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Journal of Early Christian Studies, Volume 3, Number 2, Summer 1995,

pp. 195-210 (Article)

3XEOLVKHGE\-RKQV+RSNLQV8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV
DOI: 10.1353/earl.0.0074

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Braga and Tours: Some
Observations on Gregory's
De virtutibus sancti Martini
(1.11)*
ALBERTO FERREIRO

Gregory's narrative in his De virtutibus sancti Martini (1.11) has been the
source of much discussion by modern scholars. The text bears directly on the
process of the conversion of the Sueves out of Arianism to Catholic Christianity
in sixth-century Gallaecia during the reign of the Suevic King Chararic (550?-
558?), a personage unidentified by any other source, Gallic or Iberian. Most
scholars have cited the text as wholly reliable without any sufficient critical
analysis. E. A. Thompson, in a recent study dismissed the entire account as ficti-
tious hagiography devoid of any historical value.
This article is a first attempt to deal with the discrepancies between Gregory's
text and those by Isidore of Seville and John of Biclar. The valuable works of
Martin of Braga and Venantius Fortunatus are likewise given due consideration.
The historical worth of Gregory's account is vindicated, as well as its rightful
place as a critical source for events in sixth-century Gallaecia.

Gregory of Tours (573-594), who is primarily known for his Libri histo-
riarum and De virtutibus sancti Martini, has continued to attract the
attention of modern scholars in recent decades. His acquaintance with
events in the Iberian Peninsula is familiar to Gregory scholars and in some
cases he either fills gaps or confirms material in Iberian sources. There are a
*A version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the Medieval
Association of the Pacific, March 4-6, 1994, Seattle, Washington. I wish to thank
Professor Jacques Fontaine, the two anonymous readers for JECS, and the Editors for
their constructive critique of this paper.
Journal of Early Christian Studies 3:2,195-210 1995 The Johns Hopkins University Press.
196 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

few instances where Gregory is the singular source for specific events and
people. Such is the case of a controversial entry in De virtutibus sancti
Martini (1.11), the object of this study.1
Gregory identified a king of the Sueves named Chararic not mentioned
by any other source, Gallic or Iberian. The question as to whether Chararic
did indeed exist or was a fictitious character made up by Gregory needs to
be reconsidered within a larger framework. The answer to this question is
directly related to some fundamental issues regarding Gallaecia: the chro-
nology and succession of the early Suevic kings, their conversion to the
Catholic faith, and the inescapable fact that Gregory's account stands
alone and differs notably from Isidore of Seville and John of Biclar on these
matters.2
In modern historiography most scholars have usually cited Gregory's
text as a wholly reliable source for events in Gallaecia, but without suffi-
cient effort to grapple with the complexities involved.3 There have been
1. Gregorii Turonensis, Miracula et Opera Minora, MGH, SRM 1, pars II, eds.
W. Arndt and Br. Krusch (Hannover, 1885). English translations of this episode in the
De virtutibus sancti Martini (1.11) [hereafter VM] are in Monks, Bishops and Pagans:
Christian Culture in Gaul and Italy, 500-700, ed. and trans. William C. McDermott
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1975), 159-161 and R. Van Dam,
Saints and Their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1993), 211-213. Also Van Dam's remarks on the purpose of VM, 142-146.
2. Isidori Hispalensis, Historia Gothorum Vandalorum et Sveborum, MGH, AA XI
(Berlin, 1894), 267-303 [hereafter Hist.]. Iohannis Abbatis Biclarensis, Chronica.
MGH, AA XI (Berlin, 1894), 207-220 [hereafter Chron.]. K. B. Wolf has provided the
first English translation with limited commentary. He translated only the section on the
Goths in Isidore, however, in Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain,
Translated Texts for Historians 9 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1990). For
Isidore, 12-27 and 81-110. On John of Biclar, 1-11 and 61-80.
3. The earliest fruitful discussion (that did not circulate widely enough for other
scholars to build upon) is by A. Lambert, "La fte de 'L'Ordinatio Sancti Martini,' ses
origines, sa doctrine, dans la liturgie wisigothique," Revue Mabillon 26 (1936): 1-27,
the discussion on Chararic is at 6-9. S. McKenna, Paganism and Pagan Survivals in
Spain up to the Fall of the Visigothic Kingdom (Washington: Catholic University of
America, 1938), 80-82. C. W. Barlow, Martini episcopi Bracarensis opera omnia,
Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome 12 (New Haven: Yale
University, 1950), 2-3 and 5-6. W. Reinhart, Historia general del reino hispnico dlos
Suevos (Madrid, 1952), 55-58 and 75-76. J. Fernndez Alonso, La cura pastoral en la
Espaa romanovisigoda (Roma: Iglesia Nacional Espaola, 1955), 377-378. E. Ewig,
"Der Martinskult im Frmittelalter," Archiv fr mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 14
(1962): 11-30, at 16. L. Chaves, "So Martinho de Tours," Revista de Etnograf-a 1
(1963): 91-116, at 98-99. C. Garc-a Rodr-guez, El culto de los santos en la Espaa
romana y visigoda (Madrid: C.S.I.C, 1966), 336-342, which provides a broad, useful
discussion on the cult of Martin of Tours in Spain, see also 361-362, 367-369, 375,
397-403. E. V. de Oliveira, "Le culte de Saint Martin en Portugal: Saint Martin de Tours
et Saint Martin de Dume," Revista de Etnograf-a 10 (1968): 313-328, at 313-315.
 FERREIRO/BRAGA AND TOURS 197

some exceptions, as in the case of Casimiro Torres Rodriguez, who at-

tempted a linguistic analysis of the proper name, Chararic. Insofar as
linguistics is concerned his conclusions are fascinating, but they fall short
in explaining the discrepancies between Gregory and Iberian writers.4 The
most recent critical analysis that boldly dives into these issues is that by
Professor E. A. Thompson in "The conversion of the Spanish Suevi to
Catholicism," where he discusses events from the early fifth century to the
time of the pastorate of Martin of Braga in the mid-sixth century.5 On the
question of Gregory's Chararic and related issues, Thompson concludes,
"The narratives of Gregory and Isidore run on parallel lines which do not
meet even if produced to infinity," and in another place, "and his name
'Chararic' in my opinion, is a fictitious one in this connection. Chararic
may have some place in the study of Gregory of Tours, but in the study of
Galicia and its history he has none."6 We are called upon by Thompson to
dismiss the entire account as fictitious hagiography, one devoid of any
historical basis, and utterly irreconcilable with Isidore or John of Biclar.
Before proceeding with our analysis, it is useful to paraphrase Gregory's
De virtutibus sancti Martini (1.11). Chararic's unnamed son was afflicted
with an illness, presumably leprosy, as was the entire region of Gallaecia.
As he sought a cure for his son, Chararic encountered a major obstacle: his
adherence to Arian Christianity prevented any intervention from God. It

J. Orlandis, Historia de Espaa: La Espaa visigtica (Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1977),

99-100. M. Sotomayor, "La iglesia hispana en la poca de transicin," in Historia de la
Iglesia en Espaa: La iglesia en la Espaa romana y visigoda (siglos I-VIII), BAC Maior
16, vol.l (Madrid: La Editorial Catlica, 1979), 390-393. Over a decade ago I an-
nounced my intention to explore the texts and questions surrounding Chararic, "St.
Martin of Braga 's Policy toward Heretics and Pagan Practices," American Benedictine
Review 34 (1983): 372-395, at 376 note 14. R. Collins, Early Medieval Spain: Unity in
Diversity, 400-1000 (New York: St. Martin's, 1983), 44 and 83. P. C. D-az Martinez,
"La monarqu-a sueva en el s. V: Aspectos pol-ticos y prosopogrficos," Studia Histrica.
Historia Antigua 4-5 (1986-87): 205-226, at 223-226. A first step on my part is in
"Early Medieval Missionary Tactics: The Example of Martin and Caesarius," Studia
Histrica. Historia Antigua 6 (1988): 225-238, at 229-230. E-M. Beltrn Torreira,
"La conversin de los Suevos y el III Concilio de Toledo," Mayurqa 22.1 (1989): 69-83,
at 69-71.
4. "Reintegracin de los Suevos en la Iglesia Catlica: S. Mart-n de Braga," Bolet-n
de la Universidad Compostelana 66 (1958): 11-30.
5. Visigothic Spain: New Approaches, ed. E. James. (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1980), 77-92. For a broader discussion of the conversion of the Sueves, see
A. Ferreiro, "The missionary Labors of St. Martin of Braga in 6th. Century Galicia,"
Studia monstica 23 (1981): 11-26. Consult also the works cited in note three above.
6. " Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 84 and 88. Van Dam notes the tendency of
many modern scholars to either minimize or ignore the "books of miracles" in favor of
the "books of histories," Saints, 150.
198 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

was well known, especially to Gregory, that Arians could not appropriate
the miraculous intervention of God. Chararic heard about Martin of Tours
and the extraordinary miracles reported in his shrine at Tours. When he
found out about Martin's confession of the Catholic faith, Chararic re-
solved to believe likewise, but only if Martin would heal his son. To this
end, Chararic sent envoys to Tours bearing gold and silver equal to the
weight of his son, and upon their return to Gallaecia the son was still sick.
Chararic, then, openly confessed the Catholic faith, promised to build a
shrine in Martin's honor, and sent envoys once again to Tours. While the
envoys were in Tours numerous miracles were unleashed and upon their
return, bearing a relic of Martin for the new shrine, Chararic's son was
already healed and leprosy had disappeared completely in Gallaecia.
Gregory added that Chararic, his household, and all of the people of
Gallaecia converted to the Catholic faith. He also related another extraor-
dinary touch of Providence: when the relics of Martin of Tours arrived by
ship in Gallaecia, another vessel docked at the same time carrying Martin
of Braga, the future missionary and Metropolitan Bishop of Braga.7 Greg-
ory embellished the story by noting that Martin of Braga began his journey
to Gallaecia from a far away land on the very same day that Chararic's
legates left Tours headed for Gallaecia.
Isidore of Seville, in the Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum et Suevorum,
gave credit to a Suevic King Theodemir (561-570) who is said to have
collaborated with Martin of Braga in defeating Arianism and establishing
the Catholic faith.8 John of Biclar in his Chronica does not breath a word
about Martin of Braga or any Suevic king as having anything to do with
the triumph of Catholicism in Gallaecia.9 Thompson throws into this
confused situation the Suevic King Ariamir (558-561) as the agent of
conversion, who presided over the First Council of Braga (1 May 561) in
the third year of his reign. Thompson rejects Gregory's Chararic, desig-
7. VM 1.11. See, Van Dam, Saints, 97 note 66.
8. "regni potestatem Theodimirus suscepit: qui confestim Arrianae impietatis err ore
destrueco Suevos eatholieae fidei reddidit 'innitente Martino monasterii Dumiensis
episcopo fide et sc-entia claro' cuius studio et pax ecclesiae ampliata est et multa mon-
asteria condita, et multa in ecclesiasticis disciplinis Galliciae regionibus instituta" (Hist,
90,91).
9. "Reccaredus primo regni sui anno mense X catholicus deo iuvante efficitur et
sacerdotes seetae Arrianae sapienti eolloquio aggressus ratione potius quam imperio
convert- ad catholicam fidem facit gentemque omnium Gothorum et Suevorum ad
unitatem et pacem revocat Christianae ecclesiae. seetae Arrianae gratia divina in dog-
mate veniunt Christiano" (Chron, 218). For the omission of Martin of Braga in the
Chronica, see A. Ferreiro, "The Omission of St. Martin of Braga in John of Biclaro's
Chronica and the Third Council of Toledo," in Los Visigodos: Historia y Civilizacin,
Antigedad y Cristianismo 3 ( Murcia: Universidad de Murcia, 1986), 145-150.
 FERREIRO/BRAGA AND TOURS 199

nates Ariamir the "first" Catholic Suevic king, and corrects Isidore's erro-
neous dating of Theodemir's reign, who came after Ariamir.10 What Greg-
ory, Isidore, John of Biclar, and the First Council of Braga (Ariamir) have
in common is that not a single one corroborates the other.
If we accept the non-existence of Chararic on the basis that he is not
mentioned in other sources, we would have to reject Ariamir outright and
call into serious question Theodemir.11 Where would that leave us, how-
ever? Thompson is correct to dismiss the arguments advanced by some
scholars that Theodemir and Ariamir were one and the same person.12
Even if we concede this point and accept Thompson's new correct chronol-
ogy of the Suevic kings, it still would not explain the relationship of these
accounts and the place of Ariamir in this discussion.
Isidore's Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum et Suevorum contains refer-

i. "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 84-88. The First Council of Braga is in J.

Vives (ed.), Concilios Visigticos e Hispano Romanos (Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1963), 65-77.
11. Isidore identifies Theodemir in his De viris illustribus, in the entry on Martin of
Braga, "Floruit rgnante Theodemiro rege Suevorum, temporibus illis, quibus Iusti-
nianus in re publica et Athanagildus in Hispaniis Imperium temiere," cap. 22, in El 'De
viris illustribus' de Isidoro de Sevilla: Estudio y edicin cr-tica, ed. Carmen Codoer
Merino (Salamanca: C.S.I.C., 1964), 146. Theodemir also appears in a much discussed
document that in all probability is authentic, the Parochiale Svevum: Itineraria et Alia
Geographica, CCSL 175 (Turnholti, 1965), 411-420. Theodemir is found in the pref-
ace calling the synod of Lugo in 569 "Tempore Sueuorum sub era DCVII die kalen-
darum Ianuarii, Theodemirus princeps idem die Sueuorum concilium in ciuitate Luco
fieri praecepit ad confirmandam fidem catholicam vel pro diuersis Ecclesiae, causis,"
413. P. David has to date carried out the only thorough study of the Parochiale, which
established the content as reflecting sixth-century conditions, in tudes historiques sur
la Galice et le Portugal du Vie au XIIe sicle (Lisboa, 1947), 1 -82. In the history of the
Spanish Suevi there are two additional potential Suevic kings, Veremundus and Theode-
mundus, who have yet to be confirmed as such. Veremundus is in an inscription in the
Benedictine monastery at San Salvador de Vaironear Porto. Jos Vives, using suspect
methodology, dates it to 985, or even 1035, in Inscripciones Cristianas de la Espaa
Romana y Visigoda (Barcelona: C.S.I.C, 1942), 123 no. 355 and 170 no. 510.
Thompson believes the matter needs to be looked into once again and he accepts the date
as being 485, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 82.1 spent the summer of 1994 in
Lisbon and Porto examining and photographing the inscription, and reading the 17th
and 18th studies on this inscription. I will attempt to resolve the question of its date in a
future study. Theodemundus is found in a document cited by E. Flrez in his collection
Espaa Sagrada. W. Reinhart called our attention to this possible Sueve personage in his
Historia general, 55 note 37. P. de la C. D-az Martinez has recently put the matter up for
renewed discussion in "La monarqu-a sueva," 223 note 96. He and I will examine this
problem in our monograph on Suevic Gallaecia.
12. Thompson, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 86. C. Torres Rodriguez pro-
vides an inventory of all the convoluted arranging of names, and himself believed that
Chararic is a corruption of Rechiarius and that Gregory of Tours refashioned the story
of Rechiarius's earlier conversion in VM 1.11, "Reintegracin de los suevos," 14-16.
200 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

enees to Gaul and a consideration of these will shed light on his version of
the Sueves's adoption of the Catholic faith. Most of the entries offer noth-
ing more than geographical identifications of places in Gaul.13 The pas-
sages pertaining to ecclesiastical relations between Gaul and Iberia are the
most promising.
A principle that drives Isidore's narrative is his championing of Catholic
Christianity over and against Arianism.14 The Goths in Gaul are consis-
tently portrayed as the Arian enemies who threaten the Catholic community
in Hispania.15 The apex of his account on the Goths in Hispania is their
conversion to Catholicism under Reccared in 589 and made official at the
Third Council of Toledo.16 The Goths, prior to their conversion, are always
the aggressors against Catholics. A clear example is Isidore's version of the
Arian Goth Theoderic IPs (453-466) invasion of Catholic Hispania. The-
oderic descends from Gaul, routes the resident Catholic Hispano-Romans,
ravages Gallaecia, and sets his sights on the prize, the city of Mrida. As he
approached the city, Isidore records, the miraculous intervention of the
protector and patroness of Mrida, Saint Eulalia, sent the Arian Goths away
in terror and disarray.17 Gaul, as Isidore tells it, is a sanctuary for pernicious
and hostile Arian Goths, whose sole purpose is to destroy the Catholic faith.
What is even more striking, Isidore does not refer at all to the Catholic
community in Gaul, and Martin of Tours has no place in the Historia.18

13. Hist. 19, 22, 23, 25, 27, 33, 34, 38, 48, 49, 66, 71.
14. "in ipsis enim regni sui exordiis catholicam fidem adeptus totius Gothicae gentis
populos inoliti erroris labe detersa ad cultum rectae fidei revocat. Synodum deinde
episcoporum ad condemnationem Arrianae haeresis de diuersis Spaniae et Galliae pro-
vinciis congregat" (Hist. 52, 53).
15. His-. 32, 53, 54, 90.
16. His-. 52, 53. For the complexities and significance of this council, see the recent
collection of essays in Concilio III de Toledo: XIV Centenario 589-1989 (Madrid-
Toledo, 1991). In the same volume, see in particular A. Ferreiro, "Linguarum Diversi-
tate: Babel and Pentecost in Leander's Homily at the Third Council of Toledo," 237-
248; J. Fontaine, "La homil-a de San Leandro ante el Concilio III de Toledo: temtica y
forma," 249-270; and E. Romero Pose, "Trasfondo teolgico del III Concilio de
Toledo," 357-374. J. Fontaine has argued that for Isidore and John the Third Council
of Toledo was of greater significance than Nicaea, since the former council constituted a
complete end of Arianism, whereas the latter council failed to bring the heresy to a
decisive end, in "Conversion et culture chez les wisigoths d'Espagne," La Conversione
al Cristianesimo nell'Europa dell'alto Medioevo, Settimane di Studio 14 (Spoleto,
1967), 87-147, at 112.
17. "Theudericus de Gallicia ad Lusitaniam victor succedens dum Emeritensem
urbem sanctae martyris Eulaliae ostentis perterretur: cum omni protinus exercitu dis-
ced et Gallias repetit" (His-. 32).
18. In Isidore's lifetime the cult of Martin of Tours had spread not only more widely
throughout the West, but also within the Iberian Peninsula. Gregory of Tours in Liber in
 FERREIRO/BRAGA AND TOURS 201

Likewise in the Historia Suevorum, as Isidore is leading up to their

conversion under Theodemir, he betrays once again his tendency to dimin-
ish Gaul. Isidore, borrowing from Hydatius, introduces the reader to an
apostate from Gaul named Ajax, supported and sent by his king Theoderic
II to preach Arianism in Gallaecia.19 Isidore informs us that the Sueves
remained Arian for a very long time until such time as Theodemir and
Martin of Braga together removed the heresy from Gallaecia.20 Isidore
seemed determined not to mention Martin of Tours or any other Catholic
"Gallic" role in the conversion of the Sueves.21
There has been a somewhat lively discussion about the origin of this
Arian missionary identified by Hydatius. Hydatius says that he was a
Galatian, from Asia Minor, or the natione Galata.22 Thompson reminds

gloria confessorum (12) identified another Martinian shrine in Spain, "In Hispaniis
autem nuper factum cognovi. Cum Leuvieldus rex contra filium suum ambularet, atque
exercitus eius, ut adsolet, graviter loca sancta concuteret, monasterium erat Sancti
Martini inter Sagonthum atque Cartaginem Spartariam," in Gregorii Turonensis, Mi-
racula et Opera Minora, MGH, SRM 1, pars II, eds. W. Arndt and Br. Krusch. (Hann-
over, 1885). On the broader diffusion, M. Vieillard-Troiekouroff, Les monuments
religieux de la Gaule d'aprs les oeuvres de Grgoire de Tours (Paris: Librairie Honor
Champion, 1976). Finally, interest in the shrine of Martin of Tours by the people of
Iberia is further attested by Gregory in VM 3.8,3.21, and 4.40. A useful discussion is in
S. Teillet, Des Goths la Nation Gothique: Les origines de l'ide de nation en Occident
du Ve au VIIe sicle (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1984), 412-415. Van Dam, Saints, 139-
140.
19. Hydatii Lemici, Continuatio chronicorum hieronymianorum, MGH, AA XI, ed.
T. Mommsen (Berlin, 1894). [Hereafter Chronicon]. "Aiax natione Galata effectue
apostata et senior Arrianus inter Suevos regis sui auxilio hostis eatholieae fidei et divinae
trinitatis emergit. a Gallicana Gothorum habitatione hoc pestiferum inimici hominis
virus advectum" (Chronicon, 232). Isidore records,"huius tempore Alax natione Galata
effectue apostata et Arrianus inter Suevos regis sui auxilio hostis eatholieae fidei 'et
divinae trinitatis' emergit de Gallicana Gothorum regione hoc pestiferum virus ad-
ferens, et totam gentem Suevorum letali tabe inficiens" (Hist. 90).
20. "multis deinde Suevorum regibus in Arriana haeresi permanentibus tandem regni
potestatem Theodimirus suscepit" (Hist. 90).
21. S. Teillet noted this bias "Autrement dit, l'histoire ecclsiastique jadis universelle
se survit en se dcomposant en autant d'histoires ecclsiastiques 'nationales' qu'il se
forme de nouvelles 'nations' sur l'ancien territoire imprial; cela n'empche pas, il est
vrai, les changes de culte de 'nation' 'nation', en particulier entre la Gaule et l'Es-
pagne," Des Gorfes, 569. J. Fontaine has detected the same inclination of Isidore's
favoritism towards Hispania in De viris illustribus, in Isidore de Seville et la culture
chssique dans l'Espagne wisigothique, vol. 2 (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1983), 868.
I would add, however, that at least in that work some Gallic ecclesiastics are mentioned:
but the most eminent of them all, Martin of Tours, is absent.
22. Hydatius, Chronicon, 232. Thompson, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 80-
81, argues persuasively that Ajax could not have been a Galician, since Hydatius never
used Galata to refer to anyone from Galicia.
202 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

us that Greek historians oftentimes used the term "Galatian" to describe

someone from Gaul. Whether Hydatius, as a westerner, was simply fol-
lowing Greek norms, and whether Ajax was indeed from Asia Minor or
Gaul, are enigmas that we will never fully resolve.23 There are certain
things about Ajax that we do know: he was an apostate from Catholicism,
he was an Arian missionary sent and assisted by the Arian Goth Theoderic
II, and he had great missionary success in Gallaecia. Consistent with other
references to Gaul, Isidore wanted to emphasize the seduction of Gallaecia
into Arianism as the work of the Arian Goths, and the suppression of
Arianism as the work of orthodox believers within Hispania, not the result
of any Catholic "Gallic" intervention.
An episode that reveals the differences between Gregory and Isidore is
their re-telling of Clovis's conversion to Catholicism. Gregory, from begin-
ning to end, in Liber historiarum (2. 37) gave a prominent role to the
intervention of Martin of Tours.24 Clovis resolved to be rid of Arian Goths
in Gaul and he expressly forbade his troops from taking anything but
fodder and water as they marched through the province of Tours. When
Clovis discovered that one of his men had forcefully taken hay from a poor
man, he slew the soldier for offending Martin of Tours. Clovis's next step
was to send gifts to the church of Martin of Tours in hopes of receiving a
"sign" that confirmed Martin's patronage in the upcoming campaign
against the Arian Goths. When Clovis's envoys entered the church the
precentor was reading the antiphone from Psalm 18:39-40 which pro-
claims God's deliverance from one's enemies and their destruction.25 The
envoys took this as a prophetic sign of the impending destruction of the
Arian Goths at the hands of Clovis and they made this "good news"
known to the king. After defeating the Goth Alaric II at Vouill in 507,
Clovis returned to the church of Martin of Tours to offer thanksgiving and
gifts. After Clovis received from the Emperor Anastasius the consulate,
Clovis went to Martin of Tours' church clad in a purple tunic, carrying a

23. Thompson, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 80-81.

24. Gregory's role in promoting devotion to Martin of Tours is noted by Van Dam,
Saints, 68, 78-79, and 137.
25. "Maturantibus autem pueris et ad locum accedentibus iuxta imperium regis,
dum sanctam ingrederentur basilicam, hanc antefanam ex inproviso primicirius, qui
erat, inposuit: Praecinxisti me, Domine, virtutem ad bellum, subplantasti insurgentes in
me subtus me te inimicorum meorum dedisti mihi dorsum et odientes me disperdedisti,"
Gregorii Episcopi Turonensis, Libri historiarum X, MGH, SRM 1.1, eds. B. Kruschand
W. Levison (Hannover, 1951), 2. 37 [hereafter LH]. For patronage and warfare, consult
J. H. Corbett, "The Saint as Patron in the Work of Gregory of Tours," Journal of
Medieval History 7 (1981): 1-13. R. Van Dam, "Images of Saint Martin in Late Roman
and Early Merovingian Gaul," Viator 19 (1988): 1-27.
 FERREIRO/BRAGA AND TOURS 203

military mantle, and crowned himself with a diadem (Liber historiarum 2.

38).26 Clovis, then, on horseback showered the people with gold and silver
coins in a procession beginning at the doorway of Martin of Tours' church
and culminating in the cathedral at Tours.
Isidore of Seville's recollection of Clovis' conversion and campaigns
against the Arian Goths differs remarkably from Gregory's narrative. Isi-
dore's account of Clovis is an uninspiring story lacking any hagiographical
features (Hist. 36). Clovis' Catholic faith is ignored, Martin of Tours is
not given any place, and not once is the victory at Vouill identified as a
result of God's favor.27 What is more striking is Isidore's pro-Gothic con-
clusion in that chapter. He noted the intervention of the Ostrogoth The-
oderic the Great (493-526), who from Italy checked the Frankish expan-
sion, recovered territory lost by Alaric II, and restored it to the authority of
the Goths. Isidore was determined not to give any glory whatsoever to
Clovis, even though he had defeated Arian Goths. At every turn in the
Historia Isidore exalts the Goths and casts down the Franks. Suzanne
Teillet has provided a persuasive analysis of Isidore's exaltation of the
Goths in Hispania.28 The greatest Goth victory in the Iberian Peninsula,
according to Isidore, occurred at the hands of Reccared against the
Franks.29

26. "Igitur ab Anastasio imperatore codecillos de consolato accepit, et in / basilica

beati Martini tunica blattea indutus et clmide, inponens vertica diademam" (LH. 2.
38). Clovis's devotion to Martin of Tours seems not to have been as deep as previously
believed, Van Dam, Saints, 22-23 and 27-28.
27. In a recent article Yitzhak Hen highlights the propagandistic nature of Gregory's
account concerning Clovis. He compares that account primarily with that of Avitus and
the author considers only briefly Isidore's anti-Arian agenda, in "Clovis, Gregory of
Tours, and Pro-Merovingian Propaganda," Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 71.2
(1993): 271-276. A study which focuses on Gregory's internal testimony on Clovis is
C. Carozzi, "Le Clovis de Grgoire de Tours," Le moyen ge 98 (1992): 169-185.
Isidore's account reads, "et adversus quem Fluduicus Francorum princeps Galliae reg-
num affectans Burgundionibus sibi auxiliantibus. bellum movit fusisque Gothorum
copiis ipsum postremum regem apud Pictavis superatum interfecit" (Hist. 36).
28. "Theudericus autem Italiae rex dum interitum generi conperisset, confestim ab
Italia proficiscitur, Francos proterit, partem regni, quam manus hostium occupaverat,
recepit Gothorumque iuri restituit" (Hist. 36). Des Goths, 463-501. S. Teillet notes that
Isidore identified the regnum Gothorum only when speaking of Goths in Spain, not at
Toulouse or even Italy, 473. Reccared is given the title of princeps by Isidore, 474. See
Teillet's discussion at 473-474 and 494-498.
29. "Francis enim sexaginta fere milibus armatorum Gallias inruentibus misso Clau-
dio duce adversus eos glorioso triumphavit eventu. nulla umquam in Spaniis Gothorum
victoria vel maior vel similis extitit. prostrati sunt enim et capti multa milia hostium,
residua exercitus pars 'praeter spem' in fugam versa Gothis post tergum insequentibus
usque in regni sui finibus caesa est" (Hist. 54). John of Biclar likened the Goth's victory
204 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

John of Biclar's Chronica presents us with a different set of problems on

the earlier history of the Sueves. As in Isidore's case, John too had a
Catholic "Gothic" propaganda to advance.30 Unlike Isidore, John was
completely silent about the conversion of the Sueves to the Catholic faith
at the hands of the Suevic kings and Martin of Braga. John's account
culminates in the glorious triumph of Catholicism at the Third Council of
Toledo (589) where Reccared officially rejected Arianism and confessed
Catholicism.31 The fates of all of Hispania, Lusitania, and Gallaecia are
subjugated to this event. John of Biclar aggressively transformed the Vis-
igoths into the instrument of God to bring down Arianism. Reccared is
hailed as the new "Constantine" of the Visigothic Kingdom presiding over
one faith, one Lord, one baptism, and one monarchy.32 The fight against
Arianism by Martin of Braga and Theodemir is absent in the Chronica.
John of Biclar jealously credited the conversion of Gallaecia to Reccared
and he had no intention of diluting the account by mentioning Martin of
Braga, much less anyone from Gaul. To suggest, as Thompson has done,

to Gideon's triumph over the Midianites with only three hundred men, "Francorum
exercitus a Gonteramno rege transmissus Bosone duce in Galliam Narbonensem obve-
niunt et iuxta Carcassonensem urbem castra metati sunt, cui Claudius Lusitaniae dux a
Reccaredo rege directus obviam inibi occurrit. tunc congressione facta Franci in fugam
vertuntur et direpta castra Francorum et exercitus a Gothis caeditur. in hoc ergo cer-
tamine gratia divina et fides catholica, quam Reccaredus rex cum Gothis fideliter
adeptus est, esse cognoscitur operata, quoniam non est difficile deo nostro, si in paucis,
una in multis detur victoria, nam Claudius dux vix cum CCC viris LX ferme milia
Francorum noscitur infugasse et maximam eorum partem gladio trucidasse, non in-
mrito deus laudatur temporibus nostris in hoc proelio esse operatus, qui similiter ante
multa temporum spatia per manum ducis Gedeonis in CCC viris multa milia Ma-
dianitarum dei populo infestantium noscitur extinxisse" (Chron. 218).
30. Noted in a earlier study by P. Alvarez Rubiano, "La crnica de Juan Biclarense:
Versin castellana y notas para su estudio," Analecta sacra Tarraconensia 16 (1943): 7-
44, at 12-19. See K. B. Wolf, Conquerors and Chroniclers, 1-11, at 6-11. A detailed
and fruitful analysis is in S. Teillet, Des Goths, 421-455.
31. "Sancta synodus episcoporum totius Hispaniae, Galliae et Gallaeciae in urbe
Toletana praecepto principis Reccaredi congregatur episcoporum numero LXXII, in
qua synodo intererat memoratus christianissimus Reccaredus" (Chron. 219). See K. B.
WoU, Conquerors and Chroniclers, 9-10. For the significance of the Goths' conversion
and the Third Council of Toledo, see S. Teillet, Des Goths, 446-449 and 449-455. See
note sixteen above.
32. "memoratus vero Reccaredus rex, ut diximus, sancto intererat concilio, renovans
temporibus nostris antiquum principem Constantinum Magnum sanctam synodum
Nicaenam sua illustrasse praesentia, nee non et Marcianum Christianissimum imper-
atorem, cuius instantia Calchedonensis synodi decreta firmata sunt" (Chron. 219).
Reccared is also likened here to Emperor Marcian (450-457), who presided at the
Council of Chalcedon (451); thus Reccared is likened to the two emperors and associ-
ated with the councils that affirmed the orthodox Creeds on the Trinity and Christology.
 FERREIRO/BRAGA AND TOURS 205

that John of Biclar was unaware of Martin of Braga is difficult to main-

tain.33 The bishop of Gerona was an informed chronicler when he wanted
to be and he craftily included or omitted material as it served his goals in
the Chronica. Scholarship has demonstrated that all references to the
Sueves in the Chronica are to be interpreted within the broader achieve-
ments of the Visigothic kings.34 John offers valuable insights about the
demise and destruction of the Suevic kingdom. He identifies the Suevic
kings Miro and Theodemir, but of the latter not one word is said about his
work with Martin of Braga to combat Arianism.35 John of Biclar wrote a
thoroughly Visigothic account affirming their unification of the Iberian
Peninsula under one faith and monarchy.
Ariamir (558-561), whom Thompson invoked as a third candidate in
the conversion question, is not mentioned by Gregory of Tours, Isidore of
Seville, or John of Biclar.36 Thompson has argued that Ariamir was the
first Catholic Suevic monarch on the basis that the bishops gathered at the
First Council of Braga (561) thanked the king for lifting a ban on Catholic
synods enforced by his predecessors.37 If there had been a Catholic Suevic
king prior to Ariamir: are we to believe that he would have banned Catho-
lic synods, Thompson asks? He goes on to argue that Ariamir was the
"first" Suevic king to convert to Catholicism and that Theodemir followed
after him. In regard to the succession question, Thompson has quite cor-
rectly rectified Isidore's erroneous dating of the reign of Theodemir.38
The declaration by Thompson that Ariamir was the "first" Catholic
33. Thompson, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 89.
34. A. Ferreiro, "The Sueves in the Chronica of John of Biclaro," Latomus 46
(1987): 201-203.
35. "In provincia Gallaeciae Miro post Theudemirum Suevorum rex efficitur"
(Chron. 212). He gave Reccared full credit for the conversion of the Sueves, "et sacer-
dotes seetae Arrianae sapienti eolloquio aggressus ratione potius quam imperio converti
ad catholicam fidem facit gentemque omnium Gothorum et Suevorum ad unitatem et
pacem revocat Christianae ecclesiae" (Chron. 218).
36. Thompson, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 84-87. In fact neither of our
three chroniclers mention the Councils of Braga. It would be an incredible stretch of our
imagination to maintain that they were not informed about these synods in the province
of Gallaecia. For the councils of Braga consult the essays in E/ Concilio de Braga y la
Funcin de la legislacin particular en la Iglesia (Salamanca: C.S.I.C., 1975), notably
those by A. Prieto Prieto, "El marco pol-tico-religioso de los Concilios Bracarenses I y
II," 33-91, for the Council of Lugo (569), 42-44, and on Theodomir-Chararic, 75. For
useful background, G. Mart-nez Diez, "Los concilios suevos de Braga en las colecciones
cannicas de los siglos VI-XII," 93-105.
37. The council proclaimed: "Nunc igitur quoniam ob tantum nobis huius congrega-
tionis diem gloriosissimus atque piissimus filius noster adspirante sibi Domino" Con-
cilios Visigticos, 65. Thompson, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 87.
38. Thompson, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 87-88.
206 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

Suevic king is not without its problems, however. Rechiarius (448-456)

was the first Sueve to convert to Catholicism, and this, almost a century
before Ariamir.39 The acta of the First Council of Braga (561) do not
proclaim Ariamir as the "first" Suevic king to convert to Catholic faith,
nor is there any official renunciation of Arianism comparable to what we
find later among the Visigoths at the Third Council of Toledo (589).
Thompson rightly calls to our attention that Arianism is passed over in
complete silence by the bishops, but this is only a major problem if we
assume that the First Council of Braga under Ariamir represents a "first"
conversion of the Sueves. Could it be that the bishops' silence about Aria-
nism is due to a previous renunciation by a predecessor of Ariamir, namely
Chararic? Isidore testified to Rechiarius's devotion to the Catholic faith,
the persecution against him and his subjects at the hands of the Arian
Goths from Gaul, and the demise of the Suevic kingdom.40 It is at that time
when Ajax preached Arianism in Gallaecia and the Sueves thereafter per-
sisted in the heresy for an extended period.
What about the ban on Catholic synods prior to Ariamir's reign? Ed-
ward James, even though speaking directly of Clovis's conversion, has
some relevant remarks about the process of the conversion of the Ger-
manic peoples:
Gregory of Tours's account of the conversion makes clear one aspect which
modern historians have not always remembered in their discussions of the
conversion of kings. There may be at least three stages in the process: first of
all, intellectual acceptance of Christ's message, the 'conversion' proper;
secondly, the decision to announce this publicly, to followers who may be
hostile to the change; thirdly, the ceremony of baptism and membership of
the community of Christians.41

In some cases the conversions transpired over an extended period of

time.42 This seems to have been the process of the conversion of the Sueves

39. Thompson, obviously, accepted Hydatius's belief that Rechiarius was a Chris-
tian, but doubts whether he was a "Catholic" when he declares later in the same article
that, "he [Ariamir] was therefore the first Catholic king in Galicia," Ibid., 87, on
Rechiarius, 78-79. Hydatius's accounts reads, "Rechila rex Suevorum Emrita gentilis
moritur mense Augusto : 'cui mox filius suus' catholicus Rechiarius succedit in regnum"
[Chronicon 137).
40. "Recciarius Reccilani filius catholicus factus succedit in regnum" (Hi'si. 87).
Rechiarius is also mentioned in chapters 31, 32, and 88.
41. The Franks (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), 123. He also adds that "Gregory of
Tours, for various reasons, because of what his sources told him, or because of his desire
to tell a good, effective story, describes these three stages, but collapses the scale and
presents them as happening in a relatively short space of time," Ibid.
42. The most dramatic example is that of Reccared who converted to the Catholic
 FERREIRO/BRAGA AND TOURS 207

and the people of Gallaecia. Gregory's ambitious statement that Chararic,

his household, and the whole of Gallaecia were so committed to the Cath-
olic faith that they would gladly suffer persecution needs to be tempered. A
conversion of the Suevic monarchy, reversing the lapse into Arianism after
Rechiarius, did occur probably under Chararic, but whether Arianism was
uprooted is doubtful. The sources strongly suggest that Arianism was
firmly established in Gallaecia and this means that Catholics faced an
uphill battle. It appears that after Rechiarius' demise a well organized and
influential Arian church was established by Ajax. Why are we to assume
that Ajax was the only missionary sent to evangelize Gallaecia? From
Chararic to Ariamir the influence of the Arian bishops was such as to
prevent a gathering of Catholic bishops in Gallaecia. Ariamir took the
bold step of reversing the policy, though the circumstances for his decision
are completely unknown to us. Theodemir advanced the Catholic cause
further by outright oppression of the Arian church: this explains why
Isidore singled him out as the main agent for the conversion of Gallaecia,
along with Martin of Braga.43 The chronology of Suevic kings and their
gradual conversion could have occurred as follows:
1. Rechiarius (448-456) First conversion to Catholicism (Hydatius,
Chronicon, 137)
Long persistence in Arianism (Isidore, Hist,
90).
2. Chararic (550?-558?) Re-conversion to Catholicism (Gregory, VM,
1.11)
3. Ariamir (558-561) Lifting of ban on Catholic Synods (First Coun-
cil of Braga, 561)
4. Theodemir (561-570) Militant persecution of Arians in Gallaecia
(Isidore, Hi'sr, 90-91)

There is additional evidence to support the core of Gregory's narrative

as it relates to the conversion of the Sueves, the role of the cult of Martin of
Tours, and the establishment of a shrine in his honor in Gallaecia. A major
reason why Thompson's skepticism about Gregory's account is vulnerable
is that he isolates the text most surprisingly from additional Gregory
material, and the equally valuable testimony from the poetic works of
Martin of Braga and Venantius Fortunatus.
Gregory's De virtutibus sancti Martini (1.11) is not the sole witness
faith in 587, the first year of his reign, according to John of Biclar, "Reccaredus primo
regni sui anno mense X catholicus deo iuvante efficitur ..." (Chron. 218). It was not
until the third year of his reign that he officially abjured Arianism at the Third Council of
Toledo (589). Ibid., 219.
43. Thompson, "Conversion of the Spanish Suevi," 90-91.
208 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

within that work that attests to the conversion of the Sueves. We find a
cross-reference to the shrine built in honor of Martin of Tours in Gallaecia
( VM 4J).44 A group of legates travelled, presumably to Braga, to seek out
King Miro. Gregory specifically recalled the church built in honor of Mar-
tin of Tours by Gregory's predecessor [Chararic]; the same church by
Gregory's own admission that he had mentioned earlier (VM 1.11).45
Gregory associated Martin of Tours with Miro to emphasize the long-
standing status of the patronage of Martin in Gallaecia that had begun
under Chararic when the saint was declared beatus patronus.
A third reference to Martin's shrine in Gallaecia is found in Gregory's
Liber historiarum (5.37), a chapter that offers a brief biographical sketch
of Martin of Braga.46 After extolling the fruitful career of the bishop of
Braga, Gregory praised him for writing verses in honor of Martin of Tours
which were posted at the southern portal of the church: Vers-culos, qui
super ostium sunt a parte meridiana in basilica sancti Martini ipse, compo-
suit (5.37.15-16).47 Some commentators have erroneously maintained
that Gregory was speaking of the church at Tours and not the one located
in the environs at Braga.48
A solution to this confusion is found in Martin of Braga's poem, In
basilica, a work of twenty dactylic hexameters.49 Most of the poem fo-
cuses on proclaiming the near universal spread of and devotion to Martin
of Tours. The closing section declares that now the Sueves, too, were able

44. See note 18 above. Van Dam reminds us about the limited diffusion of the cult of
Martin of Tours, Saints, 117-119 and 140-141.
45. "Tempore quodam causa legationis Galliciam adiit, atque ad Mironis regis prae-
sentiam accedens, negotia patefecit iniuncta. Erat enim eo tempore Miro rex in civitate
ilia, qua decessor eius basilicam sancti Martini aedificaverat, sicut in libro primo huius
operis exposuimus" ( VM 4.7). A fascinating and insightful discussion on pilgrimages to
Tours is in Van Dam, Saints, 116-149.
46. There are important similarities between Gregory's and Isidore's biographical
portraits of Martin of Braga. For Gregory (LH 5.37) and for Isidore De viris illustribus
22,145-146.
47. The Martinian material in Gregory's narrative is wholly absent in Isidore's, espe-
cially where Gregory associates Martin of Braga with Martin of Tours, "Exinde Galli-
tiam venit, ubi, cum beati Martini reliquiae portarentur" (LH 5. 37), an echo of VM
1.11.1 am using the Barlow edition of Martin of Braga's works.
48. J. W. George observes, "he was the author of the verses over the south portal of
St. Martin's Church in Tours," in Venantius Fortunatus: A Latin Poet in Merovingian
Gaul (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 68. CW. Barlow clarified this misunder-
standing by earlier scholars in Martini episcopi, 276. Barlow also suggests that the
verses may have been placed in the monastery founded by Martin of Braga at Dumium
in 558 near Braga, Ibid., 280 note 5.
49. Reproduced with discussion in Barlow, Martini episcopi, 276-281 and the poem
at 282. Also in Vives, Inscripciones, 119-120 no. 349.
 FERREIRO/BRAGA AND TOURS 209

to honor and worship at this new shrine of Christ where miracles

abound.50 At the end of the poem Martin of Braga proudly states that both
Gaul and Gallaecia could claim Martin of Tours as their patron. In basilica
was written for the shrine at Braga built by Chararic and these are the same
verses Gregory of Tours identified in Liber historiarum (5.37). In basilica
was probably written between 556, the approximate date Martin arrived
in Gallaecia, and the end of Chararic's reign in 558.
As further evidence of Martin of Tours' cult in Gallaecia it is advisable to
consider briefly Martin of Braga's Epitaphium eiusdem, a six-line poem in
dactylic hexameters.51 The opening verses identify Martin's birthplace in
Pannonia [incidentally identical to that of Martin of Tours], his lengthy
travels [westward], and his final settlement in Gallaecia: Pannoniis ge-
nitus, transcendens aequora vasta, Galliciae in gremium divinus nutibus
actus (1-2.). The final two lines point once again to the patronage of
Martin of Tours and Martin of Braga's devotion: Teque, patrone, sequens
famulus Martinus eodem Nomine, non mrito, hic in Christi pace quiesco
(5-6.). The epitaph by Martin of Braga bears witness to the patronage of
Martin of Tours in Gallaecia, and the bishop of Braga's hand in its propa-
gation under Chararic's leadership.
Our final piece of evidence comes from the pen of that illustrious poet,
Venantius Fortunatus (530-610), bishop of Poitiers, who devoted a poem
to Martin of Braga, Ad Martinum episcopum Galliciensiem (5.2).52 Ve-
nantius opens the poem with a praise of Martin of Tours' evangelism in
Gaul; then he proceeds to proclaim Martin of Braga a "successor" of the
apostles and an "apostle" of Gallaecia. As Martin of Tours had been the
apostle of Gallia, Martin of Braga is the "new apostle" of Gallaecia.
Venantius praised both of them for their defence of the Catholic faith and
persistent labors in combating heresy and paganism. Once again the close
relationship between both Martins is confirmed. Devotion to Martin of
Tours in Gallaecia enjoyed a long and fruitful experience, but that story is
well beyond the intention of this essay.53

50. "Tua signa Suevus/Admirans didicit fidei quo tramite pergat,/Devotusque tuis
meritis haec atria claro/Culmine sustollens, Christi venerabile templum/Constituit, quo
clara vigens, Martine, tuorum/Gratia signorum votis te adesse fatetur/Electum, pro-
priumque tenet te Gallia gaudens/Pastorem, teneat Gallicia tota patronem" (Barlow,
Martini episcopi, 282).
51. Ibid., 283. Also in Vives, Inscripciones, 82-83 no. 275.
52. George, Venantius Fortunatus, 67-69 with useful commentary.
53. A. Ferreiro, "The Cult of Saints and Divine Patronage in Gallaecia before San-
tiago," in The Pilgrimage to Compostela in the Middle Ages: A Casebook of Studies, ed.
Maryjane Dunn and Linda Davidson, Garland Medieval Casebooks (forthcoming).
210 JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES

Gregory's entries on the Sueves identify personages that we can corrobo-

rate from other sources, Chararic being the sole exception. To deny Char-
aric's existence on the basis of the miraculous content of De virtutibus
sancti Martini (1.11) would mean to eliminate any element of historicity in
virtually everything written by Gregory, and substantial sections of Isid-
ore's Historia and John of Biclar's Chronica. It is now clear why Isidore
and John chose not to repeat the events surrounding Chararic in their
chronicles: thus we can no longer harness them as weighty evidence to
discredit Gregory. Gregory was not in the habit of "inventing" people in
the Libri historiarum or in the De virtutibus sancti Martini: this holds true
also for the material that pertains to the Iberian Peninsula. It seems that all
three chroniclers reveal the gradual "phases" of the conversion of the
Sueves from Chararic to Theodemir. For this reason any treatment of
Gallaecia in this era must consider these works as a collective testimony.
It is abundantly evident that the lack of clarity by modern scholars on
Gregory's De virtutibus sancti Martini (1.11) stems in part from the iso-
lated scholarly treatment it has received in relation to other relevant texts.
Gregory's own Liber historiarum (5.37) and De virtutibus sancti Martini
(4.7), coupled with the writings of Martin of Braga and Venantius For-
tunatus, form a coherent account regarding the conversion of the Sueves.
Together they confirm the earliest introduction of the cult of Martin of
Tours in Gallaecia in the mid-sixth century, the decisive role of the Suevic
King Chararic, and the important role of Martin of Braga. Each narrative
confirms the close cultural and ecclesiastical ties between Gaul and Gal-
laecia in the fifth and sixth centuries. Gregory's De virtutibus sancti Mar-
tini (1.11) is doubtlessly one of the most important sources on the re-
conversion of the Sueves to Catholicism from an era that unfortunately has
yielded to posterity so precious little by way of surviving documentation
relating to Gallaecia.

Alberto Ferreiro teaches in the Department of History at Seattle Pacific

University