23 However, it can be
assumed that the idea of the monastic investiture and the corresponding ri-
tuals could have been known in Ethiopia even before the re-establishment of
the Solomonic line (ca. 1270).24 From the 14th cent. onwards the gradual
monastic investiture (this being nothing but the formal expression of the ba-
sic principle of the progressing spiritual contendings, shared by all monastic
traditions) possibly gained wider circulation. The assumption of the girdle,
tunic and monastic cap at one time and the scapular at another time would
thus correspond to the custom of distinguishing between the little habit
and the great habit. However, a few hagiographies (among them those re-

23
TADDESSE TAMRAT 1972:165.
The tradition of the book of monastic consecration rites known as rat
24

Mnk wsnna (Rule[s] of the Monasticism) or Mshaf Mnk wsnna (Book of

the Monasticism), preserved in many manuscripts, may well go back to the 14th cent.
(cp. MSS EMML 2093, 2168, 2272, 2459; HAMMERSCHMIDT SIX 1983:197198,
no. 103; Six 1989:73, no. 42; cp. a probably 15th cent. MS of the Srat Mnk w-
s nna from Dbr Dammo, STRELCYN 1976:323323, no. 131; cp. also for the same
work MS Paris, Bibliothque national de France, th. 80, ZOTENBERG 1877:85, no. 79).
The book could have also been composed at an earlier time (RICCI 1969a: 816817).
GRBAUT (1940) edited and translated the monastic rite after the 14th- / early 15th-cent.
MS th. 80 (ZOTENBERG 1877:85, no. 79; s. UHLIG 1988:287); though this rat
Mnk wsnna is not complete, there are chapters devoted to the ritual of cutting the
hairs of the novice (GRBAUT 1940:227) and the prayer over the monastic garb (OJve,
ibid. 229230), and to putting on the garb and girdle ({Jxf " v " OJvc "
{m} " |xJ, ibid. 231) or the girdle alone (ibid. 234); any ritual for the
askema is unfortunately missing. The rat mnk w snna in MS EMML 1950 (17th/
18th cent., Dbr Hayq stifanos) is much more developed and contains not only the
rites but also the regulations concerning monastic life: e. g., on fol. 1ra-rb it is stated
that anyone who wants to become monk (Oy " m " Jve " e+R " z% "
Jxc " T=e...) should spend a year of probation in the monastery, with the monks,
his conduct and qualities being carefully studied and checked by the community. The
probationer himself must consider the seriousness of his intention concerning the as-
sumption of the holy askema (e+R " oe|) the monastic habit. There is a
description of the monastic initiation ritual: when the probationer is found worthy of
becoming a monk (after the time of probation is over, and only if he has reached the
age of 40 years!), the monastic rules are read to him (fol. 1vb). Then, at night, he is
taken to the altar, here the ritual of the assumption of the vestment of askema
(Jxc " e+R) being performed over the novice ([) by his spiritual father.
 D. Nosnitsin %

lated to the tradition of Dbr Libanos) clearly speak of the separate assump-
tion of the scapular, whereas the majority of the sources do not, proving to be
indifferent to the question. On the whole, the sources produce no substantial
evidence on the introduction of the strict twofold monastic consecration as
a result of reforms,25 though it is known that active attempts to reorganize
some spheres of monastic life did take place. At the same time, hagiographies
reflect a range of different attitudes to the monastic career in general.26
With regards to the Ethiopian monastic tradition as reflected by hagio-
graphy, one can not say that the current monastic practice basically disagrees
with the information originating from the sources.27 At the same time there
are same obvious discrepancies which are not easy to explain. For instance, it
has been repeatedly reported that, especially in the countryside, the mode of
clothing of clergy and monks hardly differs from that of laymen; a distinctive
feature of the monk or priest, besides the cap (qob), may be the turban
(matta mtamiya), and for monks, of course, the cloak or mantle made of
crude dry sheepskin (Gz: hamelat or meloto, Amharic: dblo), the last
two items excluded from the monastic ritual and rarely appearing in hagio-
graphies.28 However, at least in contemporary Ethiopian monastic practice,

25
Repetition of the ritual would raise concern about its desacralisation. In By-
zantine monastic tradition, e. g., there was a controversy about the duplication of
the assumption of the monastic habit, which some monastic leaders considered unac-
ceptable like the repetition of Baptism; consequently, they rejected the distinction in
the monastic dress: s. THOMAS CONSTANTINIDES HERO 2000, vol. 1, 78; 155, n. 1, 2;
vol. 2, 1203.
26
They were not always only positive. In fact, in many hagiographic accounts
hermits appear as spiritual athletes (like abba Gbr Mnfs Qddus) who super-
sede cenobitical monks in asceticism, miraculous power and sanctity. Hermits did
not always seek complete separation from the cenobitical communities but frequen-
tly kept up relations with them; the hermitic way has been fully recognized as an
honourable way of ascetic life, more difficult than the that in the community. E.g., in
Waldbba, a monk could become a hermit and be separated from the community only
if the abbot decided that he was experienced enough and ready to continue the ascetic
life alone. In order to become a hermit, a monk would not need to assume the scapu-
lar (on the contrary, hermits were supposed to reject a formal recognition of their
spiritual merits). Having settled in a deserted place, a hermit would stay in complete
isolation and seldom appear in the community. Some hermits never leave their abo-
des; however, they are sometimes helped by younger monks (GIRMA ELYAS 1977:110
113). In Ethiopia, hermitic life has always exercised an immense attraction, its fol-
lowers being revered by both laymen and ecclesiastics (yet, they were sometimes at
odds with representatives of the official Church hierarchy).
27
Cp., e. g., RICCI 19691970:144145; VAN DE WEYER 1973.
28
On hamelat/meloto, which is considered to be the traditional clothing of both
the monks and wandering students seeking for the education in church and monastic
schools, s. DILLMANN 1865:71, KWK 449. . E I, 761763: those monks who re-
 & Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

the assumption of the scapular (the highest grade of the monastic profession)
though formally quite important, is implemented only in rare cases29 in
spite of the fact that the service books provide a full set of relevant rituals,
well known to, and much revered by, Ethiopian monks. It is possible that the
early assumption of the scapular as described in many hagiographic works
should be understood as a sign of the extraordinariness and sanctity of the
vitas protagonists (and be ascribed, thus, to the imaginary world of the
hagiography): a saint need neither many years of ascetic exercises to reach the
angelic nature, nor should he wait many years for the scapular to be confer-
red upon him;30 even the period of probation and noviciate appears very short
or even non-existent. As in the past, the institution of the spiritual father-
hood is also vivid today: the senior monk who initiates a novice into monas-
tic life remains his spiritual father and actively participates in the spiritual
upbringing of his son (while the latter maintains warm attitude to the for-
mer for many years), yet his advising concerns matters of spiritual life and is
not binding, especially when his pupil matures and moves to another place.

ceived the sacerdotal consecration can carry hand-crosses, as priests do. In the sour-
ces one can find references to the lack of acknowleged standarts in monastic clothing,
cp. the most valuable notes by Almeida, in: Historia Aethiopiae, ed. by . Beccari,
Roma 1907, book II, ch. XVIII, 195200. There are also mentions of the yellow robes
or cloaks worn by some monks (s. BECKINGHAM HUNTINGFORD 1961:126, 424), a
custom preserved, e. g., in Waldbba monasteries, and currently followed also by monks
of Dbr Libanos (wa) and some other communities. In the 20th cent., there were
some attempts at standardizing (and modernizing) of the clothing of the ecclesias-
tics and monks.
29
S., e. g., RICCI 19691970:144145, CHAILLOT 2002:154157.
30
Quite the opposite to the living monastic tradition. According to the rules of
Dbr Abrntant, one of the monasteries of Waldbba, a candidate for the scapular
should be elected among old monks of the community. He must be renown for his
piety, virtue, knowledge and other merits. He had to spend a long time living as a
monk and being an example of perfect ascetisim (in particular, abstaining from meat
and sleeping in a bed). Due to his age and way of life, he was expected to stay most of
the time within his community; he could offer spiritual teaching, but he had to ab-
stain from participation in any other active work, especially in administrative matters
(BRIHUN KBBD 1971:108115). As local tradition reports, during the entire his-
tory of Waldbba Abrntant only four monks have assumed the scapular (though
honourable monks were numerous). The first was 14th-cent. Samuel of Waldbba,
who is considered to be the founder of Abrntant (the scapular was reportedly con-
ferred upon him by Mdanin gzi in Dbr Bnkwal; the Vita of Samuel, howe-
ver, relates that he assumed from Mdanin gzi the clothes [albas], the girdle
[qnat] and the monastic cap [qob ], s. TURAIEV 1902a:2), while the others were three
prominent superiors of the community. Abba Gbr gziabher Tsmma was the
last one to receive the scapular at Dbr Dammo, in the late 1960s (BRIHUN KB-
BD 1971:109).
 D. Nosnitsin '

Historically, the issues of strict distinction between the grades of monas-

tic profession, the standartization of everyday monastic vestments and their
distinction from the clothes of laymen, were certainly not a crucial point in
Ethiopian monastic discourse; it is, however, quite natural that, regarding the
question of garments, local Ethiopian tradition put emphasis on some other
specific points.31 As to the hierarchy within the monasteries, this certainly
existed in any Ethiopian cenobitical community, though its formalization (also
by means of the parts of the monastic habit) may have happened only in a few
cases when it was required, e. g., by the growth of the monastery and by
the need of organizing the religious and economical activities of a great num-
ber of monks. Ethiopia was famous for its numerous monasteries, but most of
them, including the well-established and influential ones, had comparatively
small communities.32 Dbr Libanos of wa, being among the few excep-
31
While the Bible and extensive monastic literature (Msah ft Mnkosat) pro-
vided the religious, ascetic and ritual foundation for Ethiopian monasticism, the local
tradition had a specific appearance. It is from this point of view that one should
consider the notable remark by J. Simon concerning the so-called Ethiopic Regulae
Pachomii (DILLMANN 1866:5769 [HAMMERSCHMIDT 1988]): On ne peut citer aucun
monastre thiopien qui ait t organis selon la Rgle de S. Pachme (SIMON
1941 [HAMMERSCHMIDT 1988]:301). While two of the three parts of these Regula-
tions, where a lot is said on the role of the monastic garb, were translated during the
Axumite period (LUSINI 1997:5455, n. 1620), and the Regulations certainly exer-
cised influence on the life in Ethiopian monasteries, attested collections of genuine
Ethiopian monastic regulations are deeply rooted in the local reality and focus on
quite different points (ibid. 55). Cp., e. g., the regulations (from the 15th/16th-cent.
manuscript, compiled at an unknown monastery) containing a paragraph about the
vestments expressing concerns different from the Regulae Pachomii (ibid. 5760;
Ancora, il 2 contempla soltanto la pelle di capra come elemento specifico del ve-
stito monastico, probabilmente per sottolineare come quello pi degli altri sia lauten-
tico segno di riconoscimento del monaco, ibid., 5859); cp. also concerns expres-
sed in the rules of abba Nabyud (BEYLOT 1974:1, 1617). Concerns of leaders of
local communities should have focused on the simplicity of clothes, or avoidance of
outspoken inequality among monks in this respect (e. g., as a repercussion of their
different social background), or the amassing property by individuals, etc. Certainly,
a substantial degree of disagreement between what is written/prescribed in the books
and what is implemented in the real life is characteristic of the Ethiopian monastic
tradition, as of any other (e. g., the Coptic monastic rite includes rituals for both the
little and great habits, but cp. EVETTS 1906:65: Aujourdhui les moines gyp-
tiens ne portent que des tuniques noires et turban de mme couleur sur une calotte,
comme les prtres sculiers).
32
It seems that the population of most monastic communities did not exceed a
few dozens of brothers (like those noted by Alvares, s. BECKINGHAM HUNTINGFORD
1961:175, 185). Ethiopian sources hold witness to a few larger monastic communi-
ties; cp., a valuable description of the Ewostatean monastic organization in Zra
Yaqobs Mshaf Brhan, which reports that in three nunneries affiliated to Dbr
  Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

tions, is reported to have had a population of no less than one hundred monks
or many more over a long period of time. For the early 16th cent. shortly
before the monastery was destroyed by Ahmad Gra there are some pieces
of evidence that the community was hierarchically organised according to
the monastic grades, and the bestowing rites for the parts of the monastic
habit were established and duly performed.33

II
There is no doubt that the value of the storys versions as presented in the
hagiographic texts mentioned above is different for each of them. It is usual-
ly assumed that the hagiographers, more or less consciously, used their works
for expressing their ideology and asserting the claims of their respective
communities. However, one should not forget that this was just one and
possibly not even predominant of the many functions at work in hagio-
graphic texts. When compiling a new Vita, the hagiographer hardly distin-
guished those passages in the text which would serve as his monastic com-
munitys credo or proclamation; however, he maintained the same li-
terary devices throughout the work. In addition to the passages he penned
himself, the hagiographer used elements he borrowed, directly or indirectly,
from both oral and written sources, which he could re-interpret and/or revise.

Bizn there were 1146 nuns (CONTI ROSSINI RICCI 1965:150). This information,
however, refers to the peak of the Ewostatean movement; the number of monks de-
creased in the early 16th cent. (cp. BECKINGHAM HUNTINGFORD 1961:8890); currently
there is no trace of a large monastic settlement there. There are some other reports on
monastic settlements with hundreds and even thousands of monks (. GIRMA ELYAS
1977:101; BECKINGHAM HUNTINGFORD 1961:201). Even if these reports are tru-
stworthy, big communities could not persist for long, since they would quickly exhaust
the ecological resources of the region and would be vulnerable to epidemics and
military conflicts (for the population in Byzantine monasteries, and approximate sta-
tistics comparable to the Ethiopian situation [notwithstanding the important cultural,
social and economical differences!], s. THOMAS CONSTANTINIDES HERO 2000, vol. 1,
XVIXVII).
33
lmeida, in: Historia Aethiopiae, ed. by . Beccari, Roma 1907, book II,
ch. XVIII, 196200. Almeida mentions those who assumed the great habit the
scapular; he also reports of an exceptionally lengthy probation period (7 years). A monk
could assume the scapular only after he had assumed other parts of the habit (some
assumed only the tunic first, and the monastic cap later), only if he reached the age of
30 years and fulfilled another period of probation. It seems that the community of
Dbr Libanos retains, to the great extent, the old organisation: it consists of proba-
tioners (arda t, sg. rd ) who are waiting for being accepted into the monastery,
junior monks (n usan, sg. n us), senior monks (a rug), and perfect monks (lit.
saints, qddusan, sg. qddus; s. ACDic IV, 142156; for the term, s. also RICCI
1966:77 and 93, n. 174; RICCI 196970:145).
 D. Nosnitsin 

Thus, understanding the message of a hagiographic account would mean, to

a great extent, disentangling the process of its emergence, the task being
distinct from, though parallel to, establishing the works textual history within
the framework of a critical edition.34 Let us therefore discuss each of the
most important traditions that relate the story in question, in chronological
order.

34
Even though I have already expressed my view concerning the hagiographic
tradition of the Vita of Tkl Haymanot on several occasions, I would like to summarize
here the most crucial points. It is generally accepted that the hagiographic tradition of
the Vita consits of four recensions. 1) The Synaxarion note on 24 Nhase, the day of
Tkl Haymanots death, is represented by at least two text-types: the old one (GUIDI
1912:377383, the text from the MS P), and the more recent one (ibid. 1912:474
476, Appendice; cp. BUDGE 1928:124146). 2) The Waldbba recension, only pre-
served in two copies (one of them, MS th. 136, from Bibliothque nationale de
France, dates possibly into the 15th cent.) has the reign of Yshaq (14141429) as its
terminus post quem. It can not fully be excluded that this work does not date from an
even earlier period, since King Yshaq is not mentioned in the main body of the text,
but in the Miracles, which could be attached to the Vita somewhat later. 3) The
best-known recension of the Vita is the Dbr Libanos version (BUDGE 1906), com-
piled around 1515 by the initiative of ccge Petros. This recension is represented by
two text-types: the original one and its slightly reworked and much more recent va-
riant (the first half of the 18th cent.?; cp. NOSNITZYN 2000). 4) There is a number of
definitively interrelated texts their archetype remains to be reconstructed which
preceed the recension of Dbr Libanos and were incorporated into it. The so-called
Hayq recension (the critical edition of which I am currently preparing) owes its name
to MS EMML 1834, a 16th-cent. Gdl Qddusan from Dbr Hayq stifanos, the
hagiographic collection with the Acts of Tkl Haymanot differing from both the
Waldbba and Dbr Libanos recensions (see Getatchew Hailes description of EMML
1834, 2134). MS EMML 8742, from Tana Qirqos (not catalogued, accessible only in
the National Archives and Library of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa), contains a text of the
same type as EMML 1834, though with substantial differences. EMML 1834 seems
to represent an abridged version (typical for a work included into a collection of
texts), with a few new passages (in some cases the influence of the Dbr Libanos
recension can not be exluded) of the same text as in MS Paris, Bibliothque national
de France, th. 342 = Griaule 38 (late 15th cent., s. GRBAUT 1941:1820), to which
16th-cent. or older MS Tnsee 162 = Dg Estifanos 51 (SIX 1999:202206) is iden-
tical. A suggestion concerning the dating of this text, designated as the 1st Dbr
Libanos recension, ca. 14251426, was made on the basis of th. 697, another text
related to th. 342 (s. DERAT 1998:77; for the internal evidence pointing to a slightly
more recent time, i. e. to the early reign of Zra Yaqob, s. NOSNITSIN 2003:149,
n. 40). The brief version of the Synaxarion recension of the Vita appears to be one of
the oldest hagiographic documents about Tkl Haymanot and most probably ante-
dates both the Hayq and the Dbr Libanos recensions; this text was the basic source
for the compiler of the Hayq recension (s. NOSNITSIN 2006, forthcoming). After the
Dbr Libanos recension was composed, but before 1532, the Homilies on the annu-
  Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

In Waldbba recension of the Vita of Tkl Haymanot, the account of the

Saints visit to (Dbr) Hayq is included in the sequence of events which
took place when the saint was wandering in northern Ethiopia. According to
this recension, Tkl Haymanot decided to adopt the monkish yoke (`#z "
T=e) after he was consecrated priest and distinguished himself while
converting the people into Christianity. Thus, Tkl Haymanot went to An-
got and reached Lake Hayq (Km " wM`), where he received the monastic
habit (indiscriminately denoted here as monastic clothes: Jwf " Jwc "
T=e) from Iysus Moa. After nine years, having received blessing from
Iysus Moa, he moved (Hc) to Tgray and received the monastic cap and
scapular at Dbr Dammo (the name of the superior is not mentioned). The
account states that in Tgray Tkl Haymanot introduced many people into
monastic life (O:c " x#) and built/ founded many monasteries. On
his way back to Sewa (wa), Tkl Haymanot visited Hayq where the noto-
rious conversation with Iysus Moa took place. The superior asked his pupil
what he had on his head; having learnt that this is the perfect order of the
monastic habit (#T " Y`z " T=e), he asked Tkl Haymanot to
give him both the monastic cap and the scapular, and the latter fulfilled his
teachers request.35
The perception of the Waldbba recension as the early stage in the deve-
lopment of the hagiographic legend of Tkl Haymanot (which may have
been only 120140 years apart from the events it described) is important
for understanding the episode. The hagiographer did not try to adapt the ac-
count to any literary model,36 being perhaps not skilled or knowledgeable

al holidays of the Saint and three respective collections of the Miracles were attached
to the Vita. The Book of the Translation of the Body of Tkl Haymanot, which is
usually found in the MSS with the Dbr Libanos recension of the Vita, represents a
still separate tradition (s. NOSNITSIN 2003).
35
CONTI ROSSINI 1896:107108 (text), 133134 (tr.), from: KH " v " O "
X " `#z " T=e... till the well-known passage: v+H: " v# " zH "
DR| " " J " " Eyz " " v# " z " w "" v+H: " &c#e "
U " " z " J " vc " # " v "" fv " va " Ay " w " zH "
DR| " Hv#B " w " &c#e " U " px " e+R " zc " vvz*GP "
H:}P " AH# " TeH+ " S "" Remarking another episodio di grandissima
importanza, Conti Rossini (ibid., 133, n. 1) gives in the footnote, as elsewhere, the
contents of the corresponding passage from Manuel de Almeidas resum of the Db-
r Libanos recension of the Vita; for this purpose Conti Rossini used a copy of the
work received through M. Esteves Pereira (ibid., 102; originating, most probably,
from an MS of the National Library, Lisbon, cp. ESTEVES PEREIRA 1899:6, n. 6).
36
It can not be excluded, however, that the author reversed 1 Par. 17:12 (the
words God addressed to King David through the Prophet Natan) I will be his father,
and he shall be my son (and I will not take my mercy away from him...), according
to the standard Ethiopic Bible: " " v " z% " " J
(. also 1 Par. 22:10).
 D. Nosnitsin !

enough to put the narrative into a more elaborate literary shape, or simply
having no intention to do so. Thus, in the Waldbba recension the account
has neither literary decorative elements nor, seemingly, ideological implica-
tions, and may have a direct link to the oral legend, as attested by the frank
and somewhat nave expression of astonishment and admiration in the words
Iysus Moa directed to his own pupil: Oh my son! What is it on your head,
and what is on your neck?!, and the following: Give me the (thing) that is
similar to what I see on your neck, for it is nice!37
The Synaxarion commemoration of Tkl Haymanot on 24 Nhase (in its
short version) differs from the Waldbba recension of the Vita of the Saint.
While reporting that Tkl Haymanot had only one spiritual teacher Bslot
Mikael of Amhara (s. above, n. 7), it does not mention whether Tkl Hay-
manot received from him any separate part of the monastic habit.38 This story
was incorporated into the hagiographic legend of Tkl Haymanot as a stable
element and appears in other recensions of the Vita, its variations being deve-
loped from the common narrative core: Tkl Haymanot stayed in the mona-
stic community of Bslot Mikael for a long time (the Synaxarion: x# "
OH) and was introduced into the monastic life; yet neither version says
that he received there either monkish robe, or monastic cap and scapular.39
The Hayq (/1st Dabr Libanos) recension as transmitted in MS th. 342
= Griaule 38 and a few other manuscripts40 presents the story of Tkl Hay-
37
One may get an impression of a somewhat anecdotal character of the ac-
count, which in this sense appears to be unique and differs from both hagiographic
accounts and reality: it is hardly possible that monastic cap and scapular could be
adopted in such a simplified way and without appropriate rituals (still another feature
of an oral account?). Curiously, the account implicates that Tkl Haymanot was
deprived, in fact, of his monastic cap and scapular, which he had to give to his
spiritual teacher. Most probably, in this case we should assume that, to a certain ex-
tent, this passage of the Waldbba recension remains a mystery we still have no
proper understanding of the message conveyed in the episode. So far I have found no
similar stories in other hagiographic sources that could facilitate the analysis.
38
At the same time, the Synaxarion reports that, in Wgda, Tkl Haymanot
gave the monastic garb (JvfP " Jwc " T=e) to his first 17 disciples
(GUIDI 1912:382).
39
On the one hand, the reliability of this account is difficult to assess against
what is said in the Waldbba recension of the Vita (it looks a little unusual that a
novice could spend a considerable number of years in the monastic community while
receiving no part of the monastic habit; in fact, we can only speculate why in one case
it is Iysus Moa, in another Bslot Mikael); on the other hand, this lacuna in-
spired other hagiographers to fill it with different personalities spiritual tea-
chers who overshadowed Bslot Mikael (s. NOSNITSIN 2006, forthcoming).
40
Apart from MS th. 342 = Griaule 38, I was able to check MS Tnsee 162 =
Dg Estifanos 51; futhermore, MS th. 697 (s. French translation in DUCHESNE-
FOURNET 1908, vol. 1, 338440), though recent (18th/19th cent.?) and copied with
omissions and mistakes, contains the same variant of the story.
 " Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

manots stay at Dbr Hayq stifanos as a lengthy and detailed account con-
taining much more information than the Waldbba recension (the latter was
obviously unknown to the author). Apparently following the Synaxarion note,
the text reports that Tkl Haymanot entered the community of Bslot
Mikael (neither its name nor its location are designated), asking Bslot
Mikael to educate him in the monastic custom(s) (x[ " T=e). Yet
neither here nor further on does the text mention any separate part of the
habit as symbols of the grades of monastic profession, though it does touch
upon some topics related to regulations of monastic life.41 After a long stay
with Bslot Mikael, Tkl Haymanot proceeds to Dbr Hayq stifanos
and remains there for 10 years, before returning to his native Swa (wa). In
general, the text in MS th. 342 = Griaule 38 does not add anything special to
the episode in question.42 The account is enriched with hagiographic com-
mon places on the endurance of the Saint in fasting and praying, his miracu-
lous walking on the water, etc.
41
The account about Tkl Haymanots life in the monastery of Bslot Mikael
is lengthy (MS th. 342, fol. 89vb97ra), very dynamic and full of developments. In
the scene of the first conversation between Bslot Mikael and Tkl Haymanot,
the hagiographer raises an important topic concerning the monastic discipline, na-
mely, the move from one monastic community to another. Bslot Mikael states
that a monk should ask his superior (mamh r) for permission if he wants to leave his
community and move to another one; otherwise the head of any other community
may not accept him, under the threat of excommunication (|; MS th. 342,
fol. 89vb90rb). This statement certainly reflects the constant intention of the monastic
elite to prevent the uncontrolled wandering of monks (cp. KAPLAN 1984:49); how-
ever, the request of Bslot Mikael as presented in the Hayq recension to hear
the words of Tkl Haymanots mamhr confirm what Tkl Haymanot said appe-
ars to be a literary device repairing the inconsistency of the legend concerning
Tkl Haymanots initial receiving of the monastic garb. Bslot Mikael accepted
Tkl Haymanot as a monk from the country of Sewa (the monk with whom Tkl
Haymanot travelled was also convinced that he was a monk), though the latter has
virtually not entered the monastic profession yet. However, Tkl Haymanot tells
that it was his mmhr who sent him to Bslot Mikael to learn the monastic life,
while the Holy Spirit confirms his words. Though the language of the passage is
somewhat ambiguous, it is clear that Tkl Haymanot virtually had no spiritual tea-
cher; so the Holy Spirit orders Bslot Mikael to make him a monk (Of "
OAa " x[ " T=e), whereas the question of the assumption of the monastic
habit remains without clear answer.
42
It only reports that Iysus Moa received Tkl Haymanot well and offered him
a dwelling (Ay " R[, MS th. 342, fol. 98ra); the account about Tkl
Haymanots stay at Dbr Hayq stifanos is very brief (fol. 97rb100va), its major
portion being of a didactic treatise inspired by Mt. 25 (fol. 98ravb). Occasionally,
the text refers to the monastic habit (Jxc " T=e) that Tkl Haymanot took
upon his nephew Marqos, his brother, the son of his fathers brother in the flesh
(fol. 100va: #B" J " " v#B " vY) in Wgda (s. NOSNITSIN 2006, forth-
 D. Nosnitsin #

The text preserved in the 15th-cent. MS EMML 8742 from Tana Qirqos
represents a source of particular value, unfolding a version of the story as
possibly related and perceived in the 15th cent. by the monks of Tana commu-
nities. According to MS EMML 8742, too, Tkl Haymanot spent a number
of years at the place of Bslot Mikael, without the formal assumption of
the monastic habit.43 Thereafter, the angel told him to go to Dbr Hayq
stifanos, where Iysus Moa was supposed to vest him with the monastic
yoke (`#z " T=e). Tkl Haymanot went to Hayq, did not find a
boat, and stood praying untill Archangel Michael appeared, walking on the
surface of the water (fol. 35rb), and urging Tkl Haymanot to follow.44 Here,
at Dbr Hayq stifanos, Iysus Moa vested Tkl Haymanot with the mo-
nastic garb, obviously completing the ritual of the monastic consecration.45
After some time, Tkl Haymanot decided to visit other monasteries,46 and,

coming). The absence of certain details concerning the monastic career of the Sa-
int might have been later considered as an inconsistency, leading to attempts at cor-
recting the legend: e.g., in recent MS th. 627, fol. 137, Tkl Haymanot is reported
to have acquired the scapular from Bslot Mikael.
43
Tkl Haymanot is called by God to adopt the monastic habit of the fathers
(z " Tv " &xK+` " O " X " T=e " v " od, fol. 31va),
the name of the place he is supposed to go to is not indicated. When he comes to a
monastery, he is accommodated by a monk. The following day, the ab mnet of the
place, abba Bslot Mikael, is informed about the new-comer and asks him to come
(fol. 31rv: xc& " " o " X " v[z). When Tkl Haymanot en-
ters, Bslot Mikael stands up, greets him and kisses his head (fol. 32ra ... W "
T| " v+ " oe " H&xK+` " vO " [ " Oe " oe " v[fol.
32rb]z* " c|); Bslot Mikael questions Tkl Haymanot, since this is the cu-
stom of the wise (fol. 32rb... eO " JRP " Hv&w " RB " z%...). Bslot
Mikael allows Tkl Haymanot to stay with him, yet nothing is said about the as-
sumption of a monastic habit. Tkl Haymanot serves in the community doing every
kind of work (32vb: " |H " ez " x[ " R[ " mM " R...),
here the narration being interrupted by biblical quotations (Mt. 20:28; Phil. 2:39).
Then the contendings of Tkl Haymanot are described (fol. 33rb-va), including him
healing a man possessed by a demon (xc& " ; fol. 33va34rb). Finally, Tkl
Haymanot is displeased by fame (fol. 34va).
44
Tkl Haymanot and Archangel Michael reach the church of the monastery;
there follows a complex account on how Iysus Moa learnt about Tkl Haymanots
arrival, how the key-keeper (*) informed him about the coming of a guest ()
and let Tkl Haymanot enter (fol. 35va36ra, s. below).
45
Fol. 36ra: T " cH: " oe " zH " DR| " Hx " Od, " &c#e "
U " " xJ " Jxc " (fol. 36rb)` " T=e " x`D*z " H "
IH " Jxc " Jxf " Jxc " T=e "" v[ " F " vR " vT... This
passage is followed by the description of Tkl Haymanots ascetic life at Dbr
Hayq and his celestial travel to Paradise (|), where he saw the mysteries
(fol. 36va37ra).
46
Fol. 37rb: w[ " odz " M`Rz " T=[e] " OJ{*|.
 $ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

having crossed Lake Hayq by walking on the water once again, he went
further and reached Dbr Dammo. Here, at the place of Argawi, he took
on the monastic cap and scapular,47 the name of the superior Tkl Hay-
manots spiritual father not being mentioned.48 After the description of
Tkl Haymanots contendings at Dbr Dammo and an extensive praise of
him, there follows a note on Tkl Haymanots travelling around Dbr Dam-
mo and back to Sewa (wa), via Dbr Hayq,49 and the most important
matter the note concerning the parts of the monastic habit received by
Iysus Moa from his spiritual son Tkl Haymanot, with a striking state-
ment: And many of our elders told that our father Iysus Moa took the
(monastic) cap and scapular from his (spiritual) son Tkl Haymanot.50 The
passage on fol. 39va recalls the Waldbba recension of the Vita;51 and it is
remarkable that the hagiographer refers to an oral tradition (+ " \ "
x#...) not to the old writings as to his source.
The most remarkable thing is that the same version of the story is found in
a copy of the work produced at Dbr Hayq stifanos late 15th/early
16th-cent. MS EMML 1834 the text that gave name for the entire recen-
sion52 . This text repeats the entire passage narrating the monastic career of
Tkl Hamynanot as it appears in MS EMML 8742 (including what the el-
ders told of Iysus Moas assumption of the monastic cap and scapular).
There are some differences which probably reveal the virtual considerations
of the hagiographer: e. g., in EMML 1834 the phrase z " Tv "
&xK+` " O " X " Y`z " T=e " v " od... (s.
above, n. 43) appears before the account of Tkl Haymanots stay at Hayq,
in order to show that his monastic career developed in the proper way:
according to the legend, indeed, Tkl Haymanot was formally initiated into
monastic life at Dbr Hayq,53 not in the community of Bslot Mikael.

47
This note comes after the praise of Argawi and the Nine Saints (H# " Pz% "
xz " x\D " " =H: " Rz " &|..., fol. 37vb38ra).
48
Fol. 38ra: v#c " zH " DR| " x# " vF " Y " px " e+R "
v " O " [* " ` " mQ ""
49
Fol. 39va: x#c " v# " zH " DR| " " Rz " =H# " |^ "
T{| " : " vF " " x` " zT^z " O^z " vO " JR "
H " m*m " Oe " vTFa " vT=e " vF " v[ " vx(39vb)M{, ""
&[ " m*m% " T{z " e " + " cO " veP ""
50
Fol. 40ra: (vz " x` " zO " ez " Ko " v " v#B " Od* "
&c#e " U "") + " \ " x# " O " Y " v# " &c#e " U " px "
e+R " TJ " zH " DR| " v# " O " zO " TU "" T(fol.
40rb)[ " : " " xK+[ " c+...
51
CONTI ROSSINI 1896:107108 (text), 133134 (tr.).
52
S. EMML 1834, fol. 93rb100rb; here fol. 100va.
53
S. EMML 1834, fol. 99rb.
 D. Nosnitsin %

Like EMML 8742, EMML 1834 refers to two spiritual fathers of the saint
(v#B " Od*): an unknown monk of Dbr Dammo and Iysus Moa of
Dbr Hayq.54
The question of how the hagiographic tradition explains the strange story
of Tkl Haymanot giving the monastic cap and scapular to his spiritual fa-
ther makes it necessary to examine the traditions of Dbr Dammo. The Vita
of Z-Mikael Argawi appears to be the most important source.55 The passa-
ge which is usually referred to in connection with the analyzed episode is not
included in the description of the life of Z-Mikael. It is found in a brief
history of the community of Dbr Dammo attached to the biography of
the Saint. In turn, this history is not a homogeneous text: it encompasses
several different (predominantly historiographic) pieces, mostly following
the sequence of the abbots of Dbr Dammo from Matyas to Z-Iysus.
The narration concerning the tenure of abba Yohanni the seventh after
Z-Mikael is composed of two notes. The first reports the construction of
a church; the second refers to two prominent monastic leaders visiting Dbr
Hayq Iysus Moa and Tkl Haymanot.56 The account obviously follows
the chronology of events: Iysus Moa came first, received the scapular of

54
S. EMML 8742, fol. 40ra; EMML 1834, fol. 100va.
55
S. DEB 209210 (Z-Mikal Argawi); RAINERI in: EnSanti II, 1382; the
Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi is supposed to have been written in the second half of the
15th cent. (GUIDI 1932:60; RICCI 1969:825).
56
After the description of the death of the Saint in the time of king Gbr Msql
there is no concluding formula, only the blessing: H:z% " v[z% |RM "
I " HHO " HT (s. GUIDI 1895:31). It is followed by the accounts about:
the tenure of Matyas, who is credited with having commissioned the writing of the
Vita of Z-Mikael and along with Yosef to have been the main informant
about the life of Z-Mikael (ibid. 3132); the commemoration of the Saint, estab-
lished by Matyas, with the miracle the multiplication of foods (z\ " Y`z "
W` " H:P, ibid. 32); stories of the Saints (posthumous) miracles related by the
witnesses his spiritual sons (v+ " Tm*m%). These stories reached king
Gbr Msql, who bestowed upon the community the rich land possessions enume-
rated in the text (fv " cT " #Y " x[ " OemJ, ibid. 3233); the tenure of
Matyas and the internal order of the community (oec " R|e " , ibid.
3334). After Matyass death, the account proceeds with brief mentions of Yosef and
Mdanin gzi, the subsequent two abbots, and with an extensive story of the
tenure of abba Yohanni (ibid. 34: T[ " > " OJ " vO " Hw "
K ). The first tells of the construction of a church in a cave, intended as a burial
place for monks; the second, more lengthy, relates the story in question. Thereafter,
there is only a mention of abba Z-Iysus who succeeded Yohanni, and a long and
elaborate concluding formula (ibid. 3536). I have checked quite a number of manu-
scripts containing the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi, and in all of them the portion of
the text described above reveals no substantial differences (apart from the usual va-
riant readings).
 & Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

the monks from abba Yohanni and went to Hayq. Shortly after, Tkl Hay-
manot arrived from the place of Iysus Moa (sic!) and asked for the monastic
cap and scapular. However, as he told of his intention to go to Jerusalem,
Yohanni persuaded him to give up this idea. Tkl Haymanot received the
monastic cap and scapular and, after several years at Dbr Dammo (in Gui-
dis edition: 12 years), returned to Iysus Moa. The account ends with the
laudation of both Tkl Haymanot and Iysus Moa. The hagiographer seems
to be generally unbiased, and, at a first glance, has no other aim than preserv-
ing the memory of the two prominent monks in the annals of his monastery.57

57
Here is the English translation of the Ethiopic passage (GUIDI 1895:3435; the
editor did not translate the passage into Italian, and limited the renarration to only
a brief remark [ibid. 42]: Abb Yohan riveste dellabito monacale Abb Iyasus
Moa...): And thereafter abba Iysus Moa came and said to abba Yohanni: Oh
abba, vest me with the scapular of monks [the monastic habit? Jxc " w " e+R "
Od|]. And then he vested him, and he stayed for a long time obeying his tea-
cher. And he learned the writing and became the one who loved solitude and prayer
( " O_ " P " H:|). And he was alone among the rocks, and he wrote
the (book of) Gospels there, which exists untill now. And he went and returned to
a country whose name was Hayq, and he became the father of many monks there.
And after a short time abba Tkl Haymanot came, having taken on the soldiers
clothes (?; Jxc " K^) from abba Iysus Moa, and wished to go to Jerusalem. And
he reached the holy Dbr Dammo where abba Yohanni resided. As he saw him, he
liked him and kissed him; and he told him about (the cause of) his coming, and he
said to him: I came so that you would vest me with the monastic cap and scapular;
I wish to go to the Sepulchre of our Lord. And abba Yohanni said to him: I do not
think (that you should) go (K*[c " &OeH); but you will be (AH " |#)
father of many (monks) here. But let us tell (this) together (` " v#[) to God, in
order that he will show us the good way. And he gave him the scapular and monastic
cap, and they stayed together, devoting themselves to praying. Our father Tkl Hayma-
not worked signs and miracles, and he was with abba Yohanni for 12 years. He re-
turned to Iysus Moa having taken the scapular and monastic cap, for he had gone
out of a desire of righteousness, loving the solitude and seclusion. They Iysus
Moa and abba Tkl Haymanot are wide in (their) branches, and they generated
bright stars, as numerous as the sea sand, and they filled the land of the south (T[ "
+x). The words Jxc " K^ were not translated by Guidi, but were interpreted in
TADDESSE TAMRAT 1972:165 (followed by KAPLAN 1986:54) as: dressed like a soldier.
Indeed, harra in Gz means army, troops; yet the hagiographer did not mean
soldier in the proper (military) sense, but was probably referring to the Saint as a
soldier of Christ (harawi z-Krstos). However, as an alternative explanation one
may suggest that the word harra might be connected with Arabic word harr or
Amharic harr silk (s. LESLAU 1987:243), hence l bs harra may originally have the
meaning silk garb, i. e., white cloth referring to the monastic garb; about the
Arabic loanwords in the Vita s. GUIDI 1895:54). The Vita simply mentions that Tkl
Haymanot came to Yohanni from Iysus Moa, having received the monastic garb,
but not yet the monastic cap and scapular.
 D. Nosnitsin '

Surprisingly, the comparison of additional manuscripts of the Vita of Z-

Mikael Argawi demonstrates that one of the most important passages is
uncertain to such a degree that one should ask, who Tkl Haymanot or
Iysus Moa left without receiving the cap and scapular?58 Understand-
58
Cp. Guidis edition: [... Ay " e+R " px " ... v#c " w " zH "
DR| " x` " zT[ " O[ "] v[ " TeH+B " Hv# " K " O "
 " O| "" x " v " &c#e " U " X& " e+R " px " eO " vH "
X " e+R " px " " v " Fm " o " m*a " P " xM{, ""
}Pc " &c#e " U " w " zH " DR| " eL " # " H "
xz " x\D " x# " O " " wM`... (GUIDI 1895:34).
. a copy of the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi from the monastic library of
Dbr Hayq, MS EMML 1953 (18th cent.; cp. SERGEW HABLE-SELASSIE 1992]):
(fol. 38va-39ra) [...Ay " e+R " px "" ... v# " zH " DR| "
x` " zT[ " O[ "] v[ " TeH+B " Hw " K " O " % " O| "
x " v " w " &c#e " U " X& " e+R " px "" eO " Y "
e+R " px " " v[] " Mo " m " m*a " P " xM| "
z% " w " &c#e " U "" w " zH " DR| " (sic!) " eK " #o "
H " xz " x\D "" x#D " O " " wM`...;
. MS EMML 1440 (17th cent., Gubalafto, Yggu, Wllo):
(fol. 57ra) [... Ay " e+R " px "" ... v# " zH " DR| " x` "
zT[ " O[ ""] v[ " TeH+B " Hw " K " O " % " O| " x " v "
&c#e " U[]" X& " px " e+R " eO " vH " Y " e+R " px "
" vH " Mo " m " m*a " P " wM{* " z% " w " &c#e "
U " w " zH " DR| " eF " #o " H " x\D " x#D " O " "
wM`...;
C. MS EMML 2795, 17th18th cent., from the collection of Tsfa Haylu,
obviously a member of the community of Dbr Hayq (the manuscript is not regis-
tered in SERGEW HABLE-SELASSIE 1992):
(fol. 53ravb) [... Ay " e+R " px ... v#c " zH " DR| " x` "
zT[ " O[ ""] v[ " TeH+B " Hw " K " O " % " O| " x "
v " w " &c#e " U " X& " e+R " px " v " Mo " m "
m*a " P xM| z% " w " &c#e " U "" w " zH " DR(fol.
53vb)| " " eK " #o H " xz " x\D " x#D " O " "
wM`...;
. MS EMML 2504 (late 17th cent., Mitaq Amanuel, Tgult-Bulga, wa):
(fol. 40ra) [... Ay " e+R " px ... v#c " zH " DR| " x` "
zT[ " O[ "] v[ " TeH+B " w " K " O " ! O| " x " v "
w " &c#e " U " e+R " px " eO " vH " X " e+R " px "
" v " Mm " o " m*a " P " xM|* " z% " &c#e " U "
w " zH " DR| " " eK " #o " H " xz " x\D " x# "
O " " wM` " OJ " HT[ " +x;
Cp. MS Tanasee 164 = Daga Estifanos 53 (18th cent., s. SIX 1999:207211;
s. below):
(fol. 94va) [... Ay " e+R " px (94vb) ... v# " zH " DR| "
x` " zT[ " O[ ""] v[ " TeH+ " w " K " O " % O| "
T[ " x " v " w " &c#e " U " X&" e+R " px " Tv " w "
  Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

ing that the text of the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi should be established in a
new critical edition, I assume nevertheless that the short eulogy concluding
the account originally contained the name of abba Tkl Haymanot only;
therefore, the phrase ...for, not having received the cap and scapular, he left
seeking righteousness, desiring silence and solitude... originally referred to
Tkl Haymanot, whereas the name of Iysus Moa was added at a later point.59
In other words, the (hypothetical) archetype could have read: x " v "
&c#e " U " X& " e+R " px " eO " vH " X " e+R "
px " " v " Mm " o " m*a " P " xM{, ""
z% " w " zH " DR| " " eK " #o " H " xz "
x\D " x# " O " " wM` " OJ " HT[ " +x.60 The
inclusion of the name of Iysus Moa into this passage could have led to its
gradual re-interpretation with harmonisation of the grammatical forms up to
the thorough usage of the plural ones (as in the text presented by I. Guidi):

K "" eO " vH " X " " " v " Mm " o " m*a " P "
xM|* " z% " &c#e " U "" w " zH " DR| " " eK " #o "
H " xz " x\D " x# " O " " wM` " OJ " HT[ " +x.
In the introduction to the edition I. Guidi states that the text of the Vita has been
established on the basis of three manuscripts: 1) British Museum Add. 16,228 (DILL-
MANN 1847:50, no. 46, not dated) = L1; 2) Orient. 709 (WRIGHT 1877:188, no. 285,
first half of the XVIII cent.) = L2; 3) Museo Borgiano L. V, 12 (missing for many
years, s. GREBAUT TISSERANT 1935:828) = R1. Additionally, the fourth one 4)
Museo Borgiano, L. V, 13 ( ibid. 826828, no. 22) = R2, dated to 1559 . presents
special variants not shared by the first three copies. R2 reads: ... (v " Mo "
o) " z% " w " &c#e " U " w " zH " DR| " " eK " # "
H " xz " x\D " OJ " HT[ " +x "" In the relevant passage,
I. Guidi (GUIDI 1895:35, s. above) probably followed mauscript L. V, 12 = R1 (today
missing!) which gives grammatically correct text, whereas the variants in the remai-
ning three manuscripts are similar to those indicated above: they have, e.g., z% ,
not }P; (missing in the main text); H, not H. In most manuscripts
the period of Tkl Haymanots stay at Dbr Dammo is reported to have been 7 years,
but in all the copies used by Guidi 12 years (as in the Dbr Libanos recension of
the Vita of Tkl Haymanot, s. n. 6, above).
59
If the original sentence had two subjects connected by a particle, all the forms
would preferably have taken the plural (cp. DILLMANN 1907:501502); there would
have been no reason for divergent readings.
60
He returned to Iysus Moa having taken the scapular and monastic cap
(e+R " px), for he had gone because of desire of righteousness, loving the
solitude and seclusion. He, abba Tkl Haymanot, became wide in (his) branches,
and he generated bright stars as numerous as the sea sand, and they filled the land of
the south. In the Waldbba recension of the Vita of Tkl Haymanot, the metaphor
wide in (his) branches refers to Tkl Haymanot, while mdr azeb (lit. the land
of the south, cp. ng t azeb from t. 12:42) may refer to the historical southern
part of Ethiopia, i. e. wa, the region thought to have been the place of Tkl Hay-
manots major activities.
 D. Nosnitsin 

x " v " &c#e " U " X& " e+R " px " eO " vH "
X " e+R " px " " v " Mm " o " m*a " P "
xM{, "" }Pc " &c#e " U " w " zH " DR| " eL "
# " H " xz " x\D " x# " O " " wM` " OJ "
HT[ " +x. The sentence ... eO " vH " X " e+R " px "
... later came to be occasionally perceived as referring to Iysus Moa.
However, there is another account found in the manuscripts of the Vita of Z-
Mikael only a page before this one, relating, in clear terms (and in keeping
with the hypothetical reading), that Iysus Moa received the scapular from
abba Yohanni, and disrupting the entire construal of Tkl Haymanot giving
the monastic cap and scapular to his spiritual father.61 The manuscript tradi-
tion of the Vita of Z-Mikael currently counts more than 15 testimonia, but it
is difficult to answer such questions as: 1) whether the historiographic notes
were composed together with the Vita or added some time thereafter;62 2) at
what time the contradictory reading emerged. In any case, it is clear that, in
the 16th cent., anyone reading the Vita could have had two interpretations of
the episode in question.
From what has been said, it is not difficult to presume that in the Dbr
Libanos recension of the Vita of Tkl Haymanot the corresponding account
about Tkl Haymanot acquiring the grades of the monastic profession
emerged as a synthesis of several earlier hagiographic traditions. The origin
of the different elements, however, can not be always established, since by
the beginning of the 16th cent. they must have been included in common
version(s) of the legend of Tkl Haymanot the famous Saint, circu-
lating along with the written traditions of his Vita. Yet, it is certain that the
author of the Dbr Libanos recension shaped his narrative following, more
or less, the structure of the account according to the Hayq recension and
used extensively its text(s), while extracting less voluminous but important
details from another Waldbba recension of the Vita.
The narrative structure of the account about the Saints wanderings63 is
symmetrical: Tkl Haymanot departs from and returns to Dbr Hayq sti-

61
. GUIDI 1895:34 T[ " O " w " &c#e " U " v+H: " Hw "
K " Jxc " w " e+R " Od| " fv+D " Jvf; s. MSS L 1953
fol. 38rarb; 1440 fol. 56vavb; 2795 fol. 51vb; 2504 fol. 40rbva. In fact, TADDESSE
TAMRAT 1972:165 and n. 4 refers to this contradiction as well, though his remark on
the uncertainty of language does not fully expose the problem of the passage.
62
I think, it was most probably the case, though we have no single manuscript
with the Vita alone (the information about an old manuscript of the Vita dated before
1425, which is preserved in Dbr Dammo [MATTHEWS MORDINI 1949:49], can not
be confirmed). A similar example can be found, e. g., in the Vita of Tkl Haymanot
in the Waldbba recension, where the Vita and the attached notes differently describe
one and the same event the funeral of Tkl Haymanot.
63
BUDGE 1906, chs. 7687.
 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

fanos; before returning to Dbr Hayq he goes to Dbr Dammo, departs

from there and returns there.64 Tkl Haymanot leaves Dbr Hayq stifa-
nos seeking to receive the monastic cap and scapular, having been requested
by Iysus Moa to also bring the cap and scapular to him.65 In Dbr Dammo
he receives the cap and scapular from abba Yohanni66 then he proceeds to
other monasteries receiving blessings from other monks, and after three pil-
grimages to Jerusalem he returns to Dbr Dammo again.67 The sequence of
the episodes is concluded with Tkl Haymanots second coming to Dbr
Hayq stifanos and his handing over of the monastic cap and scapular to
Iysus Moa. In the Dbr Libanos recension, when asking Tkl Haymanot
to give him the monastic cap and scapular, Iysus Moa expresses the essence
of his request by means of the sentence found, in the same function, in the
Waldbba recension (the sentence was incorporated in the corresponding
passage of the Dbr Libanos recension!): vd{ " zY " vK " O "
Ko "" N[ " v " wM` " O " K` " vxe "" y " v " &c#e "
U " fv " ` " zYK " " v+H: " vz, " X " px "
e+R "[vT*] " od| "" v+H: " vx[ " U " v " w "
K "" v+H: " T+c " [# " c " TR " | " "
J " z " # " v " Av " e+R " vT* " od| "" Ay "
w " zH " DR| " px " e+R "" eO " v+H: " OJ " eT "
v+H.68
The episode in its entirety appears neither in the short version of the Tkl
Haymanots commemorative reading in the Synaxarion nor in the Hayq re-
cension-related texts of the Saints Vita. A remarkable chronological element,
not attested in the earlier versions of the story, is the inclusion of abba Yohanni,
during whose tenure Tkl Haymanot, then, came to Dbr Dammo cer-
tainly a result of the influence of the hagiographical tradition of Z-Mikael

64
[wa] Dbr Hayq Dbr Dammo pilgrimages Dbr Dammo
Dbr Hayq [wa].
65
BUDGE 1906, ch. 77: indeed, here the hagiographer anticipates the kind of rela-
tionship that will come to existence if Iysus Moa receives the parts of monastic
habit the monastic cap and askema from his spiritual son, consequently, the
essential passage from the Waldbba recension (s. below) is echoed here: cQ "
w " &c#e " U " nH: " Hv# " oe " v " x# " " xJ " HO "
z " c " &_ " vTdH " J " I " v`# " " _ " O "
x " v#` " wMz% " nJc " O " HK*` " ez " x` " v&K " F "
X [X] " px " e+R " [ " z " |Bv " H&z " | " v
(for the translation, s. n. 10, above; it was E. Cerulli who signalled that the phrase
" z " J is found in both the Waldbba and Dbr Libanos recensions of
the Vita of Tkl Haymanot, KUR 1965:VIIIIX, n. 29).
66
BUDGE 1906, ch. 78 (s. n. 11, above).
67
BUDGE 1906, ch. 86.
68
BUDGE 1906, ch. 87 (s. also n. 12, above).
 D. Nosnitsin !

Argawi.69 It is noticeble that the author of the Dbr Libanos recension

chose (from the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi?) one particular version of the
story, yet it is not certain that the episode of that recension was supposed to
demonstrate in any way Tkl Haymanots superiority over Iysus Moa. This
interpretation can not be excluded, but the primary goal of the hagiographer
was most probably the historical reconstruction of the episode on the basis
of (all) the pieces, scattered in different traditions, included into a coherent
and complete account of the Saints wandering; this account tells the story
which, in fact, is not quite different from the one in MS EMML 1834. One
should not assume that the primary aim of the author was to refer to the
contemporary situation of his monastery and its relations with Dbr Hayq
stifanos, or to express any kind of ideological program or claims. In addi-
tion, in order to understand the limitations of any direct interpretation in this
case, one should consider other episodes from the Vita of Tkl Haymanot,
as well as accounts from other hagiographies; despite the turbulent religious
history of Ethiopia, and the very intensive production of hagiographic works,
the topos of the assumption of the parts of the monastic habit (as well as that
of spiritual fathership) does not seem to have been overexploited.
The hagiographic tradition known as the Vita of Iysus Moa the docu-
ment which has attracted much attention in recent years raises even more
complicated questions.70 Some time ago the so-called Homily [in honour]
69
This relationship should be emphasized (cp. already TADDESSE TAMRAT 1972:166).
There are some narrative elements shared by both texts. 1) As in the Vita of Z-
Mikael Argawi, the Dbr Libanos recension reports that Tkl Haymanot spent
12 years at Dbr Dammo. 2) the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi might have also been
the source for the account of Tkl Haymanots pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Even though
the former reports that abba Yohanni persuaded Tkl Haymanot to leave the idea of
the pilgrimage to the Holy City, the Dbr Libanos recension transformed the topic
into a positive account and reports of the Saints three visits to the holy city (beside
the fact that the pilgrimage to Jerusalem is one of the most common motifs of Ethio-
pian hagiography). 3) The Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi might account for the unusual
situation: how it happened that Iysus Moa, though having stayed at Dbr Dammo,
did not receive the scapular (according to the Dbr Libanos recension, he did not
receive either the monastic cap or scapular) and, afterwards, had to ask his disciple
Tkl Haymanot to bring him these parts of the monastic habit.
70
In fact, among the sources discussed in this article, the Vita of Iysus Moa was
the latest to have been studied and published (s. E. Cerulli, in KUR 1965, also for the
sources of the work, the rivalry between the monasteries and its possible historical
context; for the substitution of Iysus Moa through Tkl Haymanot in the legend
about the re-establishment of the Solomonic dynasty, and the aforementioned pole-
mical passage in the Vita of Iysus Moa). This was compensated by the fact, that the
hagiography of Iysus Moa has attracted considerable attention in recent years:
s. MARRASSINI 1986; TEDESCHI 1994; ID. in: EnSanti II, 267271; KROPP 1998, 2003;
HIRSCH 2003.
 " Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

of Iysus Moa came to light, in which the biography and contending of this
Saint are depicted in a different way from the Vita71 . The dating of the com-
position of the Vita of Iysus Moa to the period between the second half of
the 15th cent. and the beginning of the 16th cent.72 seems to have been aban-
doned. Currently, the Homily, not the Vita, has been largely seen as the ear-
lier stage in the development of the hagiographic tradition of Iysus Moa,
both works having different literary features and functions.73 The Vita ap-

71
The value of this text has been fully recognized only in the recent years:
s. TEDESCHI 1994, with a fine analysis of the Vita but with the Homily largely discar-
ded; the same in SERGEW HABLE-SELASSIE 1992; cp. also TEDESCHI in: EnSanti II, 267
271; BAUM, in: BBK XX, 804806. In the latter publication the Homily is mentioned,
yet the biography of the Saint is presented without differentiation of the sources or
references to the origin of the details; ., e. g., one common place: Als Junge
wanderte er nach Tigre und trat in das Kloster Debre Damo ein, wo er unter Abba
Yohannis zum Kalligraphen und Theologen ausgebildet wurde. At the same time,
the author states: Das Gadl des Heiligen (EMML 1940) wurde nach 1601 aus lte-
ren Quellen wie z.B. einer Homilie auf den Heiligen (dersan) und Motiven aus den
Erzhlkreisen ber die Anfnge der Salomoniden zusammengestellt.
72
E. Cerulli points to the second half of the 15th cent. (CERULLI 1961:95). In the
preface to the translation of the text, he considers the Vita la rdaction composite
and states: les Actes de Iyasus Moa ici dits ont t rdigs dans leur forme actuel-
le dans la deuxime moiti du XVe sicle (KUR 1965:XIVXV). Yet some arguments
supposed to foster this hypothesis (ibid. IVV, XV) appear today less convincing: e. g.,
style fleuri des introductions is not a feature of 15th-cent. literary works alone; in
the case of Drsan Urael one should remember that the recension which is referred
to was composed in the 19th cent. (in the library of Dbr Hayq stifanos there are
both the brief and the lengthy recension of this text, s. MS EMML 1942) etc. Cerulli
stresses: la question des rapports entre Iyasus Moa et Takla Haymanot qui ne
sexpliqueraient quen se rfrant la priode o lhgmonie sur le clerg rgulier
thiopien tait peine passe ou sur le point de passer du monastre de St tienne de
Hayq celui de Dabra Libanos (KUR 1965:XV).
73
Against the cautious point of view expressed by MARRASSINI 1986:177, criti-
sizing the proposal of Getatchew Haile in his comments to MS EMML 1960. The
problem of the relationship between the Vita and the Homily was mostly dealt with
by . Kropp, who came to the conclusion that the terminus post quem for the Vita of
Iysus Moa should be Ende des 15./Anfang des 16. Jhdts (KROPP 1998:306); in his
more recent publication, Kropp concludes, regarding in particular MS EMML 1960,
that der Textzeuge des dersan lter ist (Anfang 15. Jhdt.?), und der Text selbst aus
noch frherer Zeit stammen kann (KROPP 2003:194); the question of the time of the
composition of the Vita remains without a clear answer (yet it is supposed to have
been an instrument acting as a response to the spreading legend of Tkl Haymanot;
ibid., 195). Recently, M.-L. Derat has summarized existing views, yet she cautiously
accepted the old chronology and considers the Vita of Iysus Moa to have been
created prior to that of Tkl Haymanot in the Dbr Libanos recension (la fin du
XVe sicle: DERAT 2003:8890, 107, 109, 118 and elsewhere).
 D. Nosnitsin #

pears to have been composed on the basis of the Homily by means of the
revision and insertion of new pieces, including the well-known testaments
between Iysus Moa and king Ykunno Amlak.74 Consequently, the Vita of
Iysus Moa can be characterized, at first glance, as a hagiographic compila-
tion belonging to the same type of hagiographic composition as the Vita of
Tkl Haymanot in the Dbr Libanos recension.
As to the origin and structure of the passages concerning the relationship
between Tkl Haymanot and Iysus Moa, the Vita of the latter has the topic
developed in three separate and complicated accounts:
1) Two parts of different origin can be distinguished in the first account.
The first is clearly based on a fragment taken almost verbatim from the Ho-
mily with the only difference being that in the Homily Iysus Moa receives
from abba Yohanni both the scapular and the girdle, whereas in the Vita
the monastic garb (clothes) and girdle.75 The theme of the parts of the monas-
tic habit is only further developed in the Vita; the second part of the account,
in which, following his monastic carrier, Iysus Moa receives the scapular
and monastic cap, is based on a rather faithful borrowing from the Acts of
Z-Mikael Argawi.76

74
Thus, the Homily has been extended by numerous decorative literary elements
and the second narrative circle (s. KROPP 1998:306308).
75
In the Homily, the account of Iysus Moas assumption of the monastic habit
from abba Yohanni appears after the following episodes, which, in fact, do not differ
much from what is recounted in the Vita: Iysus Moa leaves the worldly life, to-
gether with pious Ymsa Mhrt, following the order of Archangel Gabriel (MS
EMML 1960, fol. 31va33va; KUR 1965, 89:25); he comes to abbot Yohanni and is
introduced into the community (fol. 33varb; KUR 1965, 9:2510:10); as Iysus Moa
was dispatched to a travelling, he met robbers were nearly to kill him (fol. 33rb34rb,
KUR 1965, 10:1010:25); Iysus Moa punishes a rich man who has refused to let the
Saint sleep in his house (fol. 34rb35vb; KUR 1965, 10:2513:2); Iysus Moa stays
(at Dbr Dammo) for seven year humbly completing his pious works (fol. 35vb
36ra; KUR 1965, 13:214:5). After he carries out one extremely difficult task recei-
ved from Yohanni, the latter brings him into the church, reads a prayer and, accor-
ding to the Homily, Jvf " z " z* " e+R " `e}e " o} " ez "
Km,B oz " T " oz%c " ` " J " M " z% " Y "
v#^+ " Tv " OTF\... (fol. 36vb37ra) ...he vested him with that which is the
scapular of Christ [/the habit of Christ], and he girded his loins with the nice girdle,
and this girdle is the likeness of the chastity and purity; and he [Iysus Moa] re-
ceived the blessing from his teacher; the Vita has a slight, yet important change:
instead of the scapular, it has monastic clothes/habit: Jvf " Jwc " T#e "
m} " ez " Km,B " oz " T " oz%c " ` " J " M "
z% (KUR 1965, 15:24).
76
After the accounts of miracles that happen to Iysus Moa while in Dbr Dam-
mo (fol. 37ra38rb; c. KUR 1965, 15:417:24), there follows in the Vita only
the story of the foundation of Dbr Hayq, the legend of the dragon (KUR 1965,
 $ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

2) In the second account, which is missing in the Homily, there appears

abba Tkl Haymanot. The account begins with a short traditional history of
the Ethiopian monastic movement, exposed, apparently, from the point of
view of the community of Dbr Dammo, with the list of regions where Iy-
sus Moas spiritual children preached and founded monasteries.77 After a
mention of the testament between Iysus Moa and king Ykunno Amlak,
in accordance with which the title of qqabe s at was given to the abbot of
Dbr Hayq stifanos, the hagiographer describes the pious life that Iysus
Moa lead in his monastery78 and then proceeds with a lengthy account con-
cerning abba Tkl Haymanot which appears to be comprised of three parts:
I. Tkl Haymanot arrives at Dbr Hayq stifanos, he assumes the mo-
nastic yoke and takes on the tunic, girdle and monastic cap from Iysus
Moa. He stays at Dbr Hayq stifanos for 10 years 7 years before
and 3 years after the assumption of the monastic habit, the numbers, most
probably, brought in accordance with the Dbr Libanos recension of the
Acts of Tkl Haymanot;79
II. This lengthy part relating how Tkl Haymanot received the scapular is
composed of several episodes.80 The Vita of Iysus Moa narrates Tkl
Haymanots departure to Dbr Dammo and his stay with abba Yohanni
(following, in general, the outline of Tkl Haymanots legend). The Vita
reports that Tkl Haymanot wanted to go to his country (AH " vJv# "
v+ " K` " xK+`), yet, when Iysus Moa said good-bye to him,
Tkl Haymanot headed in the opposite direction, to the north to abba

17:2519), the story of abba Yohanni (ibid. 20), a notice on Gbr Syon, Iysus
Moas brother who has entered another monastery and dies on the 25th of Ykkatit
(ibid. 20:2121:6). The next account (about the construction of a church in the en-
trance of [Yohannis] cave, ibid. 21:621:13) is the same with the exception of
some slight changes as in the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi (G UIDI 1895:34,
T[ " > " OJ ... K " T,B ""), the Vita of Iysus Moa un-
doubtedly being the recipient text; the same is also valid for KUR 1965, 21:1319
T[ " w " &c#e " U " Hw " K " Jxc " e+R " Od| "
fv+D " Jvf " e+R " px " OI|, cp. T[ " O " w "
&c#e " U " v+H: " Hw " K " Jxc " e+R " Od| x "
A[ " z " eR " Ko "" (GUIDI 1895:34). The account in the Vita of Iysus Moa
is enlarged by details describing how Iysus Moa went to Hayq following a direc-
tive from Archangel Gabriel (KUR 1965, 21:2022:7).
77
KUR 1965, 34:2235:11.
78
KUR 1965, 35:1236:17.
79
S. n. 7, above. KUR 1965, 36:1036:18, from: ... O " v+B " xc& " +` "
v#\ " TxK+[ " h " xJ " zH " DR|... to the most relevant senten-
ce: fv+D " Jvf " J[w]c " T#e " oz " mQc " px " Y " TB ""
va " v+B " O " %O| " v[ " oO " O#e "" T[ "" O:c "
!Oz...
80
KUR 1965, 36:1838:8.
 D. Nosnitsin %

Yohanni.81 While telling Tkl Haymanot to receive the scapular at Dbr

Dammo, Iysus Moa himself confirms that he went from Dbr Dammo
without the scapular: vH: " Hv# " K " O# " Tv+ "" eO "
vH " X " e+R " Tv+ " m*` "[sic] P " xM{,.
The sentence is related to the corresponding passage from the Vita of Z-
Mikael Argawi and closely follows it, though with one correction.82 Fur-
ther on, Iysus Moa explains why he went without receiving the scapular:
he was involved in a political struggle on the side of Ykunno Amlak and
could not return.83 On the following pages, the Vita of Iysus Moa nar-
rates how Tkl Haymanot came to Dbr Dammo and met Yohanni (ex-
tensively drawing upon the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi, with the difference
that it refers to the scapular only) and indicates that Tkl Haymanot re-
ceived the scapular from Yohanni and spent 7 years at Dbr Dammo.84
III. This part relates how Tkl Haymanot, being on the way from Dbr
Dammo to his native region, met Iysus Moa for the second time.85 He
brought the scapular and delivered it to his spiritual father, not only fulfil-
ling the latters order, but also obeying the request of abba Yohanni. The
hagiographer agrees that Iysus Moa accepted the scapular from Tkl
Haymanot (but the scapular only: e+R " wMz*{), considering it cre-
dible from the point of view of both the history and monastic canon, and,

81
They crossed the lake walking on its water: K\ " v " wM` " v` "
O " z " xe (KUR 1965, 36:2237:3).
82
KUR 1965, 37:23, cp. the translation: Je suis jadis de chez toi sans prendre
chez toi le scapulaire, ayant aim le silence at la solitude (ibid. 30 [tr.]). Also above,
nn. 60, 61; GUIDI 1895:35 (in particular manuscript A): (x " v " &c#e " U "
X& " e+R " px ") eO " vH " X " e+R " px " " Tv+ "
v " Fm " o " m*a " P " xM{,. The passage from the Vita of
Z-Mikael Argawi was transformed into direct speech; the scribe probably took
out, by mistake, the word together with px.
83
In a difficult phrase, clearly influenced by Amharic speech, Iysus Moa asks
Tkl Haymanot to transmit his request to Yohanni and bring him the scapular from
Dbr Dammo: B " " H&z " xCH " a (KUR 1965, 37:1011) Now, having
said to him: send (it) for me, tell him (all this)! (the French translation in ibid. 30
[tr.] is not quite exact).
84
Cp. GUIDI 1895:34: v " OJ " O " v# " zH " DR| " Hv&f "
Jxc " K^ till ibid. 35: OJ " HT[ " +x the passage we have already
referred to. Cp. KUR 1965, 37:2038:8. As in other cases, it is impossible to ascertain
which text of the Vita of Z-Mikael was used; yet the relation between the traditions
is transparent, apart from the similar structure of the episode in the both works, cp.,
in particular, in the Vita of Z-Mikael: v+H: " w " K " K*[c " OeH "
I " AH " |# " w " x# " v, cp. ibid., 38:23. In many manuscripts of
the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi it is said that Tkl Haymanot spent 7 years at Dbr
Dammo (see n. 58, also n. 6, above); the number 12 does not seem to be the prevai-
ling reading.
85
. KUR 1965, 38:823, from T " x " v " w " &c#e " U...
 & Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

probably, seeing a comparable situation in the Bible, as indicated by the

quotation of Jn. 3:27.86 By means of the quotation, the hagiographer tran-
sposes the story of Iysus Moa receiving the scapular with the biblical
account of the Baptism of Jesus Christ: the interpretation of the story re-
mains, thus, open, since each of the Saints both the spiritual father
and son, senior and junior can be considered as the one with greater
grace.87 Even though Iysus Moa humbly accepts the formal initiation
from Tkl Haymanot, the one who is junior, the latter fulfils the request of
a senior monk and his spiritual teacher; in any case, the consecration of the
scapular for Iysus Moa had been completed by abba Yohanni and the
rest is a purely technical operation. The hagiographer refuses to believe
only one thing, which, according to his understanding, is untrue and con-
tradicts both the canons and common sense about monastic life: that up to
that time Iysus Moa had had neither monastic cap nor scapular (assert-
ing, thus, that he had the former).88 Unfortunately, we are not able to re-
construct the entire process of the Vitas composition, so we will never
learn why its author being well acquainted with the Vita of Z-Mikael
Argawi and perhaps even directly using it for his own work oversaw or
neglected the passage (as the hagiographer from Dbr Libanos did) which
would have removed the doubts: the passage reporting that Iysus Moa
duly accepted both the monastic cap and scapular from his spiritual father
abba Yohanni.

86
KUR 1965, 38:1517.
87
This topic is attested, though rarely, in Ethiopian hagiographies: . the Vita of
Tkl Hawaryat, in which Tkl Hawaryat and a certain Zra Syon, probably his
disciple, imitate the baptismal ritual in a lake, recalling, thus, the Baptism of Jesus:
first Zra Syon, the junior, baptizes the saint, and then Tkl Hawaryat, the se-
nior, baptizes Zra Syon (CONTI ROSSINI 1910:127). . also the Vita of Yohanns
Mraqawi (enz yebel: waldeya kunanni aba, MARRASSINI 1981:196197, esp. n. 2).
Besides, one has to remember that in Ethiopia John the Baptist was a popular saint,
and the stories about him or the account on Jesus Christs Baptism in which Gods
Son is baptized by a man used to attract the attention of traditional Ethiopian
scholars. Among the Ethiopic writings ascribed to John Chrysostom, there is a Homi-
ly on John the Baptist and the Baptism of Christ. A passage of this work, popular and
preserved in quite a number of manuscripts, helps to understand the traditional view
of this biblical episode: as Christ was baptised by John, the insane Jews (x),
who were observing this, immediately concluded that the latter was greater. In
order to refute this erroneous view, God sent the sign the dove (ESTEVES PEREIRA
1911:6; Portugese translation ibid., 1011).
88
This would mean that he was introducing others into monastic life before he
himself was born in the monastic habit. Therefore, the author of the Vita considers
this version of events not only as a lie, but also as an offence (which, because of its
obvious absurdity, can not be proposed by a reasonable person; hence the reference
to stupid or insane, x, cp. n. 87) and an attempt to dishonour his Saint, s.
KUR 1965, 38:1939:3.
 D. Nosnitsin '

3) The third account, like the second, is missing in the Homily. It relates
once again how Iysus Moa and Tkl Haymanot assumed the monastic ha-
bit.89 This time, the author of the Vita of Iysus Moa retells the Vita of Tkl
Haymanot, following the Hayq or, most probably, Dbr Libanos recension
as it may be proved, among others signs, by the mention of Tkl Hayma-
nots encounter with a monk from Amhara before the Saints arrival at the
monastery of Bslot Mikael.90 Though the Vita of Iysus Moa briefly
summarises the story,91 the sequence of the episodes and the entire structure
of the narrative remain the same. The account ends with Iysus Moa impo-
sing the monastic yoke upon Tkl Haymanot and vesting him with the mo-
nastic garb (Jxc " T#e). In the conclusion, the hagiographer poses the
same question once again: how Iysus Moa could fulfil this without having
reached the proper grade of the monastic profession (i.e., everything except
the scapular)?92 The arguments used here do not go beyond those presented
in the previous account: the hagiographer postulates that Iysus Moa was
born in the monastic life long before Tkl Haymanots coming; the re-
ceiving of the scapular from the hands of Tkl Haymanot, his spiritual pupil,
is accepted in the sense indicated above: as the ritual fulfilled according to
the spiritual fathers request, which does not essentially change the relation-
ship of the spiritual fathership.93 We can conclude that the author of the

89
UR 1965, 39:440:4.
90
As it has already been noted by E. Cerulli (s. KUR 1965:X [tr.]; ibid., 39:49);
in fact, neither the Hayq nor the Dbr Libanos version of the Vita of Tkl Hayma-
not says that the monk whom Tkl Haymanot met on his way to Amhara was a
novice ([#) of Bslot Mikael; in the Vita of Iysus Moa this is an anticipa-
tion typical of a renarration, indicating that the hagiographer had known the text or
story in advance.
91
Cp., in particular, in the Vita of Iysus Moa (KUR 1965, 39:915), such phrases
as: T " " O`N " OJ " &xK+` " vK " v " " wM` " fv "
&[v " KO[ " ez^ " " K` " v " wM` (ibid. 39:1113), which
seems to be a corruption of a passage from the Vita of Tkl Haymanot in the Dbr
Libanos recension (BUDGE 1906:69 [ch. 67]): v&N " ez " Km " wM` " &[v "
KO[ " v " wz* " H " * "" ez` " oe " Q+J " H&m " OI| "
D " " " wM[ "" v+H:: (due to this the translation in KUR 1965,
31:3335 [tr.] is somewhat uncertain) the original form ez` or ez` refer-
red to the angel; further on, in the Dbr Libanos recension, Tkl Haymanot, accom-
panied by the angel, entered the church, whereas in the Vita of Iysus Moa he stayed at
the entrance of the church (pO " v " m " v+z " `ez* humble behaviour
to be expected from a new-comer). Cp. also, respectively, xc+ " &xK+`
xc+ " ^E " &xK+`; * renarrated as T`&B etc.
92
KUR 1965, 39:2640:4.
93
The Vita strongly prohibits monks to receive the girdle, monastic tunic, cap
and scapular from other spiritual teachers; this prohibition appears in the dispositio
of one of the testaments between Ykunno Amlak and abba Iysus Moa. How-
 ! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Vita of Iysus Moa collected and scrutinised all the hagiographic documents
relating to how Iysus Moa and Tkl Haymanot assumed the monastic habit
(though, in fact, he failed to find the necessary evidence!); in order to denounce
the versions of the story that he considered untrue, he created a new tradition
which curiously enough was supposed to be a proof in itself.
The introduction of such a polemic against another monastic leader, which
apparently was not caused by any theological controversy or other serious
contradiction concerning matters of faith, was pretty unusual for Ethiopian
hagiography. It must have had quite a peculiar historical background; in this
respect, the question of the dating of the Vita of Iysus Moa and the time
when the story in question took its final shape becomes the primary issue.
One more previously little known testimony appears to be of conside-
rable importance: a possibly 18th-cent. manuscript from the monastery of Dbr
Daga stifanos (already quoted above), recently described (Tanasee 164 =
Daga Estifanos 53)94 and containing, among other texts, the Vita of Iysus
Moa, but in a version different from both the Homily and the Vita known
from Kurs edition. A closer investigation demonstrates that this is most pro-
bably the intermediary recension, the document which should be placed
between the Homily and the Vita.95 This text contains an account of Iysus

ever, this passage certainly intended gainst particular practices in monastic life
was written later, since it is missing in the original document, MS EMML 1832, fol.
269r (s. KROPP 1998:309310).
94
SIX 1999:207211.
95
SIX 1999:209 pointed out to the differences between the Vita and the text pre-
served in Tanasee 164; yet the latter is obviously not the shortened text of the Vita,
but rather the extended Homily (for the collation below, MS EMML 1960 and MAR-
RASSINI 1986 are used):
1) The Homilys short introduction (`d " `z% " DR| " [ctill:
O| " H fol. 29ra) is extended in Tanasee 164 by an extensive addition which
begins with the rhymed passage: veO " &xK+` " x " HJRz " + "
c "" veO " &xK+` " J " WT[ " TJ " zJ (fol. 1ra
3ra, then we find: O| " H); the Vita drops the introduction of the Homily,
accommodates the introduction from Tanasee 164 (KUR 1965, 3:185:10) and ex-
tends the introduction by one more piece (ibid., 1:33:17);
2) The next piece of the Vita (ibid., 5:1120, O| " H) coincides with
Tanasee 164 (fol. 3rb);
3) The texte in Tanasee 164 from fol. 4ra: z " `#z " X&P till cJ "
O " AyP " H#(fol. 6rb) coincides with the Vita KUR 1965, 5:227:9, yet the
latter has some small additions; thereafter it adds the passage 7:98:2. For ibid. 8:2
8:12, Tanasee 164 has only: JFm% " Pz% " vW " JFm| " " Oe "
oe " oyP " v>H# " *GP (KUR 1965, 8:23);
4) The Homily relates Iysus Moas escape from worldly life: z " Hz "
" P " RB(fol. 31rb) up untill the story of his wandering (,
fol. 33rb); the piece from Tanasee 164 fol. 6ra8ra is the basis for the Vita, s. KUR
 D. Nosnitsin !

1965, 8:1410:10; the Vita adds 8:1418; 9:1011 (#O " v " o "
z%c) and other small pieces elsewhere;
5) The saints wandering: the texte in Tnsee 164 fol. 8ra10rb is mostly the
same as in the Vita 11:1413:25 till vO " x` " v[%Ozwhere the Vita
makes here and there small additions; the Vita makes a substantial addition, conti-
nuing: " K` " ez " (13:1413:24);
6) In the story about Iysus Moas monastic consecration Tnsee 164 (fol. 11ra)
omits the name of the saints mamhr, as does the Homily (fol. 36rb); cp. the Vita,
KUR 1965, 14:6. In the sentence describing how Yohanni vested Iysus Moa with
parts of the monastic habit, already Tnsee 164 reads albas mnk wsnna (fol. 12rb),
instead of askema, as in the Homily (s. above; cp. MARRASSINI 1986:179);
7) The story about the accident that happened while the saint was splitting wood
with an axe coincides with Tnsee 164 (fol. 13ra14rb) and the Vita (KUR 1965,
15:2417:7), as does the story about salvation of the jar (respectively, fol. 14rb15ra;
KUR 1965, 17:820);
8) The history of Dbr Hayq (in the Vita s. KUR 1965, 17:2119:27) is missing in
Tnsee 164: eO " H " &xK+` " " TB " MP [cp. KUR
1965, 17:1920] " w " K " OTF\ " Hx# " v# " &c#e " U The account
continues with the story of the life of abba Yoh. anni (ibid. 20:120); cp. the Vita: vK "
ez " O " |cO " x[ " U Tnsee 164: vK " O " |cO " U.
Notes on Gbr Syons life and death follow (ibid. 20:2121:3; Tnsee 164, fol. 16rb);
and then in Tnsee 164 the story of Iysus Moas migration to Hayq, simplified and
without the angel (fol. 17ra: v#c " &c#e " U " fv " ` " O " [ "
#B " OTF\ " N[ " `#m " z " vK " O " zK[ " vwM` " v[ "
F " , the Vita providing here more literary details, while its narrative
develops somewhat differently (KUR 1965, 21:1322:8). Lengthy pieces of the Vita
are missing in Tnsee 164, which coincides with the Vita only in the concluding
part, ibid. 35:17 ([T " zO " ez " x\] " v[ " F " );
9) The description of Iysus Moas pious life on Hayq in his Vita (KUR 1965,
35:1736:8, from v[ " F " ) is extended as compared with Tanasee
164, fol. 17ra (the extension begins, in the Vita, from: " x# " x;
the texts converge at the quotation from Ps. 83:11; s. KUR 1965, 36:79);
10) The story about Tkl Haymanot KUR 1965, 36:1036:18 appears in Tnsee
164 (fol. 17ra);
11) Tnsee 164 does not contain other stories about Tkl Haymanot, and conti-
nues with the episode of Iysus Moas chair (fol. 18ra: AH " Hv# " &c#e "
U; KUR 1965, 40:513);
12) There is a passage of the Vita (KUR 1965, 40:1441:4) containing some pieces
of the Homily which do not appear in the corresponding portion of Tnsee 164
(fol. 18ab);
The rest of the text in Tnsee 164 corresponds to the Homily and to the Vita (cp.
also MARRASSINI 1986:180182), yet the collation demonstrates that it is closer to the
Homily and was the basis for the further elaboration in the Vita (mostly revision of
style and decorative additions); the text in Tnsee 164 ends at KUR 1965, 54:11.
The colophon is, thus, different from that in the Homily (it does not mention Sofo-
nyas; s. MARRASSINI 1986:182).
 ! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Moas assumption of the monastic habit identical to the account 1) of the

Vita; therefore, the change of the scapular of Christ into the monastic
garb was made first in the account in Tanasee 164, possibly for purely stylis-
tic, not ideological, considerations (both terms meaning monastic habit);
the latter variant was taken over into the Vita of Iysus Moa.96 There is only
one narrative on Tkl Haymanots assumption of the monastic habit that
corresponds to the (rather neutral) account 2)-II. of the Vita of Iysus Moa.97
As the first possibility, we should assume that this text is a genuine document
that originated in the community of Dbr Hayq and reflects its position
concerning the spiritual relationships between Tkl Haymanot and Iysus
Moa. The relevant traditions different recensions of the Vita of Tkl
Haymanot, the Vita of Z-Mikael Argawi were certainly well-known at
the time of the creation of this short Vita of Iysus Moa; however, those
who composed the text simply did not consider the episode as contradictory
and were not keen on rectifying the history. On the basis of the material
that we presently have, the time of the composition of the lengthy Vita of
Iysus Moa should be therefore dated to a later period during the 19th
cent. since it is hardly possibly that Iysus Moas biography would have
been revised twice within such a short period of time. Consequently, the po-
lemical passages found in the lengthy Vita should reflect the contemporary
(19th cent.?) views of the community.
My hypothesis concerning the recent character of the contradiction is
corroborated by its ideological and literary context. The preliminary search
for traces, which the controversy must have left in the written tradition of
both monasteries, brought rather disappointing results. Documents from Db-
r Hayq which deal with the monastic carrier of Iysus Moa appear to be
of recent origin; none of them pays much attention to the question of how

96
Thus, the Homily: Jvf " z " z* " e+R " `e}e " o} "
ez " Km,B oz " T " oz%c " ` " J... (fol. 36vb37ra);
cp. Tanasee 164: Jvf " Jwc " T#e " m} " ez " Km,B " oz "
T "" o|c " ` " J " M " M " z%, cp. the Vita: KUR
1965, 15:24 (s. above, n. 75, also n. 95); after all, it is unprobable that the author of
the Vita would have omitted the mention of the scapular.
97
Tanasee 164 (fol. 17ra): " x` " OJ " O " v+B " TxK+["
c+ " xc& " +` " eP " zH " DR| "" v+H: " w " Jxc " Jxc "
T=ethe style is slightly revised in the Vita of Iysus Moa (KUR 1965, 36:10
36:18): " x` " O " Tx# " OJ " O " v+B " xc& " +` "
v#\ " TxK+[ " c+ " xJ " zH " DR| " zJ " Ke v+H: "
w " v# " &c#e " U " Jxc " Jxc " T=e The collation of the texts
(Tanasee 164, fol. 17b; KUR 1965, 36:1036:18) demonstrates that from the words
O " z " xe (ibid., 36:24; where the narrative has an unexpected develop-
ment concerning the travelling direction of Tkl Haymanot) the Vita adds new pas-
sages the origin of which is discussed above.
 D. Nosnitsin !!

exactly Iysus Moa assumed the monastic habit, and none contains polemi-
cal passages comparable to those found in the Vita of Iysus Moa.98 How-
ever, some of them describe the monastic carrier of Iysus Moa in a peculiar
way; of particular interest is the lengthy History of the Churches and Monas-
teries of Ethiopia99 in MS EMML 1942, linked to the cycle of Homilies in
honour of Archangel Uriel, obviously of Mnilk IIs period (and of wan
origin). According to the colophon of this work (which deserves, in fact, a
closer look), it was composed by a certain aqqabe sat Yohanns, the con-
temporary of King Lbn Dngl (1508-40). The History is certainly a pseu-
doepigraphic work of a much later period, and was probably not composed at
Dbr Hayq; the ideological background of its author is not quite clear, and
the work should not prematurely be described pro-wan.100 In any case, it
speaks more about Tkl Haymanot than about Iysus Moa; the account
concerning Tkl Haymanot follows his Vita in the Dbr Libanos recen-
sion, and the author of the History shows no interest in taking up the occasion
to raise the discussion and revise the story about Iysus Moas assumption of
the monastic habit, unless the absence of the authors clear position should
be considered an attempt to hide details of Iysus Moas life.101 Otherwise,

98
While working on his well-known essay (TADDESSE TAMRAT 1970), Taddesse
Tamrat managed to gain access to and consult the unique sources preserved in Dbr
Hayq; however, he apparently did not find any material which would have lead him
to discuss the problem in his article and/or start its closer investigation.
99
MS EMML 1942, fol. 67b85a.
100
Cp. also Getatchew Hailes comments, EMML V, 440.
101
Here is the relevant passage according to MS EMML 1942. It is related that
Tkl Haymanot was born in the seventh year of the reign of Nakkwto L-Ab at the
age of 22 years he left his parents, quitting the worldly life. Thereafter, the Saint had
preached and built churches in Ktata, Damot, nnarya etc. Thereafter, (72vb) saint
Uriel ordered him to learn the monastic law from Bslot Mikael of the country of
Amhara, in order to become the father of all holy monks of the land of Ethiopia
[xK+[ " &|]. He went and stayed (there) 10 years, learning the monastic law
and making signs while healing the sick. And thereafter Saint Uriel ordered him to go
to Lake Hayq and stay with Iysus . And he stayed with him 10 years. And after
this, he departed from abba Iysus and ascended (73ra) Dbr Dammo, to abba
Yohanni; and he stayed with him 12 years. Tkl Haymanot travelled to Jerusalem
three times, till the Patriarch Michael ordered him to stay in Ethiopia to promote
monasticism. (73rb) And after this (73va) he returned from the Patriarch abba Michael
and ascended Dbr Dammo, to abba Yohanni. And he told him what the Patriarch
said, all his words. And thereafter abba Yohanni responded to him and said: I heard
[it] from the mouth of all holy monks, the beloved of Our Lady Mary, and they told
me that you would be the father of holy monks of the monasteries of all [the country
of] wa (w^z " =H# " h), which Archangel Uriel consecrated with the blood
of Christ Go there and stay there (73vb) And after this he left Dbr Dammo
and went to Dbr Libanos, after he [reached the age of] 70 years after he had been
 !" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

at first glance there are no Dbr Hayq documents concerning the biography
of Iysus Moa, except for his Vita, which would deal with the episode in a
very different way, speaking from an articulated and consequently ideologi-
cal position.102
An additional last group of documents worth noting is represented by
monastic spiritual genealogies and other texts of this kind. These sources
have not yet been a subject of comprehensive research; yet many of them
mention both Tkl Haymanots and Iysus Moas assumption of the monas-
tic habit, thus recording the relationship between the two saints. The spiritual
pedigree of Tkl Haymanot, which follows the Dbr Libanos recension of
his Vita, was compiled simultaneously with or, most probably, somewhat la-
ter than the latter, and spread throughout Ethiopia in numerous copies.103
Taking into account the fact that the genealogies show numerous variations

born... And in the second year after his entering Dbr Libanos, the Orthodox King
Ykunno Amlak reigned through the prayer of this father [who] anointed him by his
[own] hand with the pure anointment of the kingdom. And it was fulfilled what was
called the miracle of his name in the Homily of Urael The King went to Roha,
visited Lalibla and built another one church Gnnt Maryam, which Tkl Hay-
manot consecrated. (74rb) And after this Ykunno Amlak went to the island of Lake
Hayq and built a church for Iysus Moa and called it Dbr Ngwdgwad(74rb)
And he appointed abba Iysus Moa Archpriest (H&m " F|) and aqqabe sat for
the entire country of Ethiopia, and he said to Tkl Haymanot: Bring all your [spiri-
tual] sons that you generated through the Holy Spirit, so that they will construct and
build church[es] in the name of our Lady Mary, the Mother of God (74va), on all the
mountains that Saint Uriel blessed with the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. And
Tkl Haymanot chose from his [spiritual] sons 33 who took the monastic cap and
scapular from his hands
102
. also the Miracles of Iysus Moa (EMML 1940, 19th cent., from Dbr
Hayq stifanos; the Miracles seem to post-date the bulk of Iysus Moas hagio-
graphy, and sometimes draw upon his Vita) which begin with the account of how
Iysus Moa left his family at the age of 40 and went to Dbr Dammo where he spent
7 years with abba Yohanni. The author of the Miracles does not provide details on
Iysus Moas assumption of the monastic habit tunic, monastic cap and scapular
(fol. 6970, s. also MARRASSINI 1986:183; unless the reference to Iysus Moa as a
perfect monk, Oe " #T on fol. 78vb [cp. MARRASSINI 1986:188] is a hint to
his complete monastic profession).
103
The earliest edition of such a text, from MS Paris, Bibliothque national de
France, th. 160 is in BASSET 1896:1516. Some time in the late 17th or 18th cent. this
genealogy was combined with a short description of Tkl Haymanots life deriving
from the Dbr Libanos recension of his Vita and became known as the Genealogy
of our fathers, the monks. The account renarrates the life of Tkl Haymanot, taking
its start from his spiritual genealogy (this spiritual genealogy is missing in BUDGE
1906, which has only its short variant in ch. 88; in manuscripts with the original
Dbr Libanos recension of the Vita this genealogy usually stands before the Homily
 D. Nosnitsin !#

which reveal that their creators could easily reinterpret different points of
the Ethiopian monastic history, we can not escape the impression that the
episode in question failed to attract particular attention, and did not generate
resentment or polemic in monastic circles (at least untill a certain moment).
The episode is sometimes found in the spiritual genealogies of those monks
whose communities were distant from both Dbr Libanos of wa and the
house of Tkl Haymanot in Azzo near Gondr, with the variant of the
story rejected by the hagiographer of Dbr Hayq stifanos apparently do-
minating, but sometimes difused and/or incorporated into other traditions.104
Some of the genealogies omit central details of the story or mutilate it, or
depart from its main framework, probably making reference to different tra-
ditions.105 On the whole, though the topic of spiritual fathership appears im-
portant, the genealogies do not focuse on the monastic habit and do not create
on its basis any claim for superiority.

on the day of his translatio, following the Vita and the family genealogy of the Saint).
It tells that Yohanni begat Iysus Moa with qmis and qnat, and Iysus Moa, in
turn, begat Tkl Haymanot with qmis and qnat; Tkl Haymanot received qob
and askema at Dbr Dammo, from Yohanni; as he came back, he gave qob and
askema to his spiritual father, following the request of the latter (GETATCHEW HAILE
19821983:910, 2324 and n. 12).
104
. the spiritual genealogy of Mdanin gzi, the founder of Dbr Bankwal
in re, Tgray (NTI ROSSINI 1943:337): Yohanni gener Iyasus-Moa e Takla-
Hymnot: gener Iyasus-Moa col camice e col cingolo e Takla-Hymnot col cap-
puccio e con la scapolare. Takla-Hymnot gener Madanina-Egzi di Bankual...
. the genealogy from the monastery of Gund Gunde: Mdanin gzi genera-
ted Msql Mwai, and Msql Mwai generated Yohanni, and Yohanni generated
Iysus Moa, and Iysus Moa generated our father Tkl Haymanot with the tunic
and girdle and the garb [], whereas he took the scapular and [monastic] cap
from abba Yohanni of Dammo, who is the father of his father in spirit ... And our
farther Tkl Haymanot generated abba Mdanin gzi of Bonkl (MORDINI
1952:56, 58).
105
In MS EMML 1440, a brief monastic genealogy from Anthony the Great until
a certain Lbbawi Krstos states that Iysus Moa was the spiritual son of Yohanni,
but neither mentions Tkl Haymanot nor contains any further details about Iysus
Moa (fol. 58ravb). . also the genealogy of the disciples of Iysus Moa from
EMML 1960, fol. 28vb, in which nothing is said about Iysus Moas spiritual father,
whereas a certain Tkl Haymanot is mentioned only after some generations, as the
spiritual son of Gbr ndryas. Besides, cp. the genealogy of Dbr Libanos monks
(from Anthony the Great to the early 17th-cent. abbot Abrham) from the manuscript
of the Catholic mission in Krn (CONTI ROSSINI 1904:238240): here Iysus Moa
comes to Dbr Dammo and receives from Yohanni the monastic cap and scapular;
then Tkl Haymanot comes (Hv&f " Jxc " K^, s. above) and also receives the
monastic cap and scapular; then Tkl Haymanot comes to Iysus Moa, and, fol-
lowing the request of the latter, hands the monastic cap and scapular over to his
 !$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

III
We have been tracing the episode which constitutes the controversial
point of Ethiopian Church history through a number of sources. Indeed,
this episode is also recorded, among others, in old traditions a fact which
speaks for its historicity. However, having studied it from different points of
view, we are less certain than before as to what degree the episode reflected
in the relevant texts is controversial. Between the earliest attestation of
the story and the time it could have taken place there remains a gap of more
than 100 years. As the story took the form of a written account, it started to
change its shape, but, apparently, very little of actual ideological revision
can be found in any of its alterations. By the time of the creation of the
Waldbba recension of the Vita of Tkl Haymanot, it was already a re-
membrance of the honourable past of Ethiopian monasticism shaped as a
hagiographic account shared by all sides involved Dbr Libanos,
Dbr Hayq stifanos, Dbr Dammo; this is supported by the story of
monastic career of Tkl Haymanot as presented in EMML 1834 of the
Dbr Hayq and EMML 8742 of the Tana Qirqos. The tradition of Dbr
Dammo contributed an important element to the hagiographic representa-
tion of the episode some time in the late 15th/early 16th cent.; the fact that the
author of the Dbr Libanos recension took from the Vita of Z-Mikael
Argawi one particular interpretation of the story, is possibly an example of
the biased approach of hagiographers. As to the rest, the pieces of evidence,
which are extracted from sources prior to the creation of the lengthy recen-
sion of the Vita of Iysus Moa, can hardly be interpreted as reflecting the
rivalry between Dbr Libanos of wa and Dbr Hayq stifanos, espe-
cially if they are looked at in a broader literary (hagiographical)106 and hi-

spiritual father. Finally, cp. a brief account about Tkl Haymanots wanderings in
the Vita of Tadewos, the founder of Dbr Maryam on Tana lake (in fact, this work
narrates the deeds of Tadewos in southern Ethiopia; SIX 1975:136139). Cp. a very
peculiar genealogy from MS EMML 5117: Yosef begat Msql Bezan, and Msql
Bezan (begat) Mdanin gzi, and Mdanin gzi (begat) Msql Mwai, and
Msql Mwai (begat) Yohanni of the Desert [K " T]. And Yohanni begat
Iyysus Moa, the Leaf of Sabbath; Arsesayus, the Grass of Sabbath [HP "
H&c#e " U " sH " cv| " +`c+de " X[ " cv|]; Tkl Haymanot, the
Father of Kings; and Danel, the Rock of Sabbath in habit and belt [OH "
mQe " o|]... (GETATCHEW HAILE 1992:235236).
106
Within the scale of the present study it is difficult to assess how far hagio-
graphers could or wanted to go in depicting or alluding to conflicts or controversies
with other communities, which certainly could have taken place. An answer may to
be looked for in defining the general aesthetic principles of Ethiopian hagiography as
a literary genre (this being linked to a larger problem, particularly important for Ethio-
pian studies: elaborating reasonable criteria for critical approach to hagiographic
 D. Nosnitsin !%

storical context,107 including considerations as to the role and position of

the monastic investiture in traditional monastic culture.

sources) and in a careful study of each single case. It is, indeed, striking that the 17th/
18th-cent. controversies between the Twah do and Qbat religious fractions, in which
many monasteries took an active part, left relatively few direct traces in the hagio-
graphies known so far. At the same time, most remarkable in this respect is the Vita
of Z-Mikael Argawi, which ascribes to the Saint such a central role in Kalebs
campaign as is played, in fact, by his twin abba Pntlewon according to the
latters Vita. We can only speculate how this alternative description of Kalebs cam-
paign to Yemen was perceived by representatives of Bet Pntlewon (the political
decline of which was also accompanied by the transfer of economic benefits to Dbr
Dammo). These transformations may find typological correspondences in some other
cases (one can remember, e. g., that the leading role in the confrontation of monks
with King Amd Syon I is also contested by several hagiographic traditions), yet
the accounts of the monastic initiations of the saints seem hardly ever to have been
exploited in this respect. The most peculiar deviation from the common patterns
that could have caused concerns may be the motive of receiving of the monastic habit
or its part from God, but it appears in only a very few hagiographies, though in those
of the most venerated monks (Gbr Mnfs Qddus, Zra Buruk, Filppos of Db-
r Bizn, and also Tkl Haymanot), and remains closed the hagiographers did
not pick this element for promoting any claims.
107
The idea of the controversy between Dbr Libanos and Dbr Hayq stifa-
nos, and the mutual attempts at limiting the respective influence by means of revers-
ing the spiritual filiation (DERAT 2003:108) should be attenuated. It is not the place
here to discuss in details the history of either Dbr Libanos or Dbr Hayq; but it is
difficult indeed to find direct references to any serious controversy of an economic,
political or religious nature (e. g., transfer of land possessions and titles; different
positions in theological controversies etc.) between Dbr Hayq and Dbr Libanos.
The rise of Dbr Libanos happened long after Dbr Hayq became an established
royal sanctuary. In the 15th cent., in particular during the reign of Zra Yaqob, both
monasteries passed through periods of royal favour and disfavour, which had imme-
diate impact, first of all, on the situation of their abbots, aqqabe s at and ccge
respectively, who spent much time at the court (with the consequence of weakening
direct links to their communities). From the beginning of the 16th cent. at least, the
ccge was nominated the head of all Ethiopian monks; however, the aqqabe s at
undoubtedly enjoyed high prestige and influence as well (in fact, differences could
occasionally appear between them). In the 15th/early 16th cent., the economic situa-
tion of Dbr Hayq was improving thanks to donations (s. TADDESSE TAMRAT 1970).
The spheres of direct influence of both monasteries hardly overlapped due simply to
the considerable distance separating them. Dbr Libanoss religious and administra-
tive presence was substantial in particular in the southern regions of the Kingdom,
where it administered missionary activities and ecclesiastic matters. Possibly, these
constraints contrasted with the meditative asceticism of Dbr Hayq (the ideal ref-
lected in the Homily of Iysus Moa, Acts of Bgg and elsewhere). In fact, the
reconstruction of the monastic network of Dbr Hayq stifanos the ecclesias-
tic organization thought to be a rival of Dbr Libanos is mostly based on the in-
 !& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

The lengthy recension of the Vita of Iysus Moa, containing numerous

testaments between the Saint and King Ykunno Amlak, is a unique piece
of evidence. Certainly, it may have been a response to the late 17th/early
18th-cent. Riches of the Kings of the house of Tkl Haymanot and the
claims of Dbr Libanos of wa. But, in view of its complex textual history
and its possible historical context, the work appears to be of a more recent
origin than has been suggested before: it was created after the intermediary
recension of the Vita (or the short Vita) attested in MS Tanasee 164 =
Daga Estifanos 53 which was the continuation of the textual tradition of the
Homily. The fact that the lengthy recension of the Vita of the Saint is hi-
therto known only from two 19th-cent. manuscripts betrays the rather late and
local character of the controversy. Thus, the latters possible causes should
be looked for in the recent history of Dbr Hayq,108 in particular, in the age
of Yohannes IV and Mnilk II, when the gradual movement towards a cen-
tralized state began to take shape. By then, the ancient sanctuary of Dbr
Hayq stifanos attracted the attention of the Ethiopian lords. At some point
during this period, intending to use the opportunity and resume its high posi-
tion in the national Church hierarchy, the community of Dbr Hayq stifa-
nos may have compiled and presented a new complete version of the Vita of
Iysus Moa, the most prominent monk of the community, producing new
evidence about the valuable services he rendered to the Solomonic rulers,
ascertaining his fame, and denouncing old rumours which could have cast
doubts upon his fame.

formation from the Vita of Iysus Moa; yet the claims made in this Vita usually find
no confirmation in local monastic traditions; it is unknown how such a monastic
network could have been organized (DERAT 2003:110119).
108
This is not an easy task, for the history of the monastery during the late 17th/
19th cent. the time it kept out from big events remains less well known. In the
16th cent., Dbr Hayq did not suffer a complete devastation like Dbr Libanos. In
the second half of the 16th cent., Dbr Libanos revived and occupied the leading role
in the kingdom, but already in the early 17th cent. a major part of its community
moved to the region of lake Tana, to settle later in Azzo, whereas the original Dbr
Libanos remained in decline until the beginning of the 19th cent. Both the aqqabe
s at and the ccge resided in Gondr, and were separated from their communities
and involved in theological controversies and political intrigues. In the 18th cent., the
titles were sometimes bestowed upon the representatives of other monasteries (under
Bkaffa, re. 17211730, the title of aqqabe s at was given to the head of Dbr
Mtmaq). Since at least the 18th cent., while the house of Tkl Haymanot retained
importance, Dbr Hayq was constantly endangered by Oromo Marawwa and Wllo,
and later by Wllos Islamic rulers. The Christian population remained only in the
vicinities of the monastery. Only from the time of Yohanns IV (18721889) did the
monastery gain support again, and favour by the kings and nobles (as appears from
land charters registered in MS EMML 1940).
 D. Nosnitsin !'

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Appendix
1) The famous Gbr Mnfs Qddus was 12 years old when abba Zmd
Brhan gave him the holy scapular, like Anthony, and girded his loins with hair
sackcloth (>[ " Wo) as one girdes with the girdle (O " mz% " oz,
MARRASSINI 2003:1213[text]; cp. also XLXLII), whereas in the lengthy Synaxa-
rion note on Gbr Mnfs Qddus any indication of the assumption of the monastic
habit is missing (30 Mggabit, COLIN 1994:440467, BUDGE 1928:755772).
2) Ewostatewos was clad with the monastic habit by abba Danel (Jvf "
Jwc " T=e...), on which occasion he also obtained his monastic name (TU-
RAIEV 1902:303; TURAIEV 1905:2223).
3) Having reached the monastic community of abba Pntlewon, Yshaq/
Grima immediately asks for the scapular: w " Jxc " e+R " Od|.
After Pntlewons question as to whether he is ready for the scapular i. e. the
monastic life (|J " J " e+R " Od|) and Grimas convin-
cing response, Pntlewon confers the scapular upon him: ...Y " e+R "
Od| " Jxf " w[ " IH+B... What follows seems to be an excerpt from
the ritual of the monastic consecration (CONTI ROSSINI 1897:152).
4) Z-Mikael Argawi assumed the monastic habit at the age of 19, from the
hands of Pachomius the Great, after a short interrogation to prove the seriousness
of his intention (|J " * " Oe...). After some time Pachomius clad him
with the monastic clothes (Jvf " Jwc " T=e) and proclaimed the formu-
la: May God bless your scapular as He blessed abba Anthony and abba Maca-
rius, my fathers and conferred upon him the new name Z-Mikael Argawi
(GUIDI 1895:67). The same procedure is carried out when Liqanos, Ymata,
Shma, Guba, Afse and Pntlewon (. DEB 209210) come to him, with slight
deviations in wording (e.g., Jxc " e+R " Od|...; |J " *[ "
`#z " T=e;...fv+D " JvfP " Jwc " Od|, s. GUIDI 1895:78).
5) The Vita of Libanos/Mtta reports that he accepted the scapular from Pa-
chomius before leaving for Ethiopia (BAUSI 2003, 26; cp. also ibid. [tr.], 9, n. 35;
 D. Nosnitsin "#

the Vita most probably repeats what the ancient Homily [in honour of] Mtta
tells, s. GETATCHEW HAILE 1990:3637: There, he took the monastic habit [Y"
e+R] from the man of God).
6) According to the Vita of Samuel of Dbr Halleluya, when Nakwto L-
Ab (Samuels worldly name) came to the community of abba ntons, he asked
for monastic cap and scapular (O# " v+ " O " zAv " px " e+R),
but was first interrogated by ntons (|DH " J " O " |#` "
`#z " T=e). As the Vita states, the ritual of conferrance of the monastic
habit was performed according to the Mshaf Mnk wsnna: the monastic cap
and scapular were placed in front of the tabot, and the prayer was recited over
them; the novice was blessed by all the saints (qddusan), a prayer was perform-
ed over him, and he received the monastic cap and scapular and his new monastic
name Samuel (COLIN 1990:8).
7) Yonas took on the monastic habit from abba Dmyanos of Dbr Sina, in
Srawe; Dmyanos clad the novice with the monastic clothes (Jvf " Jwc "
T=e) and gave him a new name (Yonass worldly name was Habt gzi); as
the Vita mentions, those who accepted the monastic cap, scapular and sheep-
skin (KSI|, s. n. 27) from abba Yonas will be saved (CONTI ROSSINI 1903:13
14).
8) Z-Yohanns of Kbran assumed the monastic cap and scapular in Dbr
Libanos of wa, from abba Hzqyas, who also clad him with the clothes of the
angels after seven years of probation (SCHNEIDER 1972:9).
9) The Vita of Filppos of Dbr Bizan recounts in detail how Filppos was
called to take a monastic vow and to take on the monastic clothes and the holy
scapular (Jwc " T=e " e+R " oe|) by the Holy Spirit, who told
him to go to Bkimos of Dbr Srabi. The Holy Spirit also informed Bkimos
about the one coming to him. Having performed the ritual according to the Mshaf
Mnk wsnna, Bkimos lay upon Filppos the monastic habit, speaking of the
garb of our Lady Mary, the girdle of John [the Baptist] and the garment of
angels ( " OI|, s. CONTI ROSSINI 1900:7778). Thereafter, the Vita
relates, somewhat vaguely, how Filppos went into the desert and received the
monastic cap and scapular from the hands of Jesus Christ, while the Saviour
spoke to and conversed with him in the likeness of abba Ewostatewos (ibid. 79).
The Synaxarion of Dbr Wrq, an Ewostatean monastery in Goggam, repeats
the story, yet in this document Filppos received the cap and scapular in Bet
Pntlewon (near Aksum?), and Christ spoke to him in the likeness of Pnt-
lewon (SCHNEIDER 1978)!
10) Abun Zra Buruk received the angelic habit (here meaning: the scapu-
lar) from God; he received the spiritual [monastic] cap the girdle from God as
well, but through the hands of abun Tkl Haymanot and Gbr Mnfs Qddus
respectively; in addition, he assumed the cloth of the chest (Jxc " )
from Ewostatewos (JAEGER 1912:168169; RICCI 1979:108);
11) Anorewos received the monastic habit from Tkl Haymanot, who in-
vested him with monastic garb and girdle (T[ " " OJ " Jvf "
m} " v# " zH " DR| " Hv# " _e, CONTI ROSSINI 1905:
 "$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

69); further on, it is related that Anorewos wore the rope belt (zhabl qnat;
ibid., 77).
12) Bslot Mikael received monastic garb (Jwc " T=e) from abba
Anorewos, at Dbr Gwl (CONTI ROSSINI 1905:14).
13) The Vita of Hdan Moa reports that this holy monk received the monkish
clothes (Jwc " T=e) from the head of the community of Dbr Bgg
(MS EMML 2353, fol. 6rava).
14) The Vita of Bgg, a monk from Dbr Hayq stifanos, does not relate
how he assumed the monastic habit; after the report about Bgg s entering the
community, the author concentrates on the strictest abstinence of Bgg (he did
not drink water for many years; MS EMML 1960, fol. 61va).
15) According to his Vita, Yohanns Msraqawi left his family at the age of 22
and spent many years in the house of Isidor (in Egypt) serving as rd and
mggabi, but received the full monastic habit including the scapular (To| "
T " e " e+R " OI| " e) in Ethiopia, from abun Tkl
Haymanot (MARRASSINI 1984:180183). Another piece of the tradition, separate
from the Vita, mentions his assumption of the habit (Jwc " T=e) again, this
time without details; here the hagiographer claims that, Yohanns has a privileged
position as compared to the other 12 pupils of Tkl Haymanot, since he was the
first to received the monastic habit from the latter (ibid., 342345; cp. also ibid.,
LXVII LXX, CCI)
There are some examples from the traditions related to Dbr Libanos of wa:
16) According to the Waldbba recension of the Vita of Tkl Haymanot, the
Saint accepted in his community Abel a son of Zeb Dar and, after an inter-
rogation ( " |J " O " |#` " `#z " Tz "[sic! z? D. N.]
T=e...) and a period of noviciate, consecrated him monk (T[ " "
OH " [c " Oc). When he assumed the scapular his ascetic conduct
became so rigid that Tkl Haymanot had to restrain him, but soon he allowed
Abel to live in the desert. It is reported that as soon as he took on the scapular
of the angels (e+R " OI|) he stopped eating bread (CONTI ROSSINI
1895:118).
17) Mrha Krstos was vested with the monastic garb (Jxc " T#e) by
abun Yohanns Kma, being of a young age, and after a certain time he received
the monastic cap and scapular (KUR 1972:2425).
18) Tkl Hawaryat received the monastic garb (Jxc " T#e) from
Yohanns Kma, in Dbr Libanos (CONTI ROSSINI 1910:71).
19) ccge nbaqom received the clothes of the holyness from ccge
Petros (Egli disse: figlio mio, da questo momento sii monaco e indossa le vesti
della santit [Jwc " oe] dei padri nostri Antonio e Macario e degli altri
Santi...), after a period of noviciate and religious education (RICCI 19551958:81).
20) ccge Yohanns assumed the monastic habit from nbaqom (e quindi
gli vest labito monastico e fece discendere su di lui le benedizione del Signore,
RICCI 19691970:176), later on the Vita reports that nbaqom was also his father
in respect of the scapular (gli era padre nei riguardi dello scapolare [askim],
ibid., 191).
 D. Nosnitsin "%

21) Habt Maryam, another representative of the community of Dbr Liba-

nos, assumed the monastic habit (`#z " T=e) not in Dbr Libanos (RAI-
NERI 1990:37).
22) Samuel, the founder of Dbr Wgg, assumed the monastic habit (`#z "
T=e) from Tkl Haymanot, who also taught him the monastic rules
(Y`z " T=e; KUR 1968:7).

SUMMARY
The study deals with an episode from the history of the Ethiopian Church that
relates to Iysus Moa and his pupil Tkl Haymanot, both famous saints and
13th14th-cent. abbots of Dabra Hayq stifanos and Dbr Libanos of wa res-
pectively. Known mostly from the hagiographic documents and considered cru-
cial for Ethiopian history, the episode centres on Iysus Moas and Tkl Hayma-
nots assumption of the monastic habit, namely on the sequence in which they
bestowed on each other the articles of the monastic attire. The episode has been
analysed and interpreted by scholars in different ways, and has been thought to be
important for the reconstruction of the history of the relationship between Dabra
Hayq and Dbra Libanos the most important centres of the Ethiopian monasti-
cism. The present article continues this discussion and attempts to reach a better
understanding of the sources and, consequently, the events they describe. The
paper examines the episode in light of what we know about real Ethiopian monas-
tic practices. Thereafter, it attempts to reconstruct the development of the events
representation in the hagiographic sources and its traditional perception, by clari-
fying the textual history of the most crucial hagiographic documents containing
the episode (including, e. g., the discussion on the short Vita of Iysus Moa
from MS. Tnsee 164 = Dg Estifanos 53), and by inquirying the references to
this episode found in other sources.
 Andrei Orlov
Marquette University
Milwaukee

THE LEARNED SAVANT

WHO GUARDS THE SECRETS
OF THE GREAT GODS:
EVOLUTION OF THE ROLES AND TITLES
OF THE SEVENTH ANTEDILUVIAN HERO
IN MESOPOTAMIAN
AND ENOCHIC TRADITIONS
(Part I: Mesopotamian Traditions)*
They gave him the tablet of the gods a secret of heaven and
[underworld],
They put in his hand the cedar[-rod], beloved of the great gods
... the learned savant who guards the secrets of the great gods.
Tablet from Nineveh

Introduction
Recent history, especially after the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, has
witnessed to a renewed interest in the intertestamental Jewish literature and
a recognition of its importance for the understanding of early Christian
texts and traditions. These Jewish materials, not included in the canon of the
Old Testament, and known to scholars as the Old Testament Pseudepigrapha
(a collective term for anonymous Jewish literary remains written between
4th cent. B.C. and 2nd cent. A.D. in response to the biblical materials and later
preserved by the Christian communities), are viewed by scholars as signifi-
cant sources for understanding the traditions of the exalted patriarchs and
prophets such as Enoch, Abraham, Melchizedek, Jacob, Moses, and others
that played a significant role in patristic and rabbinic theological arguments.
This article deals with one of such cluster of pseudepigraphic traditions asso-
ciated with the name of the seventh antediluvian patriarch Enoch which had
its roots in the Mesopotamian lore.

* To be continued in: Scrinium II. Universum Hagiographicum (forthcoming).

 A. Orlov "'

King Enmeduranki
Even a brief look at early Enochic booklets such as the Book of the Watch-
ers and the Astronomical Book demonstrates that already in these early Eno-
chic writings the seventh antediluvian patriarch appears to have a set of high-
ly developed roles: a sage, a visionary, a diviner, and a scribe. One can see
these descriptions of the main character as a product of a substantial and
long-lasting conceptual development. However, for anyone familiar with the
early biblical traditions about the patriarch Enoch found in Genesis, the sur-
prising wealth of information about the seventh antediluvian patriarch that is
found in the earliest booklets of 1 Enoch might be puzzling; for the biblical
account associated with the priestly source of Genesis does not provide a
great deal of material about the aforementioned Enochic roles. Gen 5:2124
informs us that when Enoch had lived sixty-five years he became the father
of Methuselah. He walked with God after the birth of Methuselah three hund-
red years, and had other sons and daughters. Thus all the days of Enoch were
three hundred sixty-five years. Enoch walked with God; then he was no more,
because God took him.1
While the passage from Genesis shows Enoch in his important family
role, almost nothing is said about his other prominent celestial roles, although
the priestly author exhibits familiarity with Enochs status as a translated fi-
gure by mentioning his removal from the earth. In view of the scarcity of
information in the Genesis account about the heavenly roles and titles of the
seventh antediluvian patriarch and the complexity of these roles and titles in
the early Enochic writings, scholars have been searching for other possible
factors contributing to this evolution.2 They draw attention to some Mesopo-
tamian traditions which, in their opinion, might have helped to enhance or
even shape the profile of the seventh antediluvian hero.
In the 20th cent. the influence of the Mesopotamian traditions on the Eno-
chic materials has been the subject of several major publications, including
the studies of Heinrich Zimmern, H. Ludin Jansen, Pierre Grelot, Otto Neuge-
bauer, James VanderKam, and Helge S. Kvanvig.3 The most important for this

1
All biblical citations will be taken from New Revised Standard Version.
2
M. Stone highlights that what is significant is the fact that outside the Bible
this figure [Enoch] first comes into the light of history full-grown. Enoch appears in
all his complexity in the two Enochic writings which are the oldest (the Book of the
Watchers and the Book of the Luminaries). It is to this developed Enoch figure that the
angel Uriel shows the secrets of heavenly bodies and their movements. M. E. STONE,
Enoch, Aramaic Levi and Sectarian Origins, Journal for the Study of Judaism 19/2
(1988), 159170, esp. 163.
3
H. ZIMMERN, Urknige und Uroffenbarung, in: E. SCHRADER (ed.), Die Keilin-
schriften und das Alte Testament, Berlin 19021903, vol. 2, 530543; H. LUDIN JANSEN,
Die Henochgestalt: Eine vergleichende religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung, Oslo
 # Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

investigation are the books of VanderKam and Kvanvig since these are based
on the recent publications of the cuneiform sources from Mesopotamia.
Before proceeding to the Mesopotamian evidence, one should note that it
is impossible within the limited scope of this present work to investigate all
the Mesopotamian influences which have contributed to the formation of the
Enochic roles and titles. This work, therefore, will mainly concentrate on one
of these formative influences, the tradition about the seventh antediluvian
king Enmeduranki.4 In my judgment, the Enmeduranki tradition provides a
sharp illustration of the fact that the celestial roles of this Mesopotamian hero
served as a decisive pattern for the future heavenly roles of his Jewish coun-
terpart, the patriarch Enoch. Another reason that the choice is limited to in-
vestigating this Mesopotamian character is that in all recent studies on the
Mesopotamian prototypes of Enoch, the Enmeduranki tradition has remained
in the center of scholarly debate.5
Salient witnesses to the Enmeduranki tradition include the various ver-
sions of the so-called Sumerian antediluvian King List, in recensions dated
from 1500 B.C. to 165 B.C.6 The List demonstrates a number of similarities

1939 (Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo II. Hist.-Filos. Klasse, 1); P. GRELOT, La

lgende dHnoch dans les apocryphes et dans la Bible: Origine et signification, Re-
cherches de science religieuse 46 (1958), 526, 181210; O. NEUGEBAUER, The
Astronomical Chapters of the Ethiopic Book of Enoch (72 to 82), in: M. Black, The
Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch, Leiden: Brill 1985 (Studia in Veteris Testamenti pseude-
pigrapha, 7), 386412; J. C. VANDERKAM, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic
Tradition, Washington, DC, 1984 (The Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series,
16); H. S. KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic: the Mesopotamian Background of the Enoch
Figure and of the Son of Man, NeukirchenVluyn 1988 (Wissenschaftliche Monogra-
phien zum Alten und Neuen Testament, 61).
4
Zimmerns research was the first in-depth scholarly attempt to trace the connec-
tion between Enoch and Enmeduranki. See ZIMMERN, Die Keilinschriften und das
Alte Testament, vol. 2, 540.
5
VANDERKAM, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, 33ff.; KVAN-
VIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 184ff.; J. J. C OLLINS, Sage in the Apocalyptic and Pseud-
epigraphic Literature, in: J. G. GAMMIE L. G. PERDUE (eds.), The Sage in Israel
and the Ancient Near East, Winona Lake, IN, 1990, 343354, esp. 344347; ID.,
Seers, Sybils and Sages in Hellenistic-Roman Judaism, Brill 2001 (Supplements to
the Journal of the Study of Judaism, 54), 44ff.
6
On the Sumerian King List, see S. LANGDON, The Chaldean Kings before the
Flood, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britan and Ireland 42 (1923),
251259; ID., Oxford Edition of Cuneiform Texts, vol. 2, Oxford: Clarendon, 1923;
T. JACOBSEN, The Sumerian King List, Chicago, IL, 1939 (Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago, Assyrological Studies, 11); F. R. KRAUS, Zur Liste der lte-
ren Knige von Babylonien, Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie NF 16 [50] (1952), 2960;
J. J. FINKELSTEIN, The Antediluvian Kings: A University of California Tablet, Jour-
nal of Cuneiform Studies 17 (1963), 3951.
 A. Orlov #

with the genealogy of Gen 5. One of the significant details found in the List is
that Mesopotamian kings, similar to the patriarchs from the Genesis account,
had extraordinarily long reigns, ranging from 3,600 to 72,000 years. Another
important feature is that the two versions of the List account for ten kings, the
last of whom is designated as the hero of the flood. This fact recalls the role
of Noah who occupies the tenth place in the list of Gen 5. J. VanderKam
notes that in the literature on Genesis 5 there is a well-established tradition
which holds that P modeled his pre-flood genealogy on a Mesopotamian list
of antediluvian kings, the so-called Sumerian King List.7 An intriguing
character in the Sumerian King List is Enmeduranki (Enmeduranna), the king
of Sippar, the city of the sun-god Shamash.8 In three copies of the List, he
occupies the seventh place, which in the Genesis genealogy belongs to Enoch.
Moreover, in other Mesopotamian sources Enmeduranki appears in many
roles and situations which demonstrate remarkable similarities with Enochs
story. VanderKams research shows that the priestly author responsible for
the biblical portrayal of Enoch in Gen 5:2124 was aware of these broader
Mesopotamian traditions which served as a prototype for Enochs figure,
whose symbolical age of 365 years reflects the link between the patriarch and
the solar cult of Shamash.
Scholars have convincingly demonstrated that Enmedurankis story was
an important source for the biblical portrait of Enoch and for his portrayals in
the earliest Enochic pseudepigrapha.9 VanderKams research demonstrated
that the two texts, namely Gen 5:2124 and the Astronomical Book, possibly
the most ancient extant sources related to Enoch, have a strong connection
with the Mesopotamian lore. He also remarks that later Enochic booklets
became increasingly influenced by biblical and Hellenistic settings, and, there-
fore, primeval features of the Mesopotamian lore took there a new form.10
The Enmeduranki tradition was preserved in a number of texts, the most
important of which is a tablet from Nineveh published by Wilfred Lambert
which could be dated before 1100 B. C.11 The material is crucial for the
current study. The text, taken from Lamberts edition, reads as follows:

7
VANDERKAM, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, 26.
8
GRELOT, La lgende dHnoch dans les apocryphes et dans la Bible: Origine et
signification, 187.
9
VANDERKAM, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition; K VANVIG,
Roots of Apocalyptic; J. Collins observes that to a great extent he [Enoch] is mo-
deled on the mythological figure of Enmeduranki, founder of the br guild of
diviners and omen interpreters. The correspondences are already in evidence in Gen-
esis. COLLINS, The Sage in Apocalyptic and Pseudepigraphic Literature, 345.
10
VANDERKAM, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, 189.
11
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 190.
 # Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

1. ama in Ebabbara [appointed]

2. Enmeduranki [king of Sippar],
3. the beloved of Anu, Enlil [and Ea].
4. ama and Adad [brought him in] to their assembly,
5. ama and Adad [honored him],
6. ama and Adad [set him] on a large throne of gold,
7. They showed him how to observe oil on water, a mystery of Anu, [Enlil and Ea],
8. They gave him the tablet of the gods, the liver, a secret of heaven and [un-
derworld],
9. They put in his hand the cedar[-rod], beloved of the great gods.
10. Then he, in accordance with their [word(?)] brought
11. the men of Nippur, Sippar and Babylon into his presence,
12. and he honored them. He set them on thrones before [him],
13. he showed them how to observe oil on water, a mystery of Anu, Enlil and Ea,
14. He gave them the tablet of the gods, the liver, a secret of heaven and
underworld,
15. He put in their hand the cedar[-rod], beloved of the great gods.
16. {The tablet of the gods, the liver, a mystery of heaven and underworld;
17. how to observe oil on water, a secret of Anu, Enlil and Ea;
18. that with commentary, When Anu, Enlil; and how to make mathematical
calculations.}
19. The learned savant, who guards the secrets of the great gods,
20. will bind his son whom he loves with an oath
21. before ama and Adad by tablet and stylus and
22. will instruct him. When a diviner,
23. an expert in oil, of abiding descent, offspring of Enmeduranki, king of
Sippar,
24. who set up the pure bowl and held the cedar[-rod],
25. a benediction priest of the king, a long-haired priest of ama
26. as fashioned by Ninhursagga,
27. begotten by a niakku-priest of pure descent:
28. if he is without blemish in body and limbs
29. he may approach the presence of ama and Adad where liver inspection
and oracle (take place).12
12
W. G. LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and Related Matters, Journal of Cuneiform
Studies 21 (1967), 126138, esp. 132. Another bit of evidence related to the Enme-
duranki tradition is the first-person statement of Nebuchadnezzar I. The text can be
dated to his reign between 1125 B. C. and 1104 B. C. The material demonstrates a
number of parallels to the text from Nineveh. It reads as follows: king of Babylon
who supervises all the cult-centers and confirms the regular offerings, am I, distant
scion of kingship, seed preserved from before the flood, offspring of [Enmeduranki],
king of Sippar, who set up the pure bowl and held the cedar-wood (rod), who sat in
the presence of Shamash and Adad, the divine adjudicators, foremost son, [...], king
of justice, reliable shepherd, who keeps the lands foundations secure. LAMBERT,
Enmeduranki and Related Matters, 130.
 A. Orlov #!

This text carries great weight in the investigation of the roles and titles of
the seventh antediluvian hero for two reasons. First, it provides a valuable
sketch of the roles of its main hero, the seventh antediluvian king Enme-
duranki, roles this character has acquired during his interactions with human
and divine beings in the terrestrial and celestial realms. Later analysis will
show that Enmedurankis roles appear to be very similar to Enochs functions
and duties as they are presented in the early Enochic traditions.
Second, the tablet from Nineveh also reveals the seventh antediluvian
heros earthly and celestial titles, attesting him as a learned savant, a di-
viner, a priest, and a guardian of secrets. Some of these appellations
represent the earliest counterparts of the later titles of Enoch and Metatron in
Jewish traditions. The analysis now proceeds to a close investigation of En-
medurankis roles and titles as they are attested in the tablet from Nineveh.

Enmeduranki as the Diviner

Leo Oppenheim argues that the importance of divination in Mesopotami-
an culture(s) can be shown by the large number of the preserved omen collec-
tions; these collections range in time from the late Babylonian period up to
the time of the Seleucid kings.13 Mesopotamian divination, in Oppenhems
opinion, can be understood as a technique of communication with the super-
natural forces that are supposed to shape the history of the individual as well
as that of the group.14 Divination presupposed the belief that these forces
are able and sometimes willing to communicate their intentions since they
are interested in the well-being of the individual or the group.15
The art of divination in the Mesopotamian religious environment was
practiced by several groups of highly trained professionals. One of the most
prominent and frequently mentioned groups is the br guild, a group of
oracle-priests.16 James VanderKam suggests that the title of this enigmatic

13
L. OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 1964, 206.
14
OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, 207.
15
Ibid.
16
On the br guild, see H. ZIMMERN, Beitrge zur Kenntnis der babylonischen
Religion. Die Beschwrungstafeln urpu. Ritualtafeln fr den Wahrsager, Beschwr-
er, und Snger, Leipzig 18961901 (Assyriologische Bibliothek, 12), 8687; A. HAL-
DAR, Associations of Cult Prophets Among the Ancient Semites, Uppsala: Almkwist
& Wiksell, 1945, 1ff.; J. RENGER, Untersuchungen zum Priestertum in der altbabylo-
nischen Zeit, Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie 59 (1969), 203204; OPPENHEIM, Ancient
Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, 212ff.; VANDERKAM, Enoch and the
Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, 56; M. S. MOORE, The Balaam Traditions: Their
Character and Development, Atlanta, GA, 1990 (Society of Biblical Literature / Dis-
sertation Series, 113), 4146.
 #" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

group derives from the Akkadian verb bar, which means to see, to ob-
serve.17 Among the divination techniques used by the br practitioners are
the observation of omens connected with the interpretations of configura-
tions of oil in water, the patterns of rising smoke, the conditions of internal
organs of sacrificial animals, and mantic dreams.
The text from Nineveh refers to som e of these procedures often used in
Mesopotamian divination such as lecanomancy, an observation of oil in wa-
ter, and hepatoscopy, an inspection of the liver of the sacrificial animal. It
also mentions another, apparently even more enigmatic technique involving
the use of a cedar[-rod].18 References to these divinatory rites are repeated
many times in the text, first as a special knowledge (a divine secret, a mys-
tery of Anu, Enlil and Ea) which was passed to Enmeduranki (or, literally,
shown [uabr] to him) by the deities Shamash and Adad,19 and then as
the mysteries transmitted by Enmeduranki to some humans, including his
son20 and then practiced routinely by diviners.21
The full meanings of these divinatory procedures as means of communi-
cation with the upper realm are shrouded in mystery. Mesopotamian sources,

17
VANDERKAM, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, 56. See also
HALDAR, Associations of Cult Prophets, 1. Alfred Haldar observes that br is usu-
ally interpreted seer, visionary in general, without reference to any special mode
of divination.
18
Wilfred Lambert observes that it represents an oftmentioned ritual appurte-
nance, the function of which is no longer understood. LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and
Related Matters, 127. For the possible meanings of this ritual, see E. J. WILSON, A Note
on the Use of erinnu in br-Rituals, Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society
23 (1995), 9598. See also ZIMMERN, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,
533, n. 5.
19
vv. 78 They [ama and Adad] showed him how to observe oil on water,
a mystery of Anu, [Enlil and Ea], they gave him the tablet of the gods, the liver, a
secret of heaven and [underworld]. LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and Related Mat-
ters, 132.
20
vv. 1317 he showed them how to observe oil on water, a mystery of Anu,
Enlil and Ea, he gave them the tablet of the gods, the liver, a secret of heaven and
underworld, he put in their hand the cedar[-rod], beloved of the great gods. The tablet
of the gods, the liver, a mystery of heaven and underworld; how to observe oil on
water, a secret of Anu, Enlil and Ea. LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and Related Mat-
ters, 132.
21
vv. 2229 When a diviner, an expert in oil, of abiding descent, offspring of
Enmeduranki, king of Sippar, who set up the pure bowl and held the cedar[-rod], a
benediction priest of the king, a long-haired priest of Shamash as fashioned by Nin-
hursagga, begotten by a niakku-priest of pure descent if he is without blemish in
body and limbs he may approach the presence of Shamash and Adad where liver
inspection and oracle (take place). LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and Related Matters,
132.
 A. Orlov ##

however, give at least some hints about how the external side of these proce-
dures was carried out. During the lecanomancy procedure, a diviner, a br
practitioner, normally poured oil in a bowl of water held on his lap.22 The
movements of oil in water, in its relation to the surface of the bowl and its
rim, and the formation and the color of oil were then interpreted23 in relation
to the appropriate political, military or personal situations.24
Hepatoscopy was an attempt to communicate with the deity through the
medium of the body of an animal slaughtered for this purpose.25 Usually the
hepatoscopy ritual was a part of a more complex rite of extispicy in which
several animal organs, including the windpipe, the lungs, the liver (con-
sidered the seat of the soul),26 and the gall bladder were explored. The br
practitioner normally began the ritual by petitioning the oracle gods, Sha-
mash and Adad, asking them to inscribe their message upon the entrails of
the animal. Then, through the exploration of the inner parts of the animal, the
diviner made predictions based on atrophy, hypertrophy, displacement, spe-
cial markings, and other abnormal features of the organs.27 Leo Oppenheim
observes that early Mesopotamian hepatoscopy apparently was a technique
of a binary, yes-or-no level. Numerous models of the liver made of clay found
on various Mesopotamian sites point to the popularity of this technique in the
cultures of this region.28 Michael Moore observes that generally the ritual of
extispicy was so expensive that only royal persons and nobles could afford it.
It was also regarded as the most reliable divinatory technique and was often
employed as a check on all others.29

22
OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, 212.
23
One of the Mesopotamian texts cited by Michael Moore provides an example
of such interpretation: If the oil divides into two; for a campaign, the two camps will
advance against each other; for treating a sick man, he will die. If the flour, in the
east, takes the shape of a lions face, the man is in the grip of a ghost of one who lies
in the open country; the sun will consign it (the host) to the wind and he will get
well. Moore, The Balaam Traditions: Their Character and Development, 43.
24
OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, 212; ID.,
The Interpretation of the Dreams in the Ancient Near East, with a Translation of an
Assyrian Dream-Book (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 46.3;
Philadelphia, American Philosophical Society, 1956), 242.
25
OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, 212.
26
HALDAR, Associations of Cult Prophets, 6; G. CONTENAU, La divination chez les
Assyriens et les Babyloniens, Paris: Payot, 1940, 235ff.
27
OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, 212.
28
MOORE, The Balaam Traditions: Their Character and Development, 42.
29
MOORE, The Balaam Traditions: Their Character and Development, 42. See
also J. NOUGAYROL, La divination babylonienne, in: A. CAQUOT M. LEIBOVICI
(eds.), La Divination, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1968, 2581, esp. 38.
 #$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

A significant feature of the tablet from Nineveh is that Enmeduranki ac-

quired his expertise in the divinatory arts directly from Shamash and Adad.
Both of these deities are traditionally associated with knowledge of divina-
tion and are sometimes called lords of oracles. More commonly, Shamash
is referred to as the lord of decisions and Adad as the lord of the oracle/
omen.30

Enmeduranki as the Expert in Secrets

In the previous section it was pointed out that the text from Nineveh refers
to particular knowledge about the divinatory procedures transmitted to En-
meduranki in the course of his visitation of the divine assembly. It is intrigu-
ing that when the tablet from Nineveh refers to this divinatory knowledge, it
uses vocabulary that specifically stresses the esoteric character of the infor-
mation which the seventh antediluvian king received during his initiations in
the celestial realm. Before proceeding to a close analysis of this distinct ter-
minology, I must make general comments about Enmedurankis initiation into
celestial knowledge.
First, some attention must be paid to the level of initiation. The text stres-
ses that Enmeduranki enjoys special relationships with three chief gods
Anu, Enlil and Ea. He is defined as their beloved (narmu), an important
title which signals the particular type of relationship between the initiate and
the deities.31 It is noteworthy that he was brought (rubu) to the inner circle
of the celestial community (the divine assembly) by gods themselves, namely
the deities responsible for natural phenomena the solar deity Shamash and
deity of weather Adad. The reference to the deities of luminaries and weather
anticipates here the later Enochic legends in which the seventh antediluvian
hero is initiated by the angel Uriel into astronomical and meteorological lore.32
A second significant detail of Enmedurankis initiation is that the hero is
described as the one who has a seat (a large throne of gold) in heaven,
which indicates his elevated status and possibly a newly acquired celestial

30
VANDERKAM, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, 58.
31
Later rabbinic materials often apply this title to Enoch. Thus Peshikta de Rav
Kahana defines Enoch as beloved. In Midrash Ha-Gadol Enoch is defined as the
Beloved Seventh.
32
James VanderKam traces another similarity with the Enochic tradition. He ob-
serves that Enochs entry into Gods throne room in chapter 14 of the Book of the
Watchers is reminiscent of Enmedurankis admission to the presence of Shamash
and Adad, but, while the ancient king there learned divinatory techniques, Enoch is
told in a forthright way (though in a dream a common mantic medium) what will
befall the angels who had sinned. VANDERKAM, Enoch and the Growth of an Apo-
calyptic Tradition, 131.
 A. Orlov #%

rank of the initiate. Kvanvig observes in relation to this detail that the fact
that Enmeduranki is seated on a golden throne among the gods must
mean that he was included in their assembly.33
A third significant feature is that the knowledge Enmeduranki received in
the assembly of the gods is explicitly labeled as esoteric: the text refers to the
secrets and mysteries acquired by the seventh antediluvian king. This
terminology is applied to the knowledge about the divinatory procedures, the
rituals of lecanomancy and hepatoscopy.34 In the text the phrase how to
observe oil on water is followed by the expression a mystery (nisirtu)35 of
Anu, Enlil and Ea and the phrase the tablet of the gods, the liver (which
possibly refers to a tablet of liver omens36 ) is followed by the expression
a secret (piritu)37 of heaven and earth. Both clauses are repeated later in
verses 1314 and 1617. In verses 1617 the words mystery and secrets
have changed places: a mystery of heaven and underworld and a secret of
Anu, Enlil and Ea, indicating that both terms are used interchangeably by
the authors (or editors) of the text.38
Several words should be said about the tablet (tuppu) first identified as a
secret of heaven and underworld (vv. 8 and 14) and later as a mystery of
heaven and underworld (v. 16). Helge Kvanvig observes that the language
of the tablet emphasizes the esoteric character of the divine wisdom revealed
to Enmeduranki, reinforced by such terms as nisirtu (mystery) and puritu
(secret).39 The esoteric character of the knowledge received by Enmeduranki
and then transmitted to the br guild is also underscored in the text by a
reference to the oath which precedes the kings instructions to his son.
Another important detail of the tradition about the tablet that might point
to the content of this esoteric knowledge is the juxtaposition of the terms
secrets and mysteries with the phrases heaven and underworld or heav-
en and earth. Kvanvig points out that both phrases possibly have cosmolo-
gical meaning.40 Intended to describe the totality of creation, this terminolo-

33
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 187.
34
Alfred Haldar observes that the secret of divination is thus to be regarded as a
secret knowledge confined to the priesthood and in which the uninitiated could have
no share. HALDAR, Associations of Cult Prophets, 4.
35
Helge Kvanvig clarifies that this term means literally that which is protected.
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 188.
36
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 187.
37
Literally this term means that which is separated. KVANVIG, Roots of Apoca-
lyptic, 188.
38
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 188.
39
Ibid.
40
Kvanvig points out that the phrase rendered in the Lamberts translation as a
secret of heaven and underworld can also be translated as a secret of heaven and
earth. KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 188.
 #& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

gy can also be related to cosmogonic and creational concepts. The identifica-

tion of the secrets with cosmological knowledge recalls 2 Enoch, where the
notion of secrets is applied solely to the mysteries of Gods creation.
The reference to the tablet which crosses the boundaries between heaven
and earth in the Nineveh text anticipates later traditions about the celestial
tablets found in various Enochic materials. Pierre Grelot points to the termi-
nological similarities between Enochs heavenly tablets and Enmedurankis
tablets representing the mystery of heaven and earth and argues that En-
meduranki knows the secret of Anu, of Bel and of Ea only because Sha-
mash and Adad have delivered unto him the tablet of the gods, the tablet of
the mystery of heaven and earth; and here one easily recognizes the proto-
type of the heavenly tablets communicated to Enoch.41
Finally, a remark must be made about Enmedurankis titles that the text
brings up in conjunction with his expertise in esoteric knowledge. The text
from Nineveh defines him as the learned savant, who guards the secrets of
the great gods. Kvanvig observes that this phrase reveals the seventh antedi-
luvian king in at least two roles which appear to be closely interconnected.
Enmeduranki is described first as a learned savant (ummnu mdu) and
second as the guardian (lit. guarding) of the secrets (nsir piriti) of the
great gods.42 The latter title is especially important for this investigation
since it establishes a definite background for the future patriarchs role as an
expert in secrets in the Enochic tradition and his designation as Myzr (dwy
(Knower of Secrets) in the Metatron lore.43 The dissemination of esoteric
information will remain one of the major functions of the seventh patriarch in
various Enochic traditions which depict him sharing astronomical, meteoro-
logical, calendarical, and eschatological knowledge with his sons and other
people during his short visit to earth. Knowledge of secrets will also play a
significant part in Metatrons duties in the Merkabah tradition where he will
be responsible for transmitting the highest secrets to the Princes under him,
as well as to humankind.

Enmeduranki as the Mediator

On closer examination of the structure of the text from Nineveh, a signi-
ficant characteristic of this narrative stands out: the tablet emphasizes not
only what happened to Enmeduranki in the celestial realm but also what he
41
GRELOT, La lgende dHnoch dans les apocryphes et dans la Bible: Origine et
signification, 15.
42
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 188.
43
John Collins notes that Enochs role as revealer is illuminated by the parallel
with Enmeduranki. The Sumerian king was admitted into the divine assembly and shown
mysteries that included the tablets of heaven and the techniques of divination. COL-
LINS, Seers, Sybils and Sages in Hellenistic-Roman Judaism, 45.
 A. Orlov #'

did upon his return to earth. The multiple references to his earthly instruc-
tions to the people and to his son stress this concern of the authors or editors
of the account. The text therefore makes explicit that one of the most impor-
tant functions of the initiated Enmeduranki is transmission of the knowledge
that he received from the deities to inhabitants of the terrestrial realm. This
account of the mediation of knowledge is similar to later Enochic traditions.
Just like Enmeduranki, who transmitted knowledge to the people of Nippur,
Sippar and Babylon and to his son, Enoch later would share the esoteric lore
that he received from Uriel and God with humans and with his son Methuse-
lah. Both traditions stress the pattern of mediation (Deity/angels Enme-
duranki/Enoch people/son) in which Enmeduranki/Enoch occupies the
pivotal role of a middleman. In the text from Nineveh, the instructions given
to Enmeduranki by the deities have a literary content and form identical to
the revelations dispatched by Enmeduranki later to the people of Nippur,
Sippar and Babylon:
vv. 79 They [deities] showed him [Enmeduranki] how to observe oil
on water, a mystery of Anu, [Enlil and Ea], they gave him the tablet of the
gods, the liver, a secret of heaven and [underworld], they put in his hand the
cedar[-rod], beloved of the great gods
vv. 1315 he [Enmeduranki] showed them [people of Nippur, Sippar
and Babylon] how to observe oil on water, a mystery of Anu, Enlil and Ea, he
gave them the tablet of the gods, the liver, a secret of heaven and underworld,
he put in their hand the cedar[-rod], beloved of the great gods44
Helge Kvanvig observes that these two sections are deliberately set in
parallel in order to emphasize the authority of the divinatory knowledge that
was received from the gods in the heavenly assembly.45 The exact paralle-
lism also stresses that the content of the knowledge transmitted to the br
guild is precisely the same as the knowledge into which Enmeduranki was
initiated by the gods.
The text shows that Enmedurankis mediation is multifaceted and execu-
ted not only through a set of oral and written communication, but also through
the establishment of distinct social and religious structures. It is noteworthy
that Enmedurankis instructions in the divinatory rituals to the people were
preceded by the establishment of social settings (He set them on thrones
before [him]) that mirror the social structure of the divine assembly. This
detail was probably intended to stress the fact that the dispatching of esoteric
information necessarily involves fixed hierarchical settings. The text also high-
lights the importance of the initiatory oath preceding the earthly initiation,
since Enmeduranki will bind his son whom he loves with an oath, and only
after that he will instruct him.

44
LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and Related Matters, 132.
45
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 186.
 $ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Finally, for this section, a comment should be made on the references to

the tablet(s) found in the Nineveh text and their mediating role in the process
of the transmission of the knowledge. The text mentions the tablet several
times, treating it as an object given to Enmeduranki by the deities in the
celestial realm and then dispatched by the seventh antediluvian hero to the
br guild and to his son. This tablet is a medium that has the capacity to
cross the boundaries between the upper and lower realms, as well as the boun-
daries of the generations. This two-fold function of the tablet as the instru-
ment able to bridge the vertical (heavenly and celestial) and horizontal (ante-
diluvian and postdiluvian) gaps makes it possible for it to remain a pivotal
symbol of mediation prominent in the Mesopotamian and Enochic traditions.
Kvanvig, after meticulously examining the similarities between the ima-
gery of the heavenly tablet(s) in the Nineveh text and in early Enochic mate-
rials (1 Enoch 81 and the Epistle of Enoch), demonstrated that despite the
different provenance of these traditions, their concepts of the tablet(s) exhi-
bit striking parallels not only in general ideas but also in technical termino-
logy.46

Enmeduranki as the Scribe

The references to the tablets in the text from Nineveh mentioned above
help us clarify another role of the seventh antediluvian hero that occupies a
prominent place in the early Enochic traditions. This is the role of a scribe
whose writings are predestined to cross the boundaries between the celestial
and the earthly realms. Although the text from Nineveh does not explicitly
label Enmeduranki as a scribe, several details of the kings description in this
narrative seem to point to his connection to the scribal profession.
The first hint comes from the references to the celestial tablets that Enme-
duranki receives in the assembly of gods. Pierre Grelot, in the section of his
study dedicated to Enochs scribal duties, observes that the tablet of the
gods, a secret of heaven and earth recalls the celestial tablets given later to
the patriarch Enoch.47 The imagery of the celestial and terrestrial tablets looms
large in early Enochic materials and in some of them is directly linked with
Enochs scribal duties. Thus, 4Q203 8 refers to a copy of the seco[n]d tablet
of [the] le[tter...] by the hand of Enoch, the distinguished scribe.48 The
imagery of the tablet is combined here with the patriarchs title distinguished
scribe ()#rp rps). The passage, however, is very fragmentary and pro-

46
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 7679, 240241.
47
GRELOT, La lgende dHnoch dans les apocryphes et dans la Bible: Origine
et signification, 15.
48
F. GARCA MARTNEZ E. J. C. TIGCHELAAR (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls Study
Edition, Leiden New York Kln 1997, vol. 1, 411.
 A. Orlov $

vides little information about the tablet. More extended evidence is preserved
in 1 Enoch 81:16, where the motif of the celestial tablets coincides with two
other themes: the patriarchs instructions to his son and Enochs scribal activ-
ities. In this passage the patriarch, after reading the tablets in the upper realm,
is brought by angels to the earth to instruct his son Methuselah and copy for
him the content of the celestial tablets:
And he said to me: O Enoch, look at the book of the tablets of heaven,
and read what is written upon them, and note every individual fact. And
I looked at everything in the tablets of heaven, and I read everything which
was written, and I noted everything And these three holy ones brought me,
and set me on the earth before the door of my house, and said to me: Tell
everything to your son Methuselah For one year we will leave you with
your children, until you have regained your strength, that you may teach your
children, and write (these things) down for them, and testify to all your child-
ren.49
The passage deals with three significant motifs: the celestial tablets, the
instruction of Methuselah on earth, and Enochs duties as the scribe who
writes down the content of the tablets. An almost identical cluster of motifs is
discernable in the pericope found in the text from Nineveh. Verses 1922
describe Enmeduranki instructing his son in the divine secrets and then trans-
ferring to him a tablet and a stylus, the tools of the scribal profession: the
learned savant, who guards the secrets of the great gods, will bind his son
whom he loves with an oath before Shamash and Adad by tablet and stylus
and will instruct him.50
In these two strikingly similar accounts that deal with the initiation of the
visionarys son, one detail should be noted: in both accounts the visionaries
appear to be associated with the scribal profession. In the Enochic text it is
made obvious by the explicit reference to the patriarch's writing activities,
and in the Mesopotamian text by the implicit reference to a stylus, a scribal
tool.51 This is supported further by the fact that in the Babylonian text the
stylus is also tied to the role of the main character as the transmitter of esote-
ric knowledge to humans and particularly to his son. As will be shown later,
in the Enochic writings three prominent roles of the patriarch as the scribe,
the expert in secrets, and the mediator between the human and the divine
realms also often appear together. The same cluster seems also observable in
the tablet from Nineveh.

49
KNIBB, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch, 186f.
50
LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and Related Matters, 132.
51
The reference to the stylus in this context might not only point to the scribal
duties of the seventh antediluvian king but also show him in the role of initiating his
son in the scribal activities.
 $ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Enmeduranki as the Priest

As in the case with Enmedurankis scribal role, only implicitly hinted at
in the tablet from Nineveh, the discernment of his association with priestly
duties also requires a certain exegetical effort. Before I engage in such an
effort, however, I must briefly remark on the sacerdotal affiliations of the
br practitioners. Alfred Haldar observes that according to well-known
King Enmeduranki tradition, the br priesthood originated in Sippar where
the primeval King Enmeduranki received from Shamash and Adad the
tablet of the Gods Afterwards he caused the priests to enter [into the divi-
nation chamber?] and gave them the tablet.52 The br guild was a priest-
ly group that attached great importance to ritualistic purity. In connection
with the br, Haldar notes that in order to approach the deity the priest had
to be pure, ellu (i. e. holy); and this qualification was not acquired once and
for all by initiation, but had to be renewed every time the priest was to offici-
ate.53 The priestly affiliation of the group is also hinted at in the requirement
that the br practitioner had to be free from certain blemishes. Mesopotami-
an texts warn that one with defective eyes, or with a maimed finger shall not
draw near to the place for deciding via brtu.54 These disqualifications
bear some similarities to the priestly regulations found in Leviticus. One can
see, however, that the br priesthood was different from the later Israelite
priestly models attested in the biblical texts. Since the primary function of the
br priests was to foretell the future, i. e., discern by various means the will
of the gods, they can be also viewed, using Oppenheims terminology, as
oracle-priests.55
The purpose of this excursus into the priestly features of the br group
was to show that this guild was viewed as a sacerdotal organization bound by
distinctive rules of purity. Their rituals involving sacrificial animals during
the extispicy rites also might point to their priestly affiliation.56
Keeping in mind the priestly function of the br, this investigation must
now return to the tablet from Nineveh. As mentioned earlier, this text starts

52
HALDAR, Associations of Cult Prophets, 1.
53
HALDAR, Associations of Cult Prophets, 2.
54
MOORE, The Balaam Traditions, 42.
55
OPPENHEIM, The Interpretation of the Dreams in the Ancient Near East, 221.
The divinatory angle of br priesthood is also stressed by Pierre Grelot who remarks
that the hereditary priesthood founded at Sippar is envisaged, therefore, essentially
from the divinatory viewpoint, that of knowing the secrets of the gods, transmitted to
humans by way of the oracles. GRELOT, La lgende dHnoch dans les apocryphes
et dans la Bible: Origine et signification, 8.
56
H. W. F. SAGGS, The Greatness That Was Babylon: A Sketch of the Ancient
Civilization of the Tigris-Euphrates Valley, London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1962,
347f.
 A. Orlov $!

with the statement that explicitly identifies the seventh antediluvian king of
Sippar with the cult of the solar deity Shamash and his prominent ancient
temple Ebabbara situated in Sippar. The tablet states that Enmeduranki was
appointed by the solar deity Shamash in his temple Ebabbarra (the house of
the rising sun). It does not, however, directly refer to Enmedurankis priestly
duties in the temple or name him as a priest of Shamash.
The motif of Shamashs priesthood nevertheless appears in the last sec-
tion of the text (vv. 2229). Here the offspring of Enmeduranki is defined
as a long-haired priest who may approach the presence of Shamash and
Adad:
When a diviner, an expert in oil, of abiding descent, offspring of Enme-
duranki, king of Sippar, who set up the pure bowl and held the cedar[-rod], a
benediction priest of the king, a long-haired priest of ama as fashioned by
Ninhursagga, begotten by a niakku-priest of pure descent: if he is without
blemish in body and limbs he may approach the presence of ama and Adad
where liver inspection and oracle (take place).57
Helge Kvanvig observes that in this section of the text the ancestry and
the legitimacy of the priesthood are traced to the seventh antediluvian king
since the tablet indicates that the process of transmission will continue in
the line of priestly descendants from Enmeduranki58 until the priesthood at
the time of the author.59
The idea that Enmedurankis initiation into the assembly of the gods might
mark the beginning of the priestly line is significant for a possible association
of the king with the priestly office. In this context one important detail must
be mentioned. Line 29 of the tablet from Nineveh depicts a priest without
blemish in body and limbs approaching the presence (maar) of Shamash
and Adad. The reference to the presence (maar) is intriguing since it
recalls the exact terminology used earlier in the text in describing Enme-
durankis approach to the presence of both deities in the celestial realm. Simi-
larly in the text cited above, Enmeduranki is depicted as the one who sat in
the presence (maar) of Shamash and Adad, the divine adjudicators.60
In view of these parallels it is possible that Enmeduranki might have been
considered by the authors of the tablet as a celestial model for the earthly
priesthood who, in the distant past, entered for the first time the presence of

57
LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and Related Matters, 132.
58
Pierre Grelot stresses the liturgical character of the teaching of the seventh
antediluvian hero which he transmits to his sons: ainsi initi aux fonctions divin-
atoires du sacerdoce, il y consacre ses fils leur tour et leur enseigne les formules
liturgiques. GRELOT, La lgende d'Hnoch dans les apocryphes et dans la Bible:
Origine et signification, 8.
59
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 188.
60
LAMBERT, Enmeduranki and Related Matters, 128 and 130.
 $" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Shamash and Adad in the celestial realm. In this context the terrestrial priest-
hood can be seen as the counterpart of this celestial prototype. This possibi-
lity is supported by several scholarly suggestions that the text from Nineveh
claims that the present priests are physical descendants of the primeval king
Enmeduranki.61 This concept of the sacerdotal pedigree parallels the later
Enochic traditions attested in 2 Enoch,62 which construe the earthly priestly
line as physical descendants of the seventh antediluvian patriarch.

SUMMARY
In view of the importance of the Ethiopic Book of Enoch for a number of
fields of Oriental Studies, and as a contribution to the ongoing discussion about
the reasons for the preservation of this book in the Ethiopian tradition, the article
focuses on a possible prototype of Enochs figure reflected in the Mesopotamian
lore about the mythical King Enmenduranki, depicted there as a diviner, an expert
in secrets, a mediator between gods and humans, a scribe, and a priest. The story
of Enmenduranki and his functions are investigated on the basis of a tablet from
Nineveh, one of the most important documents of the Enmedurankis tradition,
dated prior to 1100 B.C. The article discusses the cultural context of Mesopota-
mia during the second millennium B.C., where the Enmedurankis tradition was
originated.

61
KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic, 186.
62
It is intriguing that 2 Enoch 59 depicts the patriarch as the one who instructs his
sons in the sacrificial halakot pertaining to the priestly rituals.
 Richard Pankhurst
Addis Ababa

THE SHORT-LIVED NEWSPAPER ABYSSINIA

(19351936):
A MEMORY OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS.

Italys invasion of Ethiopia, on 3 October 1935, was important not only

for the two protagonists, but also for the wider international community. In-
sight into the impact of the conflict on the League of Nations, and on public
opinion in its principal member state, Great Britain, can be seen in the pages
of a today little-known newspaper entitled Abyssinia.1 This publication, which
ran for a little short of four months, but achieved a circulation of no less than
90,000 copies a week, was one of the first to be devoted even though
tangentially to Ethiopia, and deserves a place in the history of political
literature on the country.
The newspaper was issued by the principal and very prestigious
British non-governmental internationalist association: the League of Nations
Union, which had been founded after World War I to rally support for the
then new League of Nations. The Union, since 1920, had published a month-
ly promotional newspaper entitled Headway, which bore the self explicatory
sub-title The Journal of the League of Nations Union. Faced with the Fas-
cist invasion of Ethiopia at the beginning of October 1935, which was to test
the League of Nations to breaking point, the Union on 23 October issued a
special 4-page supplement to Headway. Entitled Enforcing Peace, it was en-

1
For the background to the Italian invasion of Ethiopia see ANGELO DEL BOCA,
The Ethiopian War 19351941, Chicago and London 1965; and ANTHONY MOCKLER,
Haile Selassies War, London 1984. On British public opinion towards the war see
GAETANO SALVEMINI, Prelude to World War II, London 1953; FRANK HARDIE, The
Abyssinian Crisis, London 1974; DANIEL WALEY, British Opinion and the Abyssinian
War 19351936, London 1975; RICHARD PANKHURST, Sylvia Pankhurst: Counsel for
Ethiopia a Biographical Essay on Ethiopian, Anti-Fascist and Anti-Colonial History
19341960, Hollywood, California, 2003; and INALCO (ed.), La guerre dEthiopie
et lopinion mondiale 19341941, Paris 1986. On the history of the Ethiopian and
related press see RICHARD PANKHURST, The History of Education, Printing, News-
papers, Book Production, Libraries and Literacy in Ethiopia, Ethiopia Observer 6
(1962), 321389; and RICHARD PANKHURST, Correspondance dEthiopie: The
History of a Pro-Ethiopian Newspaper (19261933), in: VERENA BLL DENIS
NOSNITSIN THOMAS RAVE WOLBERT SMIDT EVGENIA SOKOLINSKAIA (eds.), Studia
Aethiopica. In Honour of Siegbert Uhlig on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday,
Wiesbaden 2004, 203219.
 $$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

visaged as a weekly newspaper, but only one issue in fact appeared, for it was
replaced, on 20 November, by a supplement with the entirely different name
Abyssinia. This latter publication, with which we are here concerned, ap-
peared weekly, and, like its short-lived predecessor, ran to four pages. Pro-
duced in the flush of popular British anti-war enthusiasm it was given what
was to turn out the over-optimistic sub-title A Weekly Newspaper of the League
of Nations in Action [sic]. It was from the bibliographical point of view some-
what bizarrely referred to as No. 2 (being in effect treated as a sequel to the
earlier one-issue supplement Enforcing Peace).
Efforts were made to give the new publication a large and influential rea-
dership. An advertisement in the paper stated that copies would be posted
free-of charge to anyone so requesting. The newspaper Abyssinia, despite its
title, published virtually no information about the history, economy, politics
or culture of that country, and nothing on the Fascist military operations therein.
The paper, as perhaps befitted an organ of the League of Nations Union,
confined itself to defending the Leagues action (or inaction) in relation to
the invasion and devoted much of its attention to the question of League
of Nations Sanctions against the aggressor, Italy. Sanctions were then of major
international interest, the more so as they had up to that time had never been
applied. Defence of the League also led the paper on occasion into discus-
sions on the question of Ethiopian slavery, which the Italian Government
used as a justification, or excuse, for its invasion. Curiously, in view of the
publications pro-Ethiopian stance, no mention was made of the invaders
use of mustard gas, though this had by then been widely reported in the Bri-
tish and international press.
The scope and character of the paper was laid down in its first issue, for
20 November, which carried a front-page article entitled Peace and the Par-
ties, by the Unions President, Viscount Cecil, in which he declared that the
Abyssinian crisis was far from over. Writing in the aftermath of a Bri-
tish General Election, which had returned a large Conservative majority, he
warned that pledges issued at such times were not always kept, and argued
that there was therefore no time to rest, for the price of peace, no less than
liberty, was eternal vigilance. A further article on Sanctions in Force
argued that 15 November of that year (1935) was a crucial date in the
history of the League, for it was the first time that member states were
required to fulfil their obligations by taking drastic action against a Great
Power [i. e. Italy] guilty of aggression. The article went on to assert that no
fewer than 53 states had agreed to impose Sanctions. Another article, entitled
The Right Answer (which was continued in the next issue) addressed itself
to various points which puzzle[d] the man in the street. The article thus
sought to dispel such doubts as whether Sanctions against Italy would lead to
a European war, or prove a greater burden on Britain than on Italy. A final
article in that first issue, headed The Fascist Considers Life as Battle, quo-
 R. Pankhurst $%

ted from several of Mussolinis more reactionary and belligerent speeches:

one proclaimed that the entire history of man was the history of the progres-
sive limitation of liberty, while another declared that all the world must
recognise the will and spirit of fascist Italy. The second issue of Abyssinia,
which was dated 27 November, further developed the League case for Sanc-
tions. The paper thus reproduced the text of a speech which Anthony Eden,
the British Minister for League of Nations Affairs, had delivered to the League
of Nations Union. In it he argued that for the first time in history fifty na-
tions have undertaken collective action through Sanctions; and had thus
committed themselves to a new peace system for the world. Abyssinia, as a
propaganda organ of the League of Nations Union, never expressly criticised
the limited, and, as many would argue, ineffective, character of the Leagues
Sanctions, but urged, in a more positive and constructive vein, that they should
be extended of to include petrol. This was emphatically urged in the ensuing
article which bore telling title No War Without Oil. Embargo Would Stop
the Italian Advance. The case for Sanctions was driven home by W. Arnold
Foster, a prominent supporter of the Union, who declared that Sanctions were
a Necessary Part of the Price of Peace.
Support for the League, and for the principle of Collective Security against
Aggression, was voiced in the issue of 4 December, which carried a front-
page article by the Archbishop of York, William Temple. Declaring it Gods
will that the nations of the world should collaborate together in the cause of
peace, he argued that the choice before mankind was one, as the title of his
article put it, between Fear and Uncertainty or Safety and Enterprise? Ad-
vocacy of the League led the periodical Abyssinia into a vigorous rebuttal of
Italian propaganda, which was then widely distributed in Britain and other
Western countries. A two-page article, entitled What Italy Says and the
Answer, which also appeared on 4 December, drew attention to the fact that
such propaganda was busy in Great Britain, and that it was not always
evident who inspired or paid for many accounts of Ethiopian barbarism,
and of Italys supposed civilising efforts in Africa. Reverting to the League
policy a more speculative article by the French intellectual Andre Maurois
asked readers to suppose the League had existed at the time of the begin-
ning of World War I in 1914, and concluded that though not certain ... it was
at least probable that war might have been averted. A further article in the
same issue enthusiastically reported that the British Government had decid-
ed, on 2 December, that an Oil Ban Will be Enforced. By the second week
of December 1935 it was becoming apparent that Sanctions were failing, that
the Italians had retained the military initiative, and that the British and French
Governments were beginning to consider a compromise peace which
would probably in fact constitute a surrender to Italy. To forestall any such
move Professor Gilbert Murray, the League of Unions chairman, wrote a
front page article in Abyssinia on 11 December entitled, The authority of the
 $& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

League Must be Vindicated. He urged that Italy, as a great Power must

not be allowed to destroy the League system. Other potentially aggressor
powers were watching, he declared, with a view to emulating Mussolinis
policy of aggression, and if Italy defeated the League the damage might be
practicably irreparable. The paper also ran a news item entitled Britain
Leads the World: Country Supports Government in Full League Policy. In
support of this optimistic statement the article quoted a then famous state-
ment by the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Samuel Hoare, to the effect that his
countrys support for the League was no variable and unreliable sentiment
but a principle of international conduct to which his government held with
firm, enduring and universal persistence. A final article in the same issue
rebutted further Italian propaganda on the Ethiopian war, by quoting from
some of Mussolinis more bellicose speeches.
The League of Nations Union, and its newspaper Abyssinia, was deeply
shocked, like British public opinion in general, by the Hoare-Laval Plan for
a compromise peace, which was leaked to the European press on 9 and
10 December 1935. The paper at once responded, on 18 December, by publi-
shing a long article by one of the plans most bitter critics, Vyvyan Adams
MP, who announced his intention to move a motion in the British House of
Commons to the effect that this House will not assent to any settlement of
the Italo-Ethiopian dispute which ignores our International Obligations under
the Covenant of the League of Nations by granting the aggressor State grea-
ter concessions after its unprovoked aggression than could have been ob-
tained by peaceful negotiations. An accompanying map showed that the
plan would have in one way or another given Italy virtually half of Ethiopia.
Publicity was also given, in the same issue, to a leading article in The Times,
which put the main blame for the pact on the French Government. The article
further declared that opposition to the plan was accurately reflected throu-
ghout the British press, for it reached newspaper offices by letter and tele-
gram, was heard in the lobbies of Parliament, in the constituencies, in the
City, and indeed wherever men meet. It was the Governments duty to estab-
lish, The Times insisted, that aggression does not pay. Sir Samuel Hoare,
as result of the great surge of public indignation described in the paper, was
obliged to resign, on 19 December 1935.
Support for the extension of Sanctions to include oil meanwhile conti-
nued to be voiced in Abyssinia with increasing urgency. The issue for 8 Ja-
nuary 1936, thus bore the banner heading, Oil Must Be Banned. A Chal-
lenge the League Dare Not Evade, and declared, The world must face the
oil challenge ... Italy ... needs oil in vast quantities to move much of her sea
transport, and all her supply lorries, her armoured cars, her tanks, her aero-
planes... As the paper nevertheless noted, Sir Samuel Hoare in his resigna-
tion speech mentioned that Mussolini had said that Italy would regard the
oil embargo as a military sanction or an act involving war against them. This
 R. Pankhurst $'

contention was rejected in an accompanying article which claimed that the

fears of Hoare and Laval were groundless, for Britain would not stand
alone ... should Italy decide to attack her for daring to apply economic sanc-
tions decided upon by the League.
International tensions were growing. The issue of Abyssinia for 15 Janu-
ary 1936 thus bore an opening article entitled The League defends the Vic-
tim, which sought to justify the precautionary despatch by the British of
warships, planes and men to the Mediterranean. No less important was an
article on The Meaning of American Neutrality, which once again reiterat-
ed the importance of applying Sanctions to oil, and concluded: the objects
of the United States and the objects of the League are not opposed [to each
other]. The President is being given powers which will enable him to restrict
American shipments of oil to Italy to normal peace-time quantities. He will
use those powers. A final article in the same issue was almost the first to
consider the character of the Italo-Ethiopian war as such. Entitled A Long
War is a Cruel War, the paper declared that Every week men are mutilated
and killed ... Every week the struggle grows more desperate. Elaborating on
this argument the article whose author was either badly informed or giving
way to wishful thinking claimed that hints were being heard that the
Italian aggression had definitely failed, and that Italian power was visibly
crumpling up. The time had therefore come, the article argued, for the Oil
Sanction, which would not only save the people of Abyssinia, but avert
the imposition of misery on that of Italy.
The issue of Abyssinia for 22 January carried an important speech to his
constituents by Anthony Eden, the newly appointed Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, in which he emphasised two essential points for the League.
The first was, that aggression should not be allowed to succeed. The se-
cond was, that League members, acting together, should bring it home to any
would-be aggressor, that peaceful negotiation and not aggression was not
the best, but the only successful means of removing discontents. A further
article, entitled World Power Must Assume World Leadership, declared
that although the League was a true democracy of nations, more was in
fact expected from Britain as its strongest member. Similar views were ex-
pounded in the newspapers issue for 29 January, which commemorated the
accession of the new King, Edward VIII, who, it declared, Faces a Great
Task and a Great Opportunity, and whose country faced the need to adjust
herself to her place in a new world order so that she may play there a part
worthy of herself. Turning to real issues the paper appealed in a two-page
article for No More Delays, for All League Members, it claimed, were
Agreed: Italys Oil Shipments Must Be Stopped. Evidence that the views
of the League of Nations Union were not universally accepted, even in Brit-
ain, was provided in the same issue, which published an article asking the
question Is Italy Right? to which two very different replies were, sur-
 % Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

prisingly, afforded. The first, by the radical but on this issue quirky, play-
wright George Bernard Shaw, argued that the struggle was between Italy, a
modern civilised State, and the barbarism of the Danakil. The second
reply, by the pacifist author Sir Norman Angell, argued for the settlement of
disputes, not by force of arms, but by the arbitration of third parties. Advoca-
cy of the League as the sole means of preserving peace was likewise ex-
pounded in the papers issue for 5 February. It reproduced the text of an
important speech by the South African premier General Jan Christian Smuts,
in which he declared that War Talk, by the Italians, was Mainly Bluff,
and called on his compatriots to Be Strong and Stand Fast, for The Only
Security in the World [lay] In the League. Defending the Leagues support
for Ethiopia as the victim of aggression, the paper also published a forceful
article which with the title Italy says: she fighting against slavery. The facts
tell a different story. The article argued that Italy had not attacked Abys-
sinia because Abyssinia is a slave-trading society. This conclusion was rein-
forced in a further article entitled The Fight against the Red Sea Slave Trade,
which quoted eye-witness observers, who reported the export of slaves, as
well as brutal floggings, in nearby Italian colony of Eritrea. A final article in
the same issue happily reported that the Legaue had decided in principle
that Sanctions should include oil.
The importance of an Oil Embargo was once more reiterated by Abyssinia
in its issue for 12 February, which bore the dramatic heading League Should
Ban Oil Now, and for the first time published an official statement from the
League of Nations Unions Excessive Committee. It declared that the Com-
mittee had: never altered its opinion that States members of the League ought
to withhold from the Covenant-breaking State [i. e. Italy] all supplies of pet-
roleum and its derivatives.... That the population of a member State should
be bombed by aeroplanes supplied with oil fuel purchased from other States
members of the League is itself a breach of Article Sixteen [of the League
Covenant] and constitutes a deplorable travesty of the Covenant. A further
article in the same issue reiterated that Italy had not attacked Abyssinia be-
cause Abyssinia is a slave-owning and slave-trading country, but because
Italy was for conquest. The question of Oils Sanctions received even great-
er attention in the issue of 19 February 1936, which explained that Italy was
then purchasing 4,000,000 tons of oil a year, the greater part of it from Ruma-
nia and the USSR, followed by the Netherlands, Iran and the USA. An Oil
Embargo by League members and the USA, it was argued, would end the
war in four months. This thesis was reinforced by the reproduction in the
paper of comments from the Indian press. One, in the Hindu, of Madras, was
interesting in that it made reference to a feature of the war which Abyssinia
itself had never mentioned, i. e. Italian air raids on women and children...
and repeated bombings of the Red Cross and Red Crescent units. Abys-
sinias support for the League was expounded yet again in its issue for 26 Feb-
 R. Pankhurst %

ruary 1936, which bore the hopeful slogan: The League Will Work If We
Do Our Part. An accompanying article proclaimed the need for a strong
League policy, which had been expressed in a House of Commons debate
only two days earlier. In it Foreign Secretary Eden, had claimed that the Bri-
tish Government had not departed neither from their original decision of
principle regarding the oil sanction..., nor from their resolve to take their full
part with others in such collective action as the League may decide on.
Not dissimilar statements were uttered by Liberal and Labour MPs. One
of the former, Sir Archibald Sinclair had most forcefully declared the war
between Italy and Abyssinia a vital test of the efficacy of the League and of
the loyalty of its members to the Covenant. The next issue of Abyssinia did
not appear as expected early in March, 1936. Publication was in fact delayed,
apparently for lack of funds, until 11 March, when it was announced that it
would be published once a fortnight until further notice but no further
issue was in fact ever published. The issue of 11 March was thus in fact the
last to appear. It carried an emphatic article by Professor Gilbert Murray,
entitled Resist War-Maker: Protect Peace-Keeper. In it he declared that
every war-maker in Europe is watching the contest between the arch-war-
maker Mussolini and the League, which is trying to control him, and pro-
phesied, If Mussolini wins the world will have been made safe for war.
This last issue published three further articles, which were imbued, as so
often, with wishful thinking. The first announced that Ethiopia and Italy had
both expressed willingness to negotiate peace; the second reiterated that Pre-
sident Franklin Roosevelt too was opposed the increased sales of oil to Italy;
the third declared that all nations would be Beneficiaries of Peace. With
those words the enthusiastic, but short-lived newspaper Abyssinia ceased pub-
lication. Despite its earlier hope that the Italian invasion was visibly crump-
ling up, and that League Sanctions would be extended to include oil, the
Emperors army was decisively beaten at May Chew on 31 March 1936, the
Italian army entered Addis Ababa little over a month later, on 5 May, and the
League Assembly voted for the total ending of Sanctions on 4 July. Events in
the next three or four years were, however, to show that the world had be-
come safe for war, as Gilbert Murray had prophesied and there were no
Beneficiaries of Peace.
 % Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

SUMMARY
The Italian Fascist invasion of Ethiopia, on 3 October 1935, led to consider-
able excitement and condemnation throughout the world. In Britain, the
League of Nations Union, an entirely non-Governmental organisation, founded a
weekly pro-Ethiopian newspaper entitled Abyssinia. Somewhat optimistaically
sub-titled The League of Nations in Action, it first appeared on 20 November
1935, and advocated League of Nations Sanctions against the aggressor, as well
as support for the League in general. The paper, which thus appeared at a critical
period, published articles by prominent British advocates of Collective Security
against aggression, and, immediately achieved an influential circulation. The aban-
donment of Sanctions brought an end to the publication. The last issue appeared
on 11 March 1936 after only four months of publication. Though thus short-
lived, the paper constitutes a valuable historical source for our understanding of a
significant period of Ethiopian history, and that of the League.
 Siegfried Pausewang
Chr. Michelsen Institute
Bergen

THE TWO-FACED AMHARA IDENTITY

In the St. Petersburg Journal of African Studies, the late Sevir B. Cherne-
tsov published in 1993 a remarkable article which, even more remarkably,
was not noticed by the majority of scholars on Ethiopia. To my knowledge,
not a single serious academic comment underscored its main thesis or its
important historical and political significance. And no later publication on
relevant issues I know of has quoted the article or indeed given S. Chernetsov
credit for his contribution through referencing it. Even Tronvoll and Vaug-
han, who in their Culture of Power1 describe in some detail the difference
between urban Amhara identity and rural ethnic Amhara culture, do not men-
tion Chernetsov in their reference list.
The article by S. Chernetsov, entitled On the Origins of the Amhara,2
described Amhara culture as a culture of assimilation. The language and the
culture of the Imperial Court was Amharic since the reign of Yekunno Amlak
and, through him, the Solomonic line of kings emanating from the historic-
al Amhara province.
S. Chernetsov observes that today the Amhara are counted as the second
largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, much more populous than what the tiny
province of Amhara could be expected to procreate. This is because whoever
wanted to advance in the court, the administration or in the military of the
Emperors had to speak Amharic reasonably well and usually also had to adopt
the Orthodox Christian religion. The court retained an Amhara culture, but
attracted ambitious and bright individuals from other ethnic groups, provided
they volunteered to adopt the language, the religion and the customs at the
court. The culture of the court thus became an ethnic melting pot, a culture of
assimilation. But it was also a culture conscious of its of superiority.

Ethiopian history created two different groups of Amhara

In some way this may appear almost self-evident. Yet, this historical ex-
planation was sensational because it enables us to better understand some of
the hotly debated issues and differences among ethnic groups and nationali-
ties in Ethiopia today. It appears strange that nobody among the Ethiopianist
1
VAUGHAN, SARAH TRONVOLL, KJETIL, The Culture of Power in Contemporary
Ethiopian Political Life, Stockholm: SIDA, 2003.
2
See CHERNETSOV, SEVIR, On the Origin of the Amhara, St. Petersburg Journal
of African Studies 1 (1993), 97103.
 %" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

scholars reacted to the article, though it explicitly refers to an ongoing debate

on the nature of the Amharic ethnicity at that time (19921993). Some parti-
cipants maintained that the Amhara did not exist as an ethnic group, while
others insisted that the Amhara, as any other ethnic group, had to identify
themselves as a nationality. But Chernetsovs challenge was not followed up,
and even when he in 1995 published an enlarged version of the same article,
with the title On the problem of ethnogenesis of the Amhara,3 the issue
was not reflected in academic debate. It is difficult to tell if this silence is due
to the fact that the St. Petersburg Journal of African Studies, which appeared
from 1993 to 1996, unfortunately never achieved a wide distribution and may
have escaped the attention of many scholars. The enlarged article was hidden
in a volume entitled Der Sudan in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 4 not
exactly a place where one would search for a crucial contribution to Ethio-
pian ethnic debates. Another possible explanation might be that there are
large groups and interests within Ethiopia who do not want to recognise any
distinction in the ethnogenesis between the Amhara and other Ethiopian eth-
nic groups, nor between two different groups of Amhara.
Whatever the reason, the article deserves much more attention than it has
so far received, and here may be the place to draw attention to its academic
importance. For it directs our attention to a difficult issue in Ethiopian social
and political life today. Chernetsov should maybe have given his article the
title Who are the Amhara? For at the bottom of his analysis is the observa-
tion that two types of Amhara cultural self-consciousness developed in paral-
lel though certainly not without mutual influence on each other. There are to-
day two different and quite distinct groups and identities attached to this name.
Amhara peasants understood and still understand Amhara as their (lo-
cal) culture, their way of life and their identity, just like Oromo or Gurage or
Sidama peasants are conscious of theirs. Quite distinct from this is the identity
of the urban, generally well educated, ethnically mixed, assimilated cultural
Amhara, who understand themselves as Ethiopians with an Amhara language.
It must be noted here that the rural Amhara or indeed the peasant
groups today identifying as Amhara were also strongly influenced by
Amhara court culture. Indeed, areas like Manz, and (rural) Shoa Amhara in
general, as well as large parts of Gojam, for example, only became Amhara
through a military expansion, in particular, through the cultural influence of
the military and of the Amhara administration on their rural surroundings. As

3
In 1997 it was also published in a Catalan translation: Entorn al problema de
lethnogenesi dels Amhara, Studia Africana (Barcelona) 8, 1997.
4
See CHERNETSOV, SEVIR, On the Problem of Ethnogenesis of the Amhara, in:
GUNDLACH, ROLF MANFRED KROPP ANNALIS LEIBUNDGUT (eds.), Der Sudan in
Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Sudan Past and Present), Frankfurt am Main: Lang,
1996 (Nordostafrikanisch/Westasiatische Studien,1), 1735.
 S. Pausewang %#

Taddesse Tamrat shows,5 the population of Gojam is in fact by itself a mix-

ture of many waves of ethnic immigration, unified in an Amharic culture and
identity. Equally, the Shoa Amhara are a mixture of different ethnicities, uni-
ted in the culture of a ruler who, by himself of ethnically mixed stock, identi-
fied with the Amharic Solomonic Dynasty.6 It appears that the borders between
the rural Amhara and the court Amhara were never clear, nor strict, nor im-
permeable. Individuals who returned into the rural community after some
years experience in the military or the court, would carry parts of the court
culture and personality into their rural surroundings. In terms of Amhara
interests and identities today, however, there appear to be good reasons to
separate the two groups.
In the debate of 19921993, which S. Chernetsov reviews in his articles,
the contestants give two different descriptions of the Amhara, which es-
sentially fit one or the other of the two mentioned groups. But none of them
identifies his interpretation of the term as referring to a distinct group within
the Amhara. One side (Meles Zenawi, Endreas Eshete) claims that the
Amhara are a nation with their territory and their culture as any other ethni-
city in Ethiopia, and should take their proper place which is true for the
ethnic (rural) Amhara in some regions in Ethiopia. The other side (Mesfin
Wolde Mariam, Getachew Haile) describes the characteristics of the urban
assimilated cultural Amhara, and claims that they are the beginning of a truly
Ethiopian nation and must have the right to live anywhere in Ethiopia. Refu-
sing to recognise that both descriptions are correct, but refer to different sec-
tions of people with different characteristics, confuses the understanding and
blurs political conceptions and activities. The debate of 1993 could easily
have been resolved, had one just agreed to distinguish the two groups.
In the 12th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies in Michigan 1994,
Takkele Taddese presented a paper entitled Do the Amhara exist as a distinct
ethnic group?7 He came very close to distinguishing the two groups, giving a
description of the history of the Amhara language and consciousness. But his
conclusion describes the Amhara as being a fused stock, a supra ethnically
5
See TADDESSE TAMRAT, Ethiopia in Miniature. The Peopling of Gojam, in:
MARCUS, HAROLD GOLDEN (ed.), New Trends in Ethiopian Studies. Papers of the 12th In-
ternational Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Michigan State University, 510 Sep-
tember 1994, Lawrenceville, NJ: The Red Sea Press, 1994, vol. 1, 951962.
6
See CLAPHAM, CHRISTOPHER, Haile-Selassies Government, with a foreword by
Dame Margery Perhame, London: Longmans, 1969; ID., From Haile Selassie to Meles:
Government, People and the Nationalities Question in Ethiopia, paper presented at
a conference on Conflict Resolution in the Horn of Africa, in September 2004 in
Bergen, Norway (to be published).
7
See TAKKELE TADDESE, Do the Amhara Exist as a Distinct Ethnic Group?, in:
MARCUS, New Trends in Ethiopian Studies. Papers of the 12th International Confe-
rence of Ethiopian Studies, vol. 2, 168187.
 %$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

conscious ethnic Ethiopian serving as the pot in which all the other ethnic
groups are supposed to melt. The language, Amharic, serves as the center for
this melting process in spite of the fact that it is difficult to conceive of the
existence of a language without the existence of a corresponding distinct eth-
nic group speaking it as a mother tongue. The Amhara, he argues, think and
feel as Ethiopians. They do not distinguish between different ethnicities but try
to integrate all into Ethiopia. Thus, he concludes, insisting on the Amhara
being a distinct ethnic group amounts to breaking apart the Ethiopian nation.
In that sense, the urban Amhara group assumed without much reflec-
tion the role of speaking for all Amhara. They identified their cultural and
political views as the Amhara position, thus effectively absorbing and domi-
nating the rural Amhara. Pressurised to identify as ethnicity, they adopted in
early 1992 the name All Amhara Peoples Organisation (AAPO) for the
newly founded political organisation under Prof. Asrat Woldeyes. On the
other side of the political spectrum, the Amhara National Democratic Move-
ment (ANDM) repeated the same assumption. Organised by the TPLF-domi-
nated Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in the
years before the overthrow of the military government, from among Amhara
prisoners of war, ANDM became the official party representing the Amhara
as one group. In effect, the Amhara peasants were and are the last
ethnic group without any political organisation and representation, as both
AAPO and ANDM represent urban Amhara views, but claim to speak for all
Amhara. AAPO, moreover, sometimes assumed to speak for all nationalistic
Ethiopians. Consequently it has recently re-organised itself into the All Ethio-
pian Unity Party without abandoning its claim to represent the Amha-
ra both urban and rural.
And the peasants fell into the trap without realising that they were being
duped. They were swayed by nationalist appeals to come to the rescue of
Amhara who were attacked by other ethnic groups by an Oromo mob in
Arsi and by other groups in the South. Little did they realise that these Amha-
ra were in fact the descendants of Menileks soldiers conquering these areas
in the late 19th cent., who were given administrative offices, land titles and
privileges in the conquered areas of other ethnic groups. Often these Amha-
ra were ethnic Oromo or Gurage themselves, assimilated into Menileks
army and administration. But as landlords and administrators, as Nfta
(gunmen or gens darmes), and as Orthodox Christians, they were iden-
tified as Amhara by the local peasants.

Ethnicity is identity, not race

Ethnicity has in fact always been, and still is defined not by blood or race,
but by cultural identity a subjective rather than a biological category. Re-
ligion was often a stronger factor in determining identity than blood relations
 S. Pausewang %%

or language, and not only in Ethiopia. The history of the Jews may be the best
known example to demonstrate this trend. The Jews survived as an ethnici-
ty, as a nation, in the Diaspora for several hundred years, not because of
their ethnic, cultural or biological heritage, but rather in spite of it, facing the
hatred of the host societies because of these characteristics. Many groups
even lost their language, Hebrew only remaining as religious language. The
Jews in Poland spoke Jiddish, which was a dialect derived from German.
Their religious identity alone made them preserve a distinct culture. They
never even tried to maintain their blood. Cross-cultural marriages were
never a problem for them. As long as the partner from outside their group
was willing to adopt the Jewish religion, anyone was accepted and assim-
ilated into the Jewish cultural community. Those who abandoned their faith,
lost their Jewish identity. Before racial laws were invented, they were at
least after one or two generations no Jews any more.
The Amhara assimilation culture, too, had a religious identity as one
of its components determining identity. The term Amhara changed its me-
aning depending on local conditions. In many contexts, it just signified a
Christian. The practice of conversion to Christianity involved taking a new,
Christian (baptismal) name, usually a biblical Geez or Amhara name. Thus,
assimilated people could no longer be identified as Gurage or Sidama or
Wolaita by their names. It is one of the ironies of the dynamics of cultural
development, that many students during the revolution of 19741975 chan-
ged back to their original (ethnic) names, only to turn a few years later back
again to their Christian (Amharic) names.
In the border areas between Wollo and North Shoa, along the escarpment
where Amhara people had been exposed to Moslem influence for a prolong-
ed period, the term Amhara signifies today a Christian, while a Moslem of
the same ethnic, cultural and language background would not be considered
an Amhara. In Sidamo as well, during Haile Selassies time, the term Am-
hara could variably signify a Christian or a Nfta.
The same change of meaning also occurs in other ethnic words: in Bora-
na, for example, I was told, in Haile Selassies time, an Oromo would insist
on being called a Galla, not an Oromo. Generally, Oromo people strongly
resent the term Galla, as a pejorative Amharic term which implies con-
tempt for the Oromo, almost equal to a slave. But these Borana Oromo saw
the term Oromo to mean a pagan, while Galla implied that they had
adopted Christianity (here usually in the protestant version), or indeed Islam.
Again, one should add that historically, most peasants in Amhara areas held
more strongly to their local identities: peasants in Gondar felt as Gondare, in
Gojjam as Gojjame, if they did not identify themselves even more locally as
the people of Achefer or Dangilla or Dega Damot. In the same way, most
Oromo would identify as Arsi or Borana a common Oromo identity is, in
fact, an invention of the 1960s.
 %& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Assimilation had different connotations

Certainly the Amhara were not the only ethnic group inviting assimila-
tion. All ethnic groups have more or less been open to the integration of
outsiders. Cross-ethnic marriages have occurred wherever ethnicities over-
lapped or bordered one another. They did not cause any problem as long as
the wife moved to the husbands community and integrated into his culture.
However, at the same time, professional minorities are in the peasant socie-
ties in Ethiopia often despised and identified as different ethnicities. For an
Oromo and Amhara alike, marriage with a fuga is considered improper.
Often there is no other distinction except that these groups are segregated by
their profession, suggesting that their ethnic identity was a result of profes-
sional segregation rather than being its cause. We have one interesting expe-
rience in recent times: in the elections of 2000, a professional minority in
Sidama, the Hadicho, formed their own separate political party and ran as an
opposition, identifying themselves ethnically as Sidama-Hadicho,8 in order
to gain the status of a Special Woreda for the one area where they had a
majority to rely on. Once they succeeded in winning the (repeated) election,
they joined EPRDF as a separate ethnicity. In a similar process, the Silte
eventually succeeded in separating themselves from the Gurage and becoming
recognised as a distinct ethnicity. The Oromo, too, are renowned for freely
assimilating outsiders from different ethnic backgrounds. They are said to
have freely integrated those who lived among them and joined into their cul-
ture, identity and common interests. Also slaves could be adopted or allowed
to establish themselves as peasants and assimilate.
Assimilation is and always was a fact of life. A general trend of smaller
groups being absorbed into larger ones probably took place all over Africa.
Assimilation is a motor of change, development, adaptation, progress.
There was one difference in the pattern of assimilation: becoming an
Amhara was tantamount to becoming eligible for an office in the govern-
ment, and belonging to the dominating and superior people.9 As such, becom-
ing Amhara meant shifting from an inferior culture over into the superior
Ethiopian culture. Becoming an Oromo, on the other hand, was a purely local
affair, adjusting to local conditions but giving away any chance of joining the
elite of the Ethiopian state.
The Amhara court culture, in contrast, developed differently from Amha-
ra peasant culture in several ways. Amhara court culture became a culture of
domination, superiority a culture of rulers. The legend of the Solomonic
descent of the Ethiopian kings was expanded to give the Amharic court cul-

8
See SOLBERG, KJELL, Political Apathy and Class/Caste Conflict, in: AALEN
PAUSEWANG TRONVOLL, Ethiopia since the Derg, 141155, here 144, 150.
9
See CHERNETSOV, On the Origin of the Amhara, 25, 27.
 S. Pausewang %'

ture the myth of legitimacy as rulers, the chosen people, the true Israel, as
expressed in the Kbr Ngt in the 14th cent. This myth gave not only the
kings, but the general Amharic court culture, a flair of legitimacy as rulers
and leaders. To some degree, this aspect of culture has been diffused into
Amhara peasant culture, for example as described by Alan Hoben in Gojjam.
S. Chernetsov quotes this example in his article,10 and I do not need to repeat
the quotes. It may seem, though, that Gojjam peasant culture itself was amha-
rised by the rulers and their settlement of soldiers in the vicinity, partly replac-
ing, partly assimilating the local dialects and cultures. In the same way, Shoa
Amhara culture is, no doubt, a result of the expansionist policies of the Shoan
aristocracy, rather than a genuine development of an ethnic culture. The land
holding patterns in Ankober and Manz, for example, mirror a history of con-
quests and retreats, hardly allowing an uninterrupted ethnic development.
And the victories and the settlement policies of the kings, more than peasant
interactions and dispositions, made Northern Shoa develop an Amharic pea-
sant culture.
The borders between Amhara peasants and Amhara court culture are thus
never clear. Peasants could be absorbed into the court, and soldiers could
become peasants or Nfta, spreading their culture in the rural peoples.
Nevertheless, the result is the development of two distinct versions of Amha-
ra culture. In the 20th cent. the court culture developed into a culture of edu-
cation.11 In order to staff the modernising administration, education was es-
sential, and the Amhara elite had preferred access to education. Again, ambi-
tious and gifted individuals were admitted from other ethnic groups, but for
their majority there was little room in the education system. When the Oromo
General Tadese Birru in 1961 wanted to create better chances for Oromo
youths to advance through education, he was discretely but firmly advised to
scrap his ideas.12 One did not want to create the opportunity for too many
Oromo to enter the elites: the Oromo majority was destined to remain in the
lower social classes. In frustration, Tadesse Birru founded the Mecha-Tula-
ma Association, and with it started the growth of an Oromo nationalism
among those members of the amharised elites who remembered their Oromo-
ness and became proud of being Oromo. From these circles grew, in the early
1970es, the founders of OLF (Oromo Liberation Front).
The administrational and military Amhara elite grew into an urban and
educated elite, a group of potential administrators, civil servants, military
officers and top leaders. They were raised to become leaders, and they came

10
See CHERNETSOV, On the Problem of Ethnogenesis of the Amhara, 25.
11
See CHERNETSOV, On the Problem of Ethnogenesis of the Amhara, 31.
12
See LEENCO LATA, The Horn of Africa as Common Homeland. State and self-
determination in the era of hightened globalisation, Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Lau-
rier University Press, 2004.
 & Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

to feel as such. Urban New Amhara culture became elitist, to some degree
condescending, and arrogant.13 However much individuals developed a taste
for socialist ideas of equality or for democratic values, their culture retained
the characteristics of a ruling class.

All-Amhara becomes Ethiopian nationalism

The urban, educated, ethnically mixed Amhara understand themselves to
be the progressive elites, the people destined to be the leaders in Ethiopia.
After 1975, and especially after 1991, they developed a strong tendency to-
wards identifying themselves as Ethiopians, in opposition to centrifugal ten-
dencies in the political sphere and to an increasing ethnic consciousness. In
1975, this was probably in reaction to the early Derg period, when the mili-
tary regime opened up free expression to all ethnic cultures and promised the
equality of ethnic groups. When the Derg changed its policy to a pan-Ethio-
pian sentiment of Andnnt, unity, it was too late to quell the revived eth-
nic movements, which reorganised as ethnically based resistance movements.
Irony of incidences, the Red Terror in 19761977 fed into their recruit-
ment, when it tried to suppress the resistance of the educated youth (see be-
low). The strengthened ethnic resistance movements were one of the reasons
why EPRDF decided in 1991 to reorganise the country along ethnic lines.
They had hardly any choice: In 1991, no-one could expect to win legitimacy
without offering the re-vitalised ethnic groups an acceptable solution, that is,
at least a reasonable degree of self-determination.
But the urban elites also changed their political world view after 1975.
Many young idealists joined the regime in the hope of gradually reforming it
into a strong national movement, and helping to form a national Ethiopian
state as a strong power in the region. Their aspirations were also soon frust-
rated, but their nationalism brought them over into the ranks of the after-1992
All-Amhara thought and movement.
Provoked by pressure to identify as an Amhara nationality, the urban
Amhara escaped again into Pan-Ethiopian nationalism. The term All Amha-
ra Peoples Organisation, was adopted as a compromise formula to identify
this group within an ethnically structured federation. It is in fact not the iden-
tity of all Amhara but of all assimilated urban elites speaking Amara,
regardless of their ethnic origin. They cherish an all-Ethiopian nationalism
which at times comes dangerously close to chauvinism. They try to replace
ethnic identities with a pan-Ethiopian national identity, and attempt to sup-
press or reform any sub-national ethnicity, integrating all Ethiopians into one
nationality, irrespective of their origin. For them, reorganising Ethiopia as a

13
See CHERNETSOV, On the Problem of Ethnogenesis of the Amhara, 32.
 S. Pausewang &

federation of ethnically self-determined regions or states was a travesty of

Ethiopian unity. Hence they accused the new government after 1991 of a
policy of divide and rule. They strongly opposed Eritrean independence,
as they opposed the Tigrean claim to leadership. Symptomatic of this trend
may be the argument forwarded in 1994 by Getachew Haile (in a debate at
the Ethiopian Studies Conference in Michigan) that Eritrean independence
was illegitimate, as was the Referendum of 1993, because it did not give the
entire Ethiopian population a vote: You can not amputate my arm and call it
voluntarily, he said, if you ask only the arm
In the period after 1991, such nationalistic views were most aggressi-
vely expressed by Ethiopian nationalists in the diaspora, those who had be-
come refugees after the overthrow of the military government or before. But
they were also very strong among urban elites in Addis Ababa. Even if these
were more reluctant to speak out in public, in personal meetings one en-
countered such attitudes as an expression of frustration with the course of
events. Of course there are also other views represented among the urban
Amhara; and the attitudes towards Eritrean independence have changed
markedly since 1995. Yet, as a group, the pan-Ethiopian nationalist position
of the urban Amhara has been remarkably consistent.14 The political posi-
tion of this particular group is so dominant in the urban public debate that
large parts of the foreign community take it uncritically as the public opi-
nion in Ethiopia.
The newest political demand originating from this developing pan-Ethio-
pian nationalist ideology is the claim that Ethiopia needs a harbour. This
demand surfaced in 1999, in the course of the Ethiopian-Eritrean war. The
newspapers in Addis Ababa eagerly took up this issue, and there raged a
protracted debate in 19992000. It fell very much in line with the govern-
ment adopting a nationalist pan-Ethiopianism, while accusing Eritreans
living in Ethiopia of treason. The harbour issue brought the urban Amhara
opposition for some time considerably closer to the government. It is a popu-
lar claim, which stimulated populist attempts to incite a nationalistic wave of
patriotism. It was useful for the government to draw the Amhara peasants, as
well as peasants from other ethnic groups, as cannon fodder into a war, riding
on a wave of idealistic national euphoria. It proved also attractive to elites of
other ethnic groups. Even Beyene Petros, the leader of the Southern Ethio-
pian Peoples Democratic Coalition and the Coalition of Alternative Forces
for Peace and Development in Ethiopia, fell into this trap and joined the
demand for access to a harbour.
The only harbour Ethiopia could possibly claim is Assab. But Assab be-
longs to Eritrea, a sovereign state which gained its independence in 1991,
14
MERERA GUDINA , Ethiopia: Competing Ethnic Nationalisms and the Quest for
Democracy, 19602000, Addis Ababa: Shaker Publishing, 2003.
 & Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

after a UN-observed referendum and with Ethiopian acclaim. Assab is not to

be had without a new war. The demand is political nonsense. Especially in
the times of internet and international air traffic, no nation needs a harbour.
Switzerland, Austria, Czechia have been leading economic and political po-
wers in Europe without harbours. Ethiopia needs good relations with its neigh-
bours, not a harbour. A red, yellow and green flag over Assab would not
bring the harbour a single kilometre closer to Addis Ababa. The harbour
issue serves only to rally uncritical support for the nationalist rhetoric of the
political parties of the urban Amhara.
Should Ethiopia really not have stopped the offensive in 2000 before taking
at least Assab, or even Asmara, to have a token for negotiations? The border
issue and the war, seemingly about Badme, strengthened the nationalistic
trend of the urban elites and offered them a chance to draw large groups from
other ethnicities into a euphoria of all-Ethiopian nationalism.
The war, indeed, pulled a number of members of the former regional elites
and of the opposition into the Pan-Ethiopian nationalistic fold, and hence
into the orbit of All-Amhara identity. This is a process which can be observed
in different areas and ethnic groups, and with different motivations. It even
includes Tigreans who are posted in Addis Ababa and who have gradually
lost interest in the ethnic federation, or who realise that it does not fulfil their
expectations. It also includes regional elites from most ethnic groups who are
disappointed with the development of the federation for it has not solved
many of the old problems and has created a number of new ones. They begin
again to see a better future in a national state of Ethiopia.

Modern nationalism originating in the French Revolution

In Africa, nationalism in its modern form is a European implant. When
the colonial powers understood that they could no more hold on to their
colonies, they handed over power to those elites with whom they had coope-
rated earlier and whom they had educated to run an administration. As they
had never cared for ethnic differences in drawing their boundaries, all colo-
nies contained fractions of many ethnicities. Nation building became the
magic word of the first generation of independent African leaders. Instead
of giving ethnic groups their self-determination, the Organisation of African
Unity adopted the doctrine of not tampering with the colonial borders. Once
ethnicity is recognised as the basis of border revisions and the creation of
new states, it will not end until all African states fall apart that was the
argument.
The doctrine was realistic in that point. But it did not recognise that Afri-
can identities are much more closely tied to language and to cultural peers
than to loyalty to a state. And least of all the colonial state, which Africans
experienced as a means of suppression and exploitation, was attractive as a
 S. Pausewang &!

new focus of identification. Nation building was bound to fail, at least in the
short and middle term.15
But nationalism was indeed invented in a situation not too different from
that of Ethiopia today. It was Napoleon, who after the French Revolution
seized power in France and had the difficult task of defending the revolutio-
nary state against an alliance of revengeful European monarchs. Before Na-
poleon, rulers like Louis XIV and even Louis XVI could not care less whether
the people in Alsace spoke German, whether people in the Camargue felt like
Occitans rather than French, so long as they were the obedient subjects of
their sovereign. Just as Frederik the Great, king of Prussia, did not mind
whether his subjects spoke Polish, Czech, Danish or German, were Catholics
or Protestants, so long as they remained subjects to his absolutist reign. But
Napoleon demanded more of his subjects. Only by creating a nationalistic
wave of euphoria for La Grande Nation, the Great Nation of France, could
he recruit massive armies of drafted soldiers, many of them in fact volun-
teers. A nationalistic wave embracing all corners of France was the secret
weapon that allowed him to crown himself Emperor and to engulf the whole
of Europe into a series of nationalistic wars. Other nations followed suit. The
new French ideas spread into Germany, where the former Empire was divi-
ded into thirty-six mini-states of dukes and princes who claimed sovereignty
and watched each other jealously to protect their prerogatives. German natio-
nalism thus developed as a movement of the urban elites uniting all Germans
from East to West and North to South against the princes and for one German
republic. The German tragedy was that their enthusiasm was perverted by the
leading regional princes. The Prussian king eventually prevailed in assuming
the crown of the new Empire, converting nationalism from a revolutionary to
a conservative device for coercing the people into unity. And when the Ger-
man Emperors (of the Prussian dynasty) lost the First World War, Hitler suc-
ceeded in rallying this perverted patriotic nationalism into a fascist ideology
of a Herrenvolk destined to cleanse itself and lead Europe.
This historical parallel should not be misused to suggest that Ethiopia, or
indeed Amharic Pan-Ethiopianism, is on the way to fascism. History does
not repeat itself so crudely. But it is reasonable to conclude that there are
inherent dangers in populist mass mobilisation being misused for antidemo-
cratic and anti-humanist political risings. And nationalism taken to the ex-
treme has also proven its destructive force in Ethiopian history, and shows its
ugly face today in Eritrea, where the rulers attempt to force an entire popula-
tion into a permanent state of nationalist euphoria, in the name of national
sovereignty and autonomy.

15
DAVIDSON, BASIL, The Black Mans Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation
State, London: James Currey, 1992; CHABAL, PATRICK JEAN-PASCAL DALOZ, Africa
Works: Disorder as a Political Instrument, Oxford: James Currey, 1999.
 &" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

All Amhara nationalism has political consequences

Understanding the difference between ethnic identity and the urban Amhara
identity is essential to understanding some aspects of the particular character
of Amhara all-Ethiopian nationalism. In the Ethiopian Constitution of 1995,
there are two articles that were contested at the period of its drafting and
continue to be so. They concern the rights of ethnicities and the regulation on
land tenure.
Article 39 gives every nation, nationality and people the right to self-
determination including secession. This constitutional guarantee is often
criticised as a device of disunity, an expression of divide and rule. How-
ever, this argument totally overlooks the situation of 1991, when the victo-
rious liberation movements, all ethnically defined, had to invite all other
movements and nationalities and political forces into a coalition. After the
Red Terror, there was no other alternative open. In the Red Terror cam-
paign, the Derg had targeted anyone who was young and educated as a po-
tential enemy. Those who could escape ended as refugees in the diaspora or
hid away in their rural home areas. There, if they wanted to continue any
political activity at all, they had only one choice to join the ethnically
defined resistance movements. Thus the Red Terror inadvertently fed into
the recruitment of the ethnic liberation fronts. In 1975, no government could
hope to win legitimacy without solving the land question. In 1991, no one
could win legitimacy without accommodating the demand of the different
ethnic groups for freedom from domination. Yet, the urban elites were fa-
vouring a united Ethiopian state and resented ethnic nationalism. Their poli-
tical agenda became the common denominator of a political public opi-
nion, only because the rural majority lacks the information, is less vocal
and has no access to media.
Even more controversial is the issue of land tenure. Article 40 of the Cons-
titution declares all land the property of the State and the peoples of Ethio-
pia. This is squarely rejected by the urban opposition, who claim that state
land prevents economic liberalisation. To be developed, land needs invest-
ment, they maintain, and people will only invest if they own it. The EPRDF,
in response, argues that as long as a large majority of people feed themselves
in the rural areas, they can take care of themselves. If they are forced to sell
their land and move to towns, they would demand jobs and investments on a
scale no government could provide. Second, the EPRDF can claim that com-
mon property defends the traditional land holding rights of rural people, and
guards their culture and their economic adaptations.
The most important problem in this controversy is the practice of local
authorities today. State agents misuse state ownership of land to hold pea-
sants ransom: if you dont support us, you may ask land from your party,
not from us They assume that as local agents of the state, they can dispose
 S. Pausewang &#

of the state land freely. In addition, a growth close to 3 percent makes the
population double within one generation. Land scarcity is growing worse
over time. Yet, to reduce the number of peasants is no solution, as long as
there is no alternative livelihood available for those forced to leave.
But the voices of peasant farmers are not heard in the public debate. Pub-
lic opinion in Addis Ababa does not show any consideration for their inter-
ests. Even scholars carring out research in rural areas often claim to under-
stand the interests of peasant farmers without really enquiring. Public debate
and public opinion just exclude the overwhelming majority of the Ethiopian
people who live in rural areas, most of them illiterate and uninformed about
what is debated in the capital. The interests of the urban elites are simply
assumed to be the common interest.16
Maybe the reason why the article by S. Chernetsov was not taken note of, is
precisely this. Understanding his argument, might have forced scholars and
politicians to see the arrogance of an elite deciding for the majority without
any mandate to do so. Without realising its imposition, this urban elite force-
fully adopts the position of speaking for the Amhara, and in some contexts
even for the population at large, assuming to know best what people need. By
the strength of their educational achievement, their vocal advantage, their su-
perior access to communication, and their political influence, they present their
nationalistic views and their interests as those of all Amhara. They seduce the
Amhara peasants into adopting their rhetoric, into following their political views,
into demanding access to a harbour hardly knowing what this means. The
name Amhara with its language and cultural associations allows them to
uncritically mix the group identities of the Amhara peasants with their own
urban group identity. Despite their name, they represent not all Amhara, but
the assimilated urban elites feeling Amhara regardless of their ethnic origin.
If the Amhara peasants had their own political organisation, they would
probably have expressed much more concern for peace, for more conducive
conditions for agriculture and more control for the peasant himself over his
conditions of cultivation and marketing, than for a war or a border town or
national sovereignty. As this representation does not exist, hardly anybody
knows what, really, Amhara peasants think and demand.
The rural-urban split of interests is of course more universal. In Ethiopia
it is particularly associated with a lack of access to representation for the
rural views. The Oromo or Wolaita or Sidamo peasants also have very little
voice and influence in Ethiopia these days. But the claim of the Amhara to be
a supra-ethnic group with a national outlook and no territorial affiliation is
only true for a small but vocal fraction of the Amhara speakers but it

16
PAUSEWANG, SIEGFRIED, Local Democracy and Human Security in Ethiopia: Struc-
tural Reasons for the Failure of Democratisation, Johannesburg 2004: SAIIA (South
African Institute of International Affairs), 28, 32.
 &$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

imposes their views as those of the Amhara. And they are up to now al-
lowed to do so without any protest or reaction.
Anti-Amhara feelings also often confuse these two identities. Eating in an
Ethiopian restaurant with a group of Oromo people in Europe, we heard that
some guests had asked the owner not to talk in Amara to them. If he could
not speak their language, they would prefer English to the language of their
colonisers. Just think if Nelson Mandela had refused to talk English or Ben
Bella French history might have taken a different course.
One can well be proud of being both Amhara and Ethiopian, as others can
be Oromo, Wolaita or Sidamo and Ethiopians. Ethnicity is identity, not race
or belief or culture. A nation consists of those who feel to be, who identify
themselves as one. Nationalism becomes dangerous when it is used to en-
gage others for a suggested common ground, hiding differences of interest
for the sake of creating unity for an undefined and obscure agenda.

SUMMARY
The term Amhara relates in contemporary Ethiopia to two different and dis-
tinct social groups. The ethnic group of the Amhara, mostly a peasant population,
is different from a mixed group of urban people coming from different ethnic
background, who have adopted Amharic as a common language and identify them-
selves as Ethiopians. Sevir B. Chernetsov explained in 1993 their difference as a
result of a historical process of assimilation. Though the difference has significant
consequences in contemporary political life, it appears little reflected, maybe even
consciously veiled, in the interest of a pan-Ethiopian nationalist elite claiming to
represent all Amhara.
 Wolbert G. C. Smidt
Universita t Hamburg

DEUTSCHE BRIEFE VON A THIOPIERN

18551869 AUS DEM UMKREIS
DER PROTESTANTISCHEN MISSION
ZUR REGIERUNGSZEIT VON TEWODROS II

Zur Einfu hrung: Der historische Hintergrund

Die Machtergreifung des Knigs der Knige Tewodros II. in thiopien
1855 wird zu Recht als Wendepunkt in der Entwicklung des modernen thio-
pien angesehen. Seine Herrschaft ist durch zahlreiche Reformversuche
und teilweise regelrechte Umstrze geprgt, die sowohl politische als auch
theologische Traditionen des christlichen Reiches in Frage stellten. Das Reich
erlebte eine seit langem ungekannte Zentralisierung weltlicher Macht und
die Unterwerfung oder Integration bisher unabhngiger bzw. weitgehend auto-
nomer lokaler Herrscher und Gouverneure. Von Anfang an war diese Politik
auch von Europern begleitet worden, als Beratern, Helfern und Kritikern.
Der, vor allem indirekte, Einfluss dieser Europer auf Tewodros II. Politik
ist nicht zu unterschtzen. Signifikant ist seine Bemerkung zu den kurz nach
seiner Inthronisierung in das Land gekommenen protestantischen Missiona-
ren aus der Schweiz,1 er sei nicht wie die Leute seines Volkes, sondern viel-
mehr wie ein Europer.2 Auch in diesem Sinne beginnt mit seiner Herrschaft
die Moderne in thiopien: Zwar haben zahlreiche Frsten und Herrscher
schon in den Jahrhunderten zuvor, seit dem europischen Hochmittelalter,

1
Vgl. STREBEL, BARBARA, ...den blinden Abessyniern die Augen aufzuthun, Chri-
schona-Pilgermissionare in thiopien (18561868), Geschichte eines gescheiterten
Missionsprojektes, ms., Lizentiatsarbeit, Universitt Zrich 1999; EAD., Leben auf
dem Missionsfeld. Crischona Pilgermissionare in thiopien (18561868), Aethio-
pica. International Journal of Ethiopian Studies 4, 2001, 121157. Zu dieser Mis-
sion siehe auch: FLAD, JOHANN MARTIN, 60 Jahre in der Mission unter den Falaschas
in Abessinien, Gieen Basel 1922; ARN, GUSTAV, Evangelical Pioneers in Ethio-
pia, Origins of the Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus, Uppsala Addis Abeba 1978
(Studia Missionalia Upsaliensis, 32); CRUMMEY, DONALD, Priests and Politicians: Pro-
testant and Catholic Missions in Orthodox Ethiopia, 18301868, Oxford 1972.
2
Do not believe I am an Abyssinian at heart; no, I am as one of you. Tewodros II.
in einem Gesprch mit Kienzlen und Bender und anderen Missionaren, gem dem
auf Englisch nachgedruckten Brief von J. J. Gottleib Kienzlen an Bischof Gobat (Ein-
zelbogen), Gondar, May 4, 1859: Staatsarchiv Basel, PA 653, D3, Mappe 2.) No. 5
(G. Kienzler [Kienzlen!], Magdala 18581859).
 && Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

die Dienste einzelner Europer in Anspruch genommen, doch seit der Ver-
treibung der Jesuiten 1632 hatte es keine permanente Europer-Kolonie mehr
gegeben, und keine so ausgeprgten Bemhungen von Europern, Einfluss
auf Kirche und Staat zu bekommen. Die Herrschaft von Tewodros II. war
geprgt vom Versuch, konsequent europisches Wissen und Konzeptionen
angefangen von Handwerk bis hin zu theologischen Neuerungen einzu-
fhren und feste Beziehungen mit europischen Staaten zu knpfen. In seine
Zeit fallen auch die Grndung erster Missionsschulen und schlielich auch
der Beginn der Ausbildung von thiopiern in auslndischen Schulen.
1855 reiste eine Delegation der St. Chrischona-Pilgermission aus Basel nach
thiopien, die aus dem Missionar Johann Ludwig Krapf aus Kornthal, dem
Handwerker-Missionar Johann Martin Flad aus Undingen und dem Amharisch-
Lehrer und bersetzer Mahdr Qal bestand, und wurde von Tewodros II.
freundlich empfangen. 1856 etablierte sich die Abessinien-Mission der St.
Chrischona-Pilgermission dauerhaft in Gafat bei Dbr Tabor und bei den Fala-
scha, insbesondere in nda (beide in Bgemdr). Nur fr die von Krapf
ebenfalls erhoffte Oromo-Mission gab der Knig der Knige keine Erlaubnis,
so dass diese erst 1867 beginnen konnte (sich aber nach einem ersten Misser-
folg in Beni-Schangul und Gubbe im westthiopischen Grenzgebiet erst 1871
im Knigreich wa etablierte).3 Die Prsenz dieser Mission in thiopien fhrte
zur Herausbildung einer Gruppe junger europisch gebildeter thiopier, von
denen mehrere spter als Missionare und politische Beamte im thiopien des
Yohanns IV. und Mnilk II. eine zum Teil bedeutende Rolle spielten.
Die Mission regte unter ihren lokalen Anhngern auch Versuche an, mit
den externen Leitern der Mission in Europa und Jerusalem Kontakt aufzuneh-
men. Wir besitzen daher aus dieser Zeit Briefe der bedeutendsten thiopischen
Frderer der Mission: von dem Sekretr des thiopischen Herrschers, alqa
Znnb, ebenso wie von dem konvertierten Gelehrten der Bet srael, Brru
Wbe. Nach 1865, bis zum Sturz Tewodros II., sind keine Briefe von thiopi-
ern mehr berliefert auer von Tewodros II. selbst, da in jenem Jahr die
Abessinien-Mission de facto zusammenbrach. Die ersten Europer wurden
vom Knig der Knige gefangengesetzt, die Missionare zu Zwangsarbeiten
verpflichtet und schlielich ebenfalls in Ketten gelegt. Dies fhrte zu der be-
kannten Intervention britisch-indischer Truppen aus Bombay und London im
Jahre 1867/68 unter dem Kommando von Sir Robert Napier und dem Sturz
und Selbstmord des Herrschers und zur Landesverweisung aller Europer,
denen einige ihrer thiopischen Missionsschler nach Jerusalem (und spter

3
Zur Geschichte dieser ersten protestantischen Mission bei den Oromo siehe
SMIDT, WOLBERT G. C., The Role of the Former Oromo Slave Pauline Fathme in the
Foundation of the Protestant Oromo Mission, in: BLL, VERENA MARTNEZ DALS-
MONER, ANDREU KAPLAN, STEVEN SOKOLINSKAIA, EVGENIA (eds.), Ethiopia and
the Missions. Historical and Anthropological Insights, Mnster 2005, 7798.
 W. G. C. Smidt &'

Basel) folgten.4 Allerdings nahm die Mission bei der ersten sich bietenden Ge-
legenheit 1869 ihre Arbeit wieder auf und zwar im de facto unabhngigen
Tgray im wieder zerfallenen thiopischen Knigreich. Ein Willkommensbrief
fr die ersten aus Jerusalem zurckkehrenden Missionare hat sich erhalten.
Mit ihm endet diese Zusammenstellung, da er ein neues historisches Kapitel
erffnet, aber auch noch an der seit 1856 etablierten Mission anknpft.

Zur Bedeutung der a thiopischen Missions-Briefe

Die erhalten gebliebenen thiopischen Korrespondenzen dieser Zeit, die
in Missionsrundschreiben vervielfltigt wurden, zum Teil in Archivsamm-
lungen berliefert wurden, sind insbesondere wegen ihrer Seltenheit einzi-
gartige historische Dokumente, Zeugnisse dieser ersten thiopischen Moder-
ne, die den historischen Wandel thiopiens an Einzelbeispielen illustrieren.
Es ist dabei sicherlich etwas kurios, aber signifikant, dass einer oder gar meh-
rere der Briefe im Original auf Deutsch abgefasst wurden. Die Verbindung
der Missionare mit ihren wenigen Schlern war so eng, dass einige der jun-
gen thiopier bereits in thiopien Deutsch lernten.5 Dies erffnete einigen
von ihnen spter die Mglichkeit, im Ausland ihre Ausbildung fortzusetzen
womit sie zu den ersten Afrikanern gehrten, die aus eigenem Antrieb zur
Ausbildung nach Europa gingen.
Die Dokumentation und Erforschung thiopischer Korrespondenzen sind,
das ist sptestens seit den Acta Aethiopica von Sven Rubenson deutlich, von
entscheidender Bedeutung zum Verstndnis der politischen Geschichte und
der Geistesgeschichte thiopiens. Die klassischen theologischen und histo-
rischen Werke thiopiens werden als zentrales Thema der thiopistik seit
langem erforscht. Weniger im Zentrum des geistesgeschichtlichen Interesses
standen bisher scheinbar marginale Quellen wie diese. In der Geschichts-
forschung wird aber zu Recht seit einiger Zeit Wert auch auf originale Zeug-
nisse einzelner Individuen gelegt, die mehr Teilnehmer als Akteure der
groen geschichtlichen Ereignisse sind. An ihnen ist Mentalittswandel,
der Wandel von Paradigmen, von Topoi, der vitalen Interessen dieser Teil-
nehmer des geschichtlichen Prozesses ablesbar aber auch die Kontinuitt
alter Muster und Vorstellungen.

4
Vgl. dazu SMIDT, WOLBERT G. C., Schwarze Missionare im Deutschland des
19. Jahrhunderts, in: BECHHAUS-GERST, MARIANNE KLEIN-ARENDT, REINHARDT
(Hrsg.), AfrikanerInnen in Deutschland und schwarze Deutsche Geschichte und
Gegenwart, Mnster Hamburg 2004 (Encounters / Begegnungen, 3), 4156; SMIDT,
WOLBERT G. C., Les Africains de Ble du 19me sicle, in: DAVID, THOMAS et al.
(eds.), De la traite des Noirs la fin du rgime de lApartheid: trois sicles de relations
entre la Suisse et lAfrique (XVIIIeXXIe sicles), Mnster: Lit-Verlag (im Erscheinen).
5
Vgl. u. a. FLAD, FRIEDRICH, Michael Argawi. Ein mutiger Bekenner und Zeuge
unter den Falascha in Abessinien, bearbeitet von WERNER SIDLER, Basel 1952, 9.
 ' Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Der leider verstorbene Sewir B. Chernetsow hat auf der 15. internationa-
len Konferenz der thiopistischen Studien im Juli 2003 in Hamburg in meh-
reren persnlichen Gesprchen (darunter auch mit dem Autor) angeregt, dass
thiopisants verschiedener Lnder (insbesondere Deutschland bzw. Schweiz,
Frankreich, Schweden, Italien) nach solchen Korrespondenzen fahnden
und zwar aus dem Umkreis der Mission.6 Der Beitrag der Mission zur Mo-
dernisierung und Reform thiopiens war im 19. und frhen 20. Jhdt. von
groer Wichtigkeit. Die sicherlich hufig noch unentdeckten Briefe in Missi-
onsarchiven wrden, einmal zusammengestellt, so seine Meinung, einen wich-
tigen Beitrag zur thiopischen Geistesgeschichte bieten. Eine solche Samm-
lung stnde nicht in Konkurrenz zu den Acta Aethiopica, die Sven Rubenson
in jahrzehntelanger Sammelarbeit zusammengestellt hat (und auf deren 4. Band
man hoffnungsvoll wartet), da jene sich auf Briefe in thiopischen Sprachen
konzentrieren und (wohl wegen des Schwerpunktes auf politische Geschich-
te) die zahlreichen Briefe der thiopischen Missions-Zglinge oder Helfer
kaum aufgenommen haben. Chernetsows Vorschlag bezieht sich seinerseits
nur auf Briefe von thiopiern aus dem Umkreis der Mission, zielt also auf
eine thematische Konzentration. Als ersten Schritt, auch zur Anregung ande-
rer thiopisants, mchte ich anlsslich seiner Festschrift hier das erste Ergeb-
nis meiner eigenen Recherchen in den Archiven der St. Chrischona-Pilger-
mission in St. Chrischona/Bettingen und im Staatsarchiv Basel, wo zahlreiche
Dokumente der deutschen und schweizerischen Missionare in thiopien zur
Zeit des Knigs der Knige Tewodros II. aufbewahrt werden, vorstellen.
Welche Themen stehen im Zentrum dieser Briefe? Etwas enttuschend
mag es fr den Historiker sein, aber gleichzeitig fr den Geistesgeschichtler
eine bemerkenswerte Tatsache, dass die Briefe (sogar die aus den fr das
Ende der Mission so entscheidenden Jahren von 1864/65) die politische Si-
tuation praktisch nicht widerspiegeln. Im Zentrum stehen christliche Formeln
und knappe theologische berlegungen. Diese stehen fr neue Entwicklun-
gen in thiopien, die die Mission teilweise angestoen hatte. Interne Ausein-
andersetzungen um theologische Fragen hatten durch die Prsenz der Mis-
sion eine internationale Dimension bekommen (dieser Aspekt klingt auch in
dem warnenden Brief des abun Slama an). Ein typisches Beispiel fr diese
neuen Entwicklungen, das auch fr die moderne thiopisch-orthodoxe Kirche
Folgen hatte, ist z.B. die Frage des Gebrauches des amharischen Sprache:
Durch Tewodros II. gefrdert, kamen in Bruch mit der Tradition amharische
Bibeln in Gebrauch; die ersten amharischen Texte der Moderne wie die
Chronik der Regierungszeit Tewodros II. des alqa Znnb,7 eines Anhn-
gers der Mission entstanden. In den Briefen taucht das Topos der Bosheit

6
Vgl. dazu auch CHERNETSOV, SEVIR, Epistolography, in: E II, 340342.
7
Dbtra ZNNB, The Chronicle of King Theodore of Abyssinia, ed. by ENNO
LITTMANN, Princeton, NJ 1902; bersetzung: MORENO, MARTINO MARIO, La Cronaca
 W. G. C. Smidt '

oder der Finsternis, von der die Briefschreiber von den Missionaren befreit
worden waren, mehrfach auf Europa wird indirekt als die Quelle des Lichts
angesehen. Eindrucksvoll ist, wie insbesondere der traditionelle Gelehrte
dbtra Brru einen Groteil seines Briefes aus Bibelzitaten aufbaut, woraus
er ein eindringliches Bekenntnis komponiert.
Die meisten Briefe haben sich im Original nicht erhalten, sondern hufig
nur in Form von Abschriften oder gar nur lckenhaften Auszgen und ber-
setzungen, in Handschrift oder gedruckt in kleinen Rundschreiben der St.
Chrischona-Pilgermission (nach Aufbau und Zielsetzung sind diese gewis-
sermaen vergleichbar mit den Spendenbriefen heutiger NGOs8 und dar-
um auch in keiner Bibliothek auer in der St. Chrischona-Pilgermission er-
halten geblieben). Das erste Dokument ist ein von Tewodros II. nicht lange
nach seiner Krnung geschriebener, bisher nicht in seiner deutschen Ver-
sion9 verffentlichter Brief. Dieser enthlt eine Einladung an die protestanti-
schen Handwerker-Missionare,10 nach der Vertreibung der katholischen Mis-

di Re Teodoro attributa al Dabtara Zaneb, RSE 22, 1942, 143180. Die Zuschrei-
bung an Znnb scheint mir unzweifelhaft, da der Missionar Flad, der ihn aus Mq-
dla kannte und dieses Manuskript selbst nach Europa mitbrachte, ihn als Autor nannte.
Siehe FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission.
8
Die Jahresrundschreiben und die hufiger im Jahr (zuletzt sechs Mal) erschei-
nenden Mittheilungen aus der Correspondenz der Pilgermission, zunchst fr deren
auswrtige Brder bestimmt wurden in Kreisen der Missionare und Missionsfreunde
versandt und erfllten zwei Aufgaben: Erstens wurden diese so ber die Entwicklung
der fortlaufenden Missionsprojekte informiert und zweitens somit auch zu weiteren
Spenden angeregt. Die Mission litt immer an erheblicher Geldknappheit; insbeson-
dere in England fanden sich immer wieder grozgige Spender, weshalb mehrere der
in den Mittheilungen verffentlichten Briefe auch in englischer Sprache versandt
wurden. Die Funktion der thiopischen Briefe in diesem Zusammenhang ist evident:
Sie dokumentieren den Erfolg der Mission.
9
D. Appleyard und R. Pankhurst haben das Original in englischen Archiven ge-
funden, siehe APPLEYARD, DAVID L. PANKHURST, RICHARD, Letters from Ethiopian
Rulers (Early and Mid-Nineteenth Century), Oxford 1985 (Oriental documents, IX),
135142, und Rubenson hat es erneut in Acta Aethiopica II als no. 5 verffentlicht: RU-
BENSON, SVEN (ed.), Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 18551868, Addis Ababa
Lund 1994 (Acta Aethiopica II), 11. Da der Brief die Mission gewissermaen einleitet,
ist die deutsche bersetzung auch von Interesse, weshalb sie hier wiedergegeben wird.
10
Der Kontext des Briefes, in dem Tewodros II. die Bitte um Arbeiter mit
Vorschriften ber deren Verhalten in Fragen der Mission verbindet, zeigt, dass ihm
der missionarische Kontext des Angebots der Entsendung von Handwerkern durch
Bischof Gobat in Jerusalem bewusst war. Seine Vorbedingung, dass sie keine Pries-
ter sein drften, fhrte dazu, dass die entsandten Handwerker-Missionare nicht ge-
weiht wurden, sondern Laien blieben. Smtliche Konvertiten der Falascha wurden
daher von thiopischen Priestern getauft und so formal in die thiopisch-orthodoxe
Kirche aufgenommen. Der sptere Brief von abun Slama von 1862 bezieht sich
auch auf diese Tatsache. Das Ziel der Mission war nicht die Grndung einer eigenen
 ' Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

sion in das Land zu kommen. Historisch vielleicht noch interessanter ist der
einige Jahre spter geschriebene bisher unbekannte Brief des Metropoliten
thiopiens, abun Slama. Dieser enthlt eine Entscheidung, nach der die
Missionare theoretisch die Mglichkeit eingerumt bekamen, ihre Lehre frei
von den Vorschriften der thiopisch-orthodoxen Kirche auerhalb ihrer Ge-
biete zu unterrichten was spter in den Oromo-Regionen tatschlich be-
gonnen wurde und in letzter Konsequenz zur Grndung einer eigenen prote-
stantischen thiopischen Kirche fhrte. Es ist allerdings dabei nicht zu ver-
gessen, dass die meisten Gebiete und Lnder der Oromo sich damals noch
auerhalb des thiopischen Reiches befanden. Der Brief enthlt aber auch
die schon zu Beginn der Mission von Tewodros deutlich ausgesprochene
Warnung, dass im Kerngebiet Abessiniens keinesfalls eine eigenstndige
Kirche entstehen drfe. Die brigen Briefe sind meist von Missionszglin-
gen und Freunden der Mission geschrieben, darunter von Persnlichkeiten
wie dem oben bereits genannten alqa Znnb, einer zentralen Figur der
modernen Literaturgeschichte thiopiens, und von dem noch sehr jungen
Missionsschler Argawi, bekannt als Mikael Argawi, der spter der be-
deutendste protestantische thiopische Missionar werden sollte.11 Weitere
Missionsschler, die spter ihre Ausbildung in Europa erhielten, tauchen in
diesen Dokumenten erstmals auf.
Die Originalsprache der Briefe wird nirgendwo direkt angesprochen, doch
waren sie meist sicherlich in Amharisch abgefasst. Eine Ausnahme ist der
Brief des Argawi, der um Nachsicht fr seine Fehler im Deutschen bittet;
sein Brief scheint also bereits im Original auf Deutsch abgefasst worden zu
sein. Die Briefe sind hier in Wortlaut, Rechtschreibung und Punktuation ge-
nauso wiedergegeben, wie sie vorgefunden wurden. Die bersetzer sind nur
im Falle des ersten und des letzten Briefes dieser Sammlung bekannt. Beim
ersten Brief war dies Johann Ludwig Krapf, der frher bereits als Missionar
in Tgray und wa gewirkt hatte, beim letzten der Handwerkermissionar
Johannes Mayer. In den anderen Fllen ist wohl hufig Krapf (bei Nr. 5 Flad?)
erneut der bersetzer gewesen; in seinen im Staatsarchiv Basel-Stadt vor-
handenen Korrespondenzen erwhnt er gelegentlich, dass er amharische Briefe
erhielt. Wie der Vergleich der ersten Briefbersetzung mit dem berlieferten
amharischen Original zeigt, ist die bersetzung in diesem Fall recht wort-
getreu. Allerdings interpretierte sie auch leicht, wo es das Verstndnis erfor-
derte (das Wort fr Rad wird dem Zusammenhang entsprechend als Schrau-
be wiedergegeben). Dieses Beispiel aber zeigt, dass insgesamt von groer
Nhe zum Originaltext ausgegangen werden kann. Bibelzitate drften einer
dem bersetzer vorliegenden deutschen Bibelfassung angelehnt worden sein.

thiopischen protestantischen Kirche, sondern die Anregung innerkirchlicher Refor-

men in thiopien.
11
Vgl. seine Biographie: FLAD, Michael Argawi. Ein mutiger Bekenner.
 W. G. C. Smidt '!

Die Briefe:

1. Ngus ngst Tewodros II. an Bischof Samuel Gobat in Jerusalem

185512
Mge dieses Schreiben (Sendung)13 welches gesendet wird von Theode-
ros, dem von Gott eingesetzten Knig der Knige gelangen an den engli-
schen Bischof Gobat in Jerusalem.
Bist du sehr wohl? Der Brief den du mir durch Krapf u. Martin Flad
gesandt hast, hat mich erreicht. Es freute mich, da du nach mir fragst. Wenn
nun diese bleiben so behalte sie mir. Und wenn die Leute von denen du mir
sagtest, sagen, wir gehen (nach Habesch) so werde ich sie in Liebe aufneh-
men, u. in Liebe senden.14 Da du sagst, ich will dir Arbeiter senden, freute
mich, sende sie mir. Aber du kennst die Verhltnisse unseres Landes in dem
du gewesen bist.15 Es war frher in 3 Theile getheilt,16 aber durch Gottes
Kraft habe ich Einheit gestiftet. Priester welche den Glauben vertreiben (ver-
12
Die bersetzung des Briefes ist enthalten in dem Schreiben des Sattlergesel-
len und Laienmissionars Martin Flad aus Alexandrien vom 15.8.1855, das dieser auf
der Rckkehr von seiner ersten Reise nach Abessinien an den Missionsgrnder Spittler
in Basel sandte. Der Missionar Krapf, mit dem er diese Reise unternahm, hat den
Brief ins Deutsche bersetzt; zu Beginn dieses Dokumentes hat Flad notiert: Schrei-
ben des Knigs von Abessynien an Bischof Gobat in Jerusalem! (Ziemlich wortge-
treue Uebersetzung.) Das amharische Original des Briefes ist abgedruckt in: RU-
BENSON, Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 10f., no. 5, und auch in: APPLEYARD
PANKHURST, Letters from Ethiopian Rulers, 135142, no. XXVI. Eine gesiegelte Kopie
dieses Briefes, die nicht verwendet wurde, war im Besitz von Johann Ludwig Krapf
und spter von Martin Flad; sie ist im Besitz von Nachkommen des Letzteren und
wird hiermit erstmals publiziert (siehe Pl. IX, Annex).
13
Klammern sind offenbar erklrende Einfgungen des bersetzers.
14
Diesen Abschnitt hat der bersetzer Krapf miverstanden, wie das in: RUBEN-
SON, Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 10f. verffentlichte Original zeigt; insbeson-
dere Wenn nun diese bleiben so behalte sie mir ist hier ganz unverstndlich
Tewodros zitiert damit Gobat. Rubenson hat folgende bersetzung: But when these
people of whom you said to me, If they stay, protect them for me; if they come
[back], send them to me under protection, told me that they [Flad und Krapf] would
leave, [as] I had received them with love, I sent them away with love.
15
Tewodros kannte Gobat aus seiner Kindheit, als Gobat als Missionar in Nord-
thiopien ttig war; der heilkundige Gobat hatte dazma Kinfu, Haylu, den lte-
ren Halbbruder von Tewodros, der ihn aufzog, wegen einer Neurose behandelt (vgl.
GOBAT, SAMUEL, Samuel Gobat, evangelischer Bischof in Jerusalem. sein Leben und
Wirken meist nach seinen eigenen Aufzeichnungen, bearbeitet von SPITTLER, CHRISTI-
AN FRIEDRICH , Basel 1884).
16
Im Original ist dieser Satz lnger, aber der Sinn ndert sich nicht; RUBENSON,
Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 11, hat: It had been divided, one against ano-
ther, even into three.
 '" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

stren) sollen nicht zu mir kommen,17 da unsere Liebe nicht nachlasse. Fr-
her hat der sogenannte Vater Jakob18 die Taufe aufgehoben, u. hat Diacone
u. Priester gemacht u. hat viele Drfer zum Abfall bewogen. Durch Gottes
Gnade habe ich ihn vertrieben u. weggesandt. Wenn aber ein anderer kommt,
so will ich ihn in Liebe aufnehmen, u. in Liebe entlaen, u. wenn er blei-
ben will, will ich mit Freuden bleiben lassen (im Lande.).19 Ich hre, da es
etwas giebt, das mit einer Feuerschraube20 pflgt. Einer von den Arbei-
tern soll mit dieser Schraube kommen. Und du frage nach mir ich
werde auch nach dir fragen. Zum Preise Gottes habe ich seit 2 Jahren durch
den Herold (ffentlich) den Sklavenhandel verboten.
Enthalten im Schreiben von Martin Flad aus Alexandrien vom 15.8.1855,
Staatsarchiv des Kantons Basel-Stadt, Privatarchiv Spittler / PA 653, Signatur V,
Joh. Martin Flad.

17
Mir scheint, dass Rubenson diese Stelle deutlich zu sehr zuspitzt, wenn er sagt
(RUBENSON, Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 11, Funote): The above letter is
primary evidence that Tewodros made it abundantly clear from the outset that the
missionaries would be welcome as useful craftsmen but not as missionaries. Die
ganz formale Bedeutung des Wortes Priester, um die es hier geht, ist offenbar wich-
tig: Aus dem spteren guten Verhltnis der entsandten Handwerkermissionare zum
Herrscher (bis zur Zuspitzung des Misstrauens Tewodros England gegenber und
zum Teil aber sogar darber hinaus andauernd), deren Gesprchen ber Religion,
Tewodros Versuchen, auf Anregen der Missionare das Amharische in der Kirche zu
frdern, Tewodros Untersttzung der Missionsschulen etc. wird deutlich, dass er
deren religisen Ttigkeit in der ersten Hlfte seiner Regierungszeit positiv gegen-
berstand abgesehen davon, dass Flad und Krapf schon bei ihrem Besuch 1855
nicht verhehlten, dass die Handwerker auch religis ttig werden sollten. Gobat hatte
dann, Tewodros Anordnung folgend, keine ordinierten Priester gesandt, sondern als
Laienmissionare ttige Handwerker. Auch sptere uerungen thiopischer Herr-
scher zeigen die zentrale Bedeutung dieses Beschlusses wenn Missionare kamen,
so sollten sie es wie Flad machen, d.h. Konversionen sollten zum Eintritt der Kon-
vertiten in die thiopisch-orthodoxe Kirche fhren. Rubenson bersieht somit den
auch formalistischen Charakter von Tewodros Bedingung. (Zur Forderung, es wie
Flad zu machen, siehe Manuskript von HEINTZE-FLAD, WILFRED, Martin Flad, Vil-
lars-Tiercelin 2000).
18
Der katholische Missionar Giustino de Jacobis, von der katholischen Bevlke-
rung noch heute abun Yaqob oder qddus Yaqob (seltenere Variante Yaqob)
genannt.
19
RUBENSON, Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 11: Whoever stays, I shall make
happy and provide for.
20
Eigentlich Feuerrad im Amharischen (vgl. RUBENSON, Tewodros and his Con-
temporaries, 11, der dies aber nicht erklrt); die Beschreibung zeigt, dass nur ein
maschinell angetriebener Pflug gemeint sein kann. Der berlieferung in der Familie
Flad nach, handelt es sich um einen (frhen) Traktor, d.h. einen dampfbetriebenen
Pflug; Tewodros wanted even Gobat to send him a tractor and a tractor driver, s.
Manuskript von HEINTZE-FLAD, Martin Flad, 8.
 W. G. C. Smidt '#

2. Dbtra Znnb21 [Debtera Saneb] und dbtra Msql22 [Mas-

kal]
an Samuel Gobat, anglikanischer Bischof von Jerusalem
[Mqdla]23 Oktober/November 186124
Dieser Brief, gesandt von Debtera Saneb und Debtera Maskal, gelange an
Samuel Gobat. Im Namen unseres Herrn Jesu Christi wie befinden Sie
sich? Wir sind, dem Herrn sei Dank, wohl. Die Brder, die Sie zu uns
gesandt, haben das Licht Jesu Christi25 in unseren Herzen verbreitet. Wenn
Sie vielleicht sagen: Den Mden gebe ich Ruhe, und die Starken stelle ich an
den Streit, bitten wir da Sie nicht mde werden. Wir sind der Snden Skla-
ven, bitten wir Sie aber um unsers Herrn Jesu Christi willen, in Gemeinschaft
mit Ihren Brdern fr uns zu beten, da das Geheimnis seines Reiches in
unserm ganzen Lande mge verbreitet werden. Zwar wissen wir, da Sie fr
uns beten; aber wir wnschen, da Sie in Ihrer Frbitte fr uns noch mehr
erstarken mgen.
Gedruckt in: Mittheilungen, Nr. 1, Juni 1862, 2. [Langtitel siehe Funote 8]

3. Dbtra Znnb und dbtra Msql

an die Bibel-Gesellschaft in London
[Mqdla] Oktober/November 186126
Dieser Brief, gesandt von Debtera Saneb und Debtera Maskal, mge ge-
langen an die Bibelgesellschaft in London.

21
Znnb war als Sekretr von Tewodros II. auch dessen Chronist. In der Biogra-
phie des Missionars Flad heit es ber seine Verbindung zu den Missionaren: Ein
gelehrter Mnch, der Schreiber des Knig Theodorus, der im Jahre vorher [1857] schon
durch die Missionare Kienzlen und Meier die amharische Bibel kennengelernt hatte,
wurde der erste Evangelist aus der thiopischen Bevlkerung. (FLAD, JULIUS, Johann
Martin Flad. Ein Leben fr thiopien, Gieen Basel: Brunnen-Verlag 1968, 32; so
erzhlt es auch Martin Flad selbst, siehe FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 105).
22
Bruder von dbtra Znnb (vgl. STREBEL, Leben auf dem Missionsfeld, 138).
23
Znnb war nach den Briefen der Missionare in Mqdla stationiert; er gab
dreimal wchentlich den Soldaten auf der Bergfeste Bibelstunden und einmal w-
chentlich eine Gebetsstunde. Bei Flad lernte er Englisch, um seine amharische Bibel
mit der englischen vergleichen zu knnen (FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 105).
24
Am 4. Dezember 1861 schickt Martin Flad Abschriften der Briefe, die er krz-
lich erhalten hat, an C. F. Spittler in Basel, siehe Mittheilungen, Nr. 1, Juni 1862, 1.
25
Anspielung auf Joh 8:12: Ich bin das Licht der Welt; wer mir nachfolgt, der
wird nicht wandeln in der Finsternis, sondern wird das Licht des Lebens haben.
26
Wie Funote 24: am 4. Dezember 1861 schickt Martin Flad Abschriften der
krzlich erhaltenen Briefe an C. F. Spittler in Basel, siehe Mittheilungen, Nr. 1, Juni
1862, 1. Flad notiert am Ende dieses Briefes, Seite 3: Diesem Brief ist noch ein
Formular beigelegt mit einem Bittschreiben, amharische Bibeln in Taschen-Format
drucken zu lassen.
 '$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Im Namen unseres Herrn Jesu Christi wie befinden Sie sich? Die Br-
der, welche durch S. Gobat27 zu uns gesandt sind, haben die Liebe Christi in
unseren Herzen wohnend gemacht. Zuvor saen wir in groer Finsterni,
und nun freuen wir uns im Lichte des Evangeliums.28 Zwar sind wir noch
bse, bitten aber unserer dehalb nicht mde zu werden, sondern fr uns den
Vater Jesu Christi zu bitten, da die Sache Christi, die zu uns kam, mge bei
uns so geehrt werden, wie sie bei Ihnen geehrt wird. Da Sie fr uns beten,
wissen wir; schreiben aber diese Zeilen, da Sie noch mehr fr uns beten
mgen.
Gedruckt in: Mittheilungen, Nr. 1, Juni 1862, 2f.

4. Abun Slama [Abuna Salama]

an Friedrich Brandeis29 und Wilhelm Staiger30 in Gafat
Mqdla, Oktober/November31 1862
Abuna Salama, Bischof von Abessinien, an W. Staiger und F. Brandeis.
Gre zuvor. Den Brief, welchen ihr mir zugeschickt habt, habe ich erhalten.

27
Die Laienmissionare wurden in der St. Chrischona-Pilgermission ausgebildet
und entsandt, die Leitung lag aber in den Hnden des anglikanischen Bischofs Sa-
muel Gobat in Jerusalem; Gobat war 18321834 als einer der ersten protestantischen
Missionare in thiopien, gefolgt von Johann Ludwig Krapf, der nun als Mitglied des
Komitees der St. Chrischona-Pilgermission ebenfalls bedeutenden Einfluss auf die
Mission ausbte. Gobats Instruktionen an die Missionare vom 7. Dezember 1855
sind abgedruckt in WALDMEIER, THEOPHILUS, The Autobiography of Theophilus Wald-
meier: Being an Account of Ten Years Life in Abyssinia; and Sixteen Years in Syria,
London Leominster o.J. [1886/87], 4658.
28
Bezug auf Matth 4:16: Das Volk, das in Finsternis sa, hat ein groes Licht
gesehen, und denen, die im Land und Schatten des Todes saen, ist Licht aufgegan-
gen (Angelehnt an Jes 9:1).
29
Frher Eleazar Brandeis, dann vom Judentum zum Protestantismus konver-
tiert und schlielich Missionsschler auf St. Chrischona; dies prdestinierte ihn zu
der im 19. Jhdt. besonders aktiv betriebenen Judenmission, als deren Teil die Mis-
sion unter den Falascha verstanden wurde. Zu seiner Biographie siehe STREBEL,
BARBARA, Brandeis, Friedrich Wilhelm, in: E I, 621, und zu seiner Rolle in der
Mission siehe STREBEL, Leben auf dem Missionsfeld.
30
Brandeis und Staiger, die mit Flad 1856 aus St. Chrischona gekommen waren,
waren damals in den Dienst einer schottischen Missionsgesellschaft getreten und
hatten eine weitere Missionsstation der Falascha-Mission gegrndet (vgl. FLAD,
Johann Martin Flad. Ein Leben fr thiopien, 35).
31
Am Tag nach Erhalt des Briefes ging Staiger in Begleitung von Kienzlen zum
Knig nach Dbr Tabor, der die Erlaubnis zur Abreise nach Dmbya gab (unter Zeu-
genschaft eines abessinischen Priesters und Kienzlens), damit sie dort den Unterricht
unter den Juden beginnen knnten. Sie reisten daraufhin am 27. November 1862 in
Begleitung eines Mannes des Knigs ab (vgl. Mittheilungen, Nr. 2, Juni 1863, 14).
 W. G. C. Smidt '%

Wenn es sich ergibt, da ich mit dem Knige zusammen komme,32 will ich
Alles berathen. Vorderhand aber, wenn ihr das Evangelium unsers Herrn und
Heilandes Jesu Christi unter den Nationen verkndigen wollt, bin ich nicht
dagegen. Jedoch liebe ich nicht in Abessinien zwei Kirchenpartheien und
zwei Glaubensbekenntnisse. Wenn ihr aber lehrt wie Herr Flad, und die etio-
pischen Priester eure Proselyten taufen lat, so mgt ihr immerhin unterrich-
ten; allein da ihr nicht gegen das Evangelium Sachen lehrt, welche uns in
der Liebe entzweien. Wenn ihr aber in ein anderes Land gehen wollt, z.B. zu
den Gallas, in ein Land, in welchem das Christenthum noch nicht ist, und in
welchem noch keine Priester sind, mgt ihr immerhin thun, wie euch der
Knig erlaubt33 .
Gedruckt in: Mittheilungen, Nr. 2, Juni 1863, 13

5. Die bekehrten Falascha [Dbtra Brru Wbe und andere34] an die

London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews [unsere Ge-
sellschaft]
Gnda, nach 21. Juli 186235 [vor 1863]
Im Namen Gottes des Vaters, des Sohnes und des hl. Geistes, Ein Gott.
Amen.36 Mge dieser Brief gelangen an die Gesellschaft in England, die

32
Tewodros war in der Zeit mit seiner Armee bei Dbr Tabor, vgl. Mittheilun-
gen, Nr. 1, Juni 1863, 13.
33
Diese Bemerkung ist historisch von einiger Wichtigkeit. Offenbar da zu jenem
Zeitpunkt zahlreiche Oromo-Gebiete und -Lnder noch nicht oder kaum unterworfen
waren, beansprucht der abun keine Prioritt der thiopisch-orthodoxen Kirche, son-
dern berlsst die Entscheidung ber die eventuelle Selbstndigkeit der protestanti-
schen Mission ganz dem Knig. Diese Entscheidung kann als erster Schritt zur Legi-
timierung einer zuknftigen unabhngigen protestantischen Kirche unter den Oromo
angesehen werden. Noch war ein solcher Schritt allerdings in weiter Ferne, zumal die
Oromo-Gebiete unzugnglich blieben; erst mit der ab 1871 unter ngus Mnilk in
wa etablierten protestantischen Mission wurden die ersten Oromo-Gebiete erreicht.
34
Dieser gelehrt abgefasste Brief hnelt dem Nachfolgenden des dbtra Brru
sehr, weshalb vermutet werden kann, dass dieser Brief ebenfalls von ihm abgefasst
worden ist.
35
Ein Brief der bekehrten Falascha..., ohne weitere Angabe. Nach FLAD, 60 Jahre
in der Mission, 117 ist der 21. Juli 1862 das Taufdatum von dbtra Brru und 21
weiteren Konvertiten (der erste groe Erfolg der Mission in nda); am 4. August
1862 wurden 19 weitere getauft und spter noch weitere 24. Die Reihenfolge in Flads
Bericht und der Briefinhalt zeigen, dass er nicht in groem zeitlichen Abstand (da-
nach) geschrieben worden ist. Es ist also nicht Rubenson (RUBENSON, Tewodros and
his Contemporaries, 179 [Funote]) zu folgen, der den Brief etwas frher datiert.
36
Im Gegensatz zu den anderen hier abgedruckten Briefen beginnt dieser Brief
mit der klassischen Anfangsformel von christlichen thiopische Briefen; er ist somit
eindeutig eine bersetzung. Diese bersetzung durch Flad unterscheidet sich nur in
 '& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Lehrer und Bibeln sandte zu den zerstreuten Kindern Israels37 in Abessinien.

Er ist gesandt von den Falascha in Dschenda, welche an Jesum Christum
glauben. Teure Vter,38 wie befinden Sie sich?39 Wir waren ohne Erkennt-
nis, in groer Finsternis; aber jetzt, seitdem Sie uns Lehrer sandten, sind wir,
obgleich wir viel mit ihnen disputierten, doch an der Wahrheit gelangt,40 wie
Jesaias sagt: Das Volk, das im Finstern wandelt, hat ein groes Licht gese-
hen, und die da saen am Ort und Schatten des Todes, denen ist ein Licht
aufgegangen.41 Und nun, teure Vter, nehmet uns in Eure Sorge und betet
fr uns, damit wir empfangen die Gnade des Herrn und darin befestigt wer-
den, denn wir sind gleich zarten Pflanzen, die noch nicht tiefe Wurzel haben.
Sie haben uns Gutes getan, wie David sagt: Ich will bertreter deine Wege
lehren und Snder zu dir bekehren.42 Und wie Jesaias sagt: Er soll auf-
wachsen vor ihm als eine zarte Pflanze, als eine Wurzel aus einem trockenen
Erdreich.43 Diese Worte wenden wir auf uns selbst an, denn wir waren,
ohne Ihn zu kennen, seine Feinde! Dieses schreiben wir Ihnen, damit Sie fr
uns vor dem Herrn ringen mgen. Ehre sei dem Vater, dem Sohn und dem
heiligen Geist. Amen.44
Gedruckt in: FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 118. Englische Version in: Jewish
Intelligence, and Monthly Account of the Proceedings of the London Society for
Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews 29, March 1863, 68f. (Siehe auch Acta
Aethiopica II, no. 103: RUBENSON, Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 179).

wenigen Details von der englischen bersetzung, die aber insgesamt nher am Origi-
nal sein drfte. Jedoch ergeben sich durch die Unterschiede keine anderen Interpre-
tationsmglichkeiten.
37
In dieser Formulierung verbirgt sich eine Selbstbezeichnung der Falascha:
Dqq srael, oder vielleicht sogar Bet srael (heute als Ethnonym verwendet).
Interessant ist, dass die Schreiber sich in diesem Brief selbst als Falascha bezeich-
nen, was eigentlich Fremdbezeichnung ist. Sie wird hier ohne Einspruch aus dem
Amharischen bernommen (von der Wurzel flls, bedeutend etwa die Vertriebe-
nen, siehe KAPLAN, STEVEN, Bet srael, in: E I, 552559).
38
In der englischen Fassung steht: Oh! our dear fathers!
39
In der englischen Fassung folgt hier noch die typisch thiopische Wiederho-
lung Very much how are you?, die Flad hier offenbar weggelassen hat.
40
Dieser Satz interpretiert mehr als die englische bersetzung, die nher am Ori-
ginal zu bleiben scheint: but now since you sent us teachers, we have disputed very
much; but we arrived at the truth.
41
Jes 9:1 (wie Matth 4:16).
42
Psalm 51:13.
43
Jes 53:2.
44
Auch hier variiert die englische Fassung leicht, wohl dem amharischen Origi-
nal folgend: Glory be to the Father, glory be to the Son, glory be to the Holy Ghost,
Amen.
 W. G. C. Smidt ''

6. Dbtra Brru Wbe [Debtera Berru45] an Johann Ludwig Krapf in

Kornthal
[Gafat],46 [November/Dezember] 1864
Im Namen des Vaters, des Sohnes und des heiligen Geistes, ein Gott. Die-
ser Brief des Debtera Berru, der Wolda Paulus47 heit, gelange an Herrn
Krapf, der unter den Heiden im stlichen Afrika Missionar gewesen ist. Wie
geht es Ihnen? Ich bin wohl durch Gottes Gte. Ich kannte Sie frher nicht,
aber nun hat mir Herr Flad Ihre Geschichte mitgetheilt. Daher frage ich nach
Ihnen, nach der Liebe, welche zwischen Christen besteht. Frher, als ich noch
Jude war, sa ich in der Finsterni, nun aber bin ich durch die Liebe Gottes
und Christi Gnade zum wahrhaftigen Glauben gelangt.48 Der heilige Paulus

45
...eines bekehrten Juden, ebenda. Zu seiner Biographie siehe QUIRIN, JAMES,
Brru Wbe, in: E I, 545.
46
Flad schreibt im Dezember 1864 (Mittheilungen, Nr. 3, September 1865, 20),
die Proselyten seien ihm nach Gafat gefolgt. Es ist anzunehmen, dass dbtra Brru
den Brief etwa gleichzeitig wie Flad verfasst hat; er nimmt indirekt auf Flad Bezug.
47
Dies ist die Angabe des Taufnamens von Brru; nach traditionell abessinischer
Sitte ist der Taufname verschieden vom in der ffentlichkeit getragenen Namen. Er
wird oft sogar keinem auer dem Tufling und seiner engsten Familie bekannt (dazu
siehe das Buch von lij ASFA-WOSSEN ASSERATE: Die Geschichte von aw (thiopien)
17001865 nach dem Trika Nagat des Belttn Gt eruy Walda ells, Wies-
baden 1980 [Studien zur Kulturkunde, 53], 3, Funote 10). Der Taufname enthlt
hier die Anspielung auf Paulus, der seinen Namen bei seiner Konversion ebenfalls
gendert hatte (hnlich wie spter der Oromo-Missionszgling Ruufoo, der ebenfalls
Paulus als einen seiner Namen erhielt, oder die Oromo-Konvertitin Pauline Fath-
me, vgl. SMIDT, WOLBERT, Quellenbersicht zur Biographie des ehemaligen Sklaven
und ersten Oromo-Bibelbersetzers Christian Rufo, Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere
67, 2001, 181198.
48
Er war bereits zu einem frhen Zeitpunkt konvertiert (1862, vgl. Bemerkung
zu vorigem Brief): Dieser war der erste bedeutende Bekehrte aus den Falaschas und
hatte in all den schweren Jahren der Gefangenschaft sich als treuer Jnger Christi
bewiesen. (FLAD, Michael Argawi. Ein mutiger Bekenner, 19). ber seinen bertritt
zum Christentum heit es in der Biographie Flads: Einer der angesehensten und
gelehrtesten Falaschas, der Schriftgelehrte Debtera Beru (...), trat an einem Samstag
in dem jdischen Bethaus der Falaschas ffentlich auf und bekannte seinen neuen
Glauben an Christus als Gottes Sohn und Erlser der Welt [1862]. Er begrndete
danach seinen Glauben mit Stellen aus dem Alten Testament. Einundzwanzig andere
Falaschas schlossen sich bald an und bekannten vor ihren ehemaligen Glaubensge-
nossen und ihren Vtern und Brdern ihren Glauben an Jesus Christus. Dadurch ent-
stand eine gewaltige Aufregung und Bewegung unter den Falaschas. Die Betreffen-
den wurden nicht nur von den Mnchen mit dem gefrchteten Bannfluch belegt,
sondern auch von den nchsten Angehrigen verflucht. (FLAD, Johann Martin Flad.
Ein Leben fr thiopien, 35; hnlich in FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 117). 1874
wurde er Mitarbeiter der neugegrndeten Falascha-Mission in der Missionsstation
! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

sagt: Gaben und Beruf mgen Gott nicht gereuen;49 aber er sagt auch: wie
sollen sie glauben, was sie nicht gehrt haben, oder wie sollen sie hren ohne
Lehrer, denn der Glaube kommt durchs Hren, und das Hren kommt von
Gott.50 Durchs Hren bin ich glaubig geworden.51 Dem Herrn sei Dank
dafr, da ER an uns gedacht hat nach seiner Gte, aber beten Sie fr uns,
da, nachdem Gott uns vergeben und durch Christi Blut uns von Snden
gereinigt hat, wir nicht durch die vielen Versuchungen der Welt in das welt-
liche Wesen zurckgehen. Gott wolle seinen Heiligen Geist in unsern Herzen
walten lassen, da wir seinem Willen gehorsam seien und in der Wahrheit
fest und zuverlssig werden; denn der heilige Johannes sagt: Welche an sei-
nen Namen glauben, sind nicht von dem Geblt, noch von dem Willen des
Fleisches.52 Jedoch werden wir nicht gerecht durch unser eigenes Verdienst,53
sondern durch Christi Gnade und Barmherzigkeit; denn der Prophet Daniel
spricht: O Herr, wir bitten Dich nicht wegen unsrer Gerechtigkeit, sondern
wegen Deines groen Erbarmens.54 Unser Herr Jesus sagt: Das ists, was ich
euch gebiete, da ihr euch unter einander liebet;55 dehalb vergessen Sie uns
nicht im Gebet, denn Paulus sagt: Sorget nichts, alles euer Anliegen mit Ge-
bet und Flehen und Danksagen lasset kund werden vor Gott, so wird der allen
Verstand bersteigende Friede Gottes mit euch sein.56 Die Gnade unsers Herrn

nda, wo die in St. Chrischona ausgebildeten Evangelisten Argawi und Snbtu

Danel die Mission wiederaufnahmen; er bedeutete fr die jungen Brder geistli-
chen Rckhalt und Untersttzung. (FLAD, Michael Argawi. Ein mutiger Bekenner,
19). Weitere Details zu seiner Biographie siehe FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 387
404.
49
Vgl. 1. Korinther 12:45: Es sind mancherlei Gaben; aber es ist ein Geist.
Und es sind mancherlei mter; aber es ist ein Herr. 1. Korinther 12:4:7: In einem
jeglichen erzeigen sich die Gaben des Geistes zum gemeinen Nutzen.
50
Leicht abgewandelte Bibelzitate, Rmer 10:14: Wie sollen sie aber an den glau-
ben, von dem sie nichts gehrt haben? Wie sollen sie aber hren ohne Lehrer? Rmer
10:17: Der Glaube kommt durchs Hren, das Hren aber kommt durch Gottes Wort.
51
Ist das eine versteckte Bitte um das Entsenden von mehr Lehrern?
52
Joh 1:1213: Wie viele ihn aber aufnahmen, denen gab er Macht, Gottes Kin-
der zu werden, die an seinen Namen glauben; welche nicht von dem Geblt noch von
dem Willen des Fleisches noch von dem Willen eines Mannes, sondern von Gott
geboren sind.
53
Ein echt protestantisches Bekenntnis!
54
Dan 9:18: ...nicht im Vertrauen auf unsere gerechten Taten legen wir dir un-
sere Bitten vor, sondern im Vertrauen auf deine groe Barmherzigkeit.
55
Joh 15:17: Das gebiete ich euch, da ihr euch untereinander liebet. (Wie Joh
15:12; Joh 13:34).
56
Philipper 4:67: Sorget nichts! sondern in allen Dingen lasst eure Bitten im
Gebet und Flehen mit Danksagung vor Gott kund werden. Und der Friede Gottes, wel-
cher hher ist denn alle Vernunft, bewahre eure Herzen und Sinne in Christo Jesu!
 W. G. C. Smidt !

Jesu Christi, die Liebe Gottes und die Gemeinschaft des heiligen Geistes sei
mit Ihnen. Amen.
Gedruckt in Mittheilungen, Nr. 3, September 1865, 20f.

7. Argawi57 [Aragau] [vielleicht an Johann Ludwig Krapf, Kornthal]

Gafat, 20. Januar 1865

Im vergangenen Jahr wurde mein lieber B. Paulus, nachdem er sehr schwer

krank gewesen, vom Herrn abgerufen, aber trauern Sie dehalb nicht, denn
unser Herr Jesus Christus spricht: Ich bin die Auferstehung und das Leben,
wer an mich glaubt, der wird leben, ob er gleich strbe.58 Ja, sein Erlser lebt
und Er wird ihn hernach aus der Erde auferwecken. Er wird mit seiner Haut
umgeben. Gott hats genommen, der Name des Herrn sei gelobt! Wir waren
Alle traurig, aber wir haben eine Verheiung, nemlich da unser Herr Chris-
tus die Auferstehung und das Leben ist.

57
Dieser Missionszgling stammte nach seiner Biographie, siehe FLAD, Micha-
el Argawi. Ein mutiger Bekenner, aus einer Falascha-Familie, jedoch war schon
sein Vater Christ. Spter vielfach genannt als Mikael Argawi (deutsch Micha-
el Argawi, oder Michael Aragau), was oft fr Vor- und Vatersname gehalten
wurde. Jedoch war Mikael sein Taufname, der in der abessinischen Tradition meist
verborgen bleibt; Argawi ist sein eigentlicher Name. Vgl. dazu der Brief von Flad
aus Messina, 4. Juli 1866, der kurz nach seiner Ankunft auf seiner diplomatischen
Mission zur Knigin von England geschrieben worden war; er hat Argawi mitge-
bracht (Mittheilungen, Nr. 2, September 1866, 10). Argawi soll nach seinem eige-
nen Wunsch in St. Chrischona ausgebildet werden. Von diesem Wunsch hatte Flad
bereits im Dezember 1864 in einem Brief berichtet (Mittheilungen, Nr. 3, Septem-
ber 1865, 20). Argawi begleitete 1866 seinen Pflegevater Martin Flad, als dieser
von Tewodros II. als Emissr zu Knigin Viktoria gesandt wurde, bis Marseille;
whrend Flad nach London weiterreiste, kam Argawi von dort aus zum Missions-
begrnder Friedrich Christian Spittler nach Basel und dann als Schler in die Wai-
senanstalt in Weinheim bei Heidelberg; ab 1869 wurde er in der Pilgermission St.
Chrischona bei Basel zum Missionar ausgebildet (siehe Pl. VIII). Mit drei weiteren
konvertierten Falascha, frheren Schlern von Flads Missionsschule in nda
und nun ebenfalls auf St. Chrischona, wurde Argawi 1873 als Missionar mit Mar-
tin Flad nach nda entsandt, um dort die Mission fortzufhren. Nachdem er lange
als Feldleiter der Mission fungierte, wurde er 1894 als Nachfolger Flads zum
Leiter der gesamten Falascha-Mission ernannt und erst 1925 nach 52 Dienstjahren
von Willy Heintze, Ehemann von Flads Enkelin Eleonora Flad, in nda abgelst
(dazu siehe insbesondere Argawis Biographie, FLAD, Michael Argawi. Ein muti-
ger Bekenner).
58
Bibelzitat, Joh 11:25: Ich bin die Auferstehung und das Leben. Wer an mich
glaubet, der wird leben, ob er gleich strbe.
! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Als ich geboren wurde, verlie mich mein Vater und gieng nach Jerusa-
lem, wo er sieben Jahre blieb. Nachher kam er mit Herrn Flad und den bri-
gen Europern hieher59 und ich auch zu ihnen. Damals dachte ich, weil ich
vorher nie weie Leute gesehen, sie werden mich fressen,60 und frchtete
mich sehr; aber sie thaten mir anstatt Bses Gutes, sie lehrten mich den Weg
des Lebens,61 welches mich sehr freute. Dieses Vertrauen und diese Liebe zu
den Europern wurde noch mehr gefrdert durch Ihren l[ieben] Brief, wel-
cher mich sehr freute, sowie auch Ihr l[iebes] Bild,62 welches Sie schickten.
Ich danke Ihnen vielmal dafr, sowie fr alle die brigen Sachen, die Sie fr
uns schickten.
Beten Sie fr mich, denn ich wohne unter einem bsen Volk, und mein
Herz ist so bse, damit Gott mich zu einem neuen Menschen und Kind Got-
tes macht.
Ich lerne jetzt deutsch schreiben,63 und ich hoffe Ihnen recht viele Brie-
fe zu schreiben in Zukunft; unterdessen verzeihen Sie die Fehler, die ich
mache.64 Gren Sie alle Ihre Freunde, die uns schwarze Abessinier lieb

59
Diese kamen 1856 aus Jerusalem in Abessinien an, offenbar in Begleitung
des (namentlich nirgendwo genannten) Vaters; daraus ergibt sich das exakte Ge-
burtsjahr von Argawi, das bisher unsicher war: 1849, da der Vater sieben Jahre
nach der Geburt in Jerusalem lebte. Zur Zeit dieses Briefes ist er also fast 16 Jahre
alt.
60
Das Motiv des Kannibalismus ist bei zahlreichen afrikanischen Vlkern weit
verbreitet, wenn diese Angehrige fremder Vlker beschreiben.
61
Bezug auf Joh 14:6: Ich bin der Weg und die Wahrheit und das Leben; nie-
mand kommt zum Vater denn durch mich. Vgl. auch Sprche 15:24: Der Weg des
Lebens geht berwrts fr die Klugen, auf da er meide die Hlle unterwrts.
62
Die erste Erwhnung von Fotografie in Briefen aus thiopien.
63
Er arbeitete in dieser Zeit auch bereits als Hilfsbersetzer bei den Missionaren;
die Missionare beschftigen sich mit allerlei schriftstellerischen Arbeiten ... In ih-
ren Uebersetzungen untersttzt sie besonders der Christ Jakob Aragau, welcher sp-
ter auf St. Chrischona aufgenommen zu werden wnscht. (CHRISTIAN FRIEDRICH SPITT-
LER, Siebzehntes Rundschreiben an die Freunde der Pilgermission, Basel, Dezember
1865, 18). Der Name Jakob taucht sonst nirgendwo auf, vermutlich handelt es sich
daher hier um einen Fehler oder um den ansonsten unbekannten Vatersnamen (siehe
Funote 59).
64
Diese Passage zeigt, dass dieser Brief auch im Original auf Deutsch verfasst
ist; die Fehler jedoch sind korrigiert (und zwar in Basel; ich danke Ihnen vielmal
ist eine typisch schweizerische Formel, auf Hochdeutsch wre es vielmals). Auch
der Stil des Briefes weicht ganz von dem blichen thiopischen Briefstil ab; er zeigt
den deutschen Einfluss sehr deutlich. Argawi wuchs seit seinem achten Lebensjahr
bei den Europern auf und wurde Flads Pflegesohn in nda, bis dieser 1864 von
dort vertrieben wurde und mit seiner Familie nach Gafat kam. Wegen enttuschter
 W. G. C. Smidt !!

haben und uns Gutes thun, und sagen Sie ihnen, da ich mich sehr freuen
werde, sie alle im Himmel einmal zu sehen und fr ihre Liebe ihnen danken
zu drfen. Die Gnade unseres Herrn Jesu sei mit Ihnen und Ihrem dank-
baren
Aragau.
Gedruckt in Mittheilungen, Nr. 1, Juni 1866, 1f.

Erwartungen an die englische Regierung hatte Tewodros II. zunchst im November

1863 die neuangekommenen englischen Judenmissionare Stern und Rosenthal in
Gondr gefangengenommen; die brigen Missionare, denen nun Beschimpfung des
Knigs (z. B. in ihrer Korrespondenz) vorgeworfen wurde, wurden seither auch als
Gefangene betrachtet, konnten sich aber zunchst noch frei bewegen. Im Januar 1864
wurden der englische Konsul Cameron und sechs der Missionare, unter ihnen Flad,
ebenfalls in Ketten gelegt und dann auch ihre Familien gefangengenommen. Im
Februar wurden diese sechs nach Gafat entlassen, zwar bewacht, wo sie aber ihre
Arbeit wiederaufnehmen konnten (die Missionsstation nda blieb aber seither
verwaist); Staiger und Brandeis setzten auch den Unterricht wieder fort. Trotz ihrer
Bewachung gelang es, mehrere Briefe nach Massawa und in die Grenzstadt Mtm-
ma zu schmuggeln, wodurch die Nachricht von ihrer Gefangennahme nach Europa
drang. Seither verschlechterte sich die Situation der Missionare graduell immer
mehr, bis sie schlielich 1867 alle in auf der Bergfeste Mqdla in Ketten gefan-
gengelegt wurden. Die Intervention der britisch-indischen Armee fhrte zu Ostern
1868 zur Befreiung aller Gefangenen (vgl. FLAD, Johann Martin Flad. Ein Leben
fr thiopien, 36ff.).
!" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

8. Moritz Hall [M. Hall]65 an Bischof Samuel Gobat66 in Jerusalem

[Gafat], 2. Januar 1866

Ich bin ein Israelit, von Polen gebrtig.67 Nach vielen Irrfahrten kam ich
endlich nach Abyssinien, wo ich Ihre Missionare, die Herren Bender, Meyer,
Waldmeyer, Kienzlen und Saalmller kennengelernt habe, und von ihnen
gelehrt worden bin, da Jesus der Messias, der Heiland der Snder und mein
Heiland ist. Durch diesen Glauben habe ich Frieden fr meine Seele und die
Vergebung meiner Snden gefunden. Die lieben Brder haben mich in ihre

65
Kanonengieer von Tewodros II., Ehemann einer thiopierin und Begrnder
einer bedeutenden deutsch-thiopischen Familie, von der mehrere Mitglieder nach
langem Aufenthalt in Palstina (nach 1868) seit etwa 1903 in thiopien z. T. wich-
tige Positionen an den Hfen der Kaiser Mnilk II. und Hayl Sllase I. sowie von
lul ras Asrat Maryam Kasa, Gouverneur von Eritrea, einnahmen. Wegen der en-
gen Verbindung dieser Familie mit der thiopischen Geschichte wurde auch dieser
Brief eines Nicht-thiopiers, der den Anfangspunkt dieser Geschichte darstellt, auf-
genommen. Krzlich ist eine kurze, dreisprachige Biographie von ihm erschienen
(Deutsch, Englisch, Hebrisch): HOLTZ, AVRAHAM HOLTZ, TOBY BERGER, Moritz
Hall: Der alte Mann von Jaffa. The Old Man of Jaffa, Haifa 2003 (Abhandlungen
des Gottlieb-Schumacher-Instituts / Publications of the Gottlieb Schumacher Insti-
tute, 3). Darin werden die bisher bekannten Dokumente und Berichte zu seinem Le-
ben ausgewertet, ausgehend von einer kurzen farbigen Schilderung des alten Man-
nes von Jaffa (Moritz Hall) in einem Roman des Nobelpreistrgers Agnon. In
thiopien heiratete Hall die junge Wltt Iysus Housepian, deren christlicher
Taufname Cathrine bzw. Katharina lautete (katholisch getauft durch den oben be-
reits genannten Missionar Justin de Jacobis), Tochter eines deutschen Einwanderers
und einer frheren thiopischen Hofdame und ihrerseits spter eine einflussreiche
Hofdame am Hof von Kaiserin Taytu (zu deren Herkunft u. a. SMIDT, WOLBERT, Ver-
bindungen der Familie Ustinov nach thiopien, Aethiopica. International Journal
of Ethiopian and Eritrean 5JK@EAI 8, 2005, 3049). Moritz Hall war thiopiern of-
fenbar nur unter seinem Vornamen bekannt (vgl. der unten genannte Brief von Tewod-
ros II.), was sich auch an europischen Berichten zeigt, die ihn Herrn Moritz nen-
nen (vgl. u. a. HOLTZ HOLTZ, Moritz Hall: Der alte Mann von Jaffa, S. 34, Funote
39; EVGENIA SOKOLINSKAIA, From Qwara to Mqdla. Index of Proper Names from
the Three Chronicles of Emperor Tewodros IIs Reign, in: BLL, VERENA NOS-
NITSIN, DENIS RAVE, T HOMAS SMIDT , WOLBERT SOKOLINSKAIA, E VGENIA (eds.),
Studia Aethiopica. In Honour of Siegbert Uhlig on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday,
Wiesbaden 2004, 269290, hier 280, 284).
66
Bischof der Anglikanischen Kirche in Jerusalem und Leiter der Mission in
thiopien.
67
Geboren am 14. Mrz 1838 in Krakau (gem. Dokumenten im Besitz von Jo-
chen Bertsch in Stuttgart, dem ich an dieser Stelle fr seine Grozgigkeit danke, mit
der er mir Zugang zu Familienpapieren Hall verschafft hat).
 Pl. VIII. Mikael Argawi (sitzend vorne links) um 1871
als Schler in St. Chrischona, zusammen mit den anderen spter
angekommenen thiopischen Schlern, von links nach rechts:
Gobbaw Dsta (spter bekannt als Gbru Dsta), Haylu Wsn,
ngdast alias Wilhelm Schimper, Smanni Danel,
Agae Sahlu, Snbtu Danel, aus Privatbesitz Frau Johanson-Flad
 W. G. C. Smidt !%

Gemeinschaft aufgenommen,68 und ich darf an ihren Gottesdiensten und an-

68
Die Frage, wann genau Moritz Hall in die Gemeinschaft aufgenommen wur-
de, war bisher nicht endgltig geklrt (HOLTZ HOLTZ, Moritz Hall: Der alte Mann
von Jaffa, 30f.). Die Abschrift seiner Hochzeitsbescheinigung von C. F. W. Flad,
Direktor der Fladschen Mission in Abessinien in St. Lgier bei Vevey am Genfer
See, vom 6. Oktober 1937 (im Besitz von Jochen Bertsch, Stuttgart), besagt, dass
er am 17. Mai 1863 in Gondr Evangelisch getraut worden ist von dem von der
Pilgermission St. Chrischona bei Basel entsandten Missionar Saalmller. Das zeigt,
dass er bereits zu diesem Zeitpunkt den Missionaren nahestand (seine junge Frau
war Missionszgling). Ein undatierter Brief von Tewodros II. an die europische
Gemeinde von Gafat, verfasst nach Januar 1862, aber offenbar vor dem August
1862 (den WALDMEIER, The Autobiography of Theophilus Waldmeier, 2124, verf-
fentlichte, vgl. RUBENSON, Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 189), richtet sich an
die Herren Kienzlen, Waldmeier, Saalmller, Moritz [sic!], Bender und Bourgaud.
Aus dem Kontext von Waldmeiers Bericht, in den der Brief eingebettet ist, geht
hervor, dass die Europer bereits begonnen hatten, Kanonen zu gieen. Aus ver-
schiedenen Erwhnungen von Moritz Hall ist bekannt, dass dieser als ehemaliger
Soldat der russischen Armee das Gieerhandwerk gelernt hatte (H OLTZ HOLTZ,
Moritz Hall: Der alte Mann von Jaffa, 12f., 30), somit als einziger Europer fr
Tewodros Auftrag praktische Erfahrungen aufweisen konnte und dann an der Fab-
rikation von Kanonen und zwei gren Mrsern mitwirkte (ein Dokument von Mis-
sionar Saalmller, also aus erster Hand, besttigt und przisiert die bisher bekann-
ten Berichte ber seine Rolle als Kanonengieer des Herrschers: Auf der Rckseite
einer Originalzeichnung des Anfang 1868 hergestellten Mrsers Sebastopol be-
findet sich folgende Widmung an einen der Shne Halls: Au cher Frdric Hall en
souvenir du mortier fabriqu par Messieurs Waldmeier, Saalmller et Hall 1868.
M. Saalmller). Er ist also jedenfalls vor Mitte 1862 in die Gemeinschaft der
Missionare aufgenommen worden. In einem weiteren Dokument von C. F. W. Flad,
ebenfalls vom 6. Oktober 1937, wird das Jahr 1862 als Aufnahmejahr ausdrcklich
genannt: Es wird hiermit beglaubigt, dass Herr Moritz Hall whrend seines Aufen-
thaltes in Abessinien in den Jahren 18621868 mit den Missionaren der Basler St.
Chrischona Mission zusammengelebt und gewirkt hat zur Zufriedenheit des dama-
ligen Knigs Theodros, der ihn auch mehrfach ausgezeichnet hat. (Beide Doku-
mente im Besitz von Jochen Bertsch, Stuttgart). Das Jahr 1862 muss allerdings
nicht das Jahr seiner Konversion sein; wir wissen, dass die Pilgermissionare groen
Wert auf eine echte innere Bekehrung legten und Taufwilligen zunchst lngeren
Unterricht erteilten (wie z.B. bei afrikanischen Zglingen belegt, vgl. SMIDT, Quel-
lenbersicht zur Biographie des ehemaligen Sklaven). Hall drfte aber spte-
stens zum Zeitpunkt seiner christlichen Hochzeit 1863 Christ geworden sein. In der
Familie des Hall-Sohnes David in Addis Abeba hie es dagegen, Moritz Hall sei
wohl 1865 konvertiert; eine Hall-Tochter berichtete auerdem, er habe sich erst
in Gefangenschaft in Mqdla taufen lassen (H OLTZ HOLTZ, Moritz Hall: Der
alte Mann von Jaffa, 29), was aber schon der hier abgedruckte Brief widerlegt, da
die Gefangenschaft in Mqdla erst 1867 begann.
!& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

dern religisen bungen Theil nehmen,69 was meiner Seele zur Strkung
und zum Segen gereicht. Der Gott aller Gnade wolle Sie tausendfltig seg-
nen fr das Werk der Mission, das Sie in Abyssinien gegrndet haben, ein
Werk, das schon viele bekannte und unbekannte Frchte getragen hat. Ge-
denken Sie unser in Ihren Gebeten, wie wir es hier auch tglich fr Sie thun.
M. Hall.
Gedruckt in Bischof Samuel Gobats Sendschreiben an die Brder in der Hei-
math (Schlu), Christlicher Volksbote 2, 9. Januar 1867, 912, hier 9.70

69
Diese Briefstelle zeigt deutlich, dass Hall nicht selbst als Missionar ttig war,
wie es eigentlich in der berlieferung der Nachfahren hie (z.B. bei den Halls in
thiopien, siehe CRUMMEY, Priests and Politicians, 132, sowie bei der deutschengli-
schen Familie von Ustinov vgl. Sir Peter Ustinov, der ber den Vater seiner
Gromutter sagt, dass er ... als Missionar in thiopien wirkte. Als Schweizer [der er
nicht war, aber er arbeitete ja mit einer Schweizer Mission] war er offenbar kein
unbegabter Ingenieur und baute neben seinen anderweitigen religisen Pflich-
ten fr den verrckten Kaiser Theodor eine Kanone, woraufhin ihn dieser an seine
eigene Erfindung ketten lie, damit er sich nicht aus dem Staub machen und jedem
anderen ebenfalls eine Kanone bauen konnte..., USTINOV, PETER, Ich und Ich. Erin-
nerungen, Dsseldorf Wien New York 1992, [3. Aufl.], 17). Als Mitglied der
Handwerkerkolonie Gafat war Hall aber tatschlich Missionsmitarbeiter, und blieb
dies auch in spteren Jahren als prominentes Mitglied der Deutschen Kolonie in Jaf-
fa, Palstina, was die Familienberlieferung erklrt. Acton schreibt: ...they were
joined in time by others who were not missionaries, such as Moritz, a Polish deserter
from the Russian army, Bourgaud, a French gunsmith... etc. (ACTON, ROGER, The
Abyssinian Expedition and The Life And Reign of King Theodore With One Hundred
Illustrations ... of the Illustrated London News, London 1868, 18f.).
70
Ich verdanke Dr. Toby Berger Holtz den Hinweis auf diesen Brief und danke
ihr an dieser Stelle sehr herzlich fr ihre groe Hilfsbereitschaft und Interesse (vgl.
HOLTZ HOLTZ, Moritz Hall: Der alte Mann von Jaffa, 31, Funote 29).
 W. G. C. Smidt !'

9. AIe Tewodros II. [Theodoros] an Martin Flad in Massawa71

13. Januar 1867 [per Boten gesandt am 14. Januar 186772 ]
Im Namen des Vaters, des Sohnes und des heiligen Geistes, Ein Gott.
Dieser Brief, der gesandt ist von dem Knig der Knige, Theodoros, ge-
lange an Herrn Flad. Wie befindest Du Dich? Ich bin gottlob wohl.
Am 29. Dez. sind Deine drei Boten bei mir angekommen. Sage jenen
Leuten, die mit Dir kamen und welche Leute meiner Freundin, der Knigin
von England, sind, und Colonel Merewether,73 wie befindet Ihr Euch? Herr
Rassam, Herr Cameron74 samt den brigen sind durch Gottes Kraft wohl.

71
Flad war 1866 von Tewodros II. auf Gesandtschaft zu Knigin Victoria gesandt
worden (wobei seine Frau und Kinder als Geiseln zurckblieben), um von ihr die
Entsendung von Handwerkern nach thiopien zu erwirken als Bedingung fr die
Freilassung der von ihm festgehaltenen, teilweise in englischen Diensten stehenden
Europer. Am 8. Oktober 1866 verlie Flad nach einer Audienz bei Victoria mit ei-
nem eigenhndigen Brief der Knigin London und war bereits am 29. Oktober in
Massawa (FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 190, dort auch Zusammenfassung des Brie-
fes). Die Geschenke fr Tewodros sowie die Handwerker kamen etwas spter nach;
Flad bersetzte in dieser Zeit den Brief ins Amharische und sandte ihn durch Boten
an den Knig der Knige nach Dbr Tabor. Am 13. Januar 1867 fand dort eine
groe Beratung (so ein Brief von Staiger in Gafat an Flad in Massawa, siehe FLAD,
60 Jahre in der Mission, 193) statt, deren Ergebnis der oben zitierte Brief von Tewodros
ist: Der Knig lie in groer Aufregung einen Brief an Dich schreiben. Die Freund-
schaft mit England ist zu Ende. Er will weder Arbeiter noch Waren. Alles was du
bringst, sei ihm angenehm, sei es Krieg oder Frieden, nur sollst Du bald kommen.
Morgen gehen die Boten an Dich ab. ... Der Knig ist entschieden, nicht nachzuge-
ben, sondern im Gegenteil Trotz zu bieten, und zwar erstens, weil er glaubt, im Recht
zu sein, und zweitens, weil er sehr zweifelt, da England Gewalt gegen ihn brauchen
kann und brauchen wird. (ibid., 193f.)
72
So die Nachricht von Staiger an Flad (FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 193);
Flad erhielt Mitte Februar 1867 in Massawa die Nachricht von seiner Frau, Pauline
Flad, Tewodros habe einen Brief ber Mtmma an ihn gesandt, worauf er am 6. Mrz
1867 ber Bogos und Kassala Richtung Mtmma abreiste; den Brief erhielt er, als er
bei Zaga im Barka-Land die kniglichen Boten traf (ibid., 198).
73
General Merewether kam im Dezember 1866 mit den von Tewodros II. fr
thiopien geforderten englischen Handwerkern und Geschenken fr den Herrscher
in Massawa an. Knigin Victoria von England hatte an deren Weitersendung an Te-
wodros die Bedingung geknpft, dass er zuvor Konsul Cameron, den Gesandten Ras-
sam und die Missionare freilasse (FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 197).
74
Hormuzd Rassam, eigentlich ein britisch-armenischer Archologe, nun First
Assistant des Britisch-Indischen Gouverneurs von Aden, war der britische Gesandte,
der 1864 zu Verhandlungen ber die Freilassung Konsul Camerons und der gefange-
nen Missionare zu Tewodros II. entsandt worden war. Er reiste nach 15monatigem
Briefwechsel im Oktober 1865 zu Tewodros, wurde aber nach baldiger Freilassung
! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Herr Rassam sendet durch seinen Diener75 einen Brief. Wir warten auf
Euer aller Ankunft. Ich, ein armer Mann, warte auf den Willen meiner Freun-
din, der groen Knigin von England und Irland,76 welche eine Freundin des
Glaubens und der Freundschaft ist.
Aus diesem Grunde behalte ich Herrn Rassam hier.77 Wenn ihre Majestt
mir ein Freundschaftszeichen sendet, so bringe mirs, und wenn ich es gese-

aller Europer kurz darauf selbst mit allen anderen gefangengesetzt (1866). Cameron
war seit 1861 der britische Gesandte in Abessinien (zu dessen Titel siehe ACTON, The
Abyssinian Expedition, S. 19), den Tewodros Anfang 1865 in Ketten gelegt hatte.
Als Reprsentanten ihrer Regierung, mit der Tewodros in Konflikt liegt, werden sie
hier an erster Stelle genannt.
75
Worum es sich dabei handelt, ist unklar; der Diener ist wahrscheinlich der
von Tewodros Rassam persnlich als baldrba zugeteilte Samuel Giyorgis, ein in
seiner Jugend durch die Missionare Kruse und Isenberg getaufter Saho und nun Hof-
mann und Arabisch-Dolmetscher von Tewodros; seit 1866 ist es durch Briefe belegt,
dass Samuel die Briefe zwischen Tewodros und Rassam als Bote besorgte (RUBEN-
SON, Tewodros and his Contemporaries, passim; zur Biographie von Samuel vgl.
SMIDT, WOLBERT, Before Eritrea, Before the Diaspora: Habesha in Exile and on Mis-
sions Abroad in the 19th Century, Eritrean Studies Review 4-2, 2005, 136 (= CON-
RAD, BETTINA R EDEKER H EPNER, TRICIA [eds.], Eritrea Abroad: Critical Perspectives
on the Global Diaspora).
76
In allen seinen Briefen lsst Tewodros den Titel der Kaiserin von Indien
weg, eine nicht uninteressante Tatsache, die bisher in der Litaratur nie diskutiert wurde.
Mglicherweise ein antikoloniales Moment?
77
Tewodros ging also auf die Bedingung der englischen Regierung nicht ein, die
Gefangen zuvor freizulassen. Die englischen Handwerker, die bis jetzt in Imkullu bei
Massawa gewartet hatten, wurden deshalb von Merewether wieder nach England
zurckgesandt, nachdem der geschftsfhrende englische Vize-Konsul Munzinger
diesen Brief zu ihm gebracht hatte; Munzinger hatte mit seiner Frau (die bis Keren
mitkam) von Massawa bis ins Barka-Land Flad auf dessen Reise nach Mtmma
begleitet (FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission, 199). Es scheint aber hier eine gefhrliche
Zuspitzung in der Interpretation dieses Briefes durch Flad, Munzinger und Mere-
wether stattgefunden zu haben: Diese Briefstelle kann nur in Zusammenhang mit
Staigers oben zitiertem Brief als echte Ablehnung verstanden werden; es wre aber
offenbar richtiger, von Verzgerungstaktik auszugehen. Tatschlich handelt es sich
hier zwar um die Ablehnung von Bedingungen, aber nicht um einen Entschluss zum
Krieg Tewodros, wenn man die Formulierung in diesem Brief ernst nimmt, scheint
Freundschaft zu erwarten und eine Beilegung des Konflikts; ein wichtiges kultu-
rell geprgtes Verhandlungsmuster spielt hier eine Rolle: Das Stellen von Bedingun-
gen (hier durch Victoria) wird eher als die Erffnung von Verhandlungen verstanden,
nicht als deren Schlusspunkt, als der sie hier von den Englndern gemeint waren. Die
sofortige Rcksendung der Handwerker zeigt, wie unfhig die beteiligten Europer
waren, dieses Verhalten richtig zu werten bzw. bereit waren, darauf in irgendeiner
Form einzugehen. Gleich darauf begannen die Vorbereitungen der Invasion der
britisch-indischen Armee unter Kommando des Generals Napier aus Bombay.
 W. G. C. Smidt !

hen habe, so will ich Herrn Rassam auf eine freundliche und ehrenvolle Wei-
se senden.
Gedruckt in JOHANN MARTIN FLAD, 60 Jahre in der Mission unter den Fala-
schas in Abessinien, Gieen Basel 1922, 199. Englische Version78 in Acta
Aethiopica II, no. 208: RUBENSON, Tewodros and his Contemporaries, 316.

10. Mlak gnnt79 Af Wrq, alqa Wld Msql, wyzero Twab

an Friedrich Bender,80 Johannes Mayer und ihre Familien [in Adwa81]
Lager in Seraul, Mrz/April 186982
Dieser Brief, gesandt von Malaka Ganet Afa Work, von Alaka Wolda
Maskal, von Frau Jawabatsch83 mge an die Herren Bender, Mayer und ihre
Familien kommen. Wir fragen erstlich: Wie geht es Euch? Hat Euch das Land
(oder die Stadt84 ) aufgenommen? Der Vater Jesu Christi behte Euch und
beschtze Euch! Wie Gott den heil. Aposteln Petrus und Paulus ihr Aposte-
lamt gelingen lie, so wolle Er auch Euch den Auftrag, den Er Euch gegeben
hat, ausfhren und gelingen lassen! Wenn Gott sich dieses Volkes erbarmt,
wird Er Euch Eures Herzens Wunsch erfllen und geben, da Ihr unsern in
der Finsterni sitzenden Brdern zum Licht des Evangeliums85 verhelfen wer-
det. Amen.
Gedruckt in Mittheilungen, Nr. 6, Dezember 1869, 23.

78
Da das Original bisher nicht auffindbar war, drfte die deutsche Fassung von
Interesse sein.
79
Mlak (mlak) gnnt ist ein geistlicher Titel.
80
STREBEL, BARBARA, Bender, Christian Friedrich, in: E I, 527.
81
Bender und Mayer sind am 1. Mrz 1869 in Adwa, der Hauptstadt des Herr-
schers von Tgray, Kasa, angekommen und begannen sofort mit dem auch nun hier
lebenden alqa Znnb mit ffentlichen Bibelstunden, vgl. KRAPF, JOHANN LUDWIG,
Chrischona-Blttchen, Nr. 3, September 1869 (Staatsarchiv Basel-Stadt, Privatar-
chiv 653, D 1 Organisation, 7.: Chrischona Blttchen 1869).
82
Mayer und Bender erhielten diesen Brief von Freunden aus der Zeit in Mq-
dl in Adwa am 8. April 1869 nach Mayers Tagebucheintrag, Mittheilungen, Nr. 6,
Dezember 1869, 23.
83
Jawabatsch ist wahrscheinlich verschrieben aus Tawabatsch (= Twab).
84
Einfgung des Briefbersetzers Mayer.
85
Bezug auf Matth 4:16.
! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Annex. Brief des Tewodros II. an Samuel Gobat

Dieser Brief, gesiegelt von Tewodros II., scheint eine Abschrift jenes Briefes
gewesen zu sein, welcher von Appleyard Pankhurst, Letters from Ethiopian
Rulers, 135142 [no. XXVI], und Rubenson, Tewodros and his Contemporaries,
10f. [no. 5] verffentlicht wurde. Wie die sehr saubere Ausfertigung und das
Siegel zeigen, wurde diese Kopie mglicherweise gleich nach dem Schreiben
des Originalbriefes von der gleichen Hand erstellt. Dass es eine Kopie ist, zeigt
auch die Tatsache, dass das Siegel nicht wie bei Herrscherbriefen blich ber
dem Brief, sondern unter dem Brief angebracht ist86 (man kann hier also gewis-
sermaen von einer im thiopischen Kontext durchaus ungewhnlichen beg-
laubigten Kopie sprechen). Nachdem die Abschrift von Tewodros gesiegelt
wurde, versah Johann Ludwig Krapf ihn mit einer englischen Bemerkung und
der an eine ungenannte Person gerichteten Bitte um berprfung des Inhalts.
Der von Appleyard und Rubenson verffentlichte Brief ist mit einiger Sicherheit
derjenige, auf den sich unsere oben abgedruckte alte deutsche bersetzung be-
zieht, und der als offizielle Anfrage Tewodros II. an Bischof Samuel Gobat ge-
sandt wurde. Krapfs Abschrift blieb jedoch bisher vllig unbekannt und war immer
in Privatbesitz.
Die Bemerkung Krapfs zwischen Brief und Siegel lautet: This is a copy of
the accompanying letter for Bishop Gobat which we send you to see, that you may
judge whether it is properly written JLK. Darunter folgt eine deutschsprachige
Notiz in der selben Handschrift, allerdings rund sechs Jahre spter angebracht:
Diesen amharischen Brief brachte ich im Jahr 1855 aus Abessinien von K-
nig Theodoros Kornthal 1 August 1861 L Krapf. Krapf scheint also 1861 den
Brief an jemanden weitergegeben zu haben, vermutlich an ein Mitglied der St.
Chrischona-Pilgermission bei Basel; nach Martin Flads Rckkehr aus thiopien
1868 kam der Brief in dessen Besitz.
Die englische Notiz Krapfs zeigt, dass Krapf vor der endgltigen Annahme
des Briefes sichergehen wollte, dass die Interessen seines Missionsprojektes ge-
wahrt bleiben; dies jedenfalls wrde seine Bitte um berprfung des Inhalts er-
klren. Diese berprfung konnte allerdings nicht ohne persnliche Einwilligung
von Tewodros II. durchgefhrt werden. Die Verwendung der englischen Sprache
deutet darauf hin, dass Krapfs Bitte an einen Englnder am Hof gerichtet war.
Dies kann nur der enge Vertraute des Tewodros, John Bell, gewesen sein, der als
Anglikaner selbst ein gewisses Interesse am Erfolg der protestantischen Mission
gehabt haben mag.

86
Der thiopischer Historiker Mrse Hazn Wld Qirkos erwhnt die Tatsache,
dass das Anbringen von Siegeln oben nuir bei Knigsbriefen blich war (Merc
Haren Wolde Qirqos, Of what I Saw and Heard: the Last Years of Emperor Menelik II
& the Brief Rule of Iyassu, introduction by G. Prunier, tr., annot. by Hailu Habtu,
Addis Ababa 2004 (Ethiopian Studies 1), 91).
Pl. IX. Brief des Tewedros II. an Samuel Gobat
 W. G. C. Smidt !#

Als Ergebnis des Vergleichs kann festgehalten werden, dass trotz Detaildiffe-
renzen beide Texte praktisch identisch sind. Die Unterschiede zwischen Krapfs
Abschrift und dem bereits publizierten Brief sehen im Detail folgendermaen
aus. In Krapfs Abschrift:
4. Zeile: knnkrafnna (statt kkrafnna), ein Schreibfehler (das Wort,
das sich auf die im Amharischen fter verwendete Konstruktion bezieht, htte
bedeutet: [von] Krapf und denjenigen, welche in seinem Gefolge [sind] und
wurde korrigiert);
12. Zeile: ynbbrbbt (statt ynbbrhbbt), keine Sinnvernderung;
15. Zeile: ymmiyafallsu (statt ymmifallsu): Krapfs Abschrift korri-
giert das Wort gem einem weiter unten im Text erscheinenden Satz (das knn-
te allerdings auch darauf hindeuten, dass der Kopist das Original vor Augen
hatte). Hier gibt es eine gewisse Unklarheit, die vor allem deswegen entsteht,
weil sich aus der Wurzel fllsa mehrere hnlich aussehende Verben mit unter-
schiedlicher Semantik bilden (vgl. tfalls to be in disorder, aflls to dig
up; to uproot, afalls to disrupt etc.: T. L. Kane, Amharic-English Dictio-
nary, Wiesbaden 1990, vol. II, 22632264). Appleyard bersetzt unterschied-
lich: do not any priests come against me who will dispute the Faith, und
one whom they call Abba Yaeqob had disrupted many regions; Ruben-
son bersetzt in gleicher Weise: let no priests who disrupt the faith come to
me; he who is called father De Jacobis disrupted many districts. Die zeitge-
nssische deutsche bersetzung, welche oben abgedruckt ist, versucht sich n-
her an die genaue Wortbedeutung zu halten: Priester welche den Glauben vert-
reiben (verstren) sollen nicht zu mir kommen, und Frher hat der sogenannte
Vater Jakob ... zu viele Drfer zum Abfall bewogen. In allen Fllen sind die
Aussagen aus dem Kontext ziemlich gut zu verstehen; jede Fehlinterpretation ist
ausgeschlossen.
16. Zeile: ndagodl (statt ndaygodl) war ein Schreibfehler.
23. Zeile: in sm wurde der erste Buchstabe versehentlich ausgelassen,
dann aber gleich ber der Zeile geschrieben.
24. Zeile: Jyyq [allhu] (statt asJyyq [allhu]), Ich werde dich
besuchen. Die Bedeutung dieser Bemerkung in dem von Appleyard und Ruben-
son verffentlichten Text ist wrtlich: Ich werde jemanden senden, Dich zu be-
suchen. Appleyard bersetzt: Do you enquire of me and I shall have you enqui-
red of; Rubenson hat in seiner bersetzung auch hier den Sinn richtig: Keep in
touch with me (lit. inquire about me) and I shall keep in touch with you. Dem
entspricht weitgehend auch die oben abgedruckte deutsche bersetzung: Und
du frage nach mir ich werde auch nach dir fragen. Krapfs Abschrift scheint in
der Bedeutung um wenige Grade unexakter als das Original, da Tewodros nicht
persnlich mit Gobat in Kontakt war, sondern ber Mittelsmnner, und sie verein-
facht ihre Aussage: Ich werde dich besuchen (lit. fr Ich werde nachfragen,
wie es Dir geht), wobei dies, wie auch in anderen Fllen, keine wesentlichen
Vernderungen im Sinn bringt.
!$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

SUMMARY
The article presents a number of 19th-cent. letters related to the Protestant
missionary circles in Ethiopia of the time of King Tewodros II (r. 18551868).
Most of the letters were penned by Ethiopian converts; they were printed in Euro-
pe in a newsletter of the St. Chrischona-Pilgermission, and addressed to other
missionaries. Amharic originals are missing for most of these peculiar documents;
however, they extend the documentary basis of the history the Ethiopian Prot-
estant movement and allow to make valuable insights into the mentality and way
of thinking of the first Ethiopian Protestants. Of special interest is another copy of
one well-known letter of Tewodros II, addressed to Samuel Gobat, which was
prepared for J. L. Krapf and remained in posession of M. Flad.
 Lothar Sto rk
Universita t Hamburg

NOTIZEN ZU ZAGA KRESTOS

Zu den eigentmlichsten Gestalten der Geschichte thiopiens gehrt un-

zweifelhaft Zaga Krestos (Sgga Krstos), nach eigenem Bekunden ein Sohn
des Kaisers Jakob (Yaqob), der nach dem Tod seines Vaters 1607 in der
Schlacht gegen Susnyos aus seiner Heimat fliehen mute. Erster Zufluchts-
ort war Sennar, die Hauptstadt des Funj-Reiches. Weitere Stationen waren
das thiopische Kloster von Dayr al-Muharraq, Kairo, Jerusalem, Konstanti-
nopel und verschiedene italienische Stdte, darunter Neapel und Turin.
berall wurden ihm hohe Ehren zuteil. So wurde er in Neapel vom Vize-
knig beider Sizilien, in Turin vom Herzog von Savoyen empfangen. Hhe-
punkt seines Italienaufenthaltes war aber die von Rekollekten vermittelte
Audienz bei Papst Urban VIII. am 18. Mai, 1633. Zu dieser Zeit schreibt der
franzsische Gelehrte Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (15801637) unter
Berufung auf den aus Marseille stammenden Jean Magi, der in gypten eine
Handelsniederlassung unterhielt:
Le Sieur Magi avoit veu au Cayre le prince fugitif dAethiopie Saga Chris-
tos, qui est prsent Rome, il estoit fort jeune prince accompagn de
deux serviteurs Abyssins, et portoit des attestations au Bassa du Cayre de
sa qualit, luy demandant secours, mais il le renvoy en Constantinople,
plusieurs chrtiens le reconnaissoient pour celuy qui se disoit. En leglise
des Abissins du Cayre et tous les chretiens Cophtes.1
Im Jahre 1635 zieht Zaga Krestos weiter nach Frankreich, wo er von Lud-
wig XIII. empfangen und als Proteg Kardinal Richelieus in dessen bei Paris
gelegenen Schlo Rueil lebte, wo er auch 1638 seine Tage beschlo.
ber den Anspruch Zaga Krestos, ein vertriebener Prinz zu sein, herr-
schten von Anfang an Zweifel, wie bereits das Zitat bei Peiresc erkennen
lt. In der gelehrten Welt treffen wir sowohl negative wie auch positive Stim-
men. So lesen wir in Johann Heinrich Zedlers Grossem vollstndigen Univer-
sal Lexikon von 1749:
Herr Ludolf hlt dafr, er sey nur ein Betrger gewesen. Herr Renaudot
aber ist gantz anderer Meinung, und scheinet gar nicht daran zu zweiffeln,
da er ein Printz von Kniglichen Geblte in Aethiopien gewesen sey.2

1
SIDNEY H. AUFRRE, La momie et la tempte. Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc et
la Curiosit Egyptienne en Provence au dbut du XVIIe sicle, Avignon 1990, 106.
2
Positiv: ERNEST A. W. BUDGE, A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia (ac-
cording to the Hieroglyphic Inscriptions of Egypt and Nubia, and the Ethiopian Chro-
nicles), London 1928, vol. II, 382 f.; ablehnend: JEAN DORESSE, Les anciens mona-
!& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Aber selbst Hiob Ludolf mit seinen abflligen Bemerkungen, wie impu-
dentissimus mendax, impostor vix nomen suum scribere potuit sceleratus
iste.3 mu einrumen, da Zaga Krestos eximia corporis species vultus
inter gravitatem & comitatem mir compositus ut inter alios Principes agens
(Bochartus mihi retulit) dignitate formae suavitate morum illos ceu mult
inferiores, long post se relinqueret, & admirationem aspectu sui omnibus
injiceret.4 Auf diese Einschtzung Ludolfs gesttzt, heit es bei Zedler gar:
Er ist einer der schnsten Mannspersonen gewesen, die man jemahls ge-
sehen. Von seinem stattlichen, geflligen ueren und seinem einnehmen-
den Wesen, sowie seiner auergewhnlichen Libido wissen auch die folgen-
den literarischen Texte. In seinen zwischen 1657 und 1699 entstanden Hi-
storiettes, Portrts und Anekdoten bekannter Zeitgenossen, berichtet Gdeon
Tallemant des Raux (16191692) ber Mme Saulnier:5
La Saulnier estant dans la devotion ce quelle disoit, quand le roy dEthio-
pie vint Paris, elle lalla voir par curiosit comme les autres; et, sachant
la reputation quil avoit pour les choses de nuict, et que comme un gant
de lAmadis, il se servoit dans ses combats dune antenne au lieu dune
lance, elle eut bientost concl avec luy. Le mary ne sen doutoit point;
mais des Roches*, (*Michel le Masle, prieur des Roches, portefeuille du
Cardinal. Il a de bons benefices.) chanoine de Nostre-Dame, enrag de ce

stres coptes de Moyenne-gypte (du Gebel-et-Teir Km-Ishgaou) daprs lar-

chologie et lhagiographie, Paris 1971 = Neges Ebrix 3, Lausanne 2000, 219; OSBERT
G. S. CRAWFORD (ed.), Ethiopian Itineraries ca. 14001524, Cambridge 1958 (The
Hakluyt Society, Series II. Vol. CIX, 20); PETER MARTIN, Schwarze Teufel, edle Mohren.
Afrikaner in Bewutsein und Geschichte der Deutschen, Hamburg 1993, 94. Folgende
berlegungen machen es wahrscheinlich, da Zaga Krestos vornehmer Abkunft war:
Als Susnyos nach mehreren Jahren des Kampfes, wobei er den (mutmalichen) Vater
von Sgga Krstos gettet hatte, an die Macht kam, legte die Mutter von Zaga Kres-
tos diesem nahe, thiopien zu verlassen (BUDGE, A History of Ethiopia, 382 f.). Die
Tatsache, dass er sich dem Katholizismus zuwandte und zum Glaubensgenossen des
Kaisers Susnyos wurde, konnte ihm nicht helfen. Nach der Abdankung von Su-
snyos richtete die katholische Kirche ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf den Exilierten. Dabei
hat es den Anschein als verfolgte die Kurie nunmehr einen einen neuen Plan, bei dem
die franzsischen Kapuziner (anstelle der spanisch-portugiesischen Jesuiten) und ein
neuer Kaiser (Zaga Krestos?) als Hauptparteien agieren sollten. Aus diesem Grunde
gelangte Zaga Krestos letztendlich nach Paris unter die Obhut Richelieus. Die politi-
schen Entwicklungen in Europa sowie der Tod des thiopischen Thronprtendenten
lieen diese Plne jedoch scheitern (Korrespondenz mit S. B. Chernetsow in Mai
2003, dem ich auch fr bibliographische Hinweise danke).
3
HIOB LUDOLF, Historia Aethiopica, Frankfurt a. M. 1681, Lib. II, cap.VII, 53, 56;
DERS., Ad suam Historiam Aethiopicam antehac editam Commentarius, Frankfurt
a.M. 1691, 243 f.
4
LUDOLF, Historia, loc. cit. 56.
5
Die Asterisken beinhalten Zusatztexte von Tallemant.
 L. Sto rk !'

que Zaga-Christ (il sappelloit ainsy**) (**Mme de Rambouillet alla voir

dans Ramusio, et trouva que les esclaves en Ethiopie estoient marquez au-
dessus du sourcil. On dit quon luy trouva cette marque. Il y a une re-
lation imprime de son voyage et de sa fuitte, ou plutost un roman; car ce
nestoit en effect quun fable.) luy enlevoit ses amours, car on a tout sce
en suitte par une lettre, le fit avertir de tout. Ce des Roches faisoit lamy de
Saulnier, et luy avoit fait vendre sa charge, luy promettant de le faire con-
seiller destat; il ne le put, et lautre prit des lettres de vteran, car il avoit
vingt ans de service. Le mary fait informer des deportemens de sa femme:
les amans, voyant cette persecution, resolurent de senfuyr, et prirent ce
quils purent; mais ils furent arrestez Saint-Denis. Elle fut mise en reli-
gion, o elle traitta avec son mary. Elle disoit quelle aimoit mieux quatre
mille escus dans son buffet quun sot sur son chevet. Zaga-Christ ne voulut
point respondre devant Laffemas au Four-lEvesque, et dit que les Roys ne
respondoient qu Dieu seul. Pour faire le conte bon, on disoit que Laffe-
mas avoit dit: Quon mapporte donc ma robe de Jupiter*** (***On lac-
cusoit davoir est comedien.). Le feu evesque dAngers trouvoit ce con-
te si plaisant, quil appelloit sa plus [belle] robe de chambre, Ma robe de
Jupiter; et dans son testament, il y avoit un endroit en ces termes: Item, je
legue ma robe de Jupiter.6
Die Episode mit dem Gewand Jupiters mu in Paris sprichwrtlich gewor-
den sein, wird sie doch auch von Ludolf angefhrt.7 Tallemants Notizen be-
legen, welche Attraktion der exotische Mann in der franzsischen Haupt-
stadt war, zu welchen ehelichen Strmen sie aber auch Anla gegeben hat.
brigens wurde Zaga Krestos schon bald wieder freigelassen und weiter von
den Damen bestrmt und mit kostbarem Geschmeide berschttet.
Tallemants Erwhnung der Lektre Mme Rambouillets des 1650 erschie-
nenen Reiseberichts des italienischen Humanisten Giovanni Battista Ramu-
sio lt einmal mehr den Zweifel an der hohen Geburt des thiopiers erken-
nen. In diesem Zusammenhang erwhnt Tallemant einen von ihm als Ro-
man und Fabel abqualifizierten Bericht ber die Reise und Flucht des Zaga
Krestos. Es handelt sich hierbei um folgendes, 1635 zu Paris erschienene
Traktat: SIEUR DE RECHAC, Les estranges evenemens du voyage de son Altes-
se, le Serenissime Prince Zaga-Christ dEthiopie, du grand Empire des
Abyssins, was Ludolf als libellus supra modum absurdus & fabulosus be-
zeichnet.8 Aber auch in anderen zeitgenssischen Werken finden sich Ans-
6
TALLEMANT DES RAUX, Historiettes II, d. Antoine Adam, Paris 1961 (Biblio-
thque de la Pliade, 151), 257.
7
LUDOLF, Commentarius, 244.
8
LUDOLF, Historia, Lib. II, cap.VII, i). Sieur de Rechac beschreibt in 9 Kapiteln
und auf 58 Seiten die Fluchtgeschichte von Zaga Krestos, beginnend mit der Nieder-
lage seines Vaters und endend mit seiner Ankunft in Frankreich. Den meisten Raum
nehmen indes die Geschehnisse in Funj-Reich und beim Zug durch die Wsteneien
bis Kairo ein. Im Anhang wird eine Liste der thiopischen Herrscher gegeben.
!  Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

pielungen auf den thiopischen Prinzen. So heit es in den Guy Patin

(16011672) zugeschriebenen, Borboniana betitelten Memoiren:
Il contrefait assez bien le prince; il est effront. Quand de belles dames le
vont voir, il cajolle et particularise fort avec elles. Il est abondamment
pourvu des avantages de la nature; on dit que cest par l quil a gagn les
bonnes grces de Mme S[aulnier].9
Der Dramatiker und Lyriker Tristan lHermite (ca. 16011655) schreibt
ebenfalls ber die erotische Begegnung des thiopiers mit Mme Saulnier:
Cest touchant une brave femme
Que dame Saulnier on rclame
Qui depuis quinze ou seize jours
Voulut choisir pour ses amours
Le beau prince dEthiopie
Qui dun charbon est la copie
Der Prinz dont lquipage est assez mince vermochte gleichwohl die
Dame zu verfhren, die man nunmehr durch die Straen von Paris eilen
sieht:
Pour contempler devant le Cours
Le noir objet de ses amours.
ber die gemeinsame, in einer Arretierung endenden Flucht des Prchens
spottet Tristan:
Que prises avoit de loffice
Dont il navoit plus exercise,
Car sa charge vendue avoit
Le bonhomme qui ne savoit
Que lintention de sa femme
Estoit de luy causer diffame,
Et prenant le chemin dEvreux
Avecque son bel amoureux.
Doncques en bonne intelligence
Et garnis de bonne chevance,
Ils commencoient sans dire adieu
De se dguerpir de ce lieu,
Quand la mine estant esvente
Dame Thisb fut arreste
Avec son Pyrame brunet
Que lon mit dans le Chastelet.10

9
TALLEMANT DES RAUX, Historiettes II, 1121.
10
TALLEMANT DES RAUX, Historiettes II, 1121 f.
Le beau prince dEthiopie
Qui dun charbon est la copie... erinnert an die bei LUDOLF, Historia, Lib. II,
ch. VII aufgefhrte Grabinschrift von Zaga Krestos:
 L. Sto rk ! 

Claude Malville (15971647) schrieb mehrere Gedichte ber Zaga Kres-

tos, darunter ein obsznes, an Mme Saulnier gerichtetes, auf den Tod des
thiopiers. Ein weniger freizgiges, mit den wiederholten Anspielungen auf
die Manneskraft (fnfundzwanzig bzw. fnfzehn Ste) doch immer noch
deutliches lautet:
Quinze et vingt coups! Je frisonne;
Un si grand succs mtonne;
Mais du corps et de lesprit
Ce diable de Zaga-Christ
Fut une estrange personne.
Sa procdure estoit bonne,
De sexcuser sa Donne
Quand seulement il en fit
Quinze.
Bien que la France foisonne
En gens dont lardeur flonne
Fait presque autant quelle dit,
Que le plus fort sur le lit
En approche, et je luy donne
Quinze.11
1759 erschien The History of Rasselas, Prince of Abissinia des englischen
Schriftstellers Samuel Johnson (17091784). In diesem moralisch-didakti-
schen Roman fliehen der Kaisersohn Rasselas, seine Schwester Nekayah,
deren Dienerin Pekuah und der Philosoph Imlac nach Kairo, um dort die
Lebensverhltnisse anderer Stnde und die Quellen des Glcks zu studieren.
Nun war Johnson die thiopische Thematik nicht fremd, hatte er doch eine
gekrzte, 1735 erschienene bersetzung des Reiseberichts von Jeronimo Lobo
angefertigt,12 doch knnte auch das abenteuerliche Leben Zaga Krestos ihn
zu seinem Roman angeregt haben.

Cy gist le Roy dEthiopie

lOriginal ou la copie.
Es scheint allerdings mehr als fraglich ob einem Gast des franzsischen Staates
ein solch verunglimpfendes Epitaph gewidmet wurde, zumal Richelieu den Tod sei-
nes Schtzlings um vier Jahre berlebt hat! Es drfte sich doch wohl eher um eine
literarische bezw. im Volksmund zirkulierende Zuschreibung handeln.
11
TALLEMANT DES RAUX, Historiettes II, 1122 f. Zu dem herkulischen Sexualver-
mgen vgl. man die in vielen Sprachen blichen Wendungen, z.B. ERNEST BORNE-
MANN, Sex im Volksmund. Der obszne Wortschatz der Deutschen, 2 Bnde, Reinbek
bei Hamburg 1974.
12
Unter dem Titel: A voyage to Abyssinia. By Father Jerome Lobo ... With a conti-
nuation of the history of Abyssinia down to the beginning of the eighteenth century, and
fifteen dissertations on various subjects, relating to the history, antiquities, government,
religion, manners, and natural history of Abyssinia, and other countries mentiond by
Father Jerome Lobo, By Mr. Le Grand, London: A. Bettesworth, and C. Hitch, 1735.
! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

SUMMARY
The article brings to light some European literary evidences concerning Zaga
Krestos (Sgga Krstos), a 17th-cent. Ethiopian nobleman, possibly related to the
royal Solomonic line. Having fled from Ethiopia, he eventually came to Europe,
enjoing the benevolence of European ruling houses and the head of the Catholic
Church. Finally, he settled in Paris, under the auspices of the highest officials of
the French monarchy. Even though there could have been some political projects
in which Zaga Krestos was supposed to take over an important role, he became
widely known mostly due to his impressive appearance and scandalous affaires
with the French high society ladies.
Linguistics
 aria Bulakh
Institute for Information Transmission Problems
Moscow

SEMANTIC SHIFTS
IN THE LEXICAL FIELD OF TASTE IN GEEZ

The present contribution1 deals with the semantic shifts in the lexical field
of taste, based on the synchronic and diachronic analysis of taste terms of
Geez (Old Ethiopic). The preliminary discussion concerns the main features
of the lexical field of taste (in comparison to the lexical field of colour) and
factors influencing its evolution. The first part contains a list of Geez roots
used to describe various shades of taste,2 along with a short discussion of
their semantics in Geez and with etymological data. In the second part of the
paper, the semantic developments attested in the analyzed roots are summa-
rized. For the typological evaluation of the collected data a similar investiga-
tion on the material of Mongolian, Turkic and Indo-European languages car-
ried out by I. Gruntov (ms.) and the relevant parts of a work on semantic
shifts by M. Razuvaev (2004) were used.
Some remarks on the semantic structure of the lexical field in question are
necessary. In the course of the investigation a strong similarity between the
lexical fields of taste and colour has been observed (a research of the Geez
colour terms has been carried out by the present author, see Bulakh forthco-
ming). This is by no means surprising, since tastes and colours have much in
common, being sensory experiences, perceived by organs of taste and vision
respectively. Both taste and colour concepts are expressed mostly by adjec-
tives and by verbs of state. Both colour and taste names constitute structured
systems, whose core consists of so-called basic terms and whose peripheral
zone may be expanded through adding new members with the help of certain
derivational devices (for colours, see the seminal work by Berlin and Kay

1
The research is carried out within the framework of the project Semantic shifts
in the languages of the world, supported by the RFBR, grant # 03-06-08133a; for
the general description of the project, see ZALIZNIAK 2001 [for the list of abbrevia-
tions used in this article see p. 349]. I would like to express sincere gratitude to my
teacher L. Kogan, who carefully read and corrected the preliminary version of the
paper. I am thankful to I. Gruntov and M. Razuvaev for their comments and impro-
vements. Special thanks go to D. Nosnitsin, who provided me with some Geez
sources. Needless to say, all possible mistakes are my own responsibility.
2
Terms with meaning insipid, tasteless are considered here too: although, strictly
speaking, they do not refer to any kind of taste, they doubtlessly belong to the lexical
field of taste.
! $ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

1969; for tastes, see Gruntov, ms.). For both fields, the concept of prototype
is crucial, that is, of an object that normally represents the best sample of the
designated quality (for colour terms, see Wierzbicka 1996:160, 287334).
Thus, comparative constructions are typical for colour names, as well as for
taste names, e. g., black as soot, sweet as honey etc. The prototypes are fre-
quently involved in the semantic developments taking place in both fields.
Their designations can be used to form new colour or taste names; and vice
versa, lexemes with semantics of colour or taste may derive names for their
prototypes. For colours, the process is well-known (cf. such English terms as
lemon-coloured or saffron-coloured). Similar derivative strategy is attested
in the lexical field of taste. Words denoting salty taste usually go back to the
names of its prototype, salt (Gruntov, ms.; Razuvaev 2004:114f.). For some
terms, the connection with a certain object can only be traced etymologically.
Thus, Russian spiced, spicy, hot is derived from pepper
(Vasmer 341). The reverse process, that is, of naming prototypes after their
taste qualities, is also attested, cp., for instance, Arb. hummd oseille
(BK I 493), sorrel (Lane 645) < hamada tre acide (BK I 492, Lane 644).
Another factor influencing the semantic developments in the names of
colours and tastes is the connotations. Colour names and taste names often
possess strong positive or negative associations and demonstrate them not
only in their usage, but in the semantics of their derivatives and/or of their
cognates as well. However, the taste names are more directly related to the
evaluative meanings, which are in several cases included into the core of
their semantics. It is obvious that the pragmatical necessity of a positive or
negative evaluation of a kind of taste is higher than that of the evaluation of
a colour: tastes constitute essential characteristics of food and drink and
give us important information on the quality of the objects to be defined.
Therefore, the primary classification of tastes will divide them into two clas-
ses: good ones, that is, signalizing that the food/drink can be consumed,
and bad ones, that is, informing of a danger of poisoning (see Razuvaev
2004:122f., Gruntov, ms., Viberg 1984:152155).
The next point of similarity between taste and colour terms is the exis-
tence of certain objects that usually can be qualified by a limited number of
taste or colour terms, and that slightly change the meaning of the terms in
question. It has been observed that colour terms lose their direct meaning
when applied to certain objects. Thus, the French colour term blanc white,
when applied to wine, does not refer to literally white wine, but rather to a
yellowish one: it is the opposition between two types, vin rouge vs. vin blanc,
that is important in this case. It is evident that colour terms, when used not to
describe an object, but rather to classify it, can alter their reference and hence,
need special treatment.
Taste terms can also sometimes classify certain items of food/drink, and
can then be used in a new meaning. A well-known case is the designation of
 M. Bulakh ! %

two kinds of water: river (drinkable) vs. sea (undrinkable) water are referred
to in many languages with the help of taste names, which, however, experi-
ence a certain change of meaning in the application. Drinkable water can be
described with a term originally meaning sweet (cf. English sweet water,
German Swasser, cf. also Arb. hulw- doux, sucr, BK I 484, which can
be a qualifier to water, m-un hulw-un, sweet (drinkable) water; see also
Gruntov, ms., Razuvaev 2004:121f.). Although Gruntov argues that river water
is indeed perceived as sweet when tasted immediately after salty water, it
cannot be denied that an average English speaker calling the water sweet
hardly refers to a taste similar to that of sugar. In Semitic languages, taste
terms denoting a pleasant taste (without definite reference to a specific taste)
are often employed to denote this kind of water. Thus, in Arabic drinkable
water is frequently designated as m-un ad_b-un (BK II 198, Lane 1981),
whereas the root d_b conveys the idea of pleasant, excellent (but not neces-
sarily sweet) taste: e. g., the expression al-ad_abni, lit. the two most sweet
things, refers to saliva and wine (Lane 1083). In Tigrinya, sweet water can
be described as t#um tasty, savoury (see I.9). Another example of classifi-
cation with the help of taste terms is the nomination of two types of dough
leavened vs. unleavened with adjectives whose primarily meanings are
sour and insipid respectively, cf. Russian insipid; unleavened
(dough, bread), see also I.1. At the same time, another strategy, employing
primary meaning sweet to denote unleavened bread may be found as well
(see, for instance, I.7).

I. GEEZ LEXEMES USED TO DEFINE THE VARIETIES OF TASTES.

1. bhiT vinegar, acid (LGz. 90), acidus, acer (LLA 498)

The adjective is derived from the verb b#ha to be fermented, ferment,
turn sour (LGz. 90, LLA 498). Thus, the root primarily denotes the chem-
ical process, fermentation, which is usually associated with sour taste (see
II.2). The adjective b#hi is normally applied to various kinds of liquids
subject to the process of fermentation: #m#nna b#hi wayn wa-#m#nna
b#hi mes (Num. 6:3) from sour (fermented) wine and sour (fermented)
mead, to render Gr. xos ex onou ka xos ek sikera vinegar of wine and
vinegar of cider. However, it could be applied as a purely taste adjective:
wa-nta m#sla hamla b#hi t#ball#u (Ex. 12:8) and they shall eat unleav-
ened bread with sour herbs where the genitive construction hamla b#hi,
lit. the herbs of the sour is used to render Gr. pikrdn bitter herbs, from
pikrs bitter.
The term has no convincing etymology outside Ethiopian Semitic. Within
the Ethiopian Semitic group, verbs with identical or related semantic and
similar formal appearance (although demonstrating no regular correspondence)
can be found. Formally, they reflect two consonantal roots:
! & Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

1) bhk:
Tna. bhak , bahak to be leavened (dough), to rise, to ferment (bat-
ter), become fermented, b#huk leavened (dough), dough, paste; leaven, fer-
ment, fermented batter; fig. lazy, weak person (KT 1105).
2) bk(k):
Amh. bokka to ferment (batter); to become rancid (butter); to become
thick and sticky (mud used to plaster the walls of a house); to be ready for use
(traditional ink) (K 923), buho, buko, b#ho fermented dough for making
dabbo-bread (ibid. 855);
Gur. Cha. Gyt. b ka, Ea Gog. b kka, Enm. boka, Wol. boke, Muh.
Msq. Sod. bokka, End. bokk, Sel. bkke, Zwy. boh ferment (LGur. 135).
The most plausible solution is to regard these Ethiosemitic terms as loan-
words from various Cushitic lexemes meaning to ferment (Oromo, High-
land East Cushitic) or to rot, stink (Agaw, Saho), possibly with contamina-
tion of these two roots (the process of rotting, decaying is also frequently
associated with sour taste, see II.2):
Burji boh-aaw- ferment, boh-ees- ferment (Hud 181); Kambata buk-
eek- ferment, buk-ees- ferment (ibid. 311); Oromo bukoo dough, batter
(Gragg 65; according to Sasse 42, borrowed into Burji bukk-aaw- be knea-
ded, bukk-ays- knead);
Quara bo_hu faulen, stinken (Reinisch 1885:42); Saho bah faulen, stin-
kend werden (Reinisch 1890:72); possibly borrowed into Ethiosemitic with
reduplication: Gez. baw bawa etc. decay, become putrid (LGz. 96, LLA
517); Tna. bahb#he to stink, give off a bad, unbearable odor (goats in the
rutting season, man); to pour, pour out brusquely, to flow vigorously, gush
out; to splash, splatter, sprinkle (water) here and there (KT 1106).
2. lsuh insipid, flavourless, tasteless, ineffective, used up, worn-out,
lasha be insipid, be unseasoned, be tasteless, lose its saltiness, be flavor-
less, be ineffective, be inefficient, be harmless, be nonsense, be used up,
be worn-out, blunder, fail (strength), lshat insipidity, folly (LGz. 318,
LLA 38).
This root is used to designate lack of taste; figuratively it is used to denote
the absence of some important ingredient. In the contexts quoted in LLA 38
it is opposed to the quality of saltiness: wa-#mma-ssa dew lasha ba-m#nt
#nka y#kass#m#wo (Matth. 5:13) but if the salt becomes insipid, with what
will they return taste to it?; dew za-atamo la-l#suh (LLA 38) salt that has
given taste to the tasteless; l#shata nafs#ya k# s#mi ba-dew (Grohmann 1919
168) make the insipidity of my soul salty with salt. A passage in the Book
of Sirach demonstrates both the original meaning of taste and the figurative
meaning ineffective, lacking smth. important: wa-za-ssa y#nabb#b ba-kama
rakaba ylass#h r##so wa-albo mogasa klu; w#sta afuhomu la-abdn
l#suh [v. y#lass#h] nagar (Sir. 20:19) and this one is speaking as he has
 M. Bulakh ! '

found, he is making himself ineffective, and there is no blessing of his voice;

the speech is insipid in the mouth of the stupid people; wa-w#sta afhu la-
abd y#lass#h amsl (Sir. 20:20) and the proverb is insipid in the mouth of
the stupid. At the same time, Dillmann quotes a passage where the adjective
is obviously used in a purely figurative meaning, without any reference to
taste qualities: l#suwa wayl lacking force (referring to Satan) (LLA 38).
The root is also used several times in contexts with the noun m#kr judgment,
understanding (often associated with the taste of salt, see II.5): t#lass#h
m#kromu la-tabibn (Jes. 19:11, see LLA 37) the wisdom of the wise men
loses its savour.
The above quoted passages from Sirach demonstrate the definitely nega-
tive connotations of the root. Still, the verb alsaha (causative to lasha), used
in sense to render ineffective, may be applied to such objects as poison
(als#h h#mza za-kaawa katli make ineffective the poison that the murderer
poured), devils (#gziabher yls#hk#mu o-agn#nt let the God make
you ineffective, oh devils) or fetters (ba-hymnota ziahu als#ha k#llo
mawk# htihu with his faith he loosened all his fetters, ibid. 38).
Another question is the possibility of a connection between the meanings
insipid and smack the lips, chew saliva (LGz. 318), which Leslau consid-
ers to belong to a homonymous verb lasha, while Dillmann quotes it under
the same entry as lasha to be insipid (LLA 37). The only passage quoted by
Dillmann for this meaning is Sir. 34:16: wa-b#l kama b##si tabib za-aru
laka; i-t#lsh #nza t#mass# r kama i-tsl#o la-bis# ka and eat as a wise
man that which they placed before you; dont smack your lips when you are
chewing lest you revolt your neighbour. Dillmann reconstructs the meaning
saliva as the primary semantic component of the root, deriving from it the
verbal meaning to have saliva in mouth, to make noise with saliva, on the
one hand, and the attributive meaning to resemble the taste of saliva, to be
tasteless, insipid, on the other hand. Doubtlessly, this conjecture is suggest-
ed by a similar semantic shift attested for the Proto-Semitic root *tpl to spit
(Sam. tpl to spit, Tal 959; Arb. tafala cracher (une salive fine), tafl-, tufl-,
tufl- cracat de salive fine; cume, BK I 201; Mhr. t#fl/y#tuf#l/y#tfl to
spit, t#fyl spit, saliva, JM 400; Jib. tfDl/ytDf#l/yDt f#l to spit; tfDl spit,
saliva, JJ 269; Hrs. tefl to spit, tefl/tefeyl spittle, saliva, JH 126)3 whose
Hebrew reflex has the meaning insipid: tp_l ungesalzenes, Fades (HALAT
1634, cf. hayk_l tp_l mibb#l-melah, Job 6:6, can that which is tasteless
be eaten without salt?), also attested in a figurative meaning useless, inef-
fective (n#bayik_ hz lk_ w w#tp_l, Lam 2:14, your prophets have
seen for you useless and tasteless things).
3
The possibility of a connection with such meanings as slime, lime, to pa-
ste, as well as to slander and to talk nonsense requires a deeper study and will not
be discussed here.
!! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Needless to say, this semantics corresponds exactly to that of the Geez

root lsh. Thus, we are justified to postulate a semantic shift to spit > to
have the taste of saliva, to be insipid, with possible intermediate meaning
saliva (which is missing in the Geez root lsh, but is attested for the reflexes
of the root *tpl in Arabic, Mehri and Jibbali).
The only etymological link for this root, an equation with Arabic salw-
insipide, qui na aucun got, salwat- absence de got dun mets insipide
(BK I 1121, Lane 1404), with metathesis, has been suggested by Praetorius
(1890:369).
3. maUarUir sweet, sweet-tasting, honey-sweet (LGz. 327, LLA 207).
This term is derived from the noun mar, maar honey (LGz. 326),
using a pattern with reduplication of the last two radicals (the same adjective
pattern is attested in Geez, e. g., in hamalmil green < haml vegetation,
LGz. 233, or damanmin dark, obscure < daman cloud, LGz. 135; for its
usage in Semitic, see Barth 1967:218).
Honey as a prototype for sweet taste is, of course, widely used in the
languages of the world (see Gruntov, ms.). An example of a taste name de-
rived from the word for honey can be found in Akkadian: dapu sweet SB,
NB (CAD D 120), honigs (AHw. 165) < dipu honey from OA, OB on
(CAD D 161), Honig (AHw. 173). In Geez, the derivative maarir is obvi-
ously used as an independent taste adjective sweet: e. g., in mya sark
maarira s#tay (Prov. 9:17, see LLA 207), water of theft is sweet for
drinking, where the Geez adjective is rendering Gr. glukers sweet. Its
belonging to the lexical field of taste is also testified by the opposition to
marir bitter: z#ntu araya la-w#luda sab marira wa-maarira (Hen. 69:8),
this one showed the sons of men the bitter and the sweet.
The term can be also applied to sounds with positive evaluation: yred
maarira kl (Grohmann 1919:76) Yrd, sweet of voice, wa-ba#nta kla
mrir za-surfel (ibid. 259) and because of the sweet voice of Seraphim.
The noun *maar honey is widely used in other Ethiosemitic languages,
although only in Tigrinya is the taste meaning sweet also attested:
Tna. mar honey; sweet, good, mar to be sweet, be like honey
(KT 477).
Note also a further meaning development in Tigrinya: amar to make
sweet; to produce honey > to be good for, be becoming, to suit, become
one (ornament one is wearing), e. g., in the following context: n#zu sbay
#lmat b#zuh ym##rllu this persons ornate [dress] becomes him very
well (ibid.).
Tgr. maar honey (LH 135).
Amh. mar honey (K 173).
Gur. Gog. m r beeswax (LGur. 417), Enm. End. maar, Cha. Gyt. mar,
Gog. m r beeswax (ibid.).
 M. Bulakh !!

Probably Har. mr earwax (LHar. 110) goes back to the same root, with
the semantic development wax (cf. Gurage, and below, Hebrew) > earwax.
Outside Ethiosemitic languages, a likely cognate in Hebrew is attested, yaar
Honigwabe (HALAT 404). The semantic correspondence is all the more con-
vincing in view of the meaning beeswax attested in Gurage languages.
See further LGur. 386 (Gur., Gez., Tgr., Tna., Amh., Har.), LHar. 110
(Har., Gez., Tgr., Tna., Amh., Gur.).
4. madid acid, sour, angry, ill-tempered, rapacious (LGz. 330, LLA
229), mdud fermented, sour (LGz. 330), madda, madada ferment, be
acid, be sour (LGz. 330).
Of these lexemes, only the first is given in LLA. The latter two, although
quoted in Grbaut 118f., are not provided with any textual reference. Howe-
ver, we can safely postulate the taste meaning sour, acid for the term madid,
provided by such examples as wa-i-y#kaww#n masisa all lalla-gesamu
y#enni and it [wine] became not sour, on the contrary, it became better as
each new morning appeared (Budge 1906:20 [text], 50 [translation]); way#-
farri f#re madid (Jes. 18:5) and the sour [grape] brings fruits; b#hi madid
sour acidity (LLA 229). The adjective is also attested in a figurative mea-
ning angry, ill-tempered: tak#lt marirn wa-madidn bitter and sour
wolves (corresponding to Gr. lkoi drimeis ka pikro) (ibid.).
In Tigrinya and Amharic we find exact phonetic correspondences, dem-
onstrating identical semantics as well:
Tna. (both non-palatalized and palatalized variants are attested): msis sour,
bitter, tart, acid; vinegar, mss to turn sour, get sour (KT 536); m
to turn sour (food), to go bad (food); m bl to become moldy (hay,
etc. because it was not exposed to sun and air after getting wet) (ibid. 529).
The primary meaning to be sour is illustrated, for instance, by applica-
tions of the root to sour mead: mes msisu the mead has turned sour or to
the skin of a citrus fruit: m#ssas the bitter or sour white inner skin of an
orange or citrus fruit. One should also note the figurative meanings in
Tigrinya, such as sour-tempered for msis sour; sharp-tongued wo-
man, termagant for mssas (fem. of msis); irony, sarcasm for m#sst
sourness. An expression sour mouth is used to refer to a harshly-spe-
aking person: afu msis z#-k_on one who speaks harshly, bitterly, sharp-
tongued person, lit. the one who had a sour mouth (ibid. 536).
Amh. (both reflexes with d > t and d > s are attested): mtit sour, vinegar,
acid (K 361), mtt t to ferment (batter), to turn sour, become sour, acid; to
get angry (ibid. 360); msis sour, msasa vinegar, lemon, bean-flour paste
(ibid. 370).
The examples attested in Kanes dictionary demonstrate not only the mean-
ing to ferment, to turn sour, but also to become thick, stiff, hard: litu
mtt t the batter fermented; s# ga mtt t the meat became stiff, hard;
!! Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

kuslu mtt t the wound healed; aybu mtt t the ayb-cheese turned
sour; tlla matt al the beer has gone sour (ibid. 361). The meaning to
dry up seems to be semantically related (however, it can also be derived
from to suck, suck up, see below, or, most likely, appear as a result of the
contamination of both roots to be sour and to suck): w#ha mtt al the
water has almost dried up; #kaw mtt t the mud started to dry out;
mtata almost dry, nearly dried up; lean, scraggy, wizened (man, animal);
sunken cheeked, having drawn or haggard features (ibid. 361).
Outside Ethiopian Semitic, we find an Arabic term with a regular phone-
tic correspondence (suggesting a PS root mss) and a practically identical mean-
ing:
Arb. madad- lait aigre (BK II 1119, Lane 2720), mumidd- qui pique,
qui picote (vinaigre, collyre) (BK II 1119), madd- qui cause de la douleur,
du picotement (p.ex. collyre loeil, vinaigre la bouche), madda faire du
mal, piquer, picoter (se dit de laction du collyre sur loeil ou dun vinaigre
trop fort, etc., sur la bouche) (ibid. 1118).
Note that the Arabic root is usually used in the figurative meaning to hurt,
to cause pain: madda affecter quelquun, lui causer de la peine (se dit des
chagrins) (ibid.), he suffered, or experienced, pain (Lane 2719). The se-
mantic development is obvious, the verb originally denoting the effect of
tasting an acid food, cf. such context as madda l-wall-u f-hu the vinegar
burned his mouth (ibid. 2720). The meaning became gradually applicable
to other sensory experiences, e. g., tactile in al-kuhl-u yumiddu l-ayn-a
the collyrium pains the eye (or burns the eye) (ibid.; see II.3), and, final-
ly, was broadened into to cause pain, without any association with senses
of perception, for instance in ra ul-un madd-u d-darb-i Homme qui frap-
pe fort et dont les coups se font sentir (BK I 1118, Lane 2720), or imraat-
un maddat-un a woman who does not bear, or endure, what displeases
her, or grieves her; whom a small word pains; whom a small things hurts,
or annoys (Lane 2720). The comparison with Ethiosemitic terms justifies
the claim that the taste semantic is primary in this case, whereas the figura-
tive meaning demonstrates the strong negative connotations of the root.
Cf. also mudd- eau trs-sale (BK II 1119, Lane 2720), which shows a
semantic development acid, sour > having an unpleasant taste.
In view of the Arabic cognate showing the meaning to be painful, to
cause pain, a comparison with Tgr. massa to be ill, to suffer pain, to be
tormented, to mourn (LH 145), Gaf. msss tre malade (LGaf. 218),
Arg. mtt ta- be sick (LArg. 214) is possible. Note, however, that alterna-
tively they can be compared to Jib. mtt#s to become ill, unhealthy (JJ 175),
Arb. mssat- sorte de maladie denfants... (BK II 1114).
See further LGz. 331 (Gez., Arb., Hbr., Tna., Tgr., Amh.).
W. Leslau suggests a comparison to Hbr. mass Mazze: ohne Sauerteig
schnell gebackenes Fladenbrot aus Gerstenmehl u. Wasser; das aus dem nicht
 M. Bulakh !!!

verbrannten Anteil der minh am Heiligtum ohne Suerung hergestellte, den

Priestern vorbehaltene Brot (HALAT 588), pB. mass unleavened bread,
esp. the bread served at the Passover meal; a hide not tanned by a process of
fermentation, untanned hide (Ja. 823). However, this comparison is far from
evident, since the essential component of the Hebrew lexeme is the absence
of fermentation process, that is, the opposite of the semantics of Ethiosemitic
and Arabic terms. It is more justifiable to connect the Hebrew term with the
Proto-Semitic root *mss to squeeze, press, suck:4
Hbr. ms Pressen (HALAT 547).
pB. msy, ms to squeeze, wring, esp. to wring out the blood of the bird
sacrifice (Ja. 825), msas to press, suck; to drain (ibid. 827).
Jud. ms to suck (ibid. 746), mys to suck (ibid. 778), m#s to wring; to
suck (ibid. 826), m#sas to suck, drain; to wring, press (ibid. 827).
JPA mss to suck (Sokoloff 326).
Sam. msysh sucking, mss to consume (Tal 483).
Mnd. MSA to press, to suck out, suckle (DM 277).
Arb. massa humer, boire petit petit en humant; sucer (BK II 1114).
Tgr. masis juice, sap (of plants) (LH 145).
Amh. mtt t to suck, suck clean, e.g. finer of sauce, to suckle slowly
(baby); to soak up, blot up (K 360).
Har. mtta absorb liquid, suck up (LHar. 115).
Gur. Zwy. mtt, Msq. Gog. Sod. mtt t absorb liquids, suck (LGur. 439).
Mhr. m#s / y#msws / y#mss to suck (JM 272).
Hrs. mes / yemsws / yemss to suck (JH 91).
Jib. miss / y#mss / ymmus to suck (JJ 175).
Soq. mss lcher, msas qui suce (LS 249).
See further LHar. 115 (Har., Tna., Arb., Hbr.), LGur. 439 (Gur., Arb.,
Hbr., Tna., Amh., Har.).
5. mlh seasoned with salt, salty, which is tasty (LGz. 343, LLA
146), mallha season with salt, make tasty (LGz. 343), tamalha, tamallha
passive, be salty (ibid., LLA 146), mlh salt, taste, savor, intellect, in-
sight, knowledge (LGz. 343), sapor, judicium, scientia (LLA 146).5
ml#h salty is quoted by Dillmann with only one example of usage, in a
genetive construction bhra ml#h sea of the salty (ibid.). Obviously, the
adjective is rarely used (and probably was formed under the influence of Arb.
mlih-, see below). However, the root itself is well attested, its association
with the object salt is clear (although no noun salt is attested among deri-
vatives of this root: the common word for salt in Geez, as in other Ethiosemi-

4
For a parallel semantic development s. I.7, PS *mtk.
5
Note that Leslau quotes various spellings of the word (such as malh, m#lh,
m#lh) whereas LLA has m#lh, although in the Dillmanns edition of Deuteronomy
the variant m#lh is used (DILLMANN 1853:376).
!!" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

tic languages, is dew, see LGz. 565), and in most of passages dew salt is
added as a complement of the verb, e. g., k#llu ba-sew y#tmallh (LLA 146)
everything is salted with salt. One should note the doubtlessly positive con-
notations of the root, so that metaphorically it can even refer to a saint: hallo
y#wadd# #m-ztti b##sit h# tata sew y#tmallh bottu k#llu lam (Guidi
1909:263) from this woman a grain of salt will emerge with which the whole
world will be salted. Another evidence of the positive connotations of the
root mlh is its derivative m#lh intellect, insight, which, according to LLA
146, is an antonym of l#shat insipidness, dullness (see I.1). It is used in
Deut. 32:28: #sma h# zb h# gulna m#kr #mmuntu wa-albomu m#lha wa-
haymnota because they are people deprived of understanding, and they
have no insight and no faith; the same passage with slight modifications
(#sma h# zb h# gulna m#kr #mmuntu wa-albomu m#lh wa-i-hymanot)
is quoted in Grbaut 74. The presence in Arabic of an exact semantic and
phonetic correspondence milh- (see below) brings into question the possibili-
ty of a borrowing from Arabic; one should at least suspect an Arabic influen-
ce, causing this particular semantic shift.
The root goes back to PS *mVlh- salt:
Hbr. melah Salz (HALAT 557).
Pho. mlh salt worker (T 179).
Bib. m#lah salt (HALOT 1916).
Old. Off. Palm. mlh salt (HJ 632).
Jud. melah, m#lah, milh salt (Ja. 788).
Syr. melh sal (Brock. 390).
JPA mlh salt (Sokoloff 309).
Sam. mlh salt (Tal 468).
Mnd. MHL to salt (DM 260), mihla salt (ibid. 266) (with metathesis).
Ugr. mlht salt; salted (fish/meat) (DUL 549).
This sequence of consonants is attested both as noun (e. g., alp t_t_m kbd
mlht one thousand and sixty shekels of salt 4.344:22; w hms w mlht and
vinegar and salt 1.175:6, ibid. 549) and as an adjective (uz mrat mlht a
fattened goose, salted 4.247:20, ibid.). The noun mlh is usually interpre-
ted as beauty (ibid. 548) and derived from the root mlh to be salty, the
semantic shift being explained by the well-known positive connotations of
the root, as well as by semantic parallels in Arabic mlh and in Akkadian
tbtu (see below). However, in case of Ugaritic mlh, the meaning beauty
is far from evident, the only passage quoted by DUL 448 being KTU
4.17:17: mlh krn bn d(?) the beauty(?) of the horns of the son of D. It
seems that in this fragmentary and unclear context the interpretation of
mlh as having the original meaning salt is at least not more improbable
than that suggested in DUL.
Arb. milh- sel, malaha saler suffisamment (BK II 1144), malh- sal,
qui a un got sal (eau, etc.); sal (poisson, etc) (ibid. 1145).
 M. Bulakh !!#

The Arabic root has strong positive connotations, expressed by such deri-
vatives as maluha tre beau de visage; tre beau ou bon (se dit de toute
chose) (ibid. 1144), mulh- beau (de visage), amlah- ... plus beau; meil-
leur, le meilleur (ibid. 1145), malh- beau (de visage); beau jeune hom-
me, bel homme; bon (ibid., Lane 2733), cf. also zayn-u l-milh-i orne-
ment des beaux, an epithet of Mohammed (BK II 1145). Two other mea-
nings associated with the concept salt should be noted here, namely, un-
derstanding (milh- sel; lesprit, le piquant (dun discours, dune oeuvre
littraire); science; les savants, ibid. 1144, Lane 2732), and irony (malhat-
bon mot ou anecdote plaisante; factie, BK II 1144, mulhat- a goodly,
beautiful, pretty, or facetious, story; a bon-mot, Lane 2733).
Mhr. aml#h to salt (food) (JM 266).
Hrs. melht salt (JH 88).
Jib. mlah to salt, mdhD t salt (JJ 171).
Soq. mlho sel (LS 243).
A possible cognate in Akkadian is milu (a mineral) SB, NA (CAD MII
69), Salpeter (AHw. 653). Obviously von Sodens translation is based on
his comparison of this root to Proto-Semitic *mVlh-; however, since no syn-
chronic Akkadian evidence contradicts this interpretation, it can be provisio-
nally accepted as a not improbable one.
Tgr. malha to turn sour, to ferment; to salt (LH 107) presents a shift of
meaning allowing various explanations. The semantic development could be
based on the designation of the process of preparing food: to be salted, to be
submitted to a process involving addition of salt > to be fermented, to be
submitted to a process involving addition of fermenting substances. Another
explanation would suggest a generalization of taste meaning salty, having
sharp unpleasant taste > having unpleasant taste, salty or sour. The first
option is, however, to be preferred, since the Tigre dictionary only attests to a
verbal meaning.
In view of the Arabic figurative meaning to be good, one can compare
this root to Harari verb mlaha choose, select, prefer by choosing, muluh
chosen, better (LHar. 107). It is unclear, however, whether the Harari lex-
eme is an independent development or a borrowing from Arabic.
In Amharic, we find only a Geez loanword mlhe, mlh salt (K 143).
In view of semantic shift salty > good, beautiful, attested in Arabic
and (less probably) in Ugaritic, one cannot help mentioning Akkadian term
tbtu, attested with semantics goodness and salt: tbtu Gutes, Gte, Wohl-
tat Babyl., NA, lex. (AHw. 1377); tbtu Salz OB, OA, NB, MA, NA, SB,
LB, Nuzi, lex. (ibid.). Both meanings are obviously derived from verb tbu
to have pleasant taste; to be good,6 which is widely used to express the idea
6
The Akkadian root goes back to well-known PS *tyb to have pleasant taste; to
be good: Ugr. tb good, pure, sterling; sweet, generous; pleasant, dulcet (DUL 886);
Hbr. tb gut (HALAT 355); Syr. tb bonus (Brock. 269); Mnd. T AB, T UB to
!!$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

of agreeable taste, being applied to such objects as water (according to von

Soden, denoting sweet water, river water as opposed to salty, sea water: m
tmti m ta-bu-t, ibid. 1378), wine, beer, oil, bread, fruits, sugar cane (ibid.
1378). The meaning salt is probably developed from a more general meaning
that which has a pleasant taste or that which provides a pleasant taste; the
concept of salt as a prototype of pleasant taste is widespread in the languages
of the world (cf. Gruntov, ms.).
See further Brock. 390 (Syr., Arm., Hbr., Arb., Akk.), DM 266 (Mnd.,
Syr., Hbr., Arb., Akk.), BDB 571 (Hbr., Arb., Arm.).
6. marir bitter, marara be bitter (LGz. 360, LLA 165).
The root is well attested in Geez, both in its primary taste meaning (mari-
ra kona mes, Jes. 24:9, see LLA 165, the honey became bitter; wa-s##nu
satya #mm#r #sma marir myu, Ex. 15:23, and they could not drink from
Marah, because its water is bitter) and in figurative meanings: sorrowful,
grievous (LGz. 360, e. g. wa-taaggau mota marira ba-#nta mang#ta
samyt, Fries 1892 45, 64, they have experienced a bitter death for the sake
of the celestial kingdom; wa-y#be now ba-kl marir, Hen. 65:2, and Noah
said in a bitter (grievous) voice; la-m#nt sarwka wabeya s# rw marira
wa-b#kaya, Hen. 65:5, why did you cry out to me with such bitter crying and
weeping?; wa-marira hazana ytekk#z#wwo wa-ymanazz#z#wwo, Sir.
25:18, they are saddening him and oppressing him by bitter grief; marira
y#bakk#yu, Jes. 33:7, see LLA 166, they are crying bitterly; y#weyy#s mawit
#m-marr h# ywat, Sir. 30:17, to die is better than the bitter life); embitte-
red, ferocious (LGz. 360, e. g., h# zb marirn, Hab. 1:6, see LLA 165, the
bitter (cruel) people; marirna nafs, Jud. 18:25, see LLA 165, the bitter
(cruel) of soul).
The term goes back to the well-known Proto-Semitic root *mrr to be
bitter:
Tna. mrr become bitter, sour (KT 361), mrrir bitter, sour, pun-
gent (ibid. 362).
Tgr. marra to be bitter, to be bad, marir bitter; a bitter beverage; spice
herbs (LH 113).
Amh. mrara bitter, sour (K 178), mrrr to taste bitter, be sour or
acid (green fruit); to be distasteful, unpleasant (ibid. 177).
Har. mrra be bitter, murur bitter (LHar. 111).
Gaf. (at)mirrr irriter, mettre en colre (LGaf. 217).
Arg. mrrra be bitter (LArg. 213).
Gur. Cha. Ea Muh. mrara, Msq. Gog. mrara k# b, Enm. Gyt. marara,
End. marr fresh butter preserved for a long time by periodically adding
spices (LGur. 423).

be well, good, wholesome (DM 171); Arb. tba tre bon; tre agrable, dun got ou
dune odeur agrable (BK II 126, Lane 1900); Mhr. t# yub to enjoy (JM 413), etc.
 M. Bulakh !!%

Hbr. mrr bitter (HALAT 603), pB. mrar to be bitter (Ja. 847), m#rr
bitterness, trnsf. sin (ibid. 843).
Off. mrr to be bitter, mrr bitter, mrrw bitterness (HJ 696).
Jud. m#rar to be bitter (Ja. 847), mrr, mrr bitter, m#rr, m#rrt
bitterness; curse (ibid. 843).
Syr. mar acerbus fuit, marrir amarus (Brock. 400), marr amarum
reddidit; amarus fuit (ibid. 402).
Sam. mrr bitterness, mrwr bitter (Tal 488), mryr bitter (ibid. 489).
JPA mrr bitterness, bitter herb, mrr to make bitter (Sokoloff 332).
Mnd. mura bitterness (DM 262f.), mrira bitter, mrirta bitterness (ibid.
278), MRR to be(come) bitter, afflict; to be spoiled (ibid. 279).
Akk. marru to be bitter; (with kakku) to prevail (said of military force)
OB, SB, NB (CAD MI 267), bitter werden, sein (AHw. 609), marru bitter,
brackish, biting Mari, MB, SB, Bogh. (CAD MI 286), bitter (AHw. 612).
Arb. marra tre amer; dire des chose amres, dsagrables (BK II 1083),
murr- amer (ibid. 1084).
Mhr. m#r bitter (JM 268).
Hrs. mer bitter (JH 89).
Soq. mrir rendre amer (LS 251).
For this Proto-Semitic root, an excellent semantic analysis has been given
by D. Pardee (1978). However, it is necessary to quote the attested meanings
and relevant passages in the present contribution once again. One can sum-
marize the meaning shifts attested in this root as follows:
a. Semantic shift within the lexical field of taste: broadening of the mean-
ing bitter > bitter, sour (cf. Tna. mrrir bitter, sour, pungent, KT 362;
Amh. mrara bitter, sour, K 178).
b. A (synesthetic?) shift bitter, causing unpleasant taste sensation > caus-
ing unpleasant (tactile?) sensation (applied to sun in Tna. mrr to be
pungent; to be burning hot (sun), KT 361; to wind in Akkadian, ru marru
itebbma ebra usewwer a biting wind will come up and diminish the crop,
CAD MI 287). This seems to be a synesthetic development from taste to tactile
terms, see II.3. However, both examples can be reinterpreted as bitter > cruel
(see below), both wind and sun being able to be personified.
c. Semantic shift provoked by a general metaphor to taste > to expe-
rience (see II.4): bitter > hard, difficult to bear, harsh (cf. Amh. nuro
mrrrw life was unpleasant/bitter for him, K 177, mrara mot bitter
death, mrara ngr grievous matter, affair, ibid. 178; Jud. mrr em-
bittering, hard labor, Ja. 779; Sam. mrwr bitter: hbws mrwr hbwsh dhskh
a bitter jail is the jail of the darkness, Tal 488; Mnd. mura bitterness:
ulnia mura nihuilun and there will be bitterness for women, DM 262f.;
for the application of the root in Syriac to describe torture, prison, difficult
time, see Pardee 1978:269f.; see also a context combining both direct and
metaphorical application of the root in Official Aramaic: tmt p zrrt mrrt
!!& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

w[tm] hsyn wl yty zy [m]ryr mn nwh, Ahiq 188, I have tasted the
bitter medlar and the taste is strong, but there is nothing more bitter than
poverty, HJ 696; cf. also Arb. -un murr-un a bitter life, marrat alayhi
amrr-un afflictions or calamities came upon him, Lane 2701; for Geez,
see above; a verbal realization of the same metaphor is causative to make
bitter > to make difficult to bear, harsh: Hbr. way#mr#r et-hayyhem
baa bd k and they embittered their lives by hard labor, Ex. 1:14;
Sam. myrr to embitter: whbt mrn rwh lyshk wlrbkh they made life bitter
for Isaac and Rebecca, Tal 488).
d. Application of the term to describe mental qualities and emotions (see
II.5):
1) bitter > grievous (cf. Tna. mrr to be stricken with sadness,
melancholy; to be sorry, grieve, be sad; to complain, grumble, gripe, e. g., in
amrirom bkyula they cried bitterly for her, KT 361f.; Tgr. marra to be
sulky, LH 113; Amh. m#rr al to be or become deeply grieved, very sad, K
178; Hbr. mrr babbek I weep bitterly, Jes. 22:4; Syr. mar dolui, Brock.
400; Mnd. MRR be grieved; to be spoiled, DM 279; Jud. m#rar to grieve,
mourn, Ja. 847, mrr, mrr embittered, grieving, ibid. 843; Sam. mryr
bitter: wsb sbh rbh wmryrh he cried out with a great and bitter cry, Tal
489; cf. also Gur. Sel. mrr-, Wol. tmrr-, tmarr feel sorry for
someone, LGur. 423; for Geez, see above);
2) bitter > angry, violent, cruel (cf. Tna. mrrir one who only has bad
words for others, crabbed, shrewish, cantankerous; inclement, harsh, severe,
virulent, KT 362; Amh. mrrr to be angry, vexed, upset, ymrrr
violent, K 177; Arg. asmerrra irritate, LArg. 213; Gur. Sel. Wol. Zwy.
mrr, Muh. Msq. Gog. Sod. mrrr, Cha. Enm. Gyt. mnr, Ea mn-
nr, End. mennr be bitter, be angry, Gog. Sod. m# rrtam, Muh.
m#rrt angry, furious, short-tempered, LGur. 423; Syr. marr nap
malignus, Brock. 400, cf. also the passage illustrating the meaning terrible,
cruel quoted in Pardee 1978:267f.; Sam. mrr quarrel, Tal 488; for Gafat,
see above; cf. also the following context in Akkadian: ki aa martu mar-ra-
tu-u-ni [attunu] SAL.ME-ku-nu DUMU.ME-ku-nu DUMU.SAL.ME-
[ku]-nu ina muwwi aw ei lu mar-ra-ku-nu just as (this) gall is bitter, so may
you, your wives, sons and daughters be bitter toward one another, CAD MI
267, and the application of the same Akkadian term to the weapon: kakk DN
u RN marrtim ukallamka I will show you the destructive weapons of Adad,
CAD MI 287; for Geez, see above);
3) the application of the root to qualify human speech probably unites
synesthetic development taste > sound (see II.3) and metaphoric usage to
describe human emotions: bitter > unpleasant, pungeant, sharp (words,
etc.) (cf. Tna. mrrir biting, sharp (words), acrimonious (debate), mrrir
kalat harsh words, mlhasu (afu) mrrir z#-k_on sb evil-tongued fel-
low, harsh, KT 362; cf. Arb. al-hakk-u murr-un la vrit est amre ( dire),
 M. Bulakh !!'

BK II 1084; m amarra wa-m ahl he said not (or he did not) a bitter
thing, and he said not (or he did not), a sweet thing, Lane 2700; cf. also Hbr.
m#rrt bittere Erfahrungen, HALAT 603, in Job 13:26, as a complement to
verb write: k-tiktb lay m#rrt for you write bitter things against me).
Besides, the root mrr is attested as referring to strength or courage in
Ugaritic, Arabic and Modern South Arabian:
Ugr. m-r-(r) G to strengthen, N to be strengthened (DUL 577f.).
Arb. marr- fort, robuste, solide (homme); rsolution ferme et inbran-
lable (BK II 1084, Lane 2701).
Mhr. amrr / yamrr#n / yamrr / yammrr#n to give so. courage, embol-
den (JM 268).
Hrs. merrt ...strength (JH 89).
Jib. emrr / ys#~ mrr / ys~Kmm#r to be emboldened, mKrrD t courage (JJ 173).
Note also the usage of Tgr. marir bitter to describe a horse hoof: hard,
powerful (LH 113), possibly also Amh. amrrr to make a difficult and
final decision (K 177).
The usage of the Arabic and Tigre terms has been discussed in Pardee
(1978:270274). Pardees conclusion is that in both cases the meaning strong
is attested, in Tigre probably under Arabic influence. However, one cannot
suspect a calque from Arabic in the case of Modern South Arabian, since, at
least in the contexts quoted by Pardee for Arabic, no exact semantic identity
is present. Moreover, the meaning to give courage, embolden in Mehri and
Jibbali corresponds to the meaning usually reconstructed for Ugaritic (where
the verb mr(r) is paralleled by brk, bless, Pardee 1978:250f.). It seems that,
contrary to Pardee, the Modern South Arabian evidence, as well as that of
Arabic and (probably) Tigre, does favour the reconstruction of a verb mrr to
strenghthen in Ugaritic.
It is tempting to consider these terms as eventually developed from the
meaning violent (derived, in its turn, from bitter, see above). However,
this semantic shift would be the only one involving the loss of negative con-
notations of the root, and, as Pardee rightly observes (1978:275), would pre-
sent a typologically unlikely semantic development. A contamination of *mrr
with *mr man > manly, couragious is not improbable.
See further LGz. 360 (Gez., Arb., Mhr., Hbr., Arm., Syr., Mnd., Akk.,
Tna., Tgr., Amh., Arg., Har., Gur.), LS 251 (Soq., Arb., Mhr.), LGur. 423
(Gur., Arb., Hbr., Gez., Tna., Tgr., Amh., Arg., Har.).
Note also PS *mi/ar(r)-at-, *mirr-at- gall, gall-bladder (SED No. 188).
While the authors of the dictionary tend to regard the two terms as belon-
ging to homonymous roots, later connected through contamination, such a
coincidence in semantics seems highly improbable; a derivation of one from
another may be safely reconstructed on the Proto-Semitic level (presumably,
from the taste term bitter a name for its prototype, gall-bladder, was de-
rived). Some of the reflexes of the noun gall, gall-bladder have meaning
!" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

poison (Hbr.pB, Off., Warka, Dem., Syr., Mnd., see SED No. 188); this
semantic development is based on the conception of bitter taste as a token of
poisonous qualities (one can probably regard the bitter taste as a prototypi-
cal taste of poison).
7. mtuk sweet, mtkat sweetness (LGz. 373, LLA 221).
This root is poorly attested in Geez. Dillmann quotes one passage where
the adjective m#tuk is used in a figurative meaning as a qualifier of light
(m#tuk b#rhn sweet light), and one usage of the noun m#tkat in Jud. 9:11,
where it corresponds to Gr. glukts (LLA 221).
In Ethiosemitic languages, the root is widely attested, although with con-
siderable semantic deviations:
Tna. mtk to bake the bread used in brewing beer; to dry, dry up, go
dry (spring), mtk a, mtkka unleavened bread baked for use in making
beer; scraps of #ngra which are dried and used in making beer (KT 521f.).
Tgr. maaka to eat up, to end; to revile strongly (LH 144).
Amh. mtt k to be or become very thin, water-like (dough, bread); to
rise (dabbo-bread), to bake an unleavened cake (K 355).
Har. miiq a squeeze something so that it squirts (LHar. 103).
Gur. Wol. (a)mak, Sel. amk milk a cow without leaving some
milk for the calf; pull out completely (LGur. 389).
The cognates in other Semitic languages demonstrate both the meaning
to be sweet, of pleasant taste and to taste, try (food, drink), to suck. Thus,
a PS root *mtk to taste, to suck; to be sweet, of pleasant taste can be recon-
structed. A phonetic alternation t > t is unproblematic and can be explained
through the influence of emphatic k :7
Hbr. mtk sss sein, werden (HALAT 619), mtk sss = angenehm
(ibid. 618).
Note that the root was applied to water that became drinkable: ... w#l
yk_# l litt mayim mimmr k mrm hm (Ex. 15:23) and they could
not drink the water of Marah because it was bitter; ... wayyalk el-ham-
mayim wa-yyimt#k hammyim (Ex. 15:25) and he threw it into water and
it became sweet.
PB mtak to be sweet, palatable, pi. to sweeten, season (Ja. 864),
mtk sweet, pleasant (ibid. 860), m#tk sweet taste; seasoning, relish;
sweetmeats, delicacies; sweet drinks (ibid. 862).
Jud. m#tak to be sweet, palatable, pa. to taste, suck (Ja. 864), m#tk
sweet (ibid. 862).
Syr. m#tak suxit; sorpsit; inhalavit (Brock. 410).
JPA mtk to suck (Sokoloff 338).
Sam. mtk sweetness, hmtyk to make sweet (Tal 493).

7
A well-known example of such change is root *ktl to kill (Arb. ktl vs. Hbr. ktl).
 M. Bulakh !"

Akk. matku to become sweet SB, NA (CAD MI 405), s werden,

sein (AHw. 632), matku sweet from OAkk., OB on (CAD MI 413), s
(AHw. 633).
The root is well attested in Akkadian, its meaning can be illustrated by
such passages as k a dipu ma-ti-ku-u-ni damu a SAL.ME-ku-nu... ina
p-kunu li-im-ti-iq just as (this) honey is sweet, so may the blood of your
wives (and children) become sweet-tasting in your mouth (CAD MI 405).
The adjective matku is used to describe such objects as pomegranates,
dates, almonds, melons, honey, milk, apples, bread (ibid. 413).
Arb. tamatta ka goter, essayer le got de...; savourer quelque chose (BK
II 1123).
Mhr. matk sweet, m#twk to taste (JM 273).
Hrs. matk sweet (JH 91).
Jib. mtt#k / y#mttk# n / y#mttD k to have st. sweet in your mouth to
chew; to try, taste st. before swallowing it, mityk sweet (JJ 176).
Soq. mtok sucr (LS 242).
The semantic deviations of this root in Ethiosemitic languages remain to
be explained. The range of meanings attested in this language group comprise
such as to be sweet (Gez.), to be dry (Tna.), to be non-fermented, unlea-
vened (Amh., Tna.), to squeeze (Har.), to eat up (Tgr.), to milk a cow
without leaving milk for a calf (Gur.). One can suggest various ways of
semantic evolution; naturally, the evidence from other Semitic languages
should be taken in consideration. Thus, in view of the meaning to suck,
attested for the root in Judaic Aramaic, Syriac and Jewish Palestinian Ara-
maic, one should reconstruct the meaning to suck as early as in the Proto-
Semitic. This semantics would be hardly related to the concept of sweetness,
had it not been for the verbs to taste, attested in Arabic, Mehri and Jibbali:
the semantic shift to taste > to be of pleasant taste, to be sweet is well
attested (see II.2), whereas the meaning change to suck > to taste (or vice
versa) can also be easily imagined (the specific semantic developments in
Tigre and Gurage go back in all probability to the meaning to suck as well).
Other meanings attested for the reflexes of *mtk in Ethiosemitic langua-
ges (to be dry, to be unleavened (bread), to squeeze) should be grou-
ped together, since they correspond exactly to the semantics of reflexes of
another PS verb to suck, namely, *mss (see I.4). Therefore, we are justi-
fied in supposing that these meanings are related to each other and can be
organized into a chain of semantic evolution. The meanings to suck, to
squeeze and to dry up are connected through the common component to
remove liquid (obviously, Gurage to milk a cow without leaving milk for
a calf also belongs here, being derived from any of these meanings). The
designation of unleavened dough through the root to squeeze, to dry, to
suck can have different explanations. One can argue, for instance, that the
!" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

unleavened dough was perceived as hard and dry, being opposed to the soft
leavened dough. However, it should be noted that in Judaic Aramaic the
root mtk is used to denote the unfermented drinks, opposed to the ferment-
ed ones: hnydr mn htyrw swr bkl myny mtykh he who vows abstinence
from tirosh, is forbidden all kinds of sweet (unfermented) drinks (Ja. 862).
Either this is a generalization of the meaning unleavened (bread) > un-
fermented (bread, beverage) (which should suggest that the meaning unlea-
vened was already present on Proto-Semitic level), or both applications to un-
leavened bread and unfermented beverage should be explained in the con-
text of another semantic development, namely, sweet, of pleasant taste >
unfermented. Such usage of the term sweet is provoked by its opposi-
tion to sour, the process of fermentation being normally associated with
the sour taste (see I.2).
See further Brock. 410 (Syr., Jud., Hbr., Arb., Gez., Akk.).
8. kasama, kassama, kaama season, make tasty, k ssum well sea-
soned, tasty, that has savor, kasm seasoning (LGz. 446, LLA 432).
The root conveys the idea of good taste, being contextually opposed to
the root lsh (see I.2) and marked by positive connotations. One should note
that in almost all passages quoted by Dillmann the precise taste designated
by the root is salty, and the verb is complemented by the prepositional phrase
ba-sew with the salt: wa-y#rass#yani k# uma ba-dewa malakot wa-ybr#h
w#sta l#bb#ya mwtota t#bab (Grohmann 1919: 168) let him make me sal-
ted with the salt of divinity and let him light in my heart the torch of wisdom.
The meaning salty is probably a secondary development, explained by the
fact that the taste of salt was considered the best representative of the good,
pleasant taste, cf. a figurative usage of the root ksm, where a comparison with
salt is employed to stress its positive connotations: tags t# um wa-zen
k# ssum kama sew the sweet chastisement and the announcement which is
good-tasted as salt (LLA 432). In the rest of the contexts its meaning is non-
specified, as in k# ssum m#dd the spicy food, la-kasima l#sn#ya to swee-
ten (lit. to add taste to) my tongue (ibid.).
The doubtlessly related verb in Amharic, kssm (to season, render sa-
vory (with salt or spices); to compound, mix or blend together, K 751f.; cf.
also k# s#m force; pleasing, dignified presence or appearance; taste, flavor of
wood, food, dew which may be bitter or sweet depending on the climate and
soil, ibid. 752) may be a borrowing from Geez. Cf. also Amh. kassm to
smell, to sniff s.th. (K 752), presenting a synesthetic change from taste to
smell.
We find a more reliable cognate in Arabic, where the meaning to eat, to
choose best pieces of food is attested: kaama manger; manger beaucoup;
choisir les meilleurs morceaux, et le manger en laissant les autres (BK II
744). At the same time, in view of the Arabic meaning, a comparison to Tna.
ksm, demonstrating a rather distant semantic to sip nectar (bee), gather
 M. Bulakh !"!

nectar (KT 962) becomes more likely; a possible reconstruction of the se-
mantic evolution would be to derive the Geez meaning to have good taste
from the meaning to taste (attested as to eat; to eat best morsels in Arabic
and as to sip in Tigrinya).
Cf. also Sab. ks 2m ? a vegetable plot (SD 108).
At the same time, it is difficult to refrain from relating the root in question
to the common Ethiosemitic verb *kms to taste:
Tna. kms to taste (a dish), take a taste of s.th., to have a bite to eat, a
snack (KT 914); ak ms to give s.o. some bits of food or drink (host to a
guest), to cause to taste; to snack, to have a bite to eat, k# mso taste; example
or sample (ibid. 915).
Note also further semantic development of the causative verb ak ms to
cause to taste > to let somebody experience s.th.: btri ak misuwo he
beat him with a stick (ibid.) (lit. he caused him to taste a stick).
Tgr. kama to dip; to take a pinch of snuff; to go to a prostitute for the
first time (LH 237).
Amh. kamms to taste, take a taste of s.th., fig. to experience (misfor-
tune, etc.), to suffer a beating; to be a mixture of many kinds of soil; to do
s.th. first, be first in s.th. (K 702).
For the meaning to experience, cp. such contexts as batr kamms to
receive a beating, nuro kamms to experience life, yfit#n tor kmms
to be the first to engage the enemy (ibid.).
Arg. kmmsa taste (LArg. 216).
Gur. Cha. Enm. End. Gyt. Sel. Wol. Zwy. kms, Ea Muh. Msq. Gog.
Sod. kmms taste; have intercourse (euphemism), Cha. k# mus, Ea k# mmus
tasty, Muh. k# ma a taste of something, Cha. Enm. k# mams, Ea Muh.
k# mamms, Enm. End. Gyt. tkmams, Ea Muh. tkmamms, End.
tkwams eat a little bit (LGur. 482).
One wonders whether this root could be related to Har. kmsa sharpen a
pen, pencil or reed, sharpen a point, through the synesthetic transfer of me-
aning tasty, spicy (taste sense) > sharp (tactile sense) (which would, how-
ever, contradict Williamss generalization, see II.3). At the same time, the
meaning beautiful, also attested in Harari for this root (tkmsa become
slim, become elegant, (a)kmsa be beautiful, LHar. 126), may be derived
from the meaning tasty, having good taste as well (cf. II.6).
See further LGur. 482 (Gur., Tna., Tgr., Amh., Gez.).
9. tUma, taUama taste, be tasty, be delicious, be savory, be sweet,
experience, tUum tasty, savory, sweet, pleasant, delicious (LGz. 582,
LLA 1241f.).
The root is widely used and conveys the general idea of pleasant taste, cf.
such usages as f#t t#um (Prov. 17:1) delicious morsel, mabl##t t#um
(2 Par. 9:24, see LLA 1242) delicious dishes. Unlike the root ksm (see I.8),
!"" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

the root tm seems to be associated with the sweet taste, and is used to qualify
such objects as honey: mar t#um (Hez. 3:3, see LLA 1242) sweet honey.
Of special interest is its use as an attribute of water, designating drinkable
water, cf. such usages as wa-r##yat azakta my t#um (Gen. 21:19) she
saw a well of fresh water; wa-rakabu naka my t#um (Gen. 26:19) and
they found a spring of fresh water; wa-y#tabb#h# ww la-y##ti dorho w#sta
my t#um (Lev. 14:5) and they kill this chicken in fresh water; my za-
t#um marira y#kaww#n the water which is sweet becomes bitter (see LLA
1242). Note that the verb t#ma is used to describe a situation when bitter,
brackish water becomes fresh, drinkable: wa-arayo #gziabher #da wa-
wadayo w#sta my wa-t#ma myu (Ex 15:25) and God showed him a piece
of wood and he threw it into water and the water became good.
The verb t#ma, taama can also be used, on the one hand, as a predicative
form of the adjective t#um (y#t##m #m#nna mar z#kr#ya, Sir. 24:20,
mentioning me is sweeter than honey) and, on the other hand, as an active
verb to taste, to try (food, drink) (i-y#k#l t#ima mabl#a, Job 33:20, he
cannot taste the food).
One should also note the usage of the root in application to sounds, retai-
ning the meaning pleasant: l#sn t#um ybazz#w t#whu; wa-af t#um
ybazz#w mm#ra (Sir. 6:5) the sweet tongue multiplies his brothers; and
the sweet mouth multiplies the knowledge; masanko wa-mazmur y#heww# z
la-nafs; wa-#m#nna k#lehomu l#sn t#um (Sir. 40:21) the violin and the
singing gladden the soul; but the pleasant tongue does better than both of
them; t#um nagar (Job 6:6) pleasant speech; wa-g#m klomu hawz
wa-t#um (Sir. 47:9) and the melody of their voice is pleasant and sweet;
t#bab la-sami t#um the wisdom, pleasant to hear; t#umna zen wa-z#kr
the pleasant of announcement and commemoration (LLA 1242).
Note also the figurative usage of the verb t#ma in the sense to experi-
ence: i-y#t##m#wwo la-mot (Matth. 16:27) they will not experience death.
The cognates in Ethiosemitic demonstrate both the meaning to have ple-
asant taste and to taste, to find out the taste of s.th.:
Tna. tam to taste, try (a dish), to take a sip (of beer); to be sweet,
savory, to be tasty, to be pleasing, pleasant, e. g., speech, to be good, conve-
nient, suitable, comfortable (KT 2472), t#um sweet, good, tasty, savory,
delicious, appetizing, luscious, succulent, toothsome; gentle, amiable, cheer-
ful, pleasing, agreeable, mellifluous; livable, cozy, fig. good, kind, gentle;
comfortable, convenient (ibid. 2473).
One should note a peculiar semantic development in Tigrinya: to have
taste of s.th. > to seem, to be like s.th.. Consider the following usage:
byyn y#t##m bl dbsay anft nayti awyt fsimu s#llzy
trdo It sounds like Byyn [lit. it has the taste of Byyn] said
Dbsay since he did not realize the direction the cries [were coming from]
(ibid. 2472). Cf. similar metaphors involving the visionary or acoustic per-
 M. Bulakh !"#

ception: English look (it looks like rain), sound (it sounds a good idea);
German aussehen (ihre Reise sah nach Flucht aus).
Tgr. taama to be sweet, savoury; to taste, t#um sweet, savoury (LH 619).
Amh. tam to be tasty, taste pleasant, be of good taste, be savory, to taste
(vt.), take a taste of; to be deeply in love; to satisfy, content (vt.), ytam
savory, tasty, flavorful (K 2097).
Har. t ma, tma taste good, be tasty, have flavor, taste, yitmzl sweet,
tima taste, pleasure (LHar. 154).
Gaf. am avoir bon got (LGaf. 193).
Arg. t hama taste good, flavor (LArg. 223).
Gur. End. t m, Msq. tam, Cha. Ea Muh. Msq. tam, Gyt. tm, Muh.
Msq. Gog. Sod. Wol. am, Sel. Zwy. m, End. ee~ m_, Enm. e~ e~ m_ taste
good, have flavor, be sweet, be dear, be expensive (LGur. 619).
Another set of Gurage lexemes with similar semantics demonstrate a me-
tathesis: tam > mta, possibly influenced by another taste term, *mss (see
I.4): Gur. Cha. (a)mta, Gyt. am_t, Enm. am_t, Ea amtta taste good,
Cha. amtata , Enm. Gyt. amtat, Ea Muh. amtatta find out the taste of
food or drink (LGur. 437).
The root goes back to the well-known PS *tm to taste, to try (food):
Hbr. tm Geschmack v. Speisen versuchen, kosten; Speise geniessen,
essen, t a am Geschmack (v. Speise) (HALAT 361).
Off. tm to taste (HJ 426f.), Palm. tmh victuals (ibid. 428).
Jud. t#am, t#m to taste; t #am, t #m, ta m pleasure, will; good
cheer (Ja. 543), matm savory, refreshing (ibid. 769).
Syr. t#em gustavit; edit; usus est, tam gustus, tam sapidus
(Brock. 283).
JPA tm to taste, eat, tm taste (Sokoloff 228).
Sam. tm tasting, eating, t m taste; food (Tal 319).
Mnd. T AM to taste, try, test, examine, eat, tama taste, flavour, savour,
quality; appreciation, pleasure, will (DM 174).
Arb. taima manger, avaler, prendre quelque chose; goter, deguster,
tataama goter, dguster; savourer (BK II 83), t a m- got, saveur; ap-
ptit (ibid. 84).
Sab. t m give enjoyment of crops (SD 152).
Mhr. tm: t m / y#t m / y#taym#n to eat, taste, try (food), t#m food
(JM 405).
Hrs. tm: tm / yetm to taste, have taste of (JH 128).
Jib. tam / ytoum / y#t m to eat, taste, tamn tasty; tasted (JJ 273).
Soq. tam manger, goter (LS 206).
Although the meaning have a pleasant taste occurs in many reflexes of
the root (Gez., Tna., Amh., Har., Gaf., Arg., Gur., Jud., Jib.), one can doubt
whether this semantics should be reconstructed on the Proto-Semitic level; it
!"$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

may be that the semantic shift to taste > to have pleasant taste (see II.2)
has taken place independently in Ethiosemitic languages, Judaic Aramaic
and Jibbali.
One should note such semantic shifts as to taste, to try the taste of food/
drink > to experience s.th., to learn smth. through experience (see II.4; cf.
Hbr. tm durch Erfahrung spren, merken, lernen, HALAT 361: tam -
r# k-tb_ dny, Ps 34:9, taste and see that the Lord is good; tm
k-tb_ sahrh, Prov. 31:18, she tasted that her merchandise is good; pB.
tam to examine, to taste, test, try, experience, Ja. 543; Bib. tm (pa.) to
give to eat, HALOT 1885; Jud. t# am, t#m to examine, to taste, test, try,
experience, Ja. 543; Mnd. TAM appreciate, perceive, discern, experience,
savour: tama d_-muta lataimin they do not taste the taste of death, DM 174;
Syr. t#em percepit, cognovit, Brock. 283; cf. also Gez. above) and taste,
sense of taste > judgment, perception, understanding (see II.5; cf. Hbr.
taam Geschmack (v. Speise); Empfindung, Verstand, HALAT 361; pB.
taam sense, wisdom, sound reasoning, Ja. 543; Bib. t#m understanding,
command, advice, report, HALOT 1885; Jud. t#am, t#m, tam reason,
argument, sense, Ja. 543; JPA tm reason, reasoning, Sokoloff 228; Sam.
tm sense: tmh dsbth brkn tmh drhwth mkrth the sense of the Sabbath
lies in the blessings, the sense of the Torah lies in the reading, Tal 319; Mnd.
tama judgement, perception, discrimination, DM 174; Syr. tam pruden-
tia, tam prudens, Brock. 283; cf. also Arb. ra ul-un d_ tam-in a man
possessing intelligence, and prudence, or discretion, Lane 1854). It seems
that the semantic development belongs to the Proto-Semitic level, so that in
some languages the original meaning to taste was entirely lost: Off., Nab.
tm order; decision, resolution; authority; matter, affair (HJ 427), Akk. tmu
Planungsfhigkeit, Entschlu(kraft); Verstand; Anweisung, Bescheid OB,
NB, NA, MB, OA (AHw. 1385).
See further AHw. 1385 (Akk., Hbr., Arm.), LHar. 154 (Har., Arb., Gez.,
Tna., Tgr., Amh., Arg., Gaf., Gur.), LGaf. 193 (Gaf., Arb., Gez., Tna., Tgr.,
Amh., Arg., Har., Gur.), LGur. 619 (Gur., Arb., Hbr., Gez., Tna., Tgr., Amh.,
Har., Gaf., Arg.), LGz. 582 (Gez., Arb., ESA, Jib., Hbr., Arm., Mnd., Akk.,
Tna., Tgr., Amh., Har., Gur., Gaf., Arg.), LS 206 (Soq., Mhr., Arb., Hbr.,
Syr., Akk., Gez.).

II. THE SEMANTIC CHANGES INVOLVING THE TASTE NAMES THAT HAVE BEEN
OBSERVED IN THE CONSIDERED MATERIAL

1. The derivation of taste names from names of prototypes and vice

versa.
The following taste prototypes have been found out in the course of the
investigation: honey > sweet (cf. Gez. maarir sweet and Akk. dapu
sweet, see I.3), salt > salty (see PS *mlh, I.5).
 M. Bulakh !"%

The reverse process is also attested: sour > vinegar (cf. Tna. msis
sour; vinegar, Amh. msasa vinegar < msis sour, see I.4); sour >
lemon (cf. Amh. msasa lemon < msis sour, see I.4).
2. Derivation of taste terms from verbs denoting actions or processes
and vice versa.
The most common type of derivation is a formation of a taste name from
a root primarily meaning to taste, try (food, drink). The semantic change
taking place in the roots kms (see I.8) and tm (see I.9) can be generalized as
to taste, try (food, drink) > to have good, pleasant taste (cf. also PS *mtk
to taste, to suck; to be sweet, of pleasant taste, see I.7).
Taste names can also be derived from verbs that denote various proces-
ses associated with acquiring a specific taste. Thus, sour taste may be asso-
ciated with the process of fermenting (cf. Gez. bh to ferment; to be sour,
see I.1; cf. also Gruntov, ms.) or with the process of rotting, decaying (cf.
Tna. msis sour, m to go bad (food) and m bl to become
moldy, see I.4).
3. The synesthetic changes.
In his research on synesthetic semantic changes, Williams postulates that
the only sensory lexemes that can switch their meaning to taste are touch-
words. At the same time, according to his investigation, taste-words do not
transfer back to tactile experience or forward to dimension or color, but only
to smell (sour smells) and sounds (dulcet music) (Williams 1976:463f.).
The present study confirmed the frequent change from taste to sound mean-
ing (cf. Gez. maarir sweet, see I.3; Gez. t#ma, taama to be sweet, see
I.9). At the same time, very little direct evidence on applicability of taste-
words to smells has been elicited (one possible example is Amh. kassm to
smell < kssm to taste, see I.8). Neither did the Geez vocabulary present
an example of touch > taste semantic change. Rather, we have several contra-
dictory examples, e. g., Arb. mdd to be sour; to be pungeant, to burn (see
I.4); PS *mrr to be bitter, the reflex of which in Tigrinya can be applied to
sun in the meaning to be pungent; to be burning hot (sun), in Akkadian to
wind biting, sharp, and in Tigre can be used to describe a hard horse hoof
(see I.6). Obviously, all these contexts involve the touch experience rather
than any other sensory experience and would suggest a synesthetic develop-
ment of a taste term into various touch terms (hot, sharp, hard). One has
to admit, however, that such applications are poorly attested and may be ex-
plained through an intermediary emotional meaning. Another possible con-
tradiction is Har. kmsa to sharpen, which may go back to Ethiosemitic
root *kms to taste (see I.8).
4. The changes suggested by metaphor to taste, to try (food, drink)
> to experience s.th..
The generalization into the meaning to experience s.th. is a well-attested
semantic shift for the verbs originally meaning to taste, to try (food, drink)
!"& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

(cf. Tna. ak m s to cause somebody taste s.th.; to cause somebody expe-

rience s.th., Amh. kmms to taste; to experience, see I.8; cf. also PS
*tm to taste; to experience, to learn by expierience, see I.9). A particular
case of this development of meaning is to taste > to have a sexual expe-
rience (cf. Tgr. kama to go to a prostitute for the first time < to taste,
Gur. kmms taste; have intercourse (euphemism), see I.8; this semantic
change is, on the other hand, related to a wide-spread metaphor tasty food >
attractive woman, see Razuvaev 2004:47).
The metaphor to taste, to try (food, drink) > to experience s. th. provokes
a number of other semantic shifts. Various taste adjectives are widely used to
describe various events of life, naturally the pleasant tastes describing happy
events (cf. Tna. t#um having pleasant taste; pleasant, agreeable, comfortable,
see I.9) and the unpleasant ones being associated with calamities and disasters
(cf. PS *mrr to be bitter > to be hard, difficult to bear, harsh, see I.6). The life
itself is often described in taste terminology, e. g., as bitter (see I.6.c).
5. The semantic changes involving transfer of a taste term into lexical
field of mental qualities or of emotions.
General verbs to taste, try (food, drink) can derive such meanings as judg-
ment, perception, understanding (cf. reflexes of PS *tm with meanings taste
and judgment, understanding, see I.9). Probably this semantic shift is sugges-
ted by metaphor to taste s.th. > to experience, learn s.th., see II.4. For a
similar semantic development, cf. Latin sapere to taste, savour > to know,
be wise (Viberg 1984:158).
The pleasant tastes are employed to characterize positive emotions or
mental qualities (cf. Gez. t#ma, taama to be sweet; to be pleasant, see
I.9), and the bad tastes describe the negative ones (cf. Gez. madid sour;
angry, Tna. msis sour; sour-tempered, see I.4; for the shift to be bitter >
to be grievous and to be bitter > to be angry in the PS root *mrr, see
I.6.d; rather unexpected meaning shift to be bitter > to be brave, courage-
ous, strong is also, however, attested for the latter term, see I.6). The terms
for salty taste usually have positive connotations, and are often employed to
decribe a high degree of intelligence (cf. Gez. m#lh understanding < mlh
to be salty, Arb. milh- salt; knowledge, see I.5), frequently being associa-
ted with sense of humor (cf. Arb. mulhat-, malhat- a bon-mot < mlh to be
salty, see I.5; cf. also Gruntov, ms.). At the same time, the semantic shift
sour taste > irony is also attested (Tna. m#sst sourness; irony, sarcasm,
see I.4). The opposite meaning to lack understanding can be expressed by a
root meaning to be tasteless (see Gez. lsh, I.2).
6. The generalizations and specific developments of meaning.
a. to be tasteless > to be ineffective, lacking s.th. (Gez. lsh, see I.2);
b. to spit > to have taste of saliva, to be tasteless (Gez. lsh, PS *tpl, see I.2);
c. to be sour > to hurt, to cause pain (cf. Arb. mdd to be sour; to hurt,
see I.4);
 M. Bulakh !"'

d. to be sour, to ferment to become thick, to dry up (Amh. bokka to

ferment, to turn sour; to thicken, see I.1; Amh. mtt t to ferment, to turn
sour; to become thick, stiff, hard, see I.4);
e. to have pleasant taste to be good (PS *tyb, see I.5);
f. to have pleasant or sweet taste > salt (Akk. tbtu s.th. having plea-
sant taste > salt, see I.5);
g. to be bitter > to be unpleasant, pungeant, sharp (words) (Tna. mr-
rir sour; biting, sharp (words), Arb. amarra to make bitter; to say bitter
things, Hbr. m#rrt bitter things < mrr to be bitter, see I.6.d);
h. to be sweet > to be unfermented (drink), unleavened (dough) (Hbr.
pB. m#tk sweet taste; sweet drinks, and the term for unleavened bread in
Tna. and Amh., related to the same root, see I.7);
i. to be sweet > to be good, becoming, beautiful (Tna. amar to
make sweet; to be good for, be becoming, see I.3; Amh. k# s#m pleasing,
dignified presence or appearance < (pleasant) taste; possibly also Har.
tkmsa become beautiful, (a)kmsa be beautiful < *kms to taste, to
have good taste, see I.8);
k. to have the taste of s.th. > to remind someone of s.th., to seem s.th.
(Tna. k# mso taste; example or sample, see I.8; Tna. t am to taste; to
have pleasant taste; to remind of s.th., to seem s.th., see I.9).

References
J. BARTH, 1967. Die Nominalbildung in den Semitischen Sprachen, Hilde-
sheim.
B. BERLIN P. KAY, 1969. Basic colour terms: their universality and
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M. BULAKH (forthcoming). Basic colour terms in Geez: synchronic and
diachronic aspects, in: S. Uhlig et al (eds.), Proceedings of the XV th Interna-
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I. GRUNTOV (ms.). . , :
(Systems of taste nomination: synchronical and diachronical
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M. RAZUVAEV, 2004. . ,
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. VIBERG, 1984. The verbs of perception: a typological study, in:

B. Butterworth B. Comrie . Dahl (eds.), Explanations for language
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A. ZALIZNIAK, 2001. . , -
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[HALAT] L. KOEHLER W. BAUMGARTNER, 19741990. Hebrisches
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[HALOT] L. KOEHLER et al., 19942000. The Hebrew and Aramaic
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[Hud] G. HUDSON, 1989. Highland East Cushitic Dictionary, Hamburg
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 M. Bulakh !#

[Ja.] M. JASTROW, 1926. A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud

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Abbreviations:
Akk. Akkadian Gyt. Gyeto
Amh. Amharic Har. Harari
Arb. Arabic Hbr. Hebrew
Arg. Argobba Hrs. Harsusi
Arm. Aramaic Jib. Jibbali
Babyl. Babylonian JPA Jewish Palestinian Aramaic
Bib. Biblical Aramaic Jud. Judaic Aramaic
Bogh. Boghazkeui LB Late Babylonian
Cha. aha lex. lexical (texts)
Dem. Aramaic texts in Demotic Script MA Middle Assyrian
End. Endegen MB Middle Babylonian
Enm. Ennemor Mhr. Mehri
Gaf. Gafat Mnd. Mandaic
Gez. Geez Msq. Masqan
Gog. Gogot Muh. Muher
Gr. Greek NA Neo-Assyrian
Gur. Gurage Nab. Nabatean
 M. Bulakh !#!

NB Neo-Babylonian Sam. Samaritan Aramaic

OA Old Assyrian SB Standard Babylonian
OAkk. Old Akkadian Sel. Selti
OB Old Babylonian Sod. Soddo
Off. Official Aramaic Soq. Soqotri
Old. Old Aramaic Syr. Syriac
Palm. Palmyrean Tgr. Tigre
pB. Post-biblical Hebrew Tna. Tigrinya
Pho. Phoenician Ugr. Ugaritic
PS Proto-Semitic Wol. Wolane
Sab. Sabaic Zwy. Zway

SUMMARY
The paper gives a survey of Geez lexemes belonging to the lexical field of
taste, discussing each in terms of its usage in Geez texts and its etymology. The
semantic shifts occuring both on a synchronic level (as polysemy) and on a
diachronic level (as differences in meaning between cognates) receive special
attention. Whenever possible, parallel semantic developments from other (as a
rule, Semitic) languages are adduced. A list of the registered semantic shifts is
given in the second part of the paper.
 Olga Kapeliuk
Hebrew University
Jerusalem

TOPICALIZATION IN AMHARIC
AND ITS DEGREES
What keeps language moving is essentially the introduc-
tion and development of topics.
Wallace Chafe1

1. Preliminary remarks
For all its merits and undeniable contribution to the understanding and
description of language, the current literature on functional linguistics is ham-
pered, perhaps more than any other modern linguistic discipline, by a lack of
consistency in the use of its terminology. There seems to be a pool of terms
such as theme, topic, focus and a few others that each author uses at
his own discretion, without even bothering to explain the exact connotations
of the term employed. The bewildered linguist has to strain to the utmost his
guessing capacity and waste his intellectual potential on deciphering the whims
of this fashionable mannerism.2 Even in such an insightful and level-headed

1
CHAFE, W., Polyphonic topic development, in: GIVN T. (ed.), Conversation-
Cognitive, Communicative and Social Perspectives, Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1997
(= Typological Studies in Language 34), 4153, here 42.
2
This mannerism of Anglo-American linguists, which consists of writing only
for the initiated, succeeded in permeating Ethiopian lingustics not only on the theore-
tical level but even in the transcription of local languages. Often computer inadequa-
cies are bypassed by the use of unconventional signs such as, for instance, in
R. HAYWARDs Tone and accent in Qafar noun, York Papers in Linguistics 15 (1991),
117137, where Qafar stands for Afar. Similary, in BAYE YIMAMs Unaccusative
Structures in Amharic, in: MARCUS, H. G. (ed.), New Trends in Ethiopian Studies.
Papers of the 12th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Michigan State
University, 510 September 1994, Lawrenceville, NJ: The Red Sea Press, 1994, I,
11311152, and elsewhere in his writings a whole series of bizarre signs is introdu-
ced without the slightest explanation about what they are meant to represent. Thus
we are entitled to such mysterious transcriptions as flnnq for m (cn-
nq) it bothers me, mma for R (tmma) I was thirsty whereas
the children J% (lg-o-u), inexplicably alternates between [lg-o-u] (ibid.,
1141), [le-o-u] (ibid., 1139) and /leou/ (ibid., 1143). For a linguist so keen
on making Amharic syntax accessible to a large readership (cf. BAYE YIMAM, Defini-
teness in Amharic discourse, Journal of African Languages and Lingusitics 17 [1996],
4783, here 49) it is a strange thing to do.
 O. Kapeliuk !##

work as T. Givns Syntax, on whose methodological guidelines much of the

present paper is based,3 some current terms have been modified. I shall stick
in what follows more or less to Givns terminology with the notable excep-
tion of the name for new information for which I shall use the more tradi-
tional denomination comment.4 Moreover, in what follows, the use of the
term topicalization beside the term topic is meant to distinguish between
old information as present in every regularly constructed sentence (with
the exception, perhaps, of the first sentence of a text) and certain special
syntactic procedures for creating the topic. It is this latter aspect that will be
investigated in what follows. Besides, it should be stressed that, contrary to
most studies in which only nouns and pronouns are treated as topics,5 any
sentence components, subordinate clauses and even whole sentences, will be
considered as topical as long as they contain previously provided information.
Although intonation, as represented in every-day speech, is the best indi-
cator of topicality, written texts have also proven an interesting field for fun-
ctional analysis, as may be ascertained from a number of former studies on
Amharic.6 Some particular means, such as significant changes in word order,
topicalization of normally non-topical elements and the use of special par-
ticles are recognizable in written texts as well. This applies in particular to
texts imitating conversations such as novels or short stories and above all
theatrical plays, but narrative texts are also rich in elements pointing to topi-
calization. Amharic fiction, especially the works of writers of older genera-
tions such as Af Wrq Gbr Iyysus, Hruy Wld Sllase, Almayyhu
Mogs, Mngstu Lmma and a few others, is characterised by its lively and
idiomatic style and its faithful rendering of spoken language. The style of
most young writers, on the other hand, underwent a process of levelling and
simplification,7 which has resulted in a greater uniformity and the conse-

3
GIVN, T., Syntax: A Functional-Typological Introduction, III. Amsterdam:
Benjamins, 19841990, chs. 7, 16, 17, 20. See also GIVN, T., Topic continuity in
discourse: an introduction, in: ID., Topic Continuity in Discourse, Amsterdam: Benja-
mins, 1983, 141.
4
Cf. HOCKETT, Ch. F., A Course in Modern Linguistics, New York: Macmillan,
1958, 202.
5
Cf., for instance GASSER, M., Topic continuity in written Amharic narrative,
in: GIVN, Topic Continuity in Discourse, 99139.
6
Notably: BLIESE, L. F., A discourse analysis of Amharic narrative, in: TADDESE
BEYENE (ed.), Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Stu-
dies. University of Addis Ababa, 1984, vol. 1, Addis Ababa Frankfurt-am-Main,
1988, 613621; KAPELIUK, O., The Language of Dialogue in Modern Amharic Lite-
rature, unpublished Ph.D. thesis (in Hebrew), Jerusalem, Hebrew University, 1968;
GASSER, Topic continuity.
7
It is also a banal, insipid version of Amharic that serves as basic data for the
current Chomskian analysis of the language. Diversity and variation are ignored or
!#$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

quent reduction of its syntactical diversity and linguistic interest. However,

in what follows an effort has been made to quote examples from current texts
as well so as not to give the impression that the phenomena under discussion
belong to an obsolete layer of the language.8

2. Topicalizing Particles
Among the most interesting means of topicalization, beside the change of
word order and the handling of typically non-topical sentence constituents
which will be described below, the enclitic particles -mm, and -ss and their
combination with the exclamatory particle -a merit a special mention. How-
ever, considering that I have dealt in detail with this subject in the past (al-
though using a somewhat different terminology)9 I shall only briefly summa-
rize here the main points to be illustrated by a number of examples quoted
below. The particle -mm and, also is very often attached in the narrative to
the first word of a consecutive sentence. At first sight it might look like a
topicalizing particle, considering that sentence opening is the natural posi-
tion of the topic, but its main function is rather to express thematic continuity
until the narration of an episode is exhausted and thus to create a semantic
paragraph.10 However, -mm followed by -a is definitely a topicalizing par-
ticle accompanied by a strong expressive nuance of impatience in a consecu-
tive sentence, given the evident nature of the answer or response.

swept aside as irrelevant. Structural ambiguities are solved by coining new terms for
well known phenomena. To quote just one example: in BAYE YIMAM, Definiteness,
5759, the common Amharic possessive pronoun and definite article is suddenly
classified as an indefinite pronoun meaning one (sic!) which, according to the
author, has the unique form -u when used, with a headless relative. How, then, should
a student of Amharic interpret the following examples from authentic texts in which
a headless relative carries the femine form -wa: A H |H ndih y-
all-wa tgdl- (MLTB 34/18; see the list of abbreviations at the end). Let
the (fem.) [one] who is like this kill me; * vOm I H yi b-
mqccc lay y-all-wa (SNSM 75/1) This the (fem.) [one] who is wasting away.
Cf. KAPELIUK, O., Nominalization in Amharic, Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1988 (Aethiopis-
tische Forschungen 23), here 8386.
8
Although part of the data cited comes from my unpublished Ph.D. thesis (KAPE-
LIUK, The Language of Dialogue) written in the late 1960s.
9
Cf. KAPELIUK, The Language of Dialogue, 143232; EAD. Particles of concate-
nation and reference in Amharic, BSOAS 41 (1978), 272282; EAD., Some supra-
sentential constructions in Amharic, in: Zaborski, A. (ed.), New Data and New
Methods in Afroasiatic Linguistics, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001, 7583.
10
Contrary to HETZRON, R., The element -mm in Amharic verbal system, Anna-
li dellIstituto Orientale di Napoli 23 (1973), 110. Cf. KAPELIUK, Particles of conca-
tenation and reference, 273275; EAD., Some suprasentential constructions, 7578.
 O. Kapeliuk !#%

The particle -ss is the equivalent of -mm in interrogative sentences, ser-

ving in dialogue to link questions, whether consecutive or separated by the
second speakers answers, and again providing a thematic frame around mea-
ningful stretches of dialogue; the same applies to its combination with -a.
But -ss has an additional important function: when used in dialogue in non-
interrogative sentences it often appears after the first word of the second spea-
kers answer or response and it has a clearly topicalizing function sometimes
accompanied by a contrastive connotation. Mostly, the word to which it is
appended either repeats a word of the preceding question or is a personal
pronoun, or a resuming expression such as Fe y#h#-ss and this, as for
this, c#e #ssu-ss and it, as for it, \e ngr-u-ss and the matter, as for
the matter and the like. Just to quote one example (1) with the first -ss as
topicalizer, the second -ss as a particle connecting questions within a thema-
tic stretch of dialogue and -mm-a again as a topicalizer with a strong expres-
sive nuance:
(1) OF dT| JUIF! wUIe? O+ F "" ze?
R ! k-mtta h samm#nt al-molla-h! b-ay-mola-#-ss?
mte nh. ant-ss? #ne-mma nfta n-a! (MLTG11 32/23
27) A week hasnt elapsed since you arrived! And if it hasnt elap-
sed [so what]? You are a new-comer. And you? As for me,
I am a [veteran military] settler!

3. Change of word order

In a language with such a fixed word order as Amharic any major change
in the position of a sentence component has a great functional significance.
Given that topics are mostly nominal, subjectal, definite and placed at the
beginning of a sentence, the Amharic basic SOV word order seems naturally
adapted to the functional perspective, the more so since there is a certain free-
dom in choosing the position of the nominal arguments that precede the
verb. However, in the spoken language as well as in dialogues included in
written texts, this apparent equilibrium is often disrupted by the dislocation
to the right, after the final verb, of various sentence components. By tran-
sferring a sentence component after the verb of the comment, the speaker
hints that it has still lesser communicative weight than that of the topic that
stands at the opening of the sentence. This procedure is most frequent in
short questions, e. g.:

11
In most examples the sentence preceding the topic discussed has also been
quoted to show topic continuity. Topics are printed in bold characters. Utterances of
different speakers are separated by a hyphen. Words which are added in translation
are printed inside sqare brackets and those which are omitted in translation inside
parentheses.
!#& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

(2) Hc& zJw T "" c& `f HT

? O, c&? #zza ga #kko nw l-fasika tlba #mm-#nn#-
ttta -w. fasika drso yllm ende? me nw fasika? (ABDA 34/23) It
is there that we drink linseed for Easter. Hasnt Easter come? When is
Easter?
In this example (2) the noun c& fasika Easter is the topic of the sec-
ond sentence, having been mentioned in what precedes, and stands at its open-
ing, acting as the subject. But in the third sentence, although fasika has the
same syntactic function as in sentence two, it is relegated to the end after the
verb. This right- dislocation12 of the topical element to a position after the
communicative peak of the comment constitutes a kind of after-thought, a
reminder of what has just been said. By this procedure the importance of the
already naturally downgraded information of the topic is further lowered by
another degree. The next step would be plain deletion. The topical subject
may also be resumed as an independent personal pronoun and dislocated to
the right (3) or anaphorically repeated, if it is included in the verb of the
comment (4) often with some expressive nuance of insistence (5), e. g.:
(3) Qe`O |Jo ` H "" T c#? ymmi-
yasgrr#m- and t#ll#q ngr all. m#nd#n-nw #ssu? (PAWD 13/
46) There is one thing which astonishes me. What is it?
(4) | xH OH| Y^ W^ ? #ndet bln y-mllyayt
s#ra srran #a? (GTHA 53/31) How (we saying) did we do an act of
disruption, we?
(5) | IB? e| OJ IB z? #ndet wala#hu?
#s#nt g#ml all-a#hu #nnant? (AWGU 116/14) translated by the au-
thor: Bonjour. Combien de chameaux avez-vous donc?
Any nominal sentence component acting as the topic may be dislocated to
the right, whether marked cataphorically by a pronoun (if definite) or not (if
indefinite). Thus we may quote: the direct object (6), the indirect object (7), a
genitival complement (8) a prepositional complement (9) etc, e. g.:
(6) PH# iT {h... { R zhHO iT%
and mulu ampa #nd tag tadiya man tllm-w ampa-u-
n? (PAWD 38/1439/2) A fully sealed champagne... So who was
awarded the champagne?
(7) z#Jv| zxJD| R vziH Hc t-gulbt-#nna t-b#lhat man
b-tal l-saw (AWGR 123/5) Between strength and intelligence what
would be better for a man.
(8) E T eP y#he m#nd#n-nw s#m-u? (CGT L 280/2) This
[one] what is his name?

12
I use here the term right-dislocation for any transposition of a sentence mem-
ber after the final verb, whether accompanied or not by pronominal reference.
 O. Kapeliuk !#'

(9) z| H ` wB... +` z&F ` t-ndet y-all-

w agr gbbahu ... #gzer yawta- t-zzih agr (EAMR 40/4-6) Into what
kind of country have I entered? May God bring me out of this country!
But not only nouns serve as topics. In lively dialogue any qualification of
the main verb, even an adverb or a subordinate clause, may also be dislocated
to the end of the sentence, after the main verb. Sometimes the change of or-
der is just an expression of the speakers excitement or insistence (10, 11),
but in other cases right-dislocation has an additional function of downgrading
the topic, presuming that its content is easily understood from what precedes.
This is especially clear when a dislocated subordinate clause has the function
of resuming what precedes (12) or presenting it as a condition of the realisa-
tion of the comment (13, 14), e. g.:
(10) vF H:F z^v#JF vT? bgo-#h-#nna f#yylo-#h
trabbu-ll#h btam? (AWGR 89/6) Did your sheep and goats breed well
to your advantage?
(11) OJ zc J c&E? g#ml t-sw y#ftnall s-ihed?
(AWGU 124/18) Do camels walk faster than men? (lit. hurries while it
walks).
(12) [When asked by her mother the daughter answers that the coffee she
is serving was ground on Saturday. The mother scolds her saying that it is
forbidden to grind coffee on Saturdays and Sundays and adds:] }
U wT HT | HT &F vI| T|[j? #ne
ktto fss# mo a-y#gba--#mm l-m#n z#nt alm #nnzzih-#n balat
#ndmm#-tt#r? (HIFK 36/1719) I dont understand at all why you
always forget these holidays?
(13) [The guide explains to the traveller the preparations to be made befo-
re an expedition:] I zv[D eo HR| | GJJ dX
v| z&F {Ic hwala t-brha s#nq l-magt #ndet y#hon-l#nn-
all s-a-nn#nnssa bfit t-zzih t-al-assnaddan? (AWGU 119/1112)
Later, in the desert, how will it be possible for us to find provisions if,
before leaving, we dont prepare [them] here?
(14) [The woman asks a blind beggar to take her son as a guide:] J
Y^ } y x# &+ G{J... T H c# v&[|
(HIFK 139/1-2) y-ne l#g s#ra at#to k-bozn b#zu gize hono-t-all-#nna
m#n all b-irda-wot? It is a long time since my son has been idle having
no work and what is the matter if he helps you?

4. Topicalization of Verbs
In the last four examples (1114) full sentences with their verbs, albeit
subordinate, act as topics. And, as a matter of fact, to quote T. Givn: While
the subject is the most common presupposed, non-asserted [= topical. O. K.]
part of any sentence in connected discourse, it is by no means the only one.
!$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Other nominal participants may be excluded from the scope of assertion

[= comment. O. K.] While such tendencies are indeed more common,
all languages have the mechanisms for reversing them and topicalizing less-
likely portions of the propositions such as the verb, while making various
nominals the focus of new information.13 Amharic has two ways of topica-
lizing a verb, beside the change of order by right-dislocation of a subordinate
clause mentioned in the preceding paragraph: one is by using the verb with
certain conjunctions whose function is precisely to refer to what has been just
said; the other consists in the nominalization of the verb and its transforma-
tion into a nominal topic, either as an infinitive or as a relative verb.

4.1. Verbs with conjunctions as topics

Certain subordinating conjunctions such as k- since (15), eH s#l-
since, because (16), x b#- if (17) or #nd that (18), preposed to
verbs, may serve to summarize and resume what has just been said in the
preceding sentence, thus providing the topic for the comment which follows
in the main sentence. The verb governed by such conjunctions is fully refe-
rential, often repeating a verb which has just been mentioned in the preced-
ing sentence;14 it is usually accompanied by the particles -ss or -mm-a, which
is a definite sign of topicalization, e. g.:
(15) [Speaker A says that he left his native province when he was twelve
years old; speaker B reacts] &F GR A\ B O
d[c#| m`T #nd-zzih k-hon-mma hagar-u-n ahun fss# mw
sa-y#rasu-t a-y#qr-#mm (HIFK 81/2122) If it is so, doubtless now you
must have forgotten the country.
(16) c j IHB c eHG#R O JHB sw n #lall-
hu sw s#la-honku-mma mttt #fll#gallhu (C GT L 7/1011) I am
saying: you are a human being Since I am a human being I want to
drink.
(17) s`F zX! v&JR \e wJ qwarth tnsa! b-ial-
#mma, ngru-ss b-al-kffa (MLTG 39/9) Make your decision and get
started! If it were possible this wouldnt be bad.
(18) ...JvJF? c#R T{m* * i! RImR
`#F l#bl-#h? #ssu-n-#mma ymm#-ttawqi-w ani n-a! #nd-
mm-al-awq-w-mm-a nggrku-h! (CGT L 225/911) Should I say about
you ? It is you who knows it! I told you that I dont know!
Even fully independent sentences may be topicalized if they imply a con-
dition, e. g.:

13
GIVN, Syntax, I, 257.
14
It is not clear how such constructions should fit into T. Givns rule (GIVN,
Syntax, II, 899900) that verb/ predicate is nearly 100% non-refential.
 O. Kapeliuk !$

(19) R Ov| HF? Ov| IOv| QH

QT[ ` HT (MLTG 40/56) man #mn-bbt al-h? am-
mnk-bbt al-ammnk-bbt ymmi-yagwdl-w ymmi- mm#r-w
ngr yll-mm Who told you to believe in it? [Whether] you believe in
it or you dont believe in it, there is nothing that diminishes it or adds to it.

4.2. Infinitive in extraposition as topic

Although finite verbs with conjunctions may act as topics, the more com-
mon procedure of verb topicalization consists in the nominaliziation of the
verb itself. Amharic has two main ways of nominalizing a verb: either as an
infinitive or as a relative verb, and the use of nominalized verb forms is one
of the most prominent features of Amharic syntax in general.15 Topic cons-
tructions with a verb nominalized as an infinitive in extraposition are exclusi-
vely found in dialogues and they are not very frequent. An infinitive, that
normally resumes the verb of the preceding sentence, is put in extraposition16
before a complete sentence, which acts as comment and usually also contains
the same or semantically close verb under its finite form. In these construc-
tions, the finite verb of the comment is a focalized chunk17 of information.
A contrastive statement introduced by the conjunction but normally fol-
lows. The infinitive itself is often accompanied by the definite article with or
without the accusative marker -n (irrespective of the transitivity of the verb
of the comment) and has attached to it one of the topicalizing particles, either
-ss or -mm-a, e. g.:
(20) OTF` QezT^| J[ v& ... T \?
OR wJ v` "" ` ` "" mmh#r
ymmi-yastmr-at-n l#g agrd b-iwdd m# nd# n-nw nwr-u?
mwdd-#mm-a b-al-kffa nbbr, ngr g#n y-wddd r nw
(SNSM 69/2226) If a teacher loves a girl he teaches whats wrong?
As for loving (lit. to love), it wouldnt be bad. But the one who loves is
generous.
(21) O{B| `e ! OG "" \ TT H y-
mttahu-t #rswo-n nw-a! mhon-u nw. daru g#n m#n#mm aydll

15
KAPELIUK, Nominalization, 1721 et passim.
16
I use here the term extraposition and not left-dislocation because the infi-
nitive is not a component of the sentence taken out and dislocated to the left but
rather an addition, placed in front of the full sentence which immediatley follows.
Cf. KAPELIUK, The Language of Dialogue, 168, 263266; EAD., Lemploi de la mar-
que de laccusatif -n avec le complment dobjet direct en amharique, Israel Orien-
tal Studies 2 (1972), 183214, here 213214; EAD., Nominalization, 6768. In my
first two studies terms other than topic were used for the extraposed infinitive.
17
For the term Chunk cf. GIVN, Syntax, I, 258261.
!$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

(HIFK 132/1315) So it was you I hit! As to being, it was, but it

doesnt matter.
(22) Be JziHFT? OiJe ziJ ... ... ahun-ss
al-talh-#mm? mal-ss #yy-tal- nw g#n (C GT L 252/
68) Didnt you get better now? As for getting better, I am getting
better But
(23) ve vw ` ` Oe^ {o HT? OeRz%
cTJB b-addis abba dar dar msfr-aw-n tawq yllmm?
msmat-u-n sm#allhu (BZMA 112/3234) Dont you know that they
settled in the periphery of Addis Abba? As to hearing, I have heard.
(24) `e c H#T ? OGe "" \ H#|
v{ Uz%| vI #rswo sw aydllumm #nde? mhon-u-n-ss n.
Daru g#n k-allu-t bta k-motu-t blay n (HIFK 65/1114) Arent
you a human being? As to being, I am. But I am below the living and
above the dead.

4.3. Cleft sentences as a topicalizing device

The use of cleft sentences is extremely frequent in Amharic18 and we may
say that they represent the most common means for circumventing the rather
rigid SOV word order and what it implies in functional terms. Thanks to their
structure, which involves the downgrading of a verb to the status of the nomi-
nalized subject of a copula sentence, they constitute an ideal means of verb
topicalization. Normally it is the relative verb placed either at the onset of the
sentence or at its end, that acts as the subject of a cleft sentence, and at the
same time as its topic, but the infinitive may also play this role, especially in
more ancient texts (28). Often the relative verb is followed by the definite
article rendering explicit its undeniable substantival status, yet contrary to
what might be expected, it is not accompanied by the topicalizing particles
-ss or -mm-a, but is sometimes followed by the thematical particle -m. The
rest of the sentence, namely the comment, is composed of the copula and its
predicative complement, which directly precedes it and constitutes the focal
chunk of the new information.
Contrary to plain copula sentences, in cleft sentences almost any under-
lying component may be placed directly in front of the copula as its predica-
tive complement and become the focus of the comment. Besides the usual
arguments of the relative verb (21, 34, 35, 37, 38) and a prepositional comp-

18
Cf. KAPELIUK, Nominalization, 101146, and the bibliography adduced there;
LESLAU, W., Reference Grammar of Amahric, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995, 105
117. It has been claimed that in Amharic cleft sentences are infrequent in narration
(GASSER, Topic continuity, 138 n. 1). However, it suffices to look at one page of a
newspaper to see that this statement is unfounded.
 O. Kapeliuk !$!

lement (2, 25, 33, 36, 39), even an adverb of manner (26), the direct speech
(27), any subordinate clause (28, 29, 32, 38) or the predicative complement
(30, 31, 40), may be focalized, e. g.:19
(25) BH# G v dT| e ! Y#h hullu y-hon-w
b-and samm#nt w#st nw (AMYB 43/2122) It is within one week that
all this happened!
(26) wI` v&R` vT e QH! balagr b-imark-aw
btam nw dss ymm-il-! (HAFM 305/29) It is very [much] that Ill
be pleased if the peasants capture Him!
(27) I` TH TT ` HT TJj #ne l-adrg-
w ymm-##l-w m#n#mm ngr yllmm nw ymm-#l- (AMYB 18/
910) It is There is nothing that I can do that I am telling you!
(28) m RHz, ... U{ ` xcR #gg#g dnnq-
malt-e ya-mot-aw ngr b-#sma nw (AWGR 256/67) It
was when I heard [lit. if I heard] the news of her death that I said I
was very surprised.
(29) wz% J% mRH: d abbat-u l#go-u-n aqq-
matlo nw y-asaddg-aw (EAMR 24/15) It is spoiling that the father
brought up his children.
(30) I{ TG tlat-aw nw ymm-#hon-w (ABDA
134/1213) It is their enemy that I shall become.
(31) vn _ z[O m QG bqqa zare y-trggm qn
nw ymm-ihon-w (CGT L 260/2122) Enough! It is an accursed day
that it will be today!
As may be seen from the examples of the cleft sentences just quoted, the
topic either stands at the sentence opening (21, 25, 28) or at its end, after the
copula (2, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31). It seems that the basic position of the topicali-
zed subject is at the onset of the cleft sentence, but very often, much more
often than in plain sentences, it is dislocated to the right, after the copula, es-
pecially in questions and answers. The choice of the position of the topic may
be conditioned by its relative communicative importance. When it is placed
at the beginning of the sentence, its communicative load, albeit downgraded,
has still a certain weight, whereas when dislocated to the right it becomes no
more than an after-thought. The relative topic occurs more often at the sen-
tence onset in neutral narration than in dialogue. Usually it resumes a verb
used in a preceding sentence and the comment adds some new information
represented by the focal component, which precedes the copula (32, 33). This
kind of utterance is very frequently used in the language of the media when a
plain sentence describes an event to which additional details are provided by
a cleft sentence (34) that immediately follows, e. g.:
19
An effort has been made to translate the following examples by English cleft
sentences, even if the result is sometimes clumsy.
!$" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

(32) Rc# K[ vd{J "" Qvd|T Oh

admasu harg wyn-#n yabbsa.. -at-all. ymm-iyabbsa. . -at-#mm
#yy-am nw (PAWD 32/2122) Admasu makes Harg Wyn ang-
ry. And it is while he stays out late that he makes her angry.
(33) f I zmO c R G HRo Ie^|T ""
c zmOv| wJ |a Q`v| f v` sofa-w
lay y-tqmmt-w sw man #nd-hon l-mawq al-asggr-at-#mm.
Sw-eyye-w y-tqmmt-bbt bal-wa azwt#ro ymmi-yarf-bbt sofa
nbbr (AMYB 48/710) It was not difficult for her to know who was
the man who was sitting on the sofa. It was on the sofa on which her
husband always rested that the man was sitting.
(34)_&| f vmU [d _&| ... U|
zcR z vOH || OJ| ezIH ""
ezIH| HQcz` h&^ ... prezidant ngaso b-qdmo-w y-
fransay prezidant mot y-tsmma-w-n kff#ta hazn b-mgls
t#nant#nna mleeket astlallfu. y-astlallfu-t l-mister irak nw
(ADZM January 1996) President Ngaso sent yesterday a message ex-
pressing his deep sorrow about the death of the former French Presi-
dent. It is to Mr. Chirac that He sent it.
The frequent right-dislocation of the topic mainly occurs in animated con-
versation, permeated by some expressive nuance of resentment, impatience
and the like (35, 36), although it is also encountered in narration (29). The
interesting cases are those in which we witness the passage of the topic from
left to right thus rendering explicit the progressive downgrading of the given
information (37, 38). Another interesting case, from the point of view of dis-
course structure and downgrading of information, consists in the presence of
a verb in a subordinate temporal clause as part of a cleft sentence with an
identical verb for the nominalized topic (39, 40), e. g.:
(35) T F? z ToF! m#n nkka-h? ant--n nw ymm-
#Jyy#q-#h! (AMYB 71/22) What got into you? Its you I am asking!
(36) HT z v\ eRRv|T? vT
TeRR? lm#n ant-nna #ne b-ngr-u a-nn#smamma-bbt-
mm? b-m#n-u nw #mm-#nn#smamma-w? (HIFK 149/1314) Why
shouldnt we agree about the matter? What is it that we should ag-
ree about?
(37) [A bell rings] c U} H{z%... QJ OeHJ
Uz vi | x^ Uz sw moto l-f#tat-
u ymm-iddwwl y#msl--all. y-mot-w y-aba nsannt nw.
k#br-a-#n nw y-mot-w (MLTG 24/810) It seems to me that a man
having died it rings for ... his absolution mass. It is Ethiopias free-
dom which has died! It is our honour which has died!
(38) [Speaking of a writer] Q H "" z% m% `
Q ymm-is# f-w l-ne nw. #ne-n fit-u qu ad#rgo nw
 O. Kapeliuk !$#

ymm-is# f-w (CGT L 27/2122) Its for me that he writes. Its having
placed me in front of him that he writes.
(39) dw w} M Rw #ne s-agba
wdag-e, #nd-abbato-a#n h#gg nw ymm-agba-w (MLT B 10/11)
When I marry, my friend, it is according to our ancestors customs that I
shall marry.
(40) e|OxT c&cz` H# [| G zOv s#-
tt#mmddb-#mm y-sister Azalu rdat hona nw y-tmddb#-w
(C GT L 203/34) When she was appointed it was as sisters Azalu assi-
stant that she was appointed.
The almost tautological status of the relative subject of the cleft sentences
in examples (39) and (40) may be brought to its logical conclusion which
consists in simple deletion. And, as a matter of fact, topics with minimal
communicative load are often felt as redundant and simply elided, as the final
degree of downgraded information (41, 42). It happens when the information
included in the topic has already been mentioned and sufficiently commented
upon, often in a preceding cleft sentence, to the point of being tautological.
As a result of the elision of the subject/topic, one-member sentences are crea-
ted with their predicate/comment composed only of the copula and the predi-
cative complement as focus, e. g.:
(41) T W`zF T|vI? | OF ? (MLTG 33/19
20) m#n srth nw ymm#tt#blaw? kyt #yamtta h nw? Doing what
is it that you will eat? Bringing from where is it [that you will eat]?20
(42) R U| J{ \OwF ? ... _e c
U| Iv| HT #| "" J... U| Ive`v| !
y-man-#n mot l#-ttaww#g nw trumba-h-#n yyazh-w? zare-ss
y-sw mot l-aww#g-bbt aydllmm y-yazku-t. y-wngl-n mot l-
abs#r-bbt nw! (ABDA 137/712) To announce whose death is it that
you are holding your trumpet? Today it is not to announce a mans
death that I am holding it. It is to announce crimes death!

***
We may conclude by stressing the great variety of syntactical means which
are available to the speakers of Amharic in terms of discourse strategy. Not
only nominal elements may serve as topics but also verbs, either in subordi-
nation or by being nominalized. This is just another proof of the amazing
richness of the Amahric syntax.

20
Such cleft sentences with an elided subject are ungrammatical in English and in
other languages using cleft sentences known to me. However, in contemporary French
the expression Cest moi is often heard as a reply to a simple Merci. This can only be
analysed as a truncated cleft sentence: Merci Cest moi [qui vous remercie].
!$$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

List of Abbreviations
ABDA Abba Daffar #nna lelo aa# r tariko, Addis Abba: Kuraz,
1977 Eth.C;
ADZM Addis Zmn. Daily Newspaper. Addis Abba;
AMYB AMAR MAMMO, Y-#wnt b#ll# ta. Addis Abba: Commercial
Press, 1967 Eth.C.;
AWGR AFEVORK GHEVRE JESUS, Grammatica della lingua amarica, Rome:
Accademia dei Lincei, 1905;
AWGU AFEVORK GHEVRE JESUS, Guide du voyageur en Abyssinie, Roma:
de Luigi, 1905;
BZMA BERHANU ZRYHUN: Ma#bl, vol I. Addis Abba: Ethiopian Book
Center, 1980 Eth.C.;
CGTL # gag-#nna tal-#nna lelo , Addis Abba: Mega, 1998;
EAMR EADIE, J. I., An Amharic Reader, Cambrigde: University Press,
1924;
GTHA GRMAW TKL HAWARYAT, Ara aya, Asmra 1947 Eth.C.;
HAFM HADDIS ALMAYYHU, F#q#r #sk mqab#r, Addis Abba: Brhan-
nna Slam, 19622 Eth.C.;
HIFK HAYL IYYSUS FQADU, K#ng#dih wdih adra #nday#ddggm,
Addis Abba: Commercial Press, 1953 Eth.C.;
MLTG MNGSTU LMMA, Y-twnet gubae, Addis Abba: Kuraz, 1983
Eth.C.;
MLTB MNGSTU LMMA, Tlfo bkise, Addis Abba: Chamber Press,
1961 Eth.C.;
PAWD PAWLOS OO, D#bl#ql#q, Addis Abba: Brhan-nna Slam,
1971 Eth.C.;
SNSM SISAY NGUSU, Smmn, Addis Abba: Kuraz, 1978 Eth.C.

SUMMARY
The paper investigates the lexical and syntactic means by which Amharic tran-
sforms a sentence component into topic. They include the change of word order,
the use of some special topicalizing particles, the use of certain subordinate clau-
ses, the infinitive in extraposition and cleft sentence. Topicalization may be ac-
companied by a gradual downgrading of information by dislocating the topicali-
zed element to the right and even by deleting it altogether.
 Leonid Kogan
Russian State University for the Humanities
Moscow

COMMON ORIGIN OF ETHIOPIAN SEMITIC:

THE LEXICAL DIMENSION*
Introduction
Semitists have a tendency to be sceptical with regards to genetic classi-
fication and negative statements about the questionable usefulness of classi-
ficatory schematizations (Renfroe 1992:7) can easily be found on the pages
of Semitological treatises. In spite of this trend, various aspects of genetic
classification of Semitic have always occupied many of the best minds work-
ing in this branch of comparative linguistics. A proper evaluation of the sub-
grouping procedure as applied to Semitic languages has been admirably out-
lined in a recent survey by John Huehnergard: Classification and subgrou-
ping of language families are among the most important of the comparativists
tasks, and this obtains in our field, too... Indeed, classification and subgouping
should inform comparative work and historical reconstruction, for these activi-
ties are inextricably interwined ... In other words, classification is not simply a
mind game... (Huehnergard 2002:130).1
A coherent classificatory pattern of Semitic has two facets: several major
splits and unities are to be postulated and proved, such as East Semitic vs.
West Semitic or Central Semitic vs. South Semitic; simultaneously, the com-
mon origin of each minor subdivision (Cannanite, Aramaic, ESA, Ethiopian,

*
I am deeply grateful to Maria Bulakh and Alexander Militarev for their critical
remarks on a preliminary draft of this article. The work on the present topic was
carried out within the project Studies in the Genetic Classification of Semitic
supported by the Center for Fundamental Research (project No. 02-3.17-101) which
deserves my most sincere gratitute for its assistance. My work on the present
contribution was carried out in the framework of the projects 03-06-80435-a ()
and 04-04-00324a (). I am grateful to both institutions for their help.
1
In reply to the following statement from ULLENDORFF 1961:30: Classification
is harmless, unobjectionable, and at times even useful if limited to describing present-
day habitat and the prevailing geographical circumstances, but it becomes positively
dangerous, i. e. obscuring rather than illuminating, if meant to explain genetic con-
nections. [For the list of abbreviations used in this article see p. 392.] Ullendorffs
position is rightly qualified by Huehnergard as without parallel in comparative work
in other language families. For another highly positive assessment of linguistic classi-
fication v. GOLDENBERG 1998:461, quoting such outstanding figures of general and
Indo-European comparative studies as Baudouin de Courtenay, Meillet and Greenberg.
368 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

MSA etc.) is to be demonstrated as clearly as possible. Demonstration of the

diachronic unity of Ethiopian Semitic (ES) is a model illustration of the se-
cond task: a compact, geographically and historically isolated group of lan-
guages whose similarity is intuitively realized by every student of Semitics
should provide many specific features from which a reliable net of classifica-
tory criteria could be worked out.
According to a wide concensus, the principal method by which genetic
classification of Semitic has to be guided is that of shared morphological
innovations. This method, elaborated in a series of important contributions
by R. Hetzron (e. g., 1972:13 and passim), was successfully applied by him
and his successors to demonstrate the unity of West Semitic as opposed to
East Semitic (Akkadian) and the unity of Central Semitic as opposed to other
West Semitic languages. In spite of some difficulties connected with the for-
mal shape of the corresponding classificatory features2 and the fact that con-
flicting isoglosses have been adduced by some authors,3 the essence of
Hetzrons method proved to be valid and there is no doubt that it should be
applied whenever possible i. e., whenever important morphological inno-
vations can be discovered for a given sub-branch of Semitic.
Is this the case for Ethiopian Semitic? Regrettably, the answer seems to be
overwhelmingly negative. As stated in Faber 1997:12, although virtually all
discussions of Semitic subgrouping assume a single Ethiopian Semitic branch
which later split into North Ethiopic and South Ethiopic, there is virtually no
linguistic evidence4 for such a Common Ethiopian stage. Indeed, even if
Geez alone is confronted with Arabic, Sabaic or Mehri, reliable morpholo-
gical innovations separating it from these languages are rather difficult to
find, and the more so if such innovations are expected to be shared by, e. g.,
Tigre, Tigrinya and Amharic. Fabers claim5 is perhaps exaggerated since
2
The origin of the second -a- in the Common WS New Perfect *katal-a and that
of -u in the Common CS New Imperfect *ya-ktul-u are still uncertain (HUEHNERGARD
2002:126 is well aware of this difficulty).
3
The principal one consists in the fact that Arabic shares several specific patterns
of broken plural with Ethiopian and MSA (RATCLIFFE 1998:120). Cf. also ZABORSKI
1991, GOLDENBERG 1998:298ff.
4
Within Fabers approach, linguistic evidence is clearly synonymous with
shared morphological innovations. This implicit equation independent of its
relevance for the subgrouping question is terminologically inaccurate as it auto-
matically excludes phonology, lexicon and syntax from linguistics.
5
No doubt, a fully justified reaction against many attempts to collect various
allegedly specific Ethiopian features, all or most of which are actually absent from
several languages of the group (notably, Geez), or turn out to be obvious retentions
from PS, or can be qualified as typologically trivial developments possibly of areal
nature. A typical example of such a list is LESLAU 1975 (as recognized already by
Ullendorff in his comments on Leslaus communication). HETZRON 1972:1719 pro-
vides a far more serious attempt but the final outcome is also somewhat disappoint-
 L. Kogan 369

some morphological features which can be treated as Proto-Ethiopian can

probably be detected. I mean first of all the gerund base *katl-, shared by
Geez, Tigrinya, Amharic and Argobba (on the controversial evaluation of the
Gurage evidence v. Hetzron 1972:101ff. as opposed to Goldenberg
1998:466ff.); the agent noun *katl-y- (partly replacing the PS active parti-
ciple *ktil-) and the infinitive in -ot can also be mentioned. However, none
of these features appears to be of crucial value for determining the linguistic
unity of ES (note that at least in one language modern Harari all of
them are lacking) and, even if they do occur together (as in Geez), they hard-
ly correspond to ones expectations about a group of languages intuitively
perceived as closely related.6
Does the lack of specific morphological innovations mean that the lin-
guistic unity of Ethiopian Semitic cannot be demonstrated? Should we under-
stand ES as a geographical and historical-cultural concept only? In my opi-
nion, one important factor should prevent one from drawing such a conclu-
sion, namely the fundamental unity of the basic vocabulary. A systematic
demonstration of this unity and its key relevance for the question of the com-
mon origin of ES is the principal goal of the present article.
Vocabulary is overtly or tacitly assumed to be persona non grata in most
studies in the genetic classification of Semitic. According to Renfroe 1992:7,
that, under any circumstances, vocabulary is an unreliable measure by which
to determine the relationship between any two given languages is a widely
recognized fact. My comparativists intuition (no doubt shared by many col-
leagues from various fields of historical linguistics) suggests that this cer-
tainly unreflected attempt to deny the classificatory value of the lexicon
cannot be correct. The vocabulary can and should be taken into consideration

ing. Thus, verbal expressions based on the verb to see are scarcely attested in Geez
but so common in Cushitic that their wide use in Modern Ethiopian may well be
regarded as an areal phenomenon affecting each language independently. As for some
syntactic phenomena discussed by Hetzron, the concluding statement of the corres-
ponding section of his book is quite telling : ...the Cushitic evidence came later and
was independent in the different branches of Ethiopian. In sum, it is very hard to
agree with APPLEYARD 1996:207208 who believes that Hetzrons study lays to rest
the phantom of a dual or even multiple origin of Ethiopian Semitic. Personally, I am
convinced that Hetzrons attempt to defend the common origin of ES is among the
weakest points of his otherwise brilliant monograph.
6
Prof. R.-M. Voigt kindly reminded me in personal communication about one
Proto-Ethiopian innovation overlooked by Faber and myself, namely the front vowel
after the first radical in the imperfect of B (Gez. y# -sebb# r, Tna. y# -s#bb# r, Har.
yi-sbri). I can only object to his observation that even this (no doubt, very important)
innovative feature is absent from Tigre where the imperfect of B is identical to that of
A (l# -sabb# r). Incidentally, Tigre lacks gerund and preserves *ktil- as the main pat-
tern of the active participle (though ktly and katl(i) are also in evidence).
370 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

in any subgouping procedure, especially if other criteria are scarce or vague

(as in the case of ES). The main problem consists in elaborating a sound
methodology for a proper assessment of its role. As far as the purpose of the
present contribution is concerned, a simple and reliable method is at hand, in
its essence almost symmetrically parallel to that used by Hetzron and his
followers. Not only morphological, but also lexical units can be classified
into retentions and innovations. While both morphological and lexical reten-
tions are, in most cases, of no value for establishing the common origin for a
group of languages, lexical innovations can be as telling in this respect as the
morphological ones.
The method of lexical innovations is not identical to the glottochronolo-
gical method.7 The latter operates, in its statistical calculations, with both
retentions and innovations indiscriminately, whereas the former is primarily
interested only in innovations (though less trivial types of retentions may also
be important, v. extensively below). The principal tasks of the two methods
are also different: proving the common origin of ES need not be connected
with establishing the time of its separation from Common West Semitic and
its subsequent disintegration. However, since both are focused on lexical
change, there may be some hope that the analysis proposed in the present
article could provide arguments for a further refinement of the glottochrono-
logical procedure.
R. Hetzron, a pioneer of the present-day Semitic and Ethiopian classifica-
tion, was certainly aware of the important role of the lexicon in genetic clas-
sification: Naturally, we do not mean that vocabulary must be discarded
from among the criteria for linguistic classification. On the contrary, it is one
of its most important bases (Hetzron 1972:13). In spite of this, lexical evi-
dence has been never used systematically in Hetzrons studies on the topic.8

7
Which alone is critically mentioned (regrettably, without much discussion) by
those who regard shared morphological innovations as the only tool of genetic sub-
grouping. Thus, APPLEYARD 1996:204 quickly moves from a critical evaluation of
D. Cohens lexicostatistical study (COHEN 1970) to a general conclusion according to
which it is comparison of morphological forms and structures that must necessarily
constitute the bedrock of any comparative work. Oddly enough, on p. 220 of his
article the same author does not hesitate to suppose that the presence of the internal
passive in MSA and Sabaic in my view, one of the most important features linking
these languages to WS as opposed to Akkadian may be due to diffusion, if not
direct borrowing from Arabic. If such an isogloss can be discarded as the result of
borrowing and diffusion, I can only wonder what kind of morphological isoglosses
still constitute the bedrock of any comparative work.
8
Its most explicit manifestation is the term Gunnn-Gurage invented by Hetz-
ron to denote West Gurage languages where terms for head derive from *gunnn
(as opposed to dum < *dVmS- in East Gurage). HETZRON (1972:1) considers this to
be a very good lexical isogloss. Other scattered examples include the negative par-
 L. Kogan 371

The special relevance of shared lexical innovations has also been recognized
previously (see, e. g., Hackett 1980:122, relying on a personal communica-
tion by T. O. Lambdin; Tropper 1993:278ff. and especially Huehnergard
1998:275276, with many penetrating remarks but a somewhat skeptical gen-
eral evaluation).9 Nevertheless, to the best of my knowledge, this method has
not yet been consistently applied to any sub-branch of Semitic.10 The present
contribution, gratefully dedicated to the memory of Sevir Chernetsov who
some 13 years ago introduced those who are now the co-editors of the present
volume into the field of Ethiopian studies is intended to fill this gap.11

1. Swadesh wordlist: the evidence

The Swadesh wordlist used in the standard glottochronological procedure
will serve as a convenient starting point for the present investigation as it
mostly consists of semantically unambiguous notions that are primitive enough
to prevent at least ideally the corresponding terms from being bor-
rowed from one language to another.12

ticles *Vy vs. *al (p. 28), the numeral nine (*tis- vs. *zaht an-, p. 29), the verbs
*hlf vs. *hwr for to go (p. 59) etc. It is also noteworthy that the only feature from
among the first independent innovations that separated it [Ethiopian] from South
Arabian (HETZRON 1972:18) mentioned by Hetzron on p. 129, namely the fact that
the same morphemic exponent is used adnominally in the meaning of like and
adverbially as a purposive in order that, is actually a lexical feature. It is attributed
by Hetzron to an early Agaw influence but an identical use is observable for Akk.
kma at least in Old Assyrian: kaspam mehrtim irraminkunu kma tagammilninni
idma das Silber, die Gegenwerte, legt, um mir gefllig zu sein, von eurem ei-
genen (HECKER 1968:255). That both Akk. kma and Gez. kama are widely used to
introduce dass-Stze is commonplace.
9
For a somewhat contradictory presentation of the relevance of lexical isoglos-
ses in the genetic subgrouping of Ethiopian v. APPLEYARD 1977:45.
10
A classical study dealing with shared lexical innovations in Indo-European is
PORZIG 1954.
11
The method of shared lexical isoglosses has been applied by the present author
to the problem of the genealogical setting of Ugaritic (to appear soon as a special
study). Another contribution dealing with the lexical evidence for the continuity be-
tween Old and Middle Aramaic is KOGAN 2005.
12
In most cases, I will rely on the lists compiled for Geez, Amharic, Tigrinya,
Soddo and Harari by Alexander Militarev (partly published in MILITAREV 2000 and
MILITAREV 2004), a fruit of many years of thorough work with lexicographic tools and
native speakers. My independent check of various positions of these lists has provi-
ded abundant proof for the semantic accuracy of Militarevs choice (in sharp contrast
with RABIN 1975 or BENDER 1968, both full of quite arbitrary decisions), minor changes
introduced by myself being thus quite insignificant. Needless to say, my etymologi-
cal evaluation of many concrete cases is quite different from that proposed in Mili-
372 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

My first step was to separate the stock of positions which can be more or
less safely regarded as reflecting the hypothetic Proto-Ethiopian stage. In my
opinion, a root reflected with the same basic meaning in Geez, Tigrinya or/
and Tigre, Amharic and/or Argobba, Harari and/or Eastern Gurage and one
of the Gunnn-Gurage languages (for practical reasons, most often Soddo)
can be attributed to Proto-Ethiopian without serious doubts. Such positions
are represented by 41 examples. To these one can add, with a high degree of
certainty, 16 roots which are present in Geez, Tigrinya or/and Tigre and at
least two South Ethiopian subdivisions. A relatively small residual (11 exam-
ples) comprises various less reliable combinations (Gez., Tgr./Tna. and one
S.-Eth. subdivision; all or most of Neo-Ethiopian but not Geez, etc.). In sum,
no less than 68 positions can be qualified as Proto-Ethiopian, more than 80 %
of them in a highly reliable way.13
By their diachronic nature, these Proto-Ethiopian roots can be subdivided
into the following sections.
1. Trivial retentions
This group is constituted by terms which are exact phonological and se-
mantic descendants of their Proto-Semitic ancestors. The latter, in their turn,
are very likely to be the only (or at least the principal, or basic) terms for the
respective notions in the proto-language.14 It includes the following positions:

tarevs studies so that all positive and negative solutions offered in the present article
are my responsibility alone. For Tigre, a list compiled by Dr. M. Bulakh with the help of
a native speaker was used. On the problem of borrowing in the Swadesh wordlists of
ES languages v. Section 4 below.
13
This means that less reliable examples (11) can be easily eliminated from the
discussion without prejudicing its basic conclusions. The same is true of the few
cases which, in principle, could have been included in the Proto-Ethiopian stock but
for various reasons were not (e. g., *ts- or *tann- for smoke, *zV for that).
14
Such a conclusion is compelling if the respective term is reflected in all (or
nearly all) the Semitic languages with the same basic meaning (positions 1, 11, 17,
21, 25, 32, 39, 41, 42, 44, 57, 80, 87, 89, 94, 95). It is almost certain in cases like 9,
37, 38, 40, 48 where the basic meaning is lost in one of the languages but the root in
question is still present there and exhibits a transparent semantic (or even stylistic)
shift (Akk. ru vs. kakkadu head, idu vs. ktu hand and kabittu vs. amtu liver
are typical examples). As for the remaining cases, their attribution to trivial (rather
than non-trivial) retentions certainly implies some degree of subjectivity (cf. the con-
cluding remark of this section below). My decisions in such cases have been mostly
guided by two criteria: the attestation, if not pan-Semitic, must be sufficiently wide
and should affect geographically and historically unconnected areas; no alternative
PS reconstruction with the same basic meaning should be available. Both criteria are
well illustrated by PS *Vbn- which is reflected as the basic term for stone in Akka-
dian, Hebrew, Ugaritic, Sabaic, Ethiopian and Soqotri, whereas no alternative basic
synonym in PS seems to be known.
 L. Kogan 373

1. all Gez. k#ll-, Tna. k#llu, Amh. hullu etc. (LGz. 281) < PS
*kull-;
7. to bite Gez. nasaka, Tna. nks, Amh. nkks, Sod. nkks,
Har. nxsa (LGz. 402) < PS *ntk/nkt (the metathetic variation, well attested
for this root within and outside Ethiopian, is intriguing, but can hardly be
regarded as an obstacle for postulating an eventual etymological identity of
both variants);
9. blood Gez. dam, all Modern Ethiopian dm (LGz. 133) < PS *dam-;
10. bone Gez. as m, Tna. asmi, Amh. at# nt, Sod. at#m, Har. t
(LGz. 58) < PS *at. m-;
11. claw, nail Gez. s# fr, Tna. s# fri, Amh. t# f# r, Sod. t# f# r, Har. tifir
(LGz. 549) < PS *t. Vpr-;
17. to die Gez. mota, Tna. mot etc. (LGz. 375) < PS *mwt;
19. to drink Gez. stya, Tna. sty, Arg. sa, Har. sa (LGz.
518) < PS *ty;
21. ear Gez. # zn, Tna. # zni, Sod. #nz#n, Har. uzun (LGz. 52) < PS
*ud n-;
25. eye Gez. ayn, Tna. ayni, Amh. ayn, Sod. in, Har. n (LGz. 80) <
PS *ayn-;
28. fire Gez. #st, Tgr. #sat, Amh. #sat, Sod. sat, Har. ist (LGz.
44) < PS *i(-t)-;
32. full Gez. m#lu, Amh. m#lu etc. (LGz. 342 < PS *ml);
37. hand Gez. #d, Tna. id, Amh. #, Sod. , Har. i i (LGz. 7) <
PS *yad-;
38. head Gez. r#s, Tna. r#si, Amh. ras, Har. urs (LGz. 458) < PS
*ra-;
39. hear Gez. sama, Amh. smma etc. (LGz. 501) < PS *m;
40. heart Gez. l#bb, Tna. l#bbi, Amh. l#bb, Sod. l#bb (LGz. 305) <
PS *libb-;
41. horn Gez. karn, Tna. krni, Amh. knd, Sod. kr, Har. kr (LGz.
442) < PS *karn-;
42. I Gez. an, Tna. ane, Amh. #ne, Muh. an, Har. n (LGz. 26)
< PS *anV;
44. knee Gez. b#rk, Tgr. b#r#k, Tna. b#rki, Sel. b#rk, Wol. b#rk (LGz.
105) < PS *bVrk-;
48. liver Gez. kabd, Tna. kabdi, Cha. xpt, Har. kd (LGur. 333) <
PS *kabid-;
54. moon Gez. warh, Tna. warhi, Har. wahri, Sel. wri, Wol. wri
(LGz. 617) < PS *war(i)h-;
56. mouth Gez. af, Tna, af etc. (LGz. 8); as argued in SED I No.
223, the ES forms must be derived from PS *pay- mouth (clearly the basic
PS term with this meaning) but the a- extension is highly specific and al-
most certainly goes back to the Proto-Ethiopian period (to be explained by
374 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

the influence of similar Cushitic forms or/and contamination with PS *anp-

nose);15
57. name Gez. s#m, Amh. s#m, Har. s#m etc. (LGz. 504) < PS *im-;
59. new Gez. haddis, Tna. haddis, Amh. addis, Sod. a is, Har. ha s
(LGz. 226) < PS *hdt;
60. night Gez. lelit, Tna. lyti, Amh. let, lelit, Gaf. lit (LGz. 314) <
PS *lay(liy)-;
61. nose Gez. anf, Tgr. an#f, Tna. (Hamasen) anfi, Sod. afunna,
Har. f (LGz. 28) < PS *anp-;
63. one Gez. ahadu, Tna. had, Amh. and, Sod. att, Har. ahad (LGz.
12) < PS *ahad-;
68. root Gez. s # rw, Tna. sur, Amh. s#r etc. (LGz. 535) < PS *Svr-;
73. seed Gez. zar, Tna. zari, Amh. zr, Sod. zr, Har. zr (LGz.
642) < PS *dar/-;
80. star Gez. kokab, Tna. kokob, Amh. kokb, Sod. kokb, Zwy. kokkb
(LGz. 280) < PS *kabkab-;
81. stone Gez. #bn, Tna. #mni, Sod. #mmayy, Har. n (LGz.4) <
PS *Vbn-;
87. thou Gez. anta, Tgr. #nta, Amh. ant, Gaf. ant, Sel. at (LGur.
102) < PS *anta;
89. tooth Gez. s#nn, Tna. s#nni, Sod. s#nn, Har. s#n (LGz. 504) < PS
*inn-;
90. tree Gez. #s , Tgr. #t, Cha. , Wol. #ne (LGur. 12) < PS
*is -;
94. water_ Gez. my, Tna. may, Har. my, Sel. my, Wol. my (LGz.

376) < PS *ma y-;
95. we Gez. n#hna, Tna. n#hna, Amh. #a, Sod. #a, Har. #a
(LGz. 395) < PS *nVhnV-;
96. what Gez. m#nt, Amh. m#n, Sod. m#n, Har. min (LGz. 352) < PS
*mn-;
97. who Gez. mannu, Tna. mn, Amh. man, Cha. man, Har. mn
(LGz. 348) < PS *man(n)-.
It may be argued that in some of the above cases (Nos. 19, 28, 54, 59, 61,
63) the status of the respective PS root as the basic exponent of the notion in
question is somewhat less certain than in the remaining ones. But even for
these examples such a possibility is, in my opinion, so feasible that the pre-
servation of the respective roots in Ethiopian can be regarded as highly non-
specific.

15
In this sense, the present term can be treated not only as a trivial retention from
PS but also as a rather specific formal innovation.
 L. Kogan 375

2. Non-trivial retentions
For some notions included into the Swadesh wordlist the exponents are so
diverse throughout Semitic that it has been impossible to reconstruct a single
basic term for PS. Such cases may be explained in several alternative ways:
either no basic term with this meaning altogether existed, so that all the cor-
responding words in the daughter languages are equally innovative; or one of
the terms is the direct descendant of the basic PS term, which did not survive
anywhere else with this meaning; or several synonyms without substantial
semantic difference already coexisted in PS and have been subsequently ge-
neralized in particular languages. In other words, the terms in question do
have reliable cognates in other languages, but it cannot be demonstrated that
the basic meaning like bird or black is a direct retention from PS and not
an independent semantic evolution. Examples of this type include:
6. bird Gez. of, Tna. uf, Amh. wof, Sod. wof, Har. f (LGz. 78).
# From PS *awp- bird, in its turn possibly going back to the verbal root
wp to fly (though a reverse development cannot be excluded). Ethiopian is
the only branch of Semitic where *awp- became the basic term for bird,
though this general meaning is also widely attested for Hbr. p (KB 801,
mostly used as a collective; also applied to other flying beings), Jud. p
(Ja. 1055) and Syr. awp (Brock. 517).
8. black Gez. sallim, Tna. sllim, Har. ty, Wol, tem, Sel. tm (LGz. 556).
# From *t. lm, mostly attested with the meaning (to be) dark rather than
(to be) black (v. Bulakh 2003:57). The latter is, however, also typical of
Akkadian salmu (CAD S 77). It is uncertain whether the meaning to be black
should be considered an independent innovation of Akk. and ES or a parallel
retention of the original meaning (as Bulakh is apparently inclined to think).
77. small Gez. n#us, Tgr. n#u, Tna. nuus, Amh. t#nn#, Arg. mans,
Gaf. #ns, End. #ns (LGz. 382).
# Probably a semantic evolution of PS *n to be weak represented by
Akk. enu to be weak, impoverished, shaky (CAD E 166), Hbr. n to be
sickly (KB 73). The meaning to be small is also present in Soq. nes (LS
68, without adjectival formations). An eventual etymological relationship
between the two metathetic variants (N.-Eth. *ns and S.-Eth. *ns) can hardly
be put to doubt.
16. to come Gez. masa, Tna. mse, Amh. mtta , Sod. mtta , Sel.
mta, Wol. mt (LGz. 370).
# From the PS verb of motion *mt. (possibly to reach, to arrive): Akk.
mas to be equal to, to amount to, D to make reach to (CAD M1 344),
Ugr. mt. to meet, run into (DUL 608), Hbr. ms to reach, meet, find (KB
619), Bib. mt to reach, attain to; come over (ibid. 1914, with references to
other Arm.), Sab. mt. to reach, arrive, come to (Biella 273), to go, pro-
ceed, march; to reach a place (SD 89), Qat. mt. to enter, go through (Ricks
376 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

96), Min. mt. se trouver un endroit (LM 64), Jib. md. to reach (to) (JJ
169), Soq. mty venir, arriver, atteindre (LS 241).
26. fat Gez. s # bh, Tna. s#bhi, Amh. s#b, Cha. s#w, Har. sbah
(LGz. 525).
# From *s Vbh-, one of several Common Semitic terms for fat, tallow
(outside Ethiopian reliably attested in MSA, where it also became the main
word for this notion, v. SED I No. 261).
31. foot Gez. #gr, Tna. #gri, Amh. #g#r, Sod. g#r, Har. ingir
(LGz. 11).
# The origin of the ES terms for foot and their counterparts in some Arb.
dialects (v. ibid.) is a matter of controversy: reflexes of an independent PS root
(SED I No. 7) or an evolution of *rigl- foot (so most recently Voigt 1998).
33. to give Gez. wahaba, Tna. hab, Arg. hawa, Sod. ab, Sel. wb,
Wol. wab (LGz. 609).
# From *whb to give (Arm., Arb., ESA, sparsely also Hbr.). Within the
Common Aramaic suppletive paradigm of the verb to give *whb became,
side by side with *ntn, one of the two basic roots with this meaning.
43. to kill Gez. katala, Tna. ktl, Wol. ktl, Cha. ktr (LGur.
508).
# From *ktl/kt l to kill, mostly attested in Aramaic and Arabic where it
also became the main verb with this meaning.
49. louse Gez. k#ml, Tna. k#mal, Amh. k# mal etc. (LGz. 432).
# From *kuml- kind of harmful insect, louse: Old Arm. kml louse (HJ
1013), Arb. kaml- poux, kummal- petites fourmis; petites sauterelles qui
nont pas encore daile (BK 2 816), Sab. kmlt insect pests, locusts? (SD
105). For a metathetic variant *kVlm- v. Jud. kalm#t vermin (Ja. 1378),
Syr. kalm pediculus (Brock. 668), Sab. klm, klmt insect pest, locusts?
(SD 105), Qat. klm Lausbefall (Sima 2000:131). Syr. kalm and Arb.
kummal- also became the basic terms for louse in the respective languages.
65. rain Gez. z#nm, Tna. z#nab, Amh. z#nab, Sod. z#nab, Har. z#nb
(LGz. 641).
# From *dVnVn-/*dVnVm-, one of the common Semitic terms for rain
(Akk. zunnu, Sab. dnm, v. ibid.). The last radical b in Neo-Ethiopian must be
due to dissimilation.
69. round Gez. k#bub, kabib, Tna. kbbib, Amh. k#bb, Sod. k#bb,
Wol. kub (LGz. 273).
# From *kb (with various extensions), one of Common Semitic verbal
roots for to be curved, bent; to make a circular movement, to encircle: Arb.
kbb pencher, incliner; pelotonner, rouler sur un peloton; faire des boulettes,
des boules (BK 2 850), kbkb renverser, culbuter (ibid. 855), Mhr. kbb to
stoop (JM 201), Hrs. kbb (JH 66), Jib. ekbb id. (JJ 124), possibly also Hbr.
pB. kabkb (also kapkp) an arched round vessel (Ja. 608), Jud. kubb
vine cask; turret of a fort (Ja. 616), Akk. kabbu shield (CAD K 1). PS
 L. Kogan 377

*kp with the same meaning represented by Akk. kappu to bend, curve OB
on (CAD K 175), kippatu loop, tendril (ibid. 397), Hbr. kpp to bend, bow
down (KB 493), pB. kipp arch, doorway, bow; skull-cap (Ja. 635), Jud.
kwp to bend (ibid. 623), kipt vault, arcade; bow, curve (ibid. 636), k#pap
to bend (ibid. 661), Syr. kp flexit (Brock. 323), kap inclinavit, curbavit
(ibid. 339), Mnd. kup, kpa, kpp to bow, bend, curve (DM 208), Arb. kff X
entourer qch., faire un cercle autour; se rouler en spirale (se dit dun ser-
pent), kiffat- tout object rond (BK 2 910) is almost certainly related as a
variant root.
71. to say Gez. b#hla, Tna. bl, Amh. al, Sod. bal, Har. bya
(LGz. 89).
# From *bhl, a verb of speaking (possibly with an original connotation of
praying, imploring): Akk. balu to pray, to beseech SB (CAD B 2), Arb.
bhl maudire, VIII implorer, invoquer, supplier (BK 1 173), Mhr. b#hlt
word (JM 45), Hrs. behelt id. (JH 16), Jib. bhlt id. (JJ 24), Soq. bleh
chose (LS 83).
72. to see Gez. r##ya, Tna. ray, Har. ria, Zwy. #r (LGz. 459).
# From *ry to see whose attestation outside Ethiopian is mostly res-
tricted to Hbr., Arb. and ESA (v. ibid.). It is the basic word for to see also in
Hebrew and Arabic.
79. to stand Gez. koma, Tna. kom etc. (LGz. 456).
# From *kwm to stand, stay, attested in Hbr., Arm., Arb. and ESA (v. ibid).
It became the main term for to stand also in Aramaic and Arabic.
3. Certain or likely innovations
This group consists of those typically Ethiopian roots which can be more or
less reliably traced back to PS terms with a different meaning, i. e., Ethiopian
semantic innovations. The following positions can be classified in this way:
3. bark Gez. l#hs, Tna. l#hsi, Amh. l#t, Muh. l#t, Wol. l#ae (LGz.
312, LGur. 383).
# As suggested in LGz. 312, probably derived from PS *lhs/hls to draw
off: Arb. lhs II purer en sparant les parties moins propres; enlever, tirer,
extraire la partie la plus pure et la meilleure (BK 2 980), Hbr. hls to draw
off (KB 321), pB. Nip. to be peeled off, Syr. hls pa. rapuit, spoliavit
(Brock. 237), see further KB 321322. For a similar semantic development v.
Latin cortex, according to WH I 279 < *(s)qer-t- schneiden als abge-
schlte, abgeschnittene Rinde.
4. belly Gez. kabd, Tgr. kb#d, Tna. kbdi, Amh. hod (LGz. 273).
# Generalization of PS *kabid- liver (in Gez. and Tna. the meanings
belly and liver are not distinguished at all whereas in Amh. *kabid- with
the meaning liver is replaced by gubbt). While the meaning shift liver >
interior is also present in Arabic (cavit du ventre, BK 2 852) and Ugarit-
ic (innards, entrails, DUL 424), the development of *kabid- into the main
378 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

term for external belly (abdomen) is specifically Ethiopian (the only puz-
zling parallel is the expression ka-ba-tum-ma on the belly in the Amarna
Canaanite, cf. SED I No. 141).
22. earth Gez. m#dr, Tgr. m#d#r, Tna. m#dri, Amh. m#d#r, Sod.
m#d#r (LGz. 330).
# Generalization of a PS term for a type of soil, ground (probably clod of
earth): Hbr. pB. mdr ordure (material used for vessels) (Ja. 735), Syr.
medr gleba (terrae), terra, lutum, pulvis (Brock. 375), Arb. madar- boue
sche et tenace, sans sable (BK 2 1078), Mhr. mdr Lehmziegel (Jahn
210). Replacing PS *ars - earth (no trace in ES). A similar semantic evolu-
tion of *mVd(V)r- is apparently observable in Sabaic (mdr territory, ground,
SD 83 and Biella 267) but rs clearly remained the main term for earth through-
out ESA (note especially mr s1myn wrs n lord of heaven and earth in the
inscriptions from the monotheistic period, SD 7 and Biella 27).
23. to eat Gez. bala, Tna. ble, Amh. blla etc. (LGz. 95).
# A semantic development from PS *bl to swallow (Hbr., Arm., Arb.,
MSA, v. ibid. and KB 134). PS *kl is completely ousted as a verbal root
throughout ES but a Proto-Ethiopian deverbal derivate *i/ukl- corn, cere-
als is preserved in most languages (LGz. 15).
82. sun Gez. s ahy, Tna. shay, Amh. tay, Ea et (LGur. 190).
# As argued in LGz. 149, probably derived from a verbal root *shw/*s hw
to shine, to be bright (v. ibid. 553 for an extensive list of cognates). An
inherent connection with sun, sun-heat is possible as suggested by Hbr. hm
sah glowing heat (Is 18.4), ra h sah glowing wind (Je 4.11) and especial-
ly Akk. stu light, shining appearance of the sun, moon and stars, sultry
weather, open air, open sun (CAD S 150), Glut, heller Schein, Hitze (AHw.
1095). A similar derivation from this root is known from Arabic (duhan heure
du jour o le soleil est dj lev sur lhorizon, matine avance; clart, lu-
cidit; soleil, BK 2 12 and dihh- soleil, ibid. 10) but its evolution into the
main term for sun (with a concomitant extinction of the main PS term for
sun *SVmS-16 ) is spefically Ethiopian.
91. two Gez. k# le, Tna. k#l#tte, Amh. hultt, Sod. kitt, Har. koot
(LGz. 282).
# A semantic development from PS *kil()- both: Akk. kilalln, Hbr.
kilayim, Arb. kil, Mhr. k#l (ibid.). The only remnant of PS *tin- two in
Ethiopian is Gez. sn#y the next day (ibid. 509).
4. Proto-Ethiopian terms with uncertain status
This section includes positions occupied by roots which are highly speci-
fic to Ethiopian but have no reliable etymology. It is, therefore, impossible to
demonstrate whether they are inherited terms completely lost throughout the

16
Tgr. m# is obviously an Arabism.
 L. Kogan 379

Semitic languages (or, at least, with meager traces outside Ethiopian), or bor-
rowed from an unknown source, or innovated through some unusual phono-
logical and/or semantic shifts. The following examples should be attrributed
to this category:
2. ashes Gez. hamad, Tgr. hamd, Amh. amd, Sod. amd, Har. hamd
(LGz. 231).17
# None of the two alternative etymological approaches to this Proto-Ethi-
opian root outlined by Leslau is fully convincing:
Arb. hmd tre intense (se dit de la chaleur), hamadat- ptillement du
feu qui brle (BK 1 488); cf. also Hbr. pB. h md to produce shrivelling by heat
(Ja. 475) and, possibly, Akk. h amadru shrivelled or withered (CAD H 57);
Arb. h md cesser de flamber (se dit du feu, quand la flamme steint,
quoquil y ait encore des tisons qui brlent), h ammd- lieu o lon couvre
le feu, o on teint les flammes, en conservant les tisons pour les rallumer
(BK 1 630), Mhr. h# md to be extinguished, burnt out (JM 443).
46. leaf Gez. kasl, Tna. ksli, Amh. k# tl, Sod. k# tl, Har. kutti
(LGz. 450).
# A number of terms with the root ksl and various botanical connotations
are attested in Arabic: kasl- fleur de larbrisseau pineux salam-; rebut, par-
ties que lon jette en nettoyant le grain, kaslat- tendre et flexible (arbre);
gerbe (de crales fauches), kasl- fourrage vert coup pour les chevaux
(BK 2 755). One wonders whether these terms, together with the ES words
for leaf, may go back to a verbal root *ksl to cut attested in Arb. (ksl couper;
trancher, abattre, XI prendre, saisir, ibid.) and Soq. (ksel couper (les
cheveux), LS 381). For possible examples of leaf derived from to peel,
strip off v. Buck 525.
51. man Tna. sbay, Amh. sb, Sod. sb, Har. usu (LGz. 482).
# Included in the present corpus of evidence because of its reliable attes-
tation in Tna. and its wide spread throughout South Ethiopian. One cannot
exclude that the collective meaning people attested for Gez. sab (vs. b## si
man) and Tgr. sab (vs. #nas) is an innovation of these languages but the
reverse is also possible. The etymology of Proto-Ethiopian *sab- is unclear.
It should probably be compared to Sab. s1 b carry out an undertaking (e. g.,
a military campaign), s1 bt expedition, undertaking, journey (SD 122), Qat.
s1 b to set out, go (Ricks 157), supposing an original meaning gang, mili-
tary or working commando.18 A generalization of the ethnonym s1 b Saba,

17
The relationship between the present root and Tna. ham# k w# ti ashes is un-
certain (hamd means earth, soil, dirt in Tna.).
18
Cf. also Arb. subat- long voyage (BK 1 1040), Mhr. h#b (poor man) to go
to people every day for food, htbi to struggle back home, make ones way slowly
to people to get help (JM 151); that Mhr. h is < * is suggested by Soq. miteb
pauvre (LS 411; according to Leslau, < by).
380 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

Sabaeans (cf. LLA 359 and Appleyard 1977:8) should, in my opinion, also
be seriously considered. Comparison with Mhr. hb people accepted in
LGz. 482 is not convincing for various reasons (cf. the evidence collected in
JM 2 which plainly suggests that h-/h- in this form belongs to the definite
article rather than to the root whereas no expected - is present in the cognate
Jibbali form).
52. many Gez. b# zuh, Tna. b# zuh, Amh. b# zu, Gog. b#, Har. b h
(LGz. 117).
# Clearly related to Arb. bdh tre grand, haut; slever une grande hau-
teur; etre fier, orgueilleux (BK 1 101) which is, however, hardly sufficient
for postulating a reliable PS reconstruction.
66. red Gez. kayy# h, Tna. kyy#h, Amh. kyy, Har. kh (LGz. 456).
# The origin of Proto-Ethiopian *kyh to be red is obscure. ESA kyh red
adduced without reference by Leslau is Hapax Legomenon in the Hadramitic
inscription RES 2693:2 where it is used as an attribute of dhb bronze (Sima
2000:320; cf. Pirenne 1990:75 for a different interpretation of dhb in this
passage). The following possible cognates (none of them fully convincing)
can be mentioned (some of them tentatively suggested by M. Bulakh in per-
sonal communication):
Arb. kuhh- pur, franc, sans mlange (BK 2 677), kwh balayer la
maison (BK 2 831);
Sab. h-kwh complete satisfactory, finish off, level, plaster, mkh suc-
cess, triumph (SD 110), Qat. s1-kh to prepare, set in order (Ricks 143);
Arb. kayh- pus (qui nest pas ml de sang) (BK 2 844), kwh sup-
purer (se dit dune plaie) (ibid. 831);
Jud. k# hah to be dull, faint, k# hh faint-colored, gray? (Ja. 1345);
Akk. k copper, bronze OB on (CAD Q 291).
93. warm Gez. m#ww#k, Tna. mok, Amh. muk, Sod. muk# nna, Har.
muk (LGz. 375).
# The origin of Proto-Ethiopian *mwk to be warm, hot is unknown.
5. Certain or likely Cushitisms
This group includes Ethiopian terms with no fully reliable Semitic ety-
mology but widely attested in Cushitic. Some of them are obvious Cushitisms,
the status of some other is disputed:
14. cloud Gez. damman, Tna. dmmna, Amh. dmmna, Sod.
dmmna, Har. dn (LGz. 134135).
# Thought to be borrowed from Cushitic19 in Dolgopolsky 1973:51 and
Appleyard 1977:36 (v. Militarev 2004:299300 for a different opinion).

19
Which means, here and elsewhere below, from some particular Cushitic lan-
guage(s) or from an undetermined stage of development of Common Central or East
Cushitic.
 L. Kogan 381

24. egg Gez. ankok# ho, Tna. #nkak# ho, Sod. anko, Har. akuh
(LGz. 31).
# Borrowed from Cushitic according to Dolgopolsky 1973:282, 319 but
treated as cognate to the corresponding Cushitic forms in Militarev 2004:309
(cf. SED I No. 160). The situation is complicated by the fact that no basic PS
term for egg can be safely reconstructed.
29. fish Gez. s , Tna. asa, Amh. asa etc. (LGz. 73).
# Clearly borrowed from Cushitic (Dolgopolsky 1973:293).
36. hair Tgr. # gr, Tna. sgri, Amh. tgur, Sod. # gr, Har. igr
(LGz. 550).
# Included into the present corpus of evidence because of its wide attesta-
tion throughout Modern Ethiopian (the main Gez. term for hair seems to be
s ## rt though sagr is also attested). Borrowed from Cushitic (Appleyard
1977:17).
53. meat Gez. s # g, Tna. s#ga, Amh. s#ga (LGz. 526).
# Clearly borrowed from Cushitic (Dolgopolsky 1973:99).
This list is essentially in agreement with that proposed in Ehret 1988:649.
Both include terms for cloud, fish, hair and egg. Ehret treats the term for
meat as borrowed into Proto-North-Ethiopian (but observes: also in Am-
haric). I have not found compelling reasons for treating *ts- smoke, *brr
to fly and *wk to know as the main Proto-Ethiopian terms for the respec-
tive notions though, obviously, such a possibility is not excluded for each of
the three cases.

2. Swadesh wordlist: analysis and discussion

As mentioned above, there are 68 probable Proto-Ethiopian roots and the
majority can be reconstructed quite reliably. From the standpoint of the nor-
mal glottochronological procedure, this number is very high and unambigu-
ously points to a rather close genetic relationship: compare, e. g., 56 positions
in common between Harari and Geez as opposed to some 23 between Harari
and Quranic Arabic or some 17 between Harari and Mehri. Within the present
approach, however, bare numbers in themselves are not sufficient. The obvi-
ously heterogeneous mass of coincidences is to be carefully analysed in order
to evaluate the classificatory relevance of each of its segments.
Examples attributed to Group 1 (trivial retentions) represent a clear
majority (37). In my opinion, these 37 positions do not prove the common
origin of ES since the corresponding roots with the same basic meanings are
well preserved in many other Semitic languages. A striking example is Heb-
rew where all 37 roots are present in the respective positions, and Akkadian
with its 33 examples is not too far behind. A more or less massive loss of
these roots in a given Semitic language (cf. some 25 positions preserved in
Arabic and some 20 in Mehri) may probably be interpreted as pointing to
382 Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

their relatively prolonged separate status but certainly does not suggest that
the remaining languages (such as Ethiopian, Hebrew and Akkadian) are closely
related. In other words, if a text in a previously unknown Semitic language is
discovered, the presence of these roots is likely to suggest that it is neither
Arabic nor MSA, yet does not help to determine whether it is Ethiopian or
Cannanite. In sum, trivial lexical retentions can hardly be helpful in the gene-
tic subgrouping based on the lexical evidence, a symmetrical counterpart of
the widely accepted opinion concerning the classificatory value of trivial mor-
phological retentions: thus, the imperfect ya-ktul-u is an important innovation
proving the unity of Central Semitic but the preservation of *yV-kattVl says
nothing about the relationship between Akkadian, Ethiopian and MSA.
14 examples my be qualified as non-trivial retentions (Group 2). The
classificatory value of each of them is conditioned by the degree of its spe-
cificity, the evaluation of which is necessarily subjective. Roots specialized
with the respective meaning in other West Semitic languages (*kwm, *ry,
*ktl, *whb) are, in my opinion, the least significative in this respect (in
some cases approaching those included in Group 1) whereas some others
(*bhl or *ns) are so highly specific that practical difference between such
terms and those included in the next section is sometimes elusive. The clas-
sificatory value of this segment as a whole is, therefore, not unimportant: a
language exhibiting all 14 roots can be almost safely qualified as Ethiopian
but even the combination of, say, *awp- for bird, *t. lm for to be black,
*whb for to give, *mt. for to come and *sVbh- for fat is highly sugges-
tive in this respect. Nevertheless, since all these terms are retentions (in
each case inherited from a more or less restricted pool of options) rather
than innovations, there is always the possibility (even if purely theoretical)
for an identical or very similar set of options to be offered by another Se-
mitic language.
The six examples included in Group 3 (certain or likely innovations)
are decisive for qualifying a Semitic language as Ethiopian and provide reli-
able evidence as to the common origin of ES. Admittedly, the relevance of
particular cases is uneven. Thus, *kilay for two is perhaps the most impor-
tant one: highly specific from the semantic point of view (at least completely
without precedent in Semitic), attested throughout Ethiopian and accompa-
nied by an almost complete elimination of *tin- (the only PS term for two).20
The least significant may be *kabd- belly < liver, present only in North
Ethiopian and Amharic and, possibly, with a precedent in early Canaanite.
Nevertheless, even if one of the above roots is present in a Semitic text with
the respective meaning, its Ethiopian background is very likely (and abso-
lutely certain if there are two or three of such terms).
20
The high relevance of this innovation was fully realised by such a prominent
authority of modern Semitics as J. CANTINEAU (1932:179).
 L. Kogan !&!

The diagnostic relevance of the six terms of Group 4 is high in spite of

their uncertain status: as I have just shown, both groups to which they can be
alternatively attributed (non-trivial retentions and likely innovations) are sig-
nificant from the point of view of subrouping.
As for the Cushitisms included in Group 5, their relevance depends on
whether they are thought to be borrowed independently into various Ethiopian
languages or into the hypothetic Proto-Ethiopian. No convincing solution to
this interesting problem can at present be proposed (see further below).

3. Evidence from other lexical fields

Since the method of lexical innovations is not bound to any fixed number
of positions, one can operate freely with various basic notions not included in
the Swadesh wordlist. Such an inquiry has yielded several additional exam-
ples of lexical innovations, probably going back to Proto-Ethiopian:
*rk to be naked: Gez. arka, Tgr. arka, Tna. ark, Amh. arrk
(LGz. 71). It remains to be established whether the element #n attested with
this meaning throughout West Gurage can be taken back to the present root
with n < *r and < *k.
# From PS *rk to gnaw, strip away: Arb. rk dpouiller los de la chair
(BK 2 228) and other cognates in LGz. 71; replacing PS *rw.
*blh to be sharp: Gez. balha, Tgr. blha, Tna. blhe, Sod. bul hon,
Har. blha (LGz. 95).
# As argued in Kogan forthcoming, probably from PS *blS to be at the
edge, to reach the point (Arb. blS parvenir un point; atteindre ..., arri-
ver ..., BK 1 161), cf. especially Arb. mablaS- terme, point extrme o
parvient une chose (BK 1 162) vs. Tgr. m#blah point (of the horn) (LH
269).
*batr- branch, shoot, stick, rod: Gez. batr, Tgr. bt#r, Tna. btri, Amh.
btt#r, Sod. btt#r, Har. brti (LGz. 112).
# Possibly derived from PS *btr to cut off (cf. DRS 80): Hbr. btr to cut
in pieces (KB 167), Arb. btr couper la queue un animal (BK 1 82), Tgr.
(t#)bttra to become unarmed, btray leafless (tree) (LH 287), Jib. t#r
to chop (JJ 30). For an exact semantic parallel v. Buck 523 in connection
with Greek kldos.
*grm to be formidable, amazing, awesome: Gez. garama, Tgr. grr-
ma, Tna. grm, Amh. grrm, Sod. grrm, Sel. grm (LGz. 203).
# Probably derived from PS *gVrm- bone; body with a semantic evolu-
tion otherwise attested in Semitic (v. SED I No. 94).
*hmm to be sick, ill: Gez. hamama, Tgr. hamma, Tna. hamm, Amh.
ammm-w, t-ammm (LGz. 233).
# From PS *hmm to be hot, feverish (v. LGz. 233 and SED I No. 120),
replacing PS *mrs.
!&" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

*lkh lend: Gez. lakk# ha, Tgr. alkha, Tna. alkk# he, Amh. tlkka,
Har. (a)lkha (LGz. 317).
# A causative formation from PS *lkh to take.
*nVfs- wind: Gez. nafs, Tna. n#fas, nfas, Amh. n#fas, Sod. n#fas,
Wol. n#fas (LGz. 389).
# From PS *np to breathe.
*naa come! up!: Gez. naa, na, n# come, come now, Tgr. n#a,
Tna. na, Amh. na, Sel. Zwy. na (LGur. 445).
# This interjection (partly serving as a suppletive imperative for to come)
goes back to a PS verb of movement *n with various extensions (v. KB 681
for references). The verbal origin of *naa is clear from its full conjugation
in Gez. n#-, n#-, n#-.
*mar- honey: Gez. mar, Tgr. mar, Tna. mar, Amh. mar (LGz. 326).
# From PS *war- honeycomb (Hbr. yaar, KB 423), a meaning still
preserved in Gez. (note the meaning wax for the reflexes of *mar- in
Harari and Gurage, LGur. 386). Partly replacing PS *dib- (preserved in Epi-
graphic Geez, Harari, Gafat and Argobba, LGz. 122). See further Appleyard
1977:2829.
*amlk- god: Gez. amlk, Tgr. amlak, Tna. amlak, Amh. amlak (LGz.
344).
# A broken plural from *malk- king unattested in Ethiopian (Appleyard
1977:56), completely ousting PS *il-.
*mart- bride; daughter-in-law (and related forms connected with wed-
ding, marriage): Gez. mart, Tna. mrat, Amh. m#rat, Sod. mrat, Wol.
mrat (LGur. 424).
# Derived from the verbal root *rw to join present in Gez. arut,
Arb. uruwwat- yoke (cf. Latin conjux, Russian ). Replacing PS
*kallat-.
*ngs to rule, to be king: Gez. nags a, Tgr. ngsa, Tna. ngs, Amh.
nggs, Sod. nggs, Har. ngsa (LGz. 393).
# From PS *ngs to push, press, drive (to work), replacing PS *mlk,
*mal(i)k-, supposed to be preserved in *amlk- god only (v. above). See
further Appleyard 1977:51.
*rkb to find: Gez. rakaba, Tgr. rkba, Tna. rkb, Amh. rkkb, Msq.
rkkb, Sel. rkb (LGz. 469).
# Almost certainly derived from PS *rkb to ride; to join, connect even
though exact details of the semantic evolution remain obscure (v. extensive
discussion in LGz. 469).
*rs to forget: Gez. rasa, Tgr. t#rss#a, Tna. rss#e, Amh. rssa,
Sod. rssa, Har. rsaa (LGz. 474).
# Likely developed from PS *r to be wicked, ruthless via to be negli-
gent (v. especially Akk. ru to behave thoughtlessly, imperiously, to act
in contempt or disrespect of others, CAD R 429). Almost completely ous-
 L. Kogan !&#

ting PS *ny which is possibly preserved in Gez. nhsaya (LGz. 395; the
origin of -h- is unclear).
*tb w to suck: Gez. ta bawa, Tna. t bw, Tgr. t ba, Amh. tbba, Sod.
tobb, Har. t ba (LGz. 587).
# Derived from PS (and Proto-Ethiopian) *tVb- teat, breast (SED I
No. 247).
*wald-, *lid- son: Gez. wald, Tgr. wd, Tna. wddi, Amh. l#, Sod. wld,
Har. li i, waldi (LGz. 613).
# PS *bin- is ousted by derivatives of *wld to bear (preserved only in
Gez. b#nta ayn pupil of the eye). The lack of distinction between son and
boy, child observable throughout Ethiopian is atypical of Semitic and may
be due to the substratum influence.21 While *wVld- for son is attested in
some Arabic dialects, its use there is restricted to filiations (DRS 546), *bin-
clearly remaining the basic term for this notion.
*zib- hyena: Gez. z#b, Tna. z#bi, Amh. # b, Arg. #b (LGz. 630).
# A semantic evolution of PS *dib- wolf, jackal, replacing PS *s ab(u)-
hyena which is reflected in Gez. only (s# b, LGz. 147; very scarcely attest-
ed). The notion wolf is mostly expressed by Cushitic borrowings like Gez.
tak l. See further Appleyard 1977:44.
Besides, a (by no means exhaustive) list of isoglosses with no reliable
Semitic etymology, thus corresponding to group 4 in the above classification,
can be adduced:
*ilat-, *maalt- day, *wl to spend the day: Gez. Tgr. mal, m##l,
#lt, Tna. malti, #lt, Sod. may, Har. maltu, mltu day (in daytime),
my day (24 hours) (LGz. 603).
# Replacing PS *yawm- (preserved with the meaning today in Gez., Tgr.
and Tna., LGz. 627).
*bk to fit, to be sufficient: Gez. bak a, Tgr. bka, Tna. bke, Amh.
bkka, Sod. bkka, Har. bka (LGz. 99).
# Note Arb. bk se contenter, tre satisfait de qch. (BK 1 150).
*ftn to be fast: Gez. fatana, Tgr. ftna, Tna. ftn, Amh. ftt n, Sod.
ftt n, Har. ftna (LGz. 171).
# Compared by Leslau to Arb. ftn tre intelligent, avoir de la sagacit
(BK 2 613). MSA verbs with the meaning to remember; to be clever (JM
108, JH 36, JJ 66) must be borrowed from Arabic. According to Biella 402,
Sab. ft n assign, ordain may also be related (supposing an original meaning
to proclaim).
*g dl to be missing: Gez. g adala, Tna. g dl, Amh. g ddl, Sod.
g ddl (LGz. 182).

21
V. such Cushitic examples as Saho u k- kind, son, tochter, knabe, mdchen
(RSa. 76) and Beja r knabe, son (RBed.. 27).
!&$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

*gz to dominate; to own, possess: Gez. gaza, Tgr. gza, Tna. gze,
Amh. gzza, Sod. gzza, Har. gzaa (LGz. 210).
*hwr to go: Gez. hora, Gaf. hor, End. w r (juss. y#xr), Har. hra
(LGz. 249).
# Compared by Leslau to Arb. rwh aller (BK 1 945) and hwr revenir,
retourner (ibid. 509). That Sab. hwr to settle in a town (SD 73) goes back
to an original meaning to go (as assumed by Leslau) is by no means certain.
*hzl to carry on the back: Gez. hazala, Tna. hazl, Amh. azzl, Msq.
ezzl, Har. hazla (LGz. 253).
# Note Arb. hud al- giron; ceinture dans le caleon, cette partie par laquelle
on le fixe sur le corps (BK 1 398).
*h s b to wash: Gez. has aba, Tgr. hasba, Tna. hasb, Amh. att b, Sod.
att b, Har. hatba (LGz. 259).
# Compared by Leslau to Arb. hdb se teindre les mains, les ongles, la
barbe ou les cheveaux (BK 1 584). Replacing PS *rhs which is preserved in
Gaf. and East Gurage (in other languages with a meaning shift into to sweat,
perspire only).
*kb to do again, to double: Gez. k#b, Tgr. kab, Ea xab, Wol.
kab, Ancient Har. kaab (LGz. 271).
# Note Arb. kab- jointure, articulation des os (BK 2 907).
*k sl to be wounded: Gez. kasla, Tna. ksl, Amh. kossl, Sod.
k ssl (LGz. 446).
# Compared by Leslau to Arb. ksl couper (BK 2 755).
*kyd to tread, trample, walk: Tgr. keda, Tna. kd, Amh. hed, Ea hed,
Har. xe a (LGz. 301).
# Compared by Leslau to Arb. kdd II donner une chasse vigoureuse, re-
pousser et poursuivre, kadd- sol foul par les btes sabot (BK 2 872).
Note Arb. kdkd marcher lentement et lourdement (BK 2 875), Mhr. kd to
make (a camel) trot (JM 203), Jib. kd (camel) to trot (JJ 126).
*lmlm to be green, verdant: Gez. lamlama, Tgr. lmlma, Tna. lm-
lm, Amh. lmllm, Sod. l#mllm (LGz. 315).
# Note Arb. lmm IV arriver son terme; avoir les dattes presque mres
(BK 2 1022) and Akk. lammu almond tree; sapling (CAD L 68).
*lsy to shave: Gez. lsaya, Tna. lasy, Amh. la , Sod. l (LGz. 319).
# Note Arb. lys remuer et ter une chose de sa place (BK 2 1048).
*mhl to swear: Gez. mahala, Tgr. mhala, Tna. mhal, Amh. mal,
Sod. mal, Zwy. ml (LGz. 335).
# Sab. mhly in Gl 1533.6 is tentatively interpreted as oath in SD 84 and
Biella 271. Note Hbr. pB. mhal to forgive, pardon (Ja. 761), Jud. id. (ibid.)
compared by Leslau. It is unclear whether Arb. mhl III agir avec astuce
lgard de qn. (BK 2 1069) may also be somehow related.
*makkn- sterile, childless: Gez. makkn, Tna. mkan, Amh. mkkan,
mhan, Gog. mkan, Zwy. mhan (LGz. 340).
 L. Kogan !&%

*mrh to guide, lead: Gez. marha, Tna. mrhe, Amh. mrra, Sod. mrra,
Sel. mra (LGz. 358).
# One wonders whether Syr. marrh audax (Brock. 404), Arb. mrh
marcher avec fiert, en levant la tte (BK 2 1087) may be related.
*nbr to sit; to live, stay: Gez. nabara, Tgr. nbra, Tna. nbr, Amh.
nbbr, nor, Sod. nbbr, Har. nbra (LGz. 284).
# At least partly replacing PS *wtb to sit (usually thought to be pre-
served in Gez. awsaba to take a wife, LGz. 619). Etymology fully uncer-
tain (note perhaps Arb. nabr- cul, derrire, BK 2 1183). Nldekes attempt
to relate Gez. nabara with Arb. nbr to be high, elevated (Nldeke 1910:49)
does not look attractive from the semantic point of view.
*ndd to burn (intr.): Gez. nadda, Tna. ndd, Amh. nddd, Sod.
nddd, Har. ndda (LGz. 385).
# Compared by Leslau to Arb. nd faire un petit creux dans les cendres
chaudes pour y mettre le pain etc., quon veut faire cuire (BK 2 1224).
*ngd to travel: Gez. nagada, Tgr. ngda, Tna. ngd, Amh. nggd,
Sod. nggd, Har. nigdi a (LGz. 391).
# Compared to Syr. n#gad traxit; se effudit (Brock. 413) in LLA 693
(with cognates in other Arm.: Ja. 871-2, DM 288).
*sm to kiss: Tgr. sama, Tna. sam, Amh. sam, Sod. sam, Sel.
sm (LGz. 481).
# Compared by Leslau with Yemenite Arb. saam kiss (after W. W. Ml-
ler; v. now Behnstedt 559) which, in view of its isolated position within Ara-
bic, must be due to (Proto-)Ethiopian influence.
*sbb to be narrow: Gez. sabba, Tgr. sbba, Tna. sbb, Amh. tbbb,
Sod. tbbb, Har. tbba, Zwy. tbb (LGz. 545).
# Compared by Leslau to Arb. dbb empoigner une chose, prendre avec
toute la main (BK 2 2) and daff- troit (ibid. 30) and similar forms in -p in
Hbr. and Arm. Likely replacing PS *s yk (which may be preserved in Sel.,
Wol. tkk, Msq. tkkk to be narrow, LGur. 628).
*wy to be hot, to burn: Gez. w#ya, Tna. way, Enm. wi, Har. w#y
(LGz. 603).
# Tentatively related by Leslau to Arb. wy exciter la sdition, les tumul-
tes (BK 2 1571).
*wlt/lwt to change: Gez. wallata, Tna. lwwt, Amh. lwwt , Sod.
liwwt (LGz. 614).
# One wonders whether the Ethiopian roots can be related to PS *lwt to
twist, turn, do a second time (v. LS 230 for concrete forms). Akk. ltu hostage,
pledge (CAD L 223) is rather close semantically to the meaning to change but
it is thought to be derived from ltu to confine, to keep in check (ibid. 113).
To collect and analyse all non-trivial lexical retentions of ES is an impor-
tant but difficult task clearly beyond the scope of the present article. Two
examples of Proto-Afrosiatic roots widely attested in Ethiopian but with no
!&& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

reliable parallel anywhere else in Semitic can show how instructive such an
investigation could be:
*maray-t- earth, soil, dust (LGz. 361: Gez., Tgr., Tna., Amh.), clearly
related to Berber *ta-mur-t- earth (Militarev 2004:307);
*hlw to be (LGz. 218: passim), probably to be compared to Berber, Cus-
hitic and Chadic terms with the same meaning (HSED No. 28).

4. Problem of borrowing
One of the main reasons underlying Hetzrons reluctance to deal with the
vocabulary in his studies in Semitic classification was the possibility of lexi-
cal borrowing: One must also be very careful with vocabulary in classifica-
tion. ... Neighbour languages may use the same root and it is sometimes dif-
ficult to find out whether it is a recent borrowing from one of them or an old
one going back to the proto-language. ... One must proceed with extreme
prudence in dealing with the vocabulary of limitrophe languages (Hetzron
1972:1213). The first illustration adduced by Hetzron to justify his claim is
rather unlucky: no one would group together Harari, Gurage and some Cush-
itic languages because of the fact that they all have borrowed Arb. Sazw-
raid as gaz. His second example is of a different nature, however. Accor-
ding to Hetzron, the use of the Northern root *ngr for to say in Amharic ...
can be explained by the northern character of the Amhara civilization, and by
the fact that (in historical times at least) Amharas had much more contact
with the North than with other South Ethiopic speakers (ibid.). Since to
say clearly belongs to basic rather than cultural notions, Hetzrons argument
can be easily expanded to a degree that all coincidences in the basic vocabu-
lary of ES would be explained as interborrowings resulting from a series of
wave innovations (Hetzron 1975:108), thus completely invalidating the
results of the present investigation.
In my opinion, there are several reasons to believe that Hetzrons hypoth-
esis, while not improbable in some particular cases (*ngr may well be one of
them), is hardly suitable as a general explanation.
First of all, in order to explain the pan-Ethiopian spread of such terms as
*bl or *kilay one would have to postulate not just a single act of borrowing
from language X into language Y but virtual chains of loanwords involving
half a dozen languages at least. While quite conceivable for a term meaning
raid, this spread would be a rarity for such highly conservative notions as
two, sun or to eat.
Secondly, ES lexical innovations usually exhibit a deeply structured pat-
tern common to all the languages affected by them. Thus, if PS *ars- earth
or *SVmS- sun disappear from Ethiopian, they are eliminated completely
from all the languages of the group (if one of them does not display the com-
mon Ethiopian innovation, in most cases it does not preserve the old root
 L. Kogan !&'

either but opts for another replacement, such as Har. r for sun).22 But even
if *kl to eat does leaves a trace, it is formally and semantically the
same trace in all Ethiopian Semitic languages, namely #kl cereals, food
(with fully regular correlates throughout ES). Not a shade of any other nom-
inal or verbal formation from *kl is attested. Simultaneously, the original
meaning of the newly established basic root undergoes a similar systematic
shift: as soon as PS *bl becomes specialized with the neutral meaning to
eat, its earlier meaning to swallow disappears completely and is now ex-
pressed by a different root (*wh t) . This picture is suggestive of a compact and
well-shaped proto-language whose main lexical features were faithfully in-
herited by its daughter tongues rather than through a chain of borrowings that
by their very nature could hardly be so systematic.
Thirdly, cognate terms derived from Proto-Ethiopian roots undergo all
regular phonological shifts typical of Modern Ethiopian languages: palatali-
zation, loss of nasal sonorants, spirantization of velars and labials, loss of s,
insertion of n, the shift *-rn- > -nd- etc. Since earlier stages of Modern Ethio-
pian are poorly documented, the chronology of most of these processes can-
not be established with certainty, but none of them is very recent (as one can
learn from Podolsky 1991:2223, 32, 35, 45, 48, 51, they are all more or less
well represented in the earliest Amharic documents dating to the 14th15th
centuries). Accordingly, the hypothetic chains of borrowings, if they ever
took place, must have occurred during a period whose cultural-historical cir-
cumstances (at least those which could justify a massive borrowing in the
basic vocabulary) are completely out of our control.
In sum, Hetzrons caution is probably justified as far as some concrete ex-
amples are concerned but does not seem to be warranted for the bulk of lexical
coincidences in the basic vocabulary of Ethiopian.23 This conclusion can be at
least partly corroborated by an analysis of borrowings from ES into Central

22
This circumstance brings us to the interesting question of whether a system of
shared losses in the lexicon is significant for genetic subgrouping (the essentially
similar problem of morphological losses as classificatory criteria is well known to
historical linguists). Even if the spread of *bl for to eat is due to interborrowing, it
is hard to suppose that its influence was strong enough to produce such a ubiquotous
elimination of *kl. In my opinion, this elimination can only be explained as a Proto-
Ethiopian fact. The same conclusion can probably be applied to more culture-bound
notions: thus, the pan-Ethiopian spread of *amlk- god or *n#gs- king is per-
haps less impressive than a total absence of such virtually pan-Semitic terms as *il-
and *malik-.
23
Even if some obvious examples of lexical borrowing and diffusion can be
occasionally detected in Swadesh word lists of Ethiopian Semitic languages: note
such telling cases as Amh. shay sun and Tna. hamlya green, clearly borrowed
from Geez and Amharic respecively in view of their phonetic shape (suggested by
M. Bulakh).
!' Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

and East Cushitic and vice versa. As is well known, many years of mutual
interaction between ES and Cushitic have produced a virtual linguistic sym-
biosis whose impact on the lexicon (cultural above all, but basic as well) is
hard to overestimate. In many lexical fields interborrowings between ES lan-
guages seem to be as frequent as those between them and a Cushitic language
like Bilin. In this situation, it is important to check how deeply this interaction
affected the 68 positions of proto-Ethiopian lexicon as separated above.
Cushitic > Ethiopian Semitic
While many Cushitic loanwords penetrated Swadesh lists of particular
Ethiopian languages, as we have seen above, only five examples can be
treated as pan-Ethiopian.24 Their extremely wide spread throughout ES makes
the assumption of independent borrowings into particular ES languages from
one or several Cushitic source(s)25 unlikely. Therefore a progressive inter-
dialectal infiltration as envisaged by Hetzron is a real possibility in these
cases. However, the number of such examples is so low in comparison with
the one hundred positions under scrutiny (or even those sixty-eight which
have been qualified as proto-Ethiopian) that the methodological relevance of
this process is rather insignificant (though, of course, not to be discarded
completely). On the other hand, one should not forget that another, much
easier explanation for such cases is at hand: the respective terms may well
have been borrowed into proto-Ethiopian and inherited by its daughter lan-
guages side by side with the native Semitic lexical items. This is especially
likely in the case of *s fish since no PS term with this meaning can be
reconstructed at all, this notion being expressed by different terms of uncer-
tain origin throughout Semitic.
Ethiopian Semitic > Cushitic
In view of a total lack of etymological expertise with Cushitic, my evalu-
ation of this problem heavily relies on Leslaus comments passed into Cus-
hitic, also in Cushitic etc. scattered on the pages of LGz. and LGur.26
According to my initial impression, the degree of Semitic infiltration into the
basic lexicon of several Cushitic languages (Agaw, especially Bilin; Beja;

24
I purposely omit a few cases of similar terms widely attested in both ES and
Cushitic, but most likely dating back to a common Afroasiatic lexical stock such as
*sim- name (DOLGOPOLSKY 1999:44) or *SVr- root (HSED No. 551). An interac-
tion between such terms is certainly possible and even likely (see above in connec-
tion with Proto-Ethiopian *ap- mouth) but one is hardly entitled to qualify this
interaction as borrowing.
25
With the possible exception of the term for meat which is less widely attested
(Gez. s #g, Tgr. Tna. Amh. s#g).
26
I am therefore aware that additional examples not mentioned by Leslau may
have escaped my attention but it seems that such cases can hardly be numerous.
 L. Kogan !'

Saho-Afar) was remarkable enough to provide a solid argument for the possi-
bility of a similar spread of genuine (i. e., non-Cushitic) lexical isoglosses
within Ethiopian Semitic. However, this impression does not seem to be con-
firmed by a closer examination of the evidence. In the majority of cases, one
is faced with quite a traditional type of borrowing accompanied by semantic
shifts and scarcely affecting the deep stucture of the native vocabulary.27
Thus, ES *slm to be black is borrowed into Bilin as alam but its mea-
ning is finster, dunkel werden (RBil. 171), the main term for black being
nir (ibid. 286). Bilin bel is attested only in the derivatives with the mean-
ing die Speise etc. (RBil. 78), the normal word for to eat being k i (ibid.
233). ES *bVrk- knee was borrowed into Bilin as brk auf die Knie fall-
en (RBil. 86), Saho barak fallen (RSa. 87) and Oromo birki joint of fin-
ger (LGur. 153), the normal words for knee being girib (RBil. 159), gulb
(RSa. 153) and jilba knee (Gragg 236) respectively. Bilin b aS and Quara
b S mean sich vermehren (RBil. 72, RQu. 41) while viel is rendered as
gr--uh and ay (ayiS) in RBil. 157 and RQu. 21 respectively. Beja behl
means Wort and behli sprechen (RBed. 45) but sagen is translated as
an, di or yad ibid. 323; Beja sit means Getrnke (RBed. 205), the normal
word for to drink being ga (ibid. 86). Even if the borrowed term is attest-
ed with the basic meaning, it most often co-exists with inherited synonyms
denoting the same notions: Bilin lehe die Rinde; der Bast (RBil. 253) but
also kf die Rinde (RBil. 236); Saho bala essen (RSa. 80) but also bay-t,
b-t zu sich nehmen (Speise) (RSa. 93) and kam Tabak oder Speise in der
Mund nehmen, kauen, essen (RSa. 233), the latter being accepted as the
main term for to eat in Black 295. The only examples of true replacements
found by me were Bilin iffer Nagel, Klaue (RBil. 169), Bilin nkt- beis-
sen (ibid. 283) and Khamta bi eq viel (RCha. 346), to be supplemented by
the only example which can be qualified as pan-Cushitic: Beja dera (RBed.
70), Khamta zra (Appleyard 1987:504), Saho zri (RSa. 333) seed (no
doubt, culturally determined).
Obviously, the degree of interaction between languages belonging to dif-
ferent families is not to be automatically projected on a group of closely re-
lated idioms. However, since geographical, historical and cultural circum-
stances accompanying this interaction are often similar in both cases, the
results of these excursuses do provide some support for the main conclusions
of the present investigation:
the degree of unity of the basic vocabulary of Ethiopian Semitic lan-
guages is comparatively high;
this unity is unlikely to be explained in terms of borrowing and wave
spread but relects the lexical peculiarities of one hypothetic source-language;
27
Regrettably, I am unable to judge the degree of the phonological adaptation in
such cases.
!' Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

a deeply structured combination of innovations and speficic retentions

makes the Proto-Ethiopian vocabulary markedly different from that of any
other Semitic subgroup and unambiguously points to the separate status of
this sub-branch.
Abbreviations of Languages, Dialects and Linguistic Groups
Akk. Akkadian, Amh. Amharic, Arb. Arabic, Arm. Aramaic,
Arg. Argobba, Bib. Biblical Aramaic, Cha. Chaha, CS Central
Semitic, End. Endege, Enm. Ennemor, ES Ethiopian Semitic,
ESA Epigraphic South Arabian, Gaf. Gafat, Gez. Geez, Gog.
Gogot, Har. Harari, Hbr. (pB.) Hebrew (post-Biblical), Hrs. Harsu-
si, Jib. Jibbali, Jud. Judaic Aramaic, Mhr. Mehri, Min. Minaic,
Mnd. Mandaic, MSA Modern South Arabian, Msq. Masqan, Muh.
Muher, N.-Eth. North Ethiopian, OB Old Babylonian, PS Proto-
Semiic, Qat. Qatabanian, Sab. Sabaic, SB Standard Babylonian,
Sel. Selti, S.-Eth. South Ethiopian, Sod. Soddo, Soq. Soqotri,
Syr. Syriac, Tgr. Tigre, Tna. Tigrinya, Ugr. Ugaritic, Wol.
Wolane, WS West Semitic, Zwy. Zway

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Biella J. C. BIELLA, 1982. Dictionary of Old South Arabic. Sabaean
Dialect. Chico, CA.
Black P. D. BLACK, Lowland East Cushitic: Subgrouping and Recon-
struction. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (Yale University).
Brock. C. BROCKELMANN, 1928. Lexicon Syriacum. Halle.
Buck C. D. BUCK, 1949. A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the
Principal Indo-European Languages. Chicago.
CAD OPPENHEIM, L., E. REINER, & M. T. ROTH (eds.), 1956ff. The As-
syrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute, the University of Chicago. Chicago.
DM E. S. DROWER, R. MACUCH, 1963. A Mandaic Dictionary. Oxford.
DRS D. COHEN, 1970ff. Dictionnaire des racines smitiques ou at-
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 L. Kogan !'!

HSED V. E. OREL, O. V. STOLBOVA, 1995. Hamito-Semitic Etymologi-

cal Dictionary. Materials for a Reconstruction. Leiden New York Kln.
Ja. M. JASTROW, 1996. A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli
and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature. New York.
Jahn A. JAHN, 1902. Die Mehri-Sprache in Sdarabien. Texte und Wr-
terbuch. Wien.
JH T. M. JOHNSTONE, 1977. Harssi Lexicon. Oxford.
JJ T. M. JOHNSTONE, 1981. Jibbli Lexicon. Oxford.
JM T. M. JOHNSTONE, 1987. Mehri Lexicon. London.
KB L. KOEHLER, W. BAUMGARTNER, 19942000. The Hebrew and Ara-
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LGz. W. LESLAU, 1987. Comparative Dictionary of Geez (Classical
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LH E. LITTMANN, M. HFNER, 1956. Wrterbuch der Tigr-Sprache.
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LLA A. DILLMANN, 1865. Lexicon linguae aethiopicae. Leipzig.
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RSa. L. REINISCH, 1890. Wrterbuch der Saho-Sprache. Wien.
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!'" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

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!'$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

SUMMARY
The present contribution offers a comprehensive analysis of lexical isoglosses
behind the linguistic unity traditionally defined as Ethiopian Semitic. In spite
of the relatively small number of pertinent phonological and morphological fea-
tures common to all Semitic languages of Ethiopia and Eritrea, their common
lexical heritage has never been systematically studied. As is revealed in the course
of the present study, there are several important semantic innovations affecting a
number of key positions of the basic lexicon of all or most Ethiopian Semitic
languages. Such innovations (together with a considerable number of non-trivial
lexical retentions) strongly suggest that all these languages developed from a com-
mon ancestor rather than from several independent sources.
 Nikolay Okhotin
Moscow

SOME NEW EPIGRAPHIC SOUTH ARABIAN

ETHIOPIAN ETYMOLOGIES

The purpose of the present note is to propose new etymological evidence

for a few lexemes of Epigraphic South Arabian languages (usually Sabaic).
Most of the relevant terms are more or less problematic from the point of
view of textual interpretation so that at least some of the newly proposed
cognates from Geez and Modern Ethiopian are potentially helpful for elici-
ting their meaning. All etymological comparisons are taken from the authors
unpublished Ph. D. thesis dealing primarily with the non-emphatic sibilants
of ESA (Okhotin 1999).1 In each entry, the pertinent ESA root is followed by
a concise examination of the relevant context(s) and the etymological discus-
sion (introduced by # and || respectively).

1. Sab. Us1 y=m measure of weight (SD 20).

# The Sab. term is Hapax Legomenon in Ja 669/7 but the above meaning
(already suggested by the editor and accepted, e. g., in Sima 2000:334) can
be derived from the context: hknyw mrhmw ... slmn wms3dm srfm wmdlthmy
s1ym they dedicated to their lord ... this statue and a silver inscription, the
weight of both of them being one sy. An alternative interpretation is propo-
sed in Biella 375 (verified, correct, with reference to Arb. sin proper,
fitting) though name of a weight is also mentioned.
|| The etymological evidence for the translation measure of weight co-
mes from Tgr. Is (pl. Iss) a dry measure, measure (in general) (LH 463),
Tna. Issi a wooden measure for cereals, about four kg. (KTna. 1858).

2. Sab. Uws1(=m) plague, pestilence (SD 23, BIELLA 359), Min. Us1
pidmie, peste (LM 17).
# Since the Sab. term is attested several times, its general meaning kind
of disease is rather transparent (v., e. g. Ja 645/1013: hwfy ... grb bdhw ...
bn wm wws1 wmwtt he saved ... the body of his servant ... from sickness,
disease and plague).
|| In Mller 1962:83 ws1 was compared to Yem. Arb. aws sprain, dislo-
cation (Piamenta 346), Verrenkung (Behnstedt 878). For an alternative ety-
mological interpretation v. Tgr. aso fever, malaria (LH 463), Tna. aso id.
(KTna. 1858). Other, less reliable parallels, are proposed in SED I No. 27.

1
For the list of abbreviations used in this article seep. 400.
!'& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

3. Sab. h. s3s3=m (building material), mud brick (?), mortar, puddled

clay (?) (SD 72), material used in masonry (Biella 192).
# The Sab. term is Hapax Legomenon but the meaning kind of building
material is relatively clear from the context: mbrm hs3s3m wbnm building
work in h and stones.
|| To be compared to Arb. hisan sol dur recouvert de sable, o leau des
pluies sinfiltre (BK 1 429), Hrs. hhi earth, land, soil, dust (JH 57), Jib.
hi soil (JJ 118), Soq. hhi (hoihe) terre (LS 166) and Ethiopian terms
for sand: Tna. hawa sand, strand, sandbank (KTna. 212), Amh. awa,
aawa sand (K 1182), Cha. Ea Enm. Gyt. Muh. Sod. Sel. Wol. aawa,
End. aawa, Msq. Gog. awa sand (LGur. 102).

4. Sab. ks1d=m feebleness (of body) (SD 79).

# According to SD, attested in Ja 670/911: whwl bnhw ks1dm he made
feebleness retreat from him. An alternative interpretation proposed by the
editor is to treat bnhw ks1dm as his son ks1dm.
|| If the rendering of SD is accepted, note Amh. kssd to become very
thin, gaunt, emaciated (K 1411).

5. Sab. s1lU=m msure de capacit (RMA 66).

# According to the editors, attested in RMA 15/6 (s1lm glglnm un sil de
ssame), with a reference to another text written on wood where sl tmrn
une unit de mesure de dattes is mentioned. This interpretation, accepted,
e. g., in Sima 2001:286, has been placed to doubt in Stein 2003:180 (with an
extensive discussion).
|| An etymological support for the translation kind of measure is provi-
ded by Tgr. IllIo a measure, = 1.5 l. (LH 206) and Tna. sIllIo small
measure for grain that equals 1/3 of an Inqa; small unmeasured amount of
grain, a pinch of grain (K Tna. 633). Amh. salle a large earthenware crock
holding about two Insra-jugs (K 441) can also be compared.
Sab. s1l kind of coin (SD 125, Biella 336), attested in C 548/8 (ms1
s1lm five sl-coins)2 is usually regarded as borrowed from Aramaic: Nab.
sl, Plm. sl certain coin (HJ 788), Jud. sil a weight and a coin (Ja. 996),
Syr. sel moneta, drachma (Brock. 477). One wonders whether the Arm.
terms, otherwise without etymology, can also be compared to the above Ethio-
pian forms with a meaning shift kind of weight > kind of coin.

6. Sab. s1Us1U (=m) summer season (SD 122).

# Attested several times together with other terms for agricultural seasons
(e. g. Ja 615/1819: mrt dt wrf ws1s1m wmlym crops of spring, autumn,
summer and winter).
2
According to SIMA 2001:286, also in RMA 15/7.
 N. Okhotin !''

|| If Jammes interpretation according to which each term of the series

indicates not the season itself, but the crops and fruits gathered during these
periods of the year (Jamme 1963:118) is correct, the Sab. term should proba-
bly be compared to Tgr. sIsIa peautre (LH 194) and Tna. sasaa barley
grown in the season following the small rains because it can subsist on the
moisture in dew or fog or by irrigation and which is harvested before the big
rainy season (KTna. 764) rather than to Arb. ss to pass away (months) as
suggested by Jamme (reproduced in Biella 340). The Ethiopian terms proba-
bly belong to a well-attested non-reduplicated prototype denoting a kind of
cereal crop, represented by Akk. eu barley, grain (CAD 2 345), Hbr. pB.
It a species of bean (Ja. 1610), Arb. su- ivraie; froment gt par la
nielle (BK 1 1090), Tgr. sa oats (LH 194) and Tna. saa oats, kind of
fodder; edible grass which grows mixed with barley (KTna. 766).

7. s1Ut=n period, space of time (SD 139, Biella 503).

# The Sab. term is Hapax Legomenon in R 3910/5 where it denotes the
timespan of use of a hired animal: wdyhgbn bdn s2rt ymtm fw s2ry blm
fw twrm fw brm flyhbn s3bhw s3tn ys1bn blyhw one who will return
after ten days or twenty [days of use] a camel, a bull or a[ny other] beast, let
him give its hiring price for the period he employed it.
|| While Ethiopian forms in -at (like Gez. sat) are likely Arabisms, a
few other terms, structurally different from Arb. sat-, may be suspected to
be genuine: Gez. s hour, time (LGz. 481), Tna. sa (a) moment, in-
stant, time(s); time, hour (KTna. 760), atuy then, at that time, at this
(that) moment, immediately (ibid.), Har. sa time, at the time of (LHar.
135). A similar dichotomy is observable in MSA: contrast Mhr. sIh hour,
watch (JM 353), Jib. sh id. (JJ 232), Soq. sah id. (LS 289) on the one
hand and Mhr. stIn for a while (JM 353), Hrs. set, seyt a while (JH
112), Jib. mI n st long ago (JJ 232), Soq. le-s:et lheure (LS 289)
on the other.

8. Sab. s1wn towards (SD 129), s1nn towards, in front of, next to,
by (ibid. 127), s3nn to, up to, next to, by (ibid. 139).
# These three types of forms have been ususally treated as phonetic va-
riants of one lexeme (Beeston 1984:58) but according to a recent study (Stein
2003:213214) s3nn (with a late and phonologically innovative variant s1nn)
is to be kept apart from Middle Sabaic s1wn.
|| The Sab. preposition is rightly compared to the widely used Eblaite pre-
position si-in to, for in Fronzaroli 1979:13 and Archi 2002:8 (extensively
discussed in the latter study where the meanings allocutive to, allative,
directive to, dative for, to and some others have been detected). Both
are further to be connected with Cha. Enm. End. Gyt. Gog. sIn, Ea sInn
until, till, up to, as far as (LGur. 549) as well as Jib. s~n for, in a while, for
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

a time (JJ 268). Mhr. hIn with, in the presence of, at (JM 158) is also of
interest but the correspondence Jib. s~ ~ Mhr. h is atypical and the semantic
difference is considerable.

Abbreviations of Languages
Akk. Akkadian, Amh. Amharic, Arb. Arabic, Cha. Chaha,
End. Endege, Enm. Ennemor, Gez. Geez, Gog. Gogot, Gyt.
Gyeto, Har. Harari, Hbr. Hebrew, Hbr. pB. Post-Biblical Hebrew,
Hrs. Harsusi, Jib. Jibbali, Jud. Judaic Aramaic, Min. Minaean,
Mhr. Mehri, Msq. Masqan, Muh. Muher, Nab. Nabatean, Plm.
Palmyrean, Sab. Sabaic, Sel. Selti, Sod. Soddo, Soq. Soqotri,
Syr. Syriac, Tgr. Tigre, Tna. Tigria, Wol. Wolane, Yem. Arb.
Arabic dialect of Yemen.

Abbreviations of Lexicographic Tools

Behnstedt P. BEHNSTEDT. Die nordjemenitischen Dialekte. Teil 2: Glos-
sar. Wiesbaden, 1992.
Biella J. C. BIELLA. Dictionary of Old South Arabic. Sabaean Dialect.
Chico, CA, 1982.
BK A. de BIBERSTEIN-KAZIMIRSKI. Dictionnaire arabe-franais. Vol. 12.
Paris, 1860.
Brock C. BROCKELMANN. Lexicon Syriacum. Halle, 1928.
CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the Univer-
sity of Chicago. Chicago, 1956.
HJ J. HOFTIJZER, K. JONGELING. Dictionary of the North-West Semitic
Inscriptions. Leiden New York Kln, 1995.
Ja. M. JASTROW. A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and
Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature. New York, 1996.
JH T. M. JOHNSTONE. Harsusi Lexicon. Oxford, 1977.
JJ T. M. JOHNSTONE. Jibbali Lexicon. Oxford, 1981.
JM T. M. JOHNSTONE. Mehri Lexicon. London, 1987.
K T. L. KANE. Amharic-English Dictionary. Wiesbaden, 1990.
KTna T. K. KANE. Tigrinya-English Dictionary. Springfield, 2000.
LGur W. LESLAU. Etymological Dictionary of Gurage (Ethiopic). Vol. I
III. Wiesbaden, 1979 [whenever quoted without number of volume, the 3rd
volume is referred to].
LGz W. LESLAU. Comparative Dictionary of Ge ez (Classical Ethio-
pic). Wiesbaden, 1987.
LH E. LITTMANN, M. HFNER. Wrterbuch der Tigre-Sprache. Tigre-
Deutsch-English. Wiesbaden, 1956.
LHar W. LESLAU. Etymological Dictionary of Harari. Berkeley Los
Angeles, 1963.
 N. Okhotin "

LM M. ARBACH. Le madabien: Lexique, Onomastique et Grammaire

dune langue de lArabie mridionale prislamique. T. I: Lexique madabien.
Thse de doctorat Nouveau rgime. Universit de Provence Aix Marseille
I. Centre dAix. Aix-en-Provence, 1993.
LS W. LESLAU. Lexique Soqotri (Sudarabique moderne) avec compa-
raisons et explications tymologiques. Paris, 1938.
Piamenta M. PIAMENTA. Dictionary of Post-Classical Yemeni Arabic.
Leiden New York Kbenhavn Kln, 1990.
SD A. F. L. BEESTON, M. A. GHUL, W. W. MLLER, J. RYCKMANS. Sabaic
Dictionary (English-French-Arabic). Louvain-la-Neuve, 1982.
SED A. MILITAREV, L. KOGAN. Semitic Etymological Dictionary. Vol. 1:
Anatomy of Man and Animals. Mnster, 2000.

References
Archi 2002 A. ARCHI. Prepositions at Ebla. Eblaitica 4: 121.
Beeston 1984 A. F. L. BEESTON. Sabaic Grammar. Manchester.
Fronzaroli 1979 P. FRONZAROLI. Problemi di fonetica eblaita, 1. Studi
Eblaiti 1: 6589.
Jamme 1963 A. JAMME. Sabaean Inscriptions from Mah.ram Bilqs
(Mrib). Baltimore.
Mller 1962 W. W. MLLER. Die Wurzeln mediae und tertiae y/w im
Altsdarabischen: eine etymologische und lexikographische Studie. Diss.
Tbingen.
Okhotin 1999 N. OKHOTIN. Voiceless Non-Emphatic Sibilants of the
Eigraphic South Arabian Languages: an Etymological Investigation. Unpub-
lished PhD. thesis, Russian State University for the Humanities.
Sima 2000 A. SIMA. Tiere, Pflanzen, Steine und Metalle in den altsd-
arabischen Inschriften. Eine Lexikalische und realkundliche Untersuchung.
Wiesbaden.
Sima 2001 A. SIMA. Altsdarabische Konditionalstze. Orientalia 70:
283312.
Stein 2003 P. STEIN, Untersuchungen zur Phonologie und Morpholo-
gie des Sabischen. Rahden/Westf.

SUMMARY
Despite the enormous progress made in Sabaeology in recent decades, there
still remain a significant number of Epigraphic South Arabian lexical items for
which textual analysis has not yet provided any coherent interpretation. As far as
such terms are concerned, Semitic etymology may sometimes provide precious
clues for a better understanding of their meaning. The present article attempts to
present a few newly proposed etymological connections between Ethiopian Se-
mitic and Epigraphic South Arabian (mainly Sabaic).
 Renate Richter
Leipzig

Jv c UND ANDERE IDIOME

IM AMHARISCHEN

Der Wortschatz einer Sprache besteht nicht nur aus Einzelwrtern, d.h.
aus Simplizia und Wortbildungskonstruktionen, sondern es gehren dazu auch
feste syntaktische Wortverbindungen als phraselogische Einheiten. Ihr be-
sonderer Charakter als feste Wortverbindung ergibt sich vor allem aus ihrer
semantischen Idiomatizitt und ihrer semantisch-syntaktischen Stabilitt.
Damit zusammen hngt ihre Speicherung als lexikalische Einheit, die bei der
Textgestaltung reproduziert wird.1
Ein Idiom stellt also eine spezifische Wortverbindung dar, die zwei oder
mehrere (bedeutungshaltige) Wrter zu einer phraseologischen Einheit zu-
sammenfgt, deren Gesamtbedeutung sich aber nicht unmittelbar aus den
lexikalischen Einzelbedeutungen ableiten lt.2 Ein idiomatischer Ausdruck
ist somit eine feststehende Wortverbindung oder formelhafte Wendung, die
durch Demotivation, d.h. das Verblassen einer sprachlichen Bezeichnung im
Bewutsein des Sprachbenutzers, entstanden ist. Die syntaktisch-semantis-
chen Mittel zur Gestaltung von idiomatischen Wendungen sind dabei von
Sprache zu Sprache verschieden. Allgemein gilt jedoch:
(i) Die Gesamtbedeutung eines Idioms oder einer idiomatischen Wen-
dung ergibt sich nicht oder nicht mehr aus den Bedeutungen der einzel-
nen Komponenten. Diese haben vielmehr eine Umdeutung bzw. ber-
tragung erfahren, wobei die Glieder dieses Idioms nicht oder nur be-
grenzt austauschbar sind.
(ii) Die ursprnglich vorhandene Motivation einer Redewendung, nicht
selten aus der Sprache bestimmter sozialer oder Berufsgruppen stam-
mend, ist verloren gegangen, und diese Redewendung wird nun als
fertige lexikalische Einheit reproduziert und in der Funktion eines Ein-
zelwortes gebraucht.
(iii) Eine idiomatische Wendung nutzt zustzliche emotionale, expres-
sive oder stilistische Nebenbedeutungen eines Wortes, um die konkre-
te kommunikative Absicht zu erreichen.3

1
Kleine Enzyklopdie Deutsche Sprache, Leipzig 1983, 307.
2
TH. LEWANDOWSKI, Linguistisches Wrterbuch. 1, Heidelberg 1976, 268; R. CON-
RAD (Hrsg.), Lexikon sprachwissenschaftlicher Termini, Leipzig 1988, 96.
3
Vgl. CONRAD, Lexikon sprachwissenschaftlicher Termini, 104 f., 179.
 R. Richter "!

Auch die amharische Sprache, Muttersprache von mehr als einem Drittel
der Bevlkerung4 sowie urbane5 und nationale lingua franca in thiopien,
besitzt eine Vielzahl von Idiomen und idiomatischen Wendungen. Diese sind
hauptschlich deskriptiver Natur und dienen dazu, Fhigkeiten und Verhal-
tensweisen der Menschen zu beschreiben.6 Die amharische Bezeichnung fr
Idiom lautet H& /fliJ/, was auch mit Mode, Stil, Kunstgriff, Trick,
geschickter Methode, diskrete Ausdrucksweise, Weitblick, Voraussicht, Raf-
finesse, Scharfsinn, Intelligenz bersetzt werden kann. Diese dem Begriff
fliJ innewohnenden Bedeutungen und die mit dem Gebrauch idiomatischer
Wendungen angestrebte kommunikative Absicht, nmlich die Aufmerksamkeit
des Lesers oder Hrers durch gedankliche Tiefe, Klarheit und Przision zu
fesseln und so eine grere Vollkommenheit des Ausdrucks zu erreichen,7
ist vergleichbar mit den Intentionen, die etwa ein azmari mit dem Vortrag
seiner qne8 verbindet, wenngleich fliJ und qne in ihrer Struktur und Kom-
position verschieden sind.
Idiome und idiomatische Wendungen gehren zu den produktiven Ele-
menten der Wortschatzentwicklung im Amharischen. Ein Vergleich von
Lexikoneintragungen in verschiedenen Wrterbchern9 zeigt, dass die An-
zahl der idiomatischen Wendungen z.B. mit dem Morphem Jx/lbb/ Herz
stndig zugenommen hat. Im Handwrterbuch von T. L. Kane sind dazu ber

4
DANIEL ABERRA, Language Situations of Ethiopia in the 1990s: A Sociolin-
guistic Profile, in: KATSUYOSHI FUKUI EISEI KURIMOTO MASAYOSHI SHIGETA (eds.),
Ethiopia in Broader Perspective. Papers of the XIIIth International Conference of
Ethiopian Studies, Kyoto, 1217 December 1997, Kyoto 1997, vol. 1, 431440, 436.
5
R. MEYER R. RICHTER, Language Use in Ethiopia from a Network Perspecti-
ve: results of a sociolinguistic survey conducted among high school students,
Frankfurt-am-Main 2003 (Schriften zur Afrikanistik, 7).
6
AMSALU AKLILU, Characteristics of Amharic idiomatic expressions, in: TADDESE
BEYENE (ed.), Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of Ethiopian Stu-
dies. University of Addis Ababa, [2630 November] 1984, Addis Ababa Frankfurt-
am-Main 19881989, vol. 1, 571580, 571 ff.
7
DRGG TSMMA, Tgbarawi ysD ft mmriya, Addis Abba, Miyazya 1996
[th. Kalend.], 24.
8
Ebenda, S. 25; R. RICHTER, Wenn das Wachs schmilzt..., in: W. ARNOLD H.
BOBZIN (Hrsg.), Sprich doch mit deinen Knechten aramisch, wir verstehen es! 60
Beitrge zur Semitistik. Festschrift fr Otto Jastrow zum 60. Geburtstag, Wiesbaden
2002, 570 ff.
9
U. a. T. L. KANE, Amharic English Dictionary, Wiesbaden 1990; TSMMA
HABT MIKAEL GSSW, Kate Brhan Tsmma. Yamara mzgb qalat, Addis
Abba 1951 [th. Kalend.]; DSSTA TKL WLD, Addis yamara mzgb qalat
bkahnatnna bagr sb qwanqwa, Addis Abba 1962 [th. Kalend.]; YITYOP-
YA QWANQWAWO TNATNNA MRMMR M A KL (ed.), Amara mzgb qalat,
Addis Abba 1993 [th. Kalend.].
"" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

einhundert Idiome und idiomatische Wendungen verzeichnet. Auch im Gz

ist das gleichlautende Morphem bereits in idiomatischen Wendungen anzu-
treffen, ihre Zahl hier ist jedoch relativ gering.10
Die Tendenz, den Wortschatz durch die Bildung von Idiomen und idio-
matischen Wendungen zu bereichern und durch ihren zunehmenden Gebrauch
dem gesprochenen oder geschriebenen Wort mehr Nachdruck zu verleihen,
ist dabei nicht nur im Amharischen, sondern auch in anderen thiopischen
Sprachen zu beobachten.11
In ihrer gemeinsamen Publikationen Y amara fliJo haben Amsa-
lu Aklilu und Daaw Wrqu12 ber 4 000 Idiome und idiomatische Wen-
dungen zusammengetragen, die sowohl in der modernen amharischen Litera-
tur als auch in der Umgangssprache hufig gebraucht werden und auf die
unser Beitrag nher eingehen mchte.
Bevor wir uns den besonders beliebten kompositorischen Elementen die-
ser Idiome zuwenden, sollen zunchst die grammatischen Strukturen und
Wortbildungsmodelle kurz skizziert werden, nach denen sie gebildet werden.
Dabei folgen sie, wie die Bildung neuer Wrter generell, den jeweils sprach-
spezifischen Wortbildungsmodellen. Im Amharischen sind dies vor allem (a)
die Verbindung von bestimmten Wurzelmorphemen mit anderen Wurzeln oder
Affixmorphemen und (b) die Kombination vorhandener Wrter bzw. Worts-
tmme miteinander oder mit besonderen, frei im Satz nicht vorkommenden
Bildungselementen.
Dabei spielt die Nominalisierung eine besondere Rolle. Sie stellt ein sehr
produktives Verfahren zur Bildung neuer Substantive bzw. zur berfhrung
von Einheiten aus anderen Wortklassen vor allem von Verben und Adjek-
tiven in die Klasse der Substantive dar. Nominalisierung kann auch die
Transformation von Verbalkomplexen oder ganzen Stzen in Nominalphra-
sen einschlieen. Dabei wchst ganz allgemein die Tendenz, Stze mit einfa-
cher Grundform und einer Flle von nominalen Gliedern zu bilden sowie
mgliche Prdikationen durch substantivisch-adjektivische Gruppen zu repr-
sentieren.
Diese Tendenz zur Nominalisierung, auch als transformationelle Umfor-
mung von Stzen der Tiefenstruktur zu Nominalgruppen in der Oberflchen-
struktur13 definiert, ist eine sehr produktive Form der Wortbildung im Amha-

10
W. LESLAU, Comparative Dictionary of Geez (Classical Ethiopic), Wiesbaden
1987, 304 f.
11
Vgl. u. a. ABARRAA NAFAA HINSEENEE MAKURIYAA ABBOHHNAH ASHA-
AGREE DIIMAA ABARRAA (eds.), Galmee Jechoota Afaan Amaaraafi faan Oromoo,
Finfinnee [Addis Abba] 1994, 8 f.
12
AMSALU AKLILU DAAW WRQU, Yamara fliJo, Addis Abba 1988
[th. Kalend.].
13
CONRAD, Lexikon sprachwissenschaftlicher Termini, 1988, 253 ff.
 R. Richter "#

rischen geworden14 und trgt nicht zuletzt zur Vereinfachung und Durchsich-
tigkeit des komplizierten amharischen Satzbau bei.15
Die Nominalisierung im Amharischen nutzt dabei ein breites Spektrum
unterschiedlicher Wortbildungsmodelle und -komponenten. Hier sind es vor
allem Nominalkomposita, die durch Zusammensetzung zweier oder mehrerer,
sonst auch frei vorkommender Morpheme zu einem neuen Morphemgefge
entstehen. Ein solches Kompositum ist ein auf seine Teile nicht reduzierbares
Wort mit eigener Bedeutung, also formal und inhaltlich eine neue begriff-
liche Einheit. Diese festen Verbindungen, die als substantivische, adjekti-
vische, adverbiale oder verbale Komposita auftreten knnen,16 lassen selbst
bei Getrenntschreibung keine Infixe zu. In der Pluralbildung, Determina-
tion und Kasusmarkierung werden sie, gleich den einfachen Nomina, wie ein
einziger Begriff behandelt.17 Ein solches Nominalkompositum kann dabei
aus folgenden Elementen bestehen:18
(y) Nomen + Nomen, z.B. ()` Jxe traditionelle Kleidung,
()c eT Reputation, ()v+| O& privater PKW;
Nomen + Nomen, z.B. | ` Vaterland, ` v+| lndlicher,
lokaler, Dorf-, nJ & Vertrag, Pakt, ` O Fluglinie;
Nomen // + Nomen, z.B. v+z cx Familie, cIT friedferti-
ger, R` guter Redner, wH geschickter Handwerker.
Letztere Form der Nominalkomposita, der sogenannte Status constructus,
ist ein Nominalkompositum, das dem Gz entstammt und dazu dient, ein
Genitivverhltnis oder allgemein das Verhltnis der Unterordnung eines No-
mens unter ein anders auszudrcken.19 Es besteht aus einem Nomen regens +
Nomen rectum. Die Verbindung zwischen beiden wird durch deren Reihen-
folge und Vokal//-Einschub bei konsonantisch auslautendem Nomen regens
hergestellt. Einem vokalisch auslautenden Nomen regens folgt direkt das No-
men rectum.
Whrend das Nomen rectum in der Regel ein Substantiv ist, kann das
Nomen regens entweder (a) ein Substantiv, z.B. M| O& Schreibmas-
chine wrtl. Maschine in Bezug auf das Schreiben, (b) ein Adjektiv, z.B.
[ mIJ leichtfig, flink wrtl. leicht in Bezug auf die Fe, (c) ein
Partizip, z.B. X R Fischer wrtl. ein Fnger von Fischen oder (d)

14
Vgl. O. KAPELIUK, Nominalization in Amharic, Stuttgart 1988 (thiopistische
Forschungen, 23).
15
E. HAMMERSCHMIDT, Geleitwort, in: KAPELIUK, Nominalization in Amharic, 12.
16
LEWANDOWSKI, Linguistisches Wrterbuch. 3, 829.
17
J. HARTMANN, Amharische Grammatik, Wiesbaden 1980 (thiopistische For-
schungen, 2), 315.
18
Ebenda; W. LESLAU, Reference Grammar of Amharic, Wiesbaden 1995, 248;
BAYY YMAM, Yamara swasw, Addis Abba 1987 [th. Kalend.].
19
HARTMANN, Amharische Grammatik, 312.
"$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

ein Verb sein, z.B. ` H luftbefrdert, Luftlande- wrtl. in der Luft

geborener. (e) Status constructus-Formen, die aus den Komponenten Verb +
Verb bestehen, sind z.B. c`} ` Arbeiter, Werkttiger wrtl. jemand,
der lebt indem er arbeitet.
Die Bedeutung einer Status constructus- Form ist dabei nicht gleich der
Summe ihrer beiden Komponenten.20 So wird das Nominalkompositum H&m
Ov`, das aus den Komponenten H&o Gelehrter und Ov` Stuhl bes-
teht, heute als Terminus fr Vorsitzender gebraucht. Aufgrund der festen
Verbindung der Elemente einer Status constructus- Form und der Markierung
von Definitheit, Genus, Numerus und Kasus nur am zweiten Element ist der
Status constructus ein uerst produktives Mittel der amharischen Wortbil-
dung, insbesondere zur Schaffung der modernen Terminologie fr Wissens-
chaft und Technik.
Auch die amharischen Idiome und idiomatischen Wendungen werden sehr
oft nach dem Modell des Status constructus gebildet. Hufig anzutreffende
Komponenten dieser Idiome und idiomatischen Wendungen21 sind Nomina,
die bestimmte Krperteile bezeichnen oder solche Dinge, die im tagtglichen
Leben der Menschen eine groe Rolle spielen. Oft finden wir auch Verben
der Bewegung und solche Verben, die eine immer wiederkehrende Ttigkeit
bezeichnen.
Nomina, die Krperteile bezeichnen und in vielen Idiomen eine Rolle spie-
len, sind Jx Herz (117),22 T Blut (52), Mund (50), Auge
(49), Hand (38), | Gesicht, Antlitz (36), ^e Kopf (28), |
Eingeweide, Darm (23), G Bauch, Leib (22), a Ohr (117), `
Bein, Fu und | Hals (je 16), gefolgt von w` Stirn, `e Zahn,
Y Fleisch (je 11).
Nomina, die im Alltag und Umfeld der Menschen eine groe Rolle spie-
len, sind vor allem v+| Haus (37), D Wasser (27 ), T` Erde (23),
nJ Wort (22), e Seele (21), ` Boden, Erde (20), ` Land
und m Tag je (18), d| Feuer (17), w| Vater (13), ^ Fladen-
brot und f Kosso (je 12), c Mensch und O Asche, Staub (je 11).
Verben der Bewegung, die hauptschlich im Grundstamm, aber auch in
abgeleiteten Stammformen und verbalen Ableitungen vorkommen, sind w
hineingehen, eintreten (81), hinausgehen, herauskommen (70), [
hinuntergehen, hinabsteigen, [c ankommen, erreichen, pO stehen
(je 40), d aufheben (30), cc flieen und verschwinden, verloren

Vgl. AMSALU AKLILU DAAW WRQU, Yamara fliJo, 135.

20

21
Als Quellen- und Referenzmaterial wurde vor allem genutzt: AMSALU AKLILU
DA-AW WRQU, Yamara fliJo; KANE, Amharic English Dictionary; GETA-
HUN AMARE, The English Amharic Idioms Dictionary, Addis Ababa 1986 [th. Kalend.].
22
In Klammern ist die Hufigkeit vermerkt, mit der das betreffende Lexem in
Idiomen und idiomatischen Wendungen angetroffen wurde.
 R. Richter "%

gehen (je 27), H vorbergehen (26), m[ bleiben und [ treten,

trampeln (je 21), [ wenden, umdrehen (20).
In Idiomen vorkommende Verben, die hufig ausgefhrte Ttigkeiten, sel-
tener einen Zustand, beschreiben, sind nehmen (89), m fallen,
hinwerfen (85), vI essen (48), p[ zerschneiden (41), H (Tag) ver-
bringen (37), W^ arbeiten (32), [m trocknen (31), [ sprechen,
sagen (30), schlieen (29), O{ schlagen (26), sehen (23),
v schwer sein, cv[ zerbrechen, zerschlagen, ^ sen und H er-
klren (je 20).
Die folgenden Idiome und idiomatischen Wendungen, in denen Krper-
teile eine Rolle spielen (Bsp. 17) ferner Dinge des tglichen Lebens (Bsp.
817), Verben der Bewegung (1826) und Verben, die hufig ausgefhrte
Ttigkeiten beschreiben (2732), sollen einen kleinen Eindruck von der Viel-
falt und Raffinesse dieser Ausdrucksformen vermitteln. Die Grundbedeutung
der jeweiligen Nomina und Verben erfhrt dabei oft eine Bedeutungsbertra-
gung, Bedeutungserweiterung oder -verengung. Diese Idiome spiegeln ne-
ben zahlreichen landesspezifischen Besonderheiten viele Gedankengnge,
Empfindungen und Assoziationen wider, die universeller Natur sind und so
oder hnlich auch in anderen Kulturen und Sprachen anzutreffen sind.

Nomina, die Ko rperteile bezeichnen

(1) Jx /lbb/ Herz
Jx H (H sagen, sprechen) aufmerksam, konzentriert sein
Jx [ ([ machen tun) sich erinnern, in Erinnerung
behalten
Jv PH# (UI fllen, voll sein) mutiger, tapferer, entschlossener
Jv c (c weit gerumig sein, erweitern, expandieren) gedul-
diger, grozgiger, gromtiger, toleranter
Jv mIJ (mHH leicht sein) unseriser, leichtsinniger
Jx c (c geben) aufmuntern, ermutigen
Jv# w (w hineingehen, hereinkommen) Bewusstsein wiederer-
langen, genesen, sich in jdn. verlieben
Jv# [c ([c zerschlagen, zerstren, vernichten) Herzschmer-
zen haben, unterdrckt werden, benachteiligt sein; bertreiben, etwas ber-
mig tun
(2) T /dm/ Blut
O v# (w hineingehen, hereinkommen) schner, gut ausse-
hender
O \ (^ reinigen, klren) angesehener, edler, ehrwrdiger
T` T (T` Erde) Getreide
T ( Preis) Blutzoll, Blutrache
"& Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

P cc (cc flieen, auslaufen) sein Leben geben (fr

sein Vaterland)
P I (I kochen) sehr wtend, rgerlich sein
O e (e Seele, Gefhl, Bewusstsein) Instinkt; unbewusst;
animalisch
O O^^ (O[[ bitter schmecken, sauer sein) unsympathis-
cher, ungehriger, verleumderischer
(3) /af/ Mund
R` (R` Honig) guter, gewandter Redner
h#J (h#J Dorn, Spitze) Schwtzer
cIT (cIT Frieden) friedfertiger, jmd. der nie Bses sagt
w (w schwer sein, schwierig sein) wortkarger, schweig-
samer
R (R Fett, Speck, Talg) Schmeichler
( nehmen, halten) den Mund halten, schweigen
{ ({ lsen, ffnen) Mutter/Erstsprache sprechen,
reden knnen
d| (d| Feuer) Schwtzer, Verleumder
J [I] (J Ziege) Plaudertasche, Plappermaul
(4) /ayn/ Auge
`x (`x Taube) Schleier
wM` (wM` Meer) Luftschloss, Fata Morgana
` (` Boden, Erde) unvershnlicher, Todfeind
`o (`o Gold) Weizen von hchster Qualitt
D (D Wasser) Trend, Richtung
MH& (MH& Schicksal) Phantasie, Einbildung
x (w eintreten, hineingehen) gutaussehender, auffallender
(5) /gg / Hand
cIT (cIT Frieden) friedfertiger, pazifistischer
c (c weit sein) freigebiger, grozgiger, generser
m (m Loch) verschwenderischer, leichtsinniger
[ ([ machen) einnehmen, Besitz ergreifen
wH (wJ, wJ Herr, Besitzer) geschickter Handwerker,
Schmied
T (adj. Suffix: -T) gewandter, geschickter; Dieb
v c (c geben) direkt, persnlich bergeben
( nehmen) verhaften
(6) | /fit/ Gesicht (Vorder) Front, vorn, Oberflche
| c (c geben) Aufmerksamkeit, Achtung schenken
z% [ ([ sich schmen, scheu sein) Achtung, Respekt
haben vor jdm.
 R. Richter "'

z% [ ([ drehen, wenden) ignorieren, missbilligen

| HJ| (H- Prposition fr, zu) gegenber
z mIJ (mIJ leicht) leutseliger
z w (w schwer, schwierig) mit ernster, feierlicher Miene
| ( Prposition nach, in Richtung auf) Zukunft, knf-
tiger
f | (f bitteres Getrnk, Wurmmittel) unfreundliches Ge-
sicht, Grimasse
(7) ^e /ras/ Kopf
^e H (H haben) klaren Verstand besitzen, Gespr haben fr
^c# H (H knnen) unabhngig sein, Selbstvertrauen besitzen
^c# m (m wissen, kennen) Bewusstsein wiedererlan-
gen, zu sich kommen
^e ( lieben) selbstschtiger, egoistischer
^e H+H (H+H nicht vorhanden sein) schamloser, fre-
cher, dreister
^e ( herrschen, regieren) autonomer Bezirk
^e #` (#` Haar) zahlreiche, reichliche
T` ^e (T` Erde) Kap (geogr.)

Nomina, die Dinge aus dem ta glichen Leben

und Umfeld der Menschen bezeichnen
(8) v+| /bet/ Haus
v+z% { ({ lsen, aufbinden) Haushalt auflsen, sich tren-
nen (Ehepaar)
v+| v& (w hereinkommen, hinausgehen) Vertrau-
ter, enger Freund
v+z Oe| (Oe| Regierung, Staat) Palast, Regierung-
ssitz, Residenz
v+z OM| (OM| Bcher) Bibliothek
v+z e`| (e`| Christen) Kirche
v+| O& (O& Auto) privater PKW
T` v+| (T` Rat, Ratschlag) Ratsversammlung, Parlament
|TF`| v+| (|TF`| Unterricht, Bildung) Schule
(9) D /w ha/ Wasser
D G (G sein, werden) tauen, sich auflsen
D G in Trnen ausbrechen, ganz aufgelst sein (vor Trauer,
Schmerz)
D J (H messen) Meeresspiegel; ebene, glatte Flche
D mHT (mHT Farbe) hellblau
D vI (vI essen) Nichtsnutz, Grobian; Betrunkener
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

D D c (c machen, veranlassen) jdn. bse zurichten,

bis zur vlligen Erschpfung treiben
D x (w hineingehen, hereinkommen) bewssertes Land
D [ D] ( Auge) Aussehen; Trend
FJ D (FJ Getreide) (Lebens) Unterhalt, Dasein, Existenz
(10) T` /mdr/ Erde
T` Hmm (Hmm verlassen) hochmtiger, berheblicher
T` cR zvIHm (cR Himmel; zvIHm sich vermis-
chen) dem Ende der Welt entgegengehen
T` mH (mH auseinanderlaufen, tauen) Erosionsschden
T` ( Morgen werden) Tagesanbruch
T` v+| (v+| Haus) Keller, Erdgeschoss, Boden
T` ( Mund) Trpfosten, Tor, Eingang
T[ cI+ (cI+ Speerspitze) Halbinsel, Landzunge
T[ zR] (zR] Student) Studentenschaft (als Gruppe)
T[ Wo (Wo breiter Ledergrtel) quator
T[ o` (o` Form, Gestalt) Topographie
(11) nJ /qal/ Wort
nJ c (c geben) Ehrenwort geben, versprechen, garantieren
vnJ [ ([ sagen, sprechen) mndlich, verbal
nH w (w schwer) einflussreiche Person
nH# vm (vm beschtzen; erwarten) sein Wort, Verspre-
chen halten
Faz nJ ([ krzen) Abkrzung, Kurzform
[ nJ ([ Hirte) derbe, unhfliche Ausdrucksweise
O nJ (T Geschmack) feine Formulierung, geschliffene
Rede
vnJ ( lernen, studieren) auswendig lernen
(12) ` /ngr/ Wort; Sache, Ding; Angelegenheit
` O (O bringen) Schwierigkeiten bereiten
` HnQ (HmO auflesen) Lauscher, Spion
` ( lieben) streitschtiger
` ^ (^ sen) Klatschbase, Plaudertasche
[ DR| (DR| Religion, Glaube) religise Lehre
[ vI (vI essen) kluger, gebildeter, intelligenter
v\ w (w hineingehen) in eine Sache verwickelt sein
_ ` (_ Frucht) Hauptsache, Grundgedanke, Kern
(13) e /nfs/ Seele, Geist; Leben
ve [c ([c ankommen) gut, rechtzeitig ankommen
c# ( verlieren) das Bewusstsein verlieren, in Ohn-
macht fallen
 R. Richter "

c# m (m wissen, kennen) das Bewusstsein wiederer-

langen
e ( verteilen, aushndigen) Einzel-, pro Kopf, indi-
vidueller
e (H tten) Mrder
c v&e (v&e ohne) furchtloser, mutiger, couragierter
vc# G (G sein, werden) am Leben sein, lebendig sein
c #` ([ [[] eine Last tragen) Schwangere
O e (T Blut) Instinkt
(14) ` /afr/ Boden, Erde
` G (G sein, werden) = ` vI (vI essen) sterben
` O_| vI (O_| Erde) tief gedemtigt sein
` Hvc (Hvc bekleiden) begraben sein
` G ( Auge) einander nicht mgen, spinnefeind
sein
` oJ G (mH fortfahren, weitermachen) zahlreiche,
unendlich viele
` J (J Schlucht) Steilufer, Steilkste
` ( verbrauchen) ungehobelter Kerl, Flegel
c+z, ` (c+| Frau, weiblich) rtliche Erde, Roterdeboden
+ ` ( Mann, mnnlich) Schwarzerdeboden
x[| ` (x[| Eisen) Eisenerz, Erz
(15) ` /agr/ Land, Region
\ BH# (BH# alle) jedermann, alle
` v+| (v+| Haus) lndliche Gegend, lndlicher, lokaler
` o` (o` Liebe) Patriotismus
[ cx (cx Menschen) Landsleute, Einheimische
A[ ex| (ex| Predigt) Pfarrbezirk
| ` (| Mutter) Vaterland, Heimat
` Jxe (Jxe Kleidung) traditionelle Kleidung
` e (e Innen) Inland
` ( Auen) Ausland
(16) m /qn/ Tag
m cv[ (cv[ zerbrechen) Pech haben, Unglck erleiden
m c (c geben) einen Termin vereinbaren
m H (H vorbergehen) veraltet, unmodern sein
m ( herauskommen, hinausgehen) anbrechen (gute
Zeiten)
m Hm (H- fr) Tag fr Tag, tagtglich
m c^T (c[ betrunken sein) Trinker, Sufer
#H m (#J Mitte, Hlfte) Mittag, Mittagszeit
" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

m ( schlechter) schwere Zeiten

(17) d| /sat/ Feuer
d| G (G sein, werden) sehr wtend sein
vd| z ( nehmen) Feuer fangen, sich ineinander ver-
lieben
d| ( Mund) Schwtzer, Verleumder
d| ( Stroh) Todfeinde
dz U^ (U^ Gomorrah) Vulkan
d| ^| (^| Abendessen, Hauptmahlzeit) Motte
wM[ d| (wM` Meer) Fegefeuer, Hlle
dz I (I verhindern) feuerfester, feuersicherer
c d| (c wegschicken, verbannen) Lauffeuer, Gercht

Verben der Bewegung

(18) w /gbba/ hineingehen, eintreten
mHT w (mHT Farbe; Bildung, Wissen) klug, gebildet sein
^ w (^ links; schwierig) verwirrt, verblfft sein
nJ & w (nJ & Pakt, Vertrag) einen Eid leisten
G w (G Leib) sehr beliebt sein, geliebt werden
c w (c Mensch; Mund) ins Gerede kommen
J w (J Vertrag) einen Vertrag schlieen
w ( hinausgehen, herauskommen) rau, uneben sein
J w (J Groll) Vergeltung ben, halsstarrig, eigensinnig
sein
L w (L Sonne) untergehen (Sonne)
wJ w /Qe| w (wJ Ehemann; Qe| Ehefrau) heiraten
(19) /wtta/ hinausgehen, herauskommen
H\ (` Wettkampf, Wettbewerb) am Wettkampf
teilnehmen
J H| (J Kind, Sohn) sein Sohn ist seine Untersttzung
(im Alter)
h (h Versammlung, Kongress) an einem Kongress
teilnehmen
| (| Freiheit) die Freiheit erlangen
( Erster) Sieger sein
( Los) gewinnen; verlieren (Lotterie Spiel)
[ ([ hinabsteigen, herunterkommen) hart arbeiten
v (v Markt) auf dem Markt sein, im Angebot sein
h#O| (h#O| Befrderung, Ernennung) befrdert, in ein
Amt eingesetzt werden
(20) [ /wrrd/ hinuntergehen, hinabsteigen
 R. Richter "!

Jv# [ (Jx Herz) vllig erschpft sein

zT` [ (zT` [{T`] Wunder) ein Wunder ist ge-
schehen
^e I [ (^e Kopf; selbst) j-n sich selbst berlassen
v{ [ (v{ Tafel, Tisch) zubereitet sein (Mahlzeit)
OLI [ (OLI Eid, Schwur) einen Eid abnehmen, schwren
lassen
c&` c&[ (z[ berliefern, weitergeben) traditioneller,
berlieferter
[ ( Preis; [ erniedrigen) Preis senken
e| e[ (e| Garantie) j-n seiner Verpflichtung
entheben
(21) [c /drrs/ ankommen, erreichen
HQe| [c (Qe| Ehefrau) alt genug sein (um eine Frau zu
heiraten)
H O [c (J Krper; O Ma) das Erwachsenen-
alter erreichen
Jv# [cH| (Jx Herz) sein Herzenswunsch ging in Erfllung
[e [e Tx (Tx Speise, Essen) Schnellimbiss
vj{ HU| [c (vj{ Krankheit; U| Tod) (Krankheit)
zum Tode fhren
Te Jv# [c (Te Dank; Jx Herz) sich ganz herz-
lich bedanken
H:| [c (H:| Gebet) beten
^j H&e ( [er] sich beeilend; H&e Polizei)
Schnelles Einsatzkommando
`f OJe z*+| (OJe zurck-; z*+| Ticket, Fahrkarte)
Hin- und Rckfahrkarte
H... vF [cF Herzlichen Glckwunsch zum...
(22) pO /qom/ stehen
vJ pO (J Krper) persnlich anwesend sein
v# I pO (# Thron) auf den Thron sitzen, regieren
` pO (` Gesprch) Verhandlungen abbrechen
H pO KJ| (KJ| Denkmal) Heldendenkmal
H: e pO (H: e Sturm) der Sturm hat sich gelegt
Y^ pO (Y^ Arbeit) in den Streik treten
uQ M| v+| (M| v+| Sekretariat) stndiges Sekretariat
m%T ` (` Sache) wichtige, ernste Angelegenheit
m%T M| (M| Schreiben) Kalligrafie
(23) /Jffa/ verschwinden, verloren gehen
Jv# (Jx Herz) das Bewusstsein verlieren, ohnmchtig werden
"" Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

OJ# (OJ Antlitz, ueres) entstellt, verunstaltet sein

O (O Weg, Strae) vom Wege abkommen, sich
verirren
eP (eT Name) seinen (guten) Ruf verlieren
( Auge) erblinden
\ (` Samen) aussterben
Jv (Jx Herz) gefhlloser, herzloser
J (J Vertrag) einen Vertrag auer Kraft setzen
(24) H /allf/ weitergehen, vorbergehen
Mz% H (M| Leben) sterben
O H (O Ma) malos sein
J H (J Vertrag) einen Vertrag unterlaufen
c H (c Grenze) Grenzen berschreiten, einfallen
&+ H (&+ Zeit) veraltet sein, unmodern sein
c| I (c| Stunde) Polizeistunde, Ausgangssperre
H [m| ([m| Papier) Ausweis, Pass
J J manchmal, ab und zu, hin und wieder
(25) m[ /qrr/ bleiben
Jv# m[ (Jx Herz) Neigung verspren, sich hingezogen fhlen,
denken an
Y^ m[ (Y^ Arbeit) unttig, faul sein
pR c+| (pO stehen) unverheiratete Frau, sitzengebliebenes
Mdchen
I m[ ( nach; I hinten) rckstndiger, zurckgeblieben
m] x (x Geld) Guthaben
o]| J (J Krper) Fossil
Rm` eMz| (eMz| Fehler) unvermeidbarer Fehler
T dm` ( einer + Neg.) ausnahmslos
(26) [ /zor/ sich wenden, sich drehen
^c# [ (^e Kopf) schwindelig werden
T[ cR [x (T` Erde; cR Himmel) mir drehte
sich alles (bei Trunkenheit)
` #a (` Sache; sehen) grndlich betrachten,
nachdenken
[ ( Hand) Besitz bergeben, kapitulieren
] HT (HT Welt) Planet
v`` O (O Weg) indirekt
z] H& (H& Klinik) mobiles Krankenhaus
R] v+| (v+| Haus) Telefonzentrale
#a #a alles in allem, letzten Endes, schlielich
 R. Richter "#

Verben, die eine ha ufig ausgefu hrte Ta tigkeit

oder einen Zustand beschreiben
(27) /yaz/ nehmen
vJx (Jx Herz) in Erinnerung behalten, sich erinnern an
vnJ (nJ Wort) auswendig lernen
eJ (eJ Macht, Autoritt) die Macht ergreifen
O (O Weg) sich auf den Weg machen
oJ (oJ Schlaf) vom Schlaf bermannt werden
x# OmO (OmO Sitz, Stuhl) viele Sitze erringen
(Parlament)
[ ( erster; [ Stufe, Rang) Sieger
sein, gewinnen
Ze| H&|` (Ze| H&|` drei Liter) drei Liter fassen
(28) vI /blla/ essen
c vI (c Mensch) j-n verleumden
` vI (` Sache) erfahrener, routinierter
^ vI (^ Auftrag) Vertrauen missbrauchen
&+ vI (&+ Zeit) Zeit vergeuden
Jv# vI or G vI (Jx Herz; G Leib) stren; qulen
O^ vI (O^ Kummer, Sorge) tief betrbt sein
ORH vI (ORH Bestechung) bestechen lassen, Schmier-
geld annehmen
#y vI (#y Schmiergeld) Schmiergeld zahlen, j-n bestechen
xa vI (xa Abgaben) Steuern zahlen (an den Staat)
X` vI (X` Gras) Pflanzenesser
(29) p[ /qwrrt/ schneiden, zerschneiden
Y` p[ (Y` Wurzel) komplett abschlagen, ausrotten
|+| p[ (|+| Ticket) Eintrittskarte / Fahrkarte entwerten
G p[ (G Leib, Bauch) Bauchschmerzen haben
O p[ (O Lohn) Lohn, Gehalt krzen
Kdv# p[ (Kdx Gedanke) einen Entschluss fassen
p` zX (zX sich erheben) wild entschlossen sein
ze p[ (ze Hoffnung) Hoffnung verlieren, verzweifeln
` p[ (` Rede, Gesprch) Verhandlungen abbrechen
O u[ (O Weg, Strae) eine Strae berqueren
(30) W^ /srra/ arbeiten, herstellen, bauen
R W^ (R Komplott) Komplott schmieden
J W^ (J Verbrechen) ein Verbrechen begehen
&| W^ (&| Snde) eine Snde begehen
"$ Scrinium I (2005). Varia Aethiopica

zJ Y^ W^ (zJ Trick, List) eine List anwenden

v{ W^ (v{ Tafel, Tisch) das Mahl bereiten
c`} ` ([ leben) Werkttiger
Y^ | ( verlieren) Arbeitslosigkeit
Y^ +| (+| Ergebnis) Arbeitsproduktivitt
c W^j (c Mensch) knstlicher
(31) cv[ /sbbr/ zerbrechen, zerschlagen
Dxz% cv[ (Dx| Reichtum) sich (finanziell, materiell) rui-
nieren
Jv# cv[ (Jx Herz) Laune verderben, betrben
J cv[ (J Vertrag) Vertragsbruch begehen
c eT cv[ (c Mensch; eT Name) jemandes Reputation
zerstren
M cv[ (M Gesetz) das Gesetz brechen
v` cv[ (v` Grenze) Grenzen verletzen, eindringen
H# cv[ (J Glck) seine Chance verpassen
cw] ( Auge) scheuer, schchterner, ngstlicher
+I cv[ (+I Kontrollstelle) Schmuggelware einfhren
(32) /zgga/ schlieen
_ (_ Radio) Radio ausschalten
( Mund) j-m den Mund verbieten
( Mund) seine Zunge im Zaum halten, schweigen
O (O Weg) Probleme bereiten
v\ BH# zv| (v` Tr) alle Hoffnung verlieren
v z[ (z[ gemacht, getan werden) hinter verschlosse-
nen Tren, geheim
ez% z (e| Appetit) keinen Appetit haben
H# z (J Fall) ein abgeschlossener Fall (vor Gericht)
cR z (cR Himmel) bewlkt sein (Himmel)
Diese wenigen Beispiele sollen einen kleinen Eindruck vermitteln, wie
mit Hilfe von Idiomen und idiomatischen Wendungen, die sowohl in der
Umgangssprache als auch in der modernen amharischen Literatur eine be-
deutende Rolle spielen, eine grere stilistische Vielfalt und emotionale Tiefe
des Ausdrucks erreicht wird. Die feinfhligen und scharfsinnigen Idiome sind
besonders geeignet, die umgebende Realitt stimmungsvoll und ausdruckss-
tark zu erfassen und die Einstellung und das Verhalten der Menschen, ihr
Temperament, ihre Gewandtheit und Geschicklichkeit, ihre Emotionen und
Neigungen, ihre Freude und Trauer eindrucksvoll widerzuspiegeln.23

23
Vgl. auch AMSALU AKLILU, Characteristics, 580.
 R. Richter "%

SUMMARY
Amharic idioms and idiomatic expressions are stable compounds which differ
in meaning from that of their constituents. Frequent elements of these idioms are
words denoting parts of the human body, objects of everyday life or verbs of
movement and those of habitual human activities. In the Amharic speech, idioms
are preferably used to reach depth, clearness and precision of thoughts when the
speakers describe human behaviour and ability, attitudes, temperament and emo-
tions, pleasure or sadness.
 SCRINIUM I (2005)

Scrinium
/ 110, -, 194352,

E-mail: kassia@ts9088.spb.edu

-
-
(198097, .-, ., 38/2)


(, 111250, . , . 9, 9)

: . .
-: . .

- PageMaker 6.5,
Times New Roman, AGOptimaCyr,
EAE-Garamond, UT IPA Times, TranslitLS, TransRoman, Symbol,
GeezA, GeezNewA, WL Geez Times, UT Ethiopic Serif,
WL SyriacEstrangelo, WL SiriacWest, WL ArabicNaskh, SPTiberian,
UT Greek Ancien Times, Greek, Byzantina Plain, PalatinoC, LiteraturnayaC.

6.12.2005.
70100/ 16. . 28,75 . . 500 . 00

198099, -, ., 38/2.

Printed in Russia
 Scrinium 1. Varia Aethiopica.
Errata

page printed: read:

frontispiece Ingrid Heine Ingrid Henke

frontispiece
xiii, line 23 . . a . . a
4, n. 1, line 6 argomentatione argomentazione
83, line 29 [21 April 1340 A.D.] [8 April 1341 A.D.]
176, line 3 Mohammed Ahmad b. Ibrahim
279, line 19 Nfta Nfta
311, line 6 wyzero wyzro
312, n. 86, line 1-3 thiopischer ... nuir ... thiopische ... nur ...
Merc Haren Mers'
Hazen
317, line 15 dAethiopie dAEthiopie
365, line 36 Amahric Amharic