AC 1.

0
Resolved: In the United States, national service ought to be compulsory.
 Framing
The Role of the Ballot is to endorse the best policy position use of legal solutions as a
heuristic recodes hegemonic conceptions of agency and articulates power as a
contingently created system that can be infiltrated and changed refusing the law fails
to capture any of the dialogic benefits of my methodology.
Zanotti 141
By questioning substantialist representations of power and subjects, inquiries on the possibilities of political agency are reframed in a way that focuses on power and subjects relational character and the contingent processes of their (trans)formation in the context of agonic relations.

Options for resistance are not limited to rejection to governmental scripts It , revolution, or dispossession to regain a pristine freedom from all constraints or an immanent ideal social order.

is found in contingent struggles that are constituted within the scripts of governmental
instead multifarious and

rationalities and transform them. This approach questions oversimplifications

at the same time exceed and of the complexities of liberal political

power interacts in complex

rationalities and of their interactions with non-liberal political players and nurtures a radical skepticism about identifying universally good or bad actors or abstract solutions to political problems. International

ways with diverse political spaces Governmentality as a heuristic

and within these spaces it is appropriated, hybridized, redescribed, hijacked, and tinkered with. focuses on

invites situated explorations and careful differentiations rather than overarching

performing complex diagnostics of events. It historically

demonizations of power , romanticizations of the rebel or the the local. More broadly, theoretical formulations that conceive the subject in non-substantialist terms and focus on processes of subjectification, on the ambiguity of power

alternative formulations foster an

discourses, and on hybridization as the terrain for political transformation, open ways for reconsidering political agency beyond the dichotomy of oppression/rebellion. These also

ethics of political engagement that demand continuous attention to what

, to be continuously taken up through plural and uncertain practices,

happens instead of fixations on what ought to be Such ethics of engagement would

.83 not await the revolution to come or hope for a

require intense processes of reflexivity on the

pristine freedom to be regained. Instead, it would constantly attempt to twist the working of power by playing with whatever cards are available and would

consequences of political choices not everything is bad, but everything is

. To conclude with a famous phrase by Michel Foucault my point is that that

dangerous , which is not exactly the same as bad. If everything is dangerous, then we always have something to do. So my position leads not to apathy but to hyper- and pessimistic activism.84

I value morality because the resolution is normative.

The standard is maximizing expected net utility this is different from individual
morality the state doesnt have an intent since policymakers pass laws for different
reasons, and doesnt have the reflexive capacity of individuals so it cant be valued
intrinsically means policymakers have to use util.
Goodin 902
My larger argument turns on the proposition that there is something special about the situation of public officials that makes utilitarianism more probable for them than private individuals. Before proceeding with the large argument, I must therefore say what it is that makes it so special

Public officials make their

about public officials and their situations that make it both more necessary and more desirable for them to adopt a more credible form of utilitarianism. Consider, first, the argument from necessity. are obliged to

choices under uncertainty private

, and uncertainty of a very special sort at that. All choices public and private alike are made under some degree of uncertainty, of course. But in the nature of things,

individuals have more complete information on

will usually their own circumstances and on the the peculiarities of

ramifications that choices might have Public officials are relatively poorly informed
alternative possible for them. , in contrast, as to the

1 Dr. Laura Zanotti, Associate Professor of PoliSci, Virginia Tech. Governmentality, Ontology, Methodology: Re-
thinking Political Agency in the Global World. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 38, p. 288-304. A little
unclear if this is late 2013 or early 2014 the stated Version of Record is Feb 20, 2014, but was originally
published online on December 30th, 2013.

2 Robert Goodin 90, [professor of philosophy at the Australian National University college of arts and
social sciences], The Utilitarian Response, pgs 141-142
 What they
effects that their choices will have on individuals, one by one. know are
typically doaverages and aggregates
generalities: . They know what will happen most often to most people as a result of their

various possible choices, but that is all. That is enough to allow policy-makers to use util
public the itarian calculus assuming they want to use it at all to choose general rules or conduct.

This outweighs two reasons.

A Context The resolution refers to a policy proposition actor contextualization of

arguments outweighs.

B Policy Education Look at Zanotti we need to learn about the way the law
functions to resolve issues in the real world evaluating consequences is the only
practical viewpoint for governments.
 Advantage 1 Soft Power
Soft power is under threat unchecked inequality causes and overwhelms the Trump
phenomenon now is the brink for US FoPo.
Lehman 163
Domestic Developments Global Impacts. Much of what is happening in American politics notably the Trump phenomenon arises from domestic social forces and trends, in particular the rise of

inequality The middle class

. so-called American is angry , which has seen its purchasing power dramatically drop over the course of the recent decade and with prospects for their children quite depressing, . That is why the Trump

the 1% have seen tremendous income, and middle-class

populist bombast has been music to their ears. The fact that while increase in incomes plummet and

opportunities evaporate, punctures the most enduring myth of American soft power rags to one of s , that of

riches social mobility has atrophied

. Not only has inequality increased to chasm proportions, but also ; American society, contrary to both realities and perceptions from over a century, is now less mobile than Europe. It no
longer appears as the great land of opportunity. The gridlock that has paralyzed American political decision making hardly provides an inspirational model of democracy. The political divide is profound and damaging witness the difficulty of appointing a new judge to the Supreme
Court, where opposition arises purely from political obstinacy and not due to the mans character or capabilities. What is also revealed in the dismal spectacle of the current American presidential election is in fact how uneducated much of the American public appears to be. It has long
been a puzzling contradiction of American society: how, on the one hand, it has the worlds best universities, the worlds best laboratories, the worlds best research institutes and think tanks, which account for much of the soft power behind the US position as magnet of the global brain
drain, yet, on the other, so many citizens appear uneducated. As Trump triumphantly shouted in Nevada, I love the poorly-educated. Well, he would, would he not! American politics have never been particularly pristine. But what has constituted the worst show in town, the 2016
presidential election, surely is beyond belief. Of course, the US is not the only democracy affected by bombastic right-wing populism: Europe has been gripped by the cancer, notably Austria, the land of Adolf Hitler, where the extreme right has recently gained power. But none of these

other countries matter much in the global scheme of things. The US is the US: the country that, as Joseph Nye put it is bound to lead. Prospects. First, there is no substitute waiting on the sidelines to replace the US .
China has hardly any soft power and current political developments are making the situation worse. Europes soft power eroded quite some time ago and has especially been tarnished by all the ugliness that has characterized the refugee crisis. It is the US that is bound to lead: no one

The question is whether US soft power will rebound

else. as it did on other seemingly desperate times: eg following the humiliation of the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal in the 1970s;

it is difficult to be optimistic. The global challenges that the US has

or following the declinism described above of the 1980s and early 1990s? In the spring of 2016

failed to address are huge and will not go away . The kind of leadership, vision and general competence needed to do so do not appear on any visible horizon. But also what needs to be stressed is that as
degradingly appalling the Trump spectacle may be, ultimately, whether he wins or not and only a very unwise person would claim at this stage of the game that it is impossible it is not so much what Donald Trump is that matters, but what he represents. He is a man of his times.
Whoever becomes president will be willy-nilly forced to include a Trump tune in his/her script. Finally, what about the US as beacon of democracy? How about the perspective many of us (including this author) shared that the world would be better off the more democracies there are?

Think about it. While Communist Party President Xi Jinping may not be everyones cup of tea, as I have written in an earlier article, what if we had a democratically elected Chinese President Trump???? With the collapse of American
soft power, the world is in a vacuum . As Aristotle is alleged to have said: horror vacui nature abhors a vacuum!

National service can revitalize confidence in the US creates a sense of identity and
civic duty.
Grigsby 084
There is broad agreement among scholars and government officials that soft power, the power to persuade, is essential as the core element of Americas response to al Qaeda and other Islamic extremist groups. International opprobrium regarding extraterritorial rendition of terrorist

To offer the world

suspects and the treatment of prisoners at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib has greatly damaged Americas reputation, although the recent reorientation in US diplomatic positions and military techniques is beginning to restore that esteem.

more than a heavy-handed hegemon the U S will have to shed the sense of fear that has
the prevailing image of , nited tates

characterized the new century To renew values will require a strong

so much of Americas domestic and international rhetoric in . the that make this nation strong

sense of American identity as well as a willingness to face pressing challenges There is little
, and readiness national . in the

3 Jean-Pierre Lehman is an Emeritus Professor at IMD, Lausanne (Switzerland), I founded The Evian Group in 1995,
and currently Visiting Professor at Hong Kong University and at NIIT University in Neemrana, Rajasthan (India).
(The Collapse of US Soft Power Global Impacts, 4/28/16,
https://www.forbes.com/sites/jplehmann/2016/04/28/the-collapse-of-us-soft-power-global-
impacts/#3d2e2a2534fa)

4 Carol Armistead. Independent consultant focused on international education, inclusive

development, and civil society. Ms. Grigsby currently serves on the global citizenship working
group of the Learning Metrics Task Force, a project of the Brookings Institution's Center for
Universal Education, and also on the Perkins International Advisory Board. As a senior
executive with the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), Ms. Grigsby oversaw
USAID programs in Africa, managed external partnerships, and shaped high-profile education
and gender initiatives. Earlier in her career, Ms. Grigsby was responsible for USAID
coordination with the World Bank and other international financial institutions, and served as
a foreign policy adviser to the majority leader of the U.S. Senate. After retiring from USAID, she
returned to represent the agency as part of an OECD/DAC team evaluation of France's aid
programs. "Binding the nation: National service in America." Parameters 38.4 (2008): 109.
 to encourage such a sense of resolve
recent fabric of American political or cultural life common , but without a competing positive reality to offer the world, countering the lure of extremisms narrative may prove beyond

Americans today share little in the way of a

reach. story national , especially one consisting of shared experiences and struggles. The populace is two generations beyond World War II, the last war that

Wartime service of any kind has touched relatively few Americans and
demanded and received the full measure of Americas dedication and resolve. ,

other programs of service to the nation have limited participation the idea of attracted . In the years following 9/11, civilian national

service has received renewed consideration on the part of thinkers and politicians . Without strong national leadership on the issue,

civilian
however, this debate has generated little action. Given the promise the concept of national service holds for strengthening the foundations of Americas national identity, the moment is ripe for new voices to emerge on its behalf. This article argues that

national service can forg[e] a sense of national community rebuild the connection
contribute to the nation by ing new , ing

between rights and responsibilities of citizenship and restor[e]

the civil-military relationships , ing sound . In many ways, the
groundwork has already been laid, but the existing spark of an idea needs to be fanned into reality.

Three impacts to soft power decline

First soft power is an impact filter its collapse exponentially increases the
probability of every single IR scenario this evidence is way too good for you to take
out.
Rieffel 055
The devastation of New Orleans by Hurricane Katrina at the end of August 2005 was another blow to American self-confidence as well as to its image in the rest of the world. It cracked the veneer of the society reflected in the American movies and TV programs that flood the world. It
exposed weaknesses in government institutions that had been promoted for decades as models for other countries. Internal pressure to turn Americas back on the rest of the world is likely to intensify as the country focuses attention on domestic problems such as the growing number of

A[n] isolationist sentiment

Americans without health insurance, educational performance that is declining relative to other countries, deteriorating infrastructure, and increased dependence on foreign supplies of oil and gas. more

would reduce the ability of the USA to use military power to promote peace in its overwhelming ful change the developing

countries that pose the gravest threats to global stability

hold two-thirds of the worlds population and . Isolationism might heighten the sense of security in the short run, but it would

the great challenges for the USA today is to build a broad coalition of like-
put the USA at the mercy of external forces in the long run. Accordingly, one of

minded nations capable of maintaining order and addressing nuclear

and a set of international institutions global problems such as

proliferation HIV/AIDS failed states

, epidemics like and environmental degradation
and avian flu, like Somalia and Myanmar, . The costs of acting alone or in small
coalitions are now more clearly seen to be unsustainable. The limitations of hard instruments of foreign policy have been amply demonstrated in Iraq. Military power can dislodge a tyrant with great efficiency but cannot build stable and prosperous nations. Appropriately, the
appointment of Karen Hughes as Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs suggests that the Bush Administration is gearing up to rely more on soft instruments.2 The soft instruments of power can be thought of as including a vast array of public sector and private
sector activities. They range from the governments position in the international debate about global warming to the Fulbright program of academic exchanges to the behavior of American tourists overseas. For the purposes of this paper they are defined as the residual set of instruments
after excluding hard instruments, with hard instruments being defined as all instruments involving any kind of armed military or police force.

Second soft power loss also turns US hegemony effectiveness.

Nye 116

Some regard all distinctions as useless

analysts these abstractions that can be collapsed into the first face of power
all (Baldwin 2002,

If we succumb to this
p. 179). that tends to limit strategies
temptation, however, we are likely to limit what we see in terms of behavior and the that policy-makers design to achieve their goals.
Command power (the first face) is very visible and readily grasped. It is the basis for hard power the ability to get the outcomes one wants through coercion and payment. The co-optive power of faces 2 and 3 is more subtle, and less visible. It contributes to soft power, the ability to get

policy-makers have focused solely on hard

preferred outcomes through the co-optive means of agenda setting, persuasion, and attraction. All too often power to compel command

others to act against their preferences, and ignored soft power the when co-opting is possible one can save
that comes from preference formation. But , on carrots

and sticks. In global politics, some goals that states are more susceptible to the second and third
seek face of power than to the first . Arnold Wolfers once
distinguished between what he called possession goals specific and often tangible objectives and milieu goals which are often structural and intangible (1962, p. 73). For example, access to resources or basing rights or a trade agreement are possession goals, while promoting an open

5 Brookings Institution, writing fellow [REACHING OUT: AMERICANS SERVING OVERSEAS By Lex Rieffel Visiting Fellow The Brookings
Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036-2103 December
2005http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2005/12/07volunteering%20rieffel/20051207rieffel]
6 [University Distinguished Service Professor at Harvard University and former dean of the Kennedy School of
Government at Harvard (Power and foreign policy. Journal of Political Power 4:1, 5/30
2011, http://www.tandfonli...9X.2011.555960]
trade system, free markets, democracy, or human rights are milieu goals. In the terminology used above, we can think of states having specific goals and general or structural goals. Focusing solely on command power and the

may mislead us about how to promote goals

first dimension of power such . For example, military means alone are less successful
than when combined with soft power approaches in promoting democracy as the United States discovered in Iraq. And the soft power of attraction and persuasion can have both agentic and structural dimensions. For
example, a government can try to attract others through its actions like public diplomacy, but it may also attract others through the structural effects of its example or what can be called the shining city on the hill effect.

Loss of US heg results in nuclear war and extinction.

Barnett 117
Events in Libya are a further reminder for Americans that we stand at a crossroads as the world's in our continuing evolution sole full-service superpower . Unfortunately, we are
increasingly shirking from risk because we are tired
seeking change without cost, and of the responsibility. We don't know who we are anymore, and our president is a big part of that problem.
Instead of leading us, he explains to us. Barack Obama would have us believe that he is practicing strategic patience. But many experts and ordinary citizens alike have concluded that he is actually beset by strategic incoherence -- in effect, a man overmatched by the job. It is worth first

examining the larger picture: We live in a time of arguably the greatest structural change in the global order yet endured , with this historical moment's most
amazing feature being its relative and absolute lack of mass violence. That is something to consider when Americans contemplate military intervention in Libya, because if we do take the step to prevent larger-scale killing by engaging in some killing of our own, we will not be adding to
some fantastically imagined global death count stemming from the ongoing "megalomania" and "evil" of American "empire." We'll be engaging in the same sort of system-administering activity that has marked our stunningly successful stewardship of global order since World War II. Let

As the guardian of globalization, the U.S. has been the greatest force for peace the world has
me be more blunt: military

ever known Had America been removed

. there would from the global dynamics that governed the 20th century, the mass murder never would have ended. Indeed, it's entirely conceivable

now be no identifiable human civilization left, once nuclear weapons entered the killing equation . But the world
did not keep sliding down that path of perpetual war. Instead, America stepped up and changed everything by ushering in our now-perpetual great-power peace. We introduced the international liberal trade order known as globalization and played loyal Leviathan over its spread. What
resulted was the collapse of empires, an explosion of democracy, the persistent spread of human rights, the liberation of women, the doubling of life expectancy, a roughly 10-fold increase in adjusted global GDP and a profound and persistent reduction in battle deaths from state-based
conflicts.

Third soft power solves nuclear prolif multiple warrants.

Poe 118
Total elimination of a nation-states nuclear facilities out of fear that the nationstate may one day decide to create a divergent path within the program to produce nuclear weapons

would not be a practical approach Instead to prevent the production and due to the complexities presented by globalization. , a more practical means

proliferation of weapons of mass destruction among emerging nation-states would be early through

engagement Working through diplomatic exchange

. with other adjacent nation-states to reduce the threat perceived by the emerging nation-state would be just one approach to lowering the

This could be
security threshold. a nuclear free zone through the creation of within a given region and increasing the level of transparency of military and governmental programs among regional nation-states. Also,

persuading the emerging nation-state to sign documentation such as the NPT and the CTBT would also be a key step in deterring and dissuading the nation-state not to produce

Couple these strategic approaches with social influence

and proliferate WMD. and more formidable the tactics discussed in Chapter V

measures may not have to be invoked

such as sanctions, resolutions, and fear tactics .

Prolif in new states causes nuclear conflict.

Kroenig 149
7 (Thomas, Professor, Warfare Analysis and Research Dept. U.S. Naval War College, The New Rules: Leadership Fatigue Puts U.S., and
Globalization, at Crossroads. March 7, 2011, http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/8099/the-new-rules-leadership-fatigue-puts-u-s-and-
globalization-at-crossroads, Accessed 8/2/13)
8 [Lieutenant, United States Navy B.S., Savannah State University, 2005. Masters thesis for fufilment of MASTER OF
SCIENCE IN INFORMATION SYSTEMS OPERATIONS (Carl P., AN INFLUENCE ANALYSIS OF DISSUADING NATION
STATES FROM PRODUCING AND PROLIFERATING WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION (WMD). Submitted in
partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN INFORMATION SYSTEMS
OPERATIONS from the NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL March 2011, approved by Steven J. Iatrou Thesis Co-Advisor
Dr. Anthony Pratkanis Thesis Co-Advisor Dr. Dan C. Boger Chair, Department of Information Sciences. March
2011 http://edocs.nps.edu.../11Mar_Poe.pdf]
9 Matthew, Associate Professor and International Relations Field Chair at Georgetown University, and Nonresident
Senior Fellow in the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security at The Atlantic Council ("The History of
Proliferation Optimism: Does It Have A Future?", April
The spread of nuclear weapons poses a severe threat nuclear war number of s to international peace and security including: , nuclear terrorism ,

global instability constrained freedom

and regional weakened alliances and further prolif
, of action, , nuclear eration. Each of these threats has received
extensive treatment elsewhere and this review is not intended to replicate or even necessarily to improve upon these previous efforts. Rather the goals of this section are more modest: to usefully bring together and recap the many reasons why we should be pessimistic about the likely

consequences of nuclear proliferation. Many of these threats will be illuminated with a discussion of a case of much contemporary concern: Irans advanced nuclear program. Nuclear War. The greatest threat posed by the spread of nuclear weapons is nuclear war. The
more states in possession of nuclear weapons, the greater the probability that somewhere, someday, there will be a
catastrophic war nuclear . To date, nuclear weapons have only been used in warfare once. In 1945, the United States used nuclear weapons on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, bringing World War II to a close. Many analysts point to the sixty-five-plus-year tradition of

it would be nave to think that nuclear weapons will never be used again
nuclear non-use as evidence that nuclear weapons are unusable, but

simply because they have not been used for some time . After all, analysts in the 1990s argued that worldwide economic downturns like the great depression were a thing of the past, only to

new nuclear
be surprised by the dot-com bubble bursting later in the decade and the Great Recession of the late Naughts. This author, for one, would be surprised if nuclear weapons are not used again sometime in his lifetime. Before reaching a state of MAD,

states go through a transition period in which they lack a secure second-strike capability one . In this context, or both

state might believe it has an incentive to use nuclear weapons first

s that . For example, if Iran acquires nuclear weapons, neither Iran, nor its nuclear-armed rival, Israel,
will have a secure, second-strike capability. Even though it is believed to have a large arsenal, given its small size and lack of strategic depth, Israel might not be confident that it could absorb a nuclear strike and respond with a devastating counterstrike. Similarly, Iran might eventually be

able to build a large and survivable nuclear arsenal, but, when it first crosses the nuclear threshold, Tehran will have a small and vulnerable nuclear force. In these pre-MAD situations, there are at least three ways that

nuclear war could occur preventive nuclear strike

. First, the state with the nuclear advantage might believe it has a splendid first strike capability. In a crisis, Israel might, therefore, decide to launch a

to disarm Irans nuclear capabilities. Indeed, this incentive might be further increased by Israels aggressive strategic culture that emphasizes preemptive action. Second, the state with a small and vulnerable nuclear arsenal, in this case Iran, might feel use em or loose em

strike first rather than risk having its

pressures. That is, in a crisis, Iran might decide to entire nuclear arsenal destroyed . Third, as Thomas Schelling has argued, nuclear war could result

[and] due to the reciprocal fear of surprise attack .50 If there are advantages to striking first, one state might start a nuclear war in the belief that war is inevitable and that it would be better to go first
than to go second. Fortunately, there is no historic evidence of this dynamic occurring in a nuclear context, but it is still possible. In an Israeli-Iranian crisis, for example, Israel and Iran might both prefer to avoid a nuclear war, but decide to strike first rather than suffer a devastating first

attack from an opponent. Even in a world of MAD , however, when both sides have secure, second-strike capabilities, there is still a risk of nuclear war. Rational deterrence theory assumes nuclear-armed states are
governed by rational leaders who would not intentionally launch a suicidal nuclear war. This assumption appears to have applied to past and current nuclear powers, but there is no guarantee that it will continue to hold in the future. Irans theocratic government, despite its inflammatory

rhetoric, has followed a fairly pragmatic foreign policy since 1979, but it contains leaders who hold millenarian religious worldviews and could one day ascend to power. We cannot rule out the possibility that, as nuclear weapons continue to spread, some leader
somewhere will choose to launch a nuclear war, knowing full well that it could result in self-destruction. One does not need to resort to irrationality, however, to imagine nuclear war under MAD.

2014, http://www.matthewkroenig.com/The20History20of20Proliferation20Optimism'Feb2014.pdf)
 Advantage 2 Civic Engagement

Civic engagement among young people is at rock bottom now post-election polls and
tech.
Fate 1/1110
This year college students lost faith in our political system
, too many and American idealism in the social conscience that we inherited from our founding fathers and mothers. Many

Post-election polling confirms this

students including mine were disillusioned by this election. Our : the 2016 college vote was way down in many states. And a thousand viral memes or GIFs didnt help remedy that.

technological innovations
remarkable have not led to more politically astute
over the last 40 years democratic elections or to higher voter turnout or a more

electorate Rather .media transformed the election into a reality show

, major news networks and social 2016 24/7 TV . If the point of the election is to entertain rather
than educate, why wouldnt an entertainer be elected? I can imagine what some students were thinking: Why vote if the election has been cyber-hacked by the Russians but no one seems to care? Why vote if the billionaire candidate has proven in his late night tweeting that serial lying is

not only OK but an effective marketing strategy? Why vote if the Presidency and the government itself are increasingly perceived as business opportunities? Yes, college students are to blame for not voting in
2016 , for not stepping up, for contributing to Hillary Clintons loss. But so is my generation for setting the bar so low, for dismissing the democratic idealism that this country was founded on.

National service bolsters civic engagement young people become actively involved in
political institutions.
Marshall 0311
young
Well, I don't know about that, but, look, I think your question is related to national service, and I want to try to do that. It seems to me the short answer for this generational shift is mistrust of government. E.J. said we don't praise government, that's true, but I think

people have made a probably pretty canny judgment about the efficacy of big government institutions as the venue
for activism
their social and idealism. My generation, the boomers thought that you went into government if you wanted to effect social change. The "Xers" and "Yers" think it is the civic and social sector. When I go to a policy school like Kennedy or Harris at Chicago

people want to take

and ask for a show of hands who wants to go into government, nobody wants to go into government, they want to go into the social sector. I don't think this is a problem. This is a good thing to me. What it suggests to me is that

control
immediate [and] show civic agency to
. They want to take hold of a public problem and work on it , they want show that they can

themselves and not delegate that to remote authorities that they don't trust and are people, frankly, very well who they think more

responsive to organized special interests we should[nt] than to them. So, to me, this is not a problem, it's an opportunity, but the connection to national service is this. I don't think

spend any time trying to rebuild their allegiance to big government what voting for the delivery system because they don't have any confidence in it. But

they could have confidence in is a new model of activism that is decentralized

I think public , that calls on citizens to play a larger role in producing the

national service is an example of a new hybrid of public

public goods that they want and not delegating that responsibility to far-off technocrats and, yes, bureaucrats. And I think that

and private activism aimed at solving public problems that carves out a much bigger role for citizens to solve local problems. So that is a form of governance that I think young people are

national service is not just a program, it is an alternative to

intuitively and powerfully drawn to, and that's why, it seems to me, you want to expand because it the old top-down and

centralizing ways of solving public problems that [young people] don't have much confidence in. they

Civic engagement is the vital internal link to solving every existential threat its try or
die for the aff.
Small 0612
10 Tom Montgomery Fate is a graduate of the Iowa nonfiction writing program and teaches creative writing at the
College of DuPage in suburban Chicago, On the social conscience of nonvoting college students, USA Today
Network, 1/11/17
11 Will Marshall, President and Founder of the Progressive Policy Institute, United We Serve, Brookings Transcript, June 30, 2003, p.
http://www.brook.edu/comm/events/20030730.pdf
12 (Jonathan, former Americorps VISTA for the Human Services Coalition, Moving Forward, The Journal
for Civic Commitment, Spring,
What will be the challenges of the new millennium? And how should we equip young people to face these challenges? While we cannot be sure of the exact nature of the challenges, we can say unequivocally that humankind will face them together. If the end of the twentieth century

marked the triumph of the capitalists, individualism, and personal responsibility, the new century will present challenges that require collective action, unity, and enlightened self-interest. Confronting global warming , depleted natural

resources, global super viruses global crime syndicates

, require cooperation
, and multinational corporations with no conscience and no accountability will , openness, honesty,

Our
compromise, and most of all solidarity ideals not exactly cultivated in the twentieth century. We can no longer suffer to see life through the tiny lens of our own existence. Never in the history of the world has our collective fate been so intricately interwoven. very

existence depends upon our ability to adapt to this new paradigm , to envision a more cohesive society. With humankinds next great challenge comes also great

work together in solidarity or perish in alienation

opportunity. Ironically, modern individualism backed us into a corner. We have two choices, together . Unlike any other crisis before, the noose is truly

viruses will ravage rich and poor alike

around the neck of the whole world at once. Global super warming , developed and developing nations, white and black, woman, man, and child. Global and

will destroy ecosystems

damage to the environment Air pollution will force gas masks on our faces, our
affect climate change and across the globe.

depleted atmosphere will make a predator of the sun, and chemicals will invade our water and corrupt

supplies. Every single day we are presented the opportunity to change our current course, to survive modernity in a manner befitting our better nature. Through zealous cooperation and radical solidarity we can alter the course of human events. Regarding the practical
matter of equipping young people to face the challenges of a global, interconnected world, we need to teach cooperation, community, solidarity, balance and tolerance in schools. We need to take a holistic approach to education. Standardized test scores alone will not begin to prepare
young people for the world they will inherit. The three staples of traditional education (reading, writing, and arithmetic) need to be supplemented by three cornerstones of a modern education, exposure, exposure, and more exposure. How can we teach solidarity? How can we teach

community in the age of rugged individualism? How can we counterbalance crass commercialism and materialism? How can we impart the true meaning of power? These are the educational challenges we face in the new century. It will require a radical

transformation of our conception of education . Well need to trust a bit more, control a bit less, and put our faith in the potential of youth to make sense of their world. In addition to a declaration of the gauntlet set before educators in
the twenty-first century, this paper is a proposal and a case study of sorts toward a new paradigm of social justice and civic engagement education. Unfortunately, the current pedagogical climate of public K-12 education does not lend itself well to an exploratory study and trial of holistic
education. Consequently, this proposal and case study targets a higher education model. Specifically, we will look at some possibilities for a large community college in an urban setting with a diverse student body. Our guides through this process are specifically identified by the journal
Equity and Excellence in Education. The dynamic interplay between ideas of social justice, civic engagement, and service learning in education will be the lantern in the dark cave of uncertainty. As such, a simple and straightforward explanation of the three terms is helpful to direct this
inquiry. Before we look at a proposal and case study and the possible consequences contained therein, this paper will draw out a clear understanding of how we should characterize these ubiquitous terms and how their relationship to each other affects our study. Social Justice, Civic
Engagement, Service Learning and Other Commie Crap Social justice is often ascribed long, complicated, and convoluted definitions. In fact, one could fill a good-sized library with treatises on this subject alone. Here we do not wish to belabor the issue or argue over fine points. For our
purposes, it will suffice to have a general characterization of the term, focusing instead on the dynamics of its interaction with civic engagement and service learning. Social justice refers quite simply to a community vision and a community conscience that values inclusion, fairness,
tolerance, and equality. The idea of social justice in America has been around since the Revolution and is intimately linked to the idea of a social contract. The Declaration of Independence is the best example of the prominence of social contract theory in the US. It states quite emphatically
that the government has a contract with its citizens, from which we get the famous lines about life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Social contract theory and specifically the Declaration of Independence are concrete expressions of the spirit of social justice. Similar clamor has been
made over the appropriate definitions of civic engagement and service learning, respectively. Once again, lets not get bogged down on subtleties. Civic engagement is a measure or degree of the interest and/or involvement an individual and a community demonstrate around community
issues. There is a longstanding dispute over how to properly quantify civic engagement. Some will say that todays youth are less involved politically and hence demonstrate a lower degree of civic engagement. Others cite high volunteer rates among the youth and claim it demonstrates a

high exhibition of civic engagement. And there are about a hundred other theories put forward on the subject of civic engagement and todays youth. But one thing is for sure; todays youth no longer see government and politics as
an effective or valuable tool for affecting positive change in the world. Instead of criticizing this judgment, perhaps we should come to sympathize and even admire it. Author Kurt Vonnegut said, There is a tragic flaw in our precious Constitution, and I dont
know what can be done to fix it. This is it: only nut cases want to be president. Maybe the youths rejection of American politics isnt a shortcoming but rather a rational and appropriate response to their experience. Consequently, the term civic engagement takes on new meaning for us

our challenge becomes

today. In order to foster fundamental change on the systemic level, which we have already said is necessary for our survival in the twenty-first century, we need to fundamentally change our systems. Therefore, part of

convincing the youth that these systems have potential for positive change
, and by systems we mean government and commerce, the . Civic engagement

consequently takes on a more specific and political meaning in this context. Service learning is a methodology and a tool for teaching social justice, encouraging civic engagement , and deepening practical understanding of a subject.
Since it is a relatively new field, at least in the structured sense, service learning is only beginning to define itself. Through service learning students learn by experiencing things firsthand and by exposing themselves to new points of view. Instead of merely reading about government, for
instance, a student might experience it by working in a legislative office. Rather than just studying global warming out of a textbook, a student might volunteer time at an environmental group. If service learning develops and evolves into a discipline with the honest goal of making better
citizens, teaching social justice, encouraging civic engagement, and most importantly, exposing students to different and alternative experiences, it could be a major feature of a modern education. Service learning is the natural counterbalance to our current overemphasis on standardized

Social justice
testing. and service , civic engagement, learning are caught in a symbiotic cycle. The more we have of one of them; the more we have of all of them. However, until we get momentum
behind them, we are stalled . Service learning may be our best chance to jumpstart our democracy. In the rest of this paper, we will look at the beginning stages of a project that seeks to do just that.

Trump victory proves the case is a disad to every K failure to prioritize civic
engagement causes rightwing takeover. Viewing American institutions as irredeemable
has lead to apathy and dogmatismthis destroys any potential for effective activism
Tan Chen 7/3013
One criticism of college students today is that theyve fallen into a kind of fundamentalism in their efforts to call out racism, sexism, and other forms of intolerance. When they pressure university officials to un-invite conservative speakers, or demand that heads roll for insensitive
comments, conservative critics argue that they too are engaging in intolerance. Even some liberal voices have urged students to dial back their outrage. John McWhorter, a professor at Columbia University, argued last month that student activists are tackling legitimate issues, but they go
too far when they ban speakers from campus in a belief they will pollute the space with their words, or when they hector those ignorant of the politically correct way to express their thoughts. At the core of the issue is a troubling tendency, on both the left and right, that goes well
beyond college campuses: a consuming obsession with sin. Given the rights religious base, its not all that surprising that conservatives focus on moral transgressionswhether they violate Gods divine law, Americas founding ideals of liberty, 50s-style norms of sexual behavior and good

activists often take a religious approach

housekeeping, or other codes of conduct. But the left can be prudish and judgmental about the evils it holds in special contempt, too. On college campuses in particular, n almost

to politics, rooted in a belief in the irredeemable sin of America and its mainstream
sometimes stated, sometimes implied . Their

work on vital issues gets diverted and takes on from real-world objectives the character of a church revival, with rituals to express its believers sin and salvation, and a

fundamentalist attention to language and doctrine Rorty argued . The late American philosopher Richard famously in his 1998 book, Achieving Our Country, that this

inward-looking dogmatism was a problem for the left and zealotry major . To a self-destructive degree, activists rejected dissent and criticism of their hallowed principles. They alienated the

They turned away from political power

uninitiated with their join-us-or-else self-righteousness, undermining public support for the important causes they cared about. with disdain any whiff of , elitism, or national pride,

depriving themselves of
thus tools to bring about tangible changes to policy The left
some of the had they needed . , Rorty claimed,

http://www.mc.maricopa.edu/other/engagement/Journal/Issue7/Small.jsp)

13 Victor Tan Chen (assistant professor of sociology at Virginia Commonwealth University). Are Campus Activists Too Dogmatic? The Atlantic.
July 30th, 2017. https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/07/left-sin-richard-rorty/535278/?google_editors_picks=true+
become enamored with too ideas of purity and sin . The sin at issue, though, was not about violating biblical commandments. It was the sin of bigotry, imperialism, and power: the accumulation of heinous acts in
Americas history that, in some critics eyes, had moved the nation beyond redemption. The New Left of cultural warriors that became influential in the 1960s, he argued in Achieving Our Country, led America on a very different path than the one blazed for them by union organizers,

The cultural left, took concerns over Jim Crow and Vietnam
progressive activists, and the other architects of the New Deal state and postwar economy. as he called it, the War

and transformed them into a fiery jeremiad against American society political nihilism and its principles. A kind of

emerged , Rorty observed, as anti-war activists arrived at the view that the Vietnam War not only could never be forgiven, but had shown us to be a nation conceived in sin, and irredeemable. At the same time, the new generation of activists did not follow through on the

As a result Americas left became trapped in

egalitarian economic agenda and savvy political strategizing of their predecessors, which would have provided a useful counterweight to their idealism. , Rorty claimed,

skepticism
its own indignation and it gave up on the
, substituting sound and fury in the secular pews over the sorts of constructive, pragmatic, and unabashedly power-hungry action required to change an oppressive system. Importantly,

white working class leaving that voting bloc to be wooed by

, neglecting their concerns about the disappearance of good jobs and the growth of economic inequality, and crucial

conservatives like
America-first Trump Pat Buchananand, later, Donald . The cultural left, Rorty emphasized, made people far more sensitive about matters of identity and language, bringing about an enormous change for the better in the way
Americans treated each other and making America a far more civilized society. At the same time, it reinvented sintaking a concept often employed by its counterparts on the right to attack morally undeserving Americans who lived on state largesse, and using it to decry a morally
undeserving America that abused state power and victimized weaker nations. Yet, the new generation of activists, progressive and conservative alike, often seemed oblivious to the idea of forgiveness that figures so prominently in Christian understandings of sin, he argued. The identity

Students are taking on urgent issues like womens

politics that thrives on todays college campuses continues to use the language of sin adopted more broadly by the cultural left of the 60s.

rights , racial profiling and police brutality climate change and economic inequality
, , . And while they spend a lot of their time refining politically correct forms of speech, these can be

When their approach becomes

helpful learning tools, especially for young people making their way into society. unyielding it backfires, leaving judgmental and , however,

activists vulnerable to apathy, infighting, and ineffectiveness . Among other things, their focus on sinfulness turns
politically useful activism into useless performance . On college campuses, for example, candid and necessary discussions about race among well-meaning
students can degenerate into something less productive, according to McWhorter. For white people, it is a great way to show that you understand racism is real, McWhorter said last month. For black people and Latino people, it is a great way to assuage how bad a self-image a race can

White privilege is real

have after hundreds of years of torture. In this way, activism becomes more about an insider conversation and competition, and less about effecting change. , McWhorter said. The issue is that it shouldnt
be used as something to shut down conversation, to inculcate
a new sense of original sin unreligious people with . In the absence of a practical vision for political change, todays left opens itself up to the

The idea that bigotry is

criticism that it speaks only to lightweight matters of language. A relentless focus on sin worsens this problem. unforgivable
, as Rorty puts it, a diabolical stain on every human soul, unforgiven and ,

does not inspire action the left would be more effective

. As Rorty understood two decades ago, in achieving the better world they hope for if they could move
past focus on ineradicable stigma
their preoccupation with dogma and sintheir and indulgence in bottomless self-disgust that he finds, in the end, to be self-defeating.
 Plan/Solvency
Thus, the plan The United States federal government should require all students
receiving federal financial aid to perform at least one year of national service in the
Peace Corps.

Linking national service to student aid would increase the pool of people willing to
serve.
Marshall and Magee 0514
the U S has a GI Bill without GIs.
Finally, its time to revisit a key principle of the original Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) blueprint: linking federal student aid and national service. As Moskos has pointed out, nited tates today

That is, the

government spends lots of money
federal on subsidies for students But about $26 billion in 2005 grants and loan . , whereas the GI Bill rewarded returning

college aid asks little in return

World War II veterans for their service to the nation, At a time when college costs are rising , other than that students repay their loans.

faster than inflation and education has become a minimal credential for success
a college increased in the knowledge economy,

public support makes sense But rather than give the aid away, we should make it an
for families with modest means .

earned entitlement. add reciprocity by requiring

Specifically, Washington ought to emulate the GI Bill of Rights and an element of those who benefit to give something back to their country through

national service , civilian or military. The DLC plan would have replaced federal Pell and other grants with a $10,000 post-service reward and limited student loans to eligible youths who performed (or committed themselves to perform) national service. In this
way, the plan sought to spur large numbers of young Americans to volunteer to serve rather than conscripting them into a mandatory service scheme. In a more recent variation on this theme, PPI has proposed consolidating various federal tax provisions into a single, turbo-charged
College Tax Credit that would provide a $3,000-a-year credit to students for four years of college and two years of graduate school, provided that they agree to perform service in return. If lawmakers do nothing else, they should at least fix one big flaw in the 1993 legislation that created
AmeriCorps: The education award was set far too low. At $4,750 for a year of service, it is not even enough to cover tuition and fees at a four-year public college, which now averages $5,132. Its time for Congress to raise this paltry amount to at least $10,000 a year so that two years of full-

This would make service more attractive

time service would cover the average cost of four years of tuition and fees at a public college or university. , especially to youths from low-income families. It also would

help students avoid heavy borrowing and promote personal responsibility by reinforcing the
connection between effort and reward. individual

National service programs help to foster a can-do attitude that is necessary to solve
global challenges.
Marshall and Magee 215
By bringing
If adopted, these five steps for taking voluntary national service to scale would move us closer to the ideal of universal service. And it would do so without raising the specter of conscription and all the Practical, moral, and political questions it raises. tens,

citizens together to meet the challenges of our time we will hasten the day when it
and eventually hundreds, of thousands of willing great ,

will become routine the x and

for Americans to ask each other: what did you do for your national service? Sen. Joe Biden (D-Del.) has argued persuasively that the nations leaders missed a historic opportunity after 9/11 to summons

y generations are ready to do great things. But we dont ask anything of them. They have not
to national service: they

been challenged Its not too late to rectify that by issuing a new summons to active citizenship
. mistake, through
national service.

14 Will Marshall, President, Progressive Policy Institute, and Marc Magee, Research Director, Thomas Fordham Institute, The AmeriCorps
Experiment and The Future of National Service, 2005. http://www.ppionline.org/documents/AmeriBook/AmeriBook_Chap7.pdf

15 Will Marshall, President Progressive Policy Institute, and Marc Magee, Research Director, Thomas Fordham Institute, The Americorps
Experiment and The Future of National Service, 2005. http://www.ppionline.org/documents/AmeriBook/AmeriBook_Chap7.pdf
 Underview
If theres even a risk of ethical uncertainty, we should always prioritize the survival of
the human race to ensure future value.
Bostrom 1216
moral uncertainty suggest
These reflections on Our present
an alternative, complementary way of looking at existential risk; they also suggest a new way of thinking about the ideal of sustainability. Let me elaborate.

axiology might be confused.

understanding of well We may not now know at least not in concrete detail what outcomes would count as a big win for humanity; we might not even yet be able to imagine the best ends of our

If we are
journey. uncertain indeed profoundly there is value in preserving our ability
about our ultimate aims, then we should recognize that a great option and ideally improving

to recognize value and steer the future accordingly. Ensuring

to a future humanity that there will be version of with great powers and a propensity

is the best way

to use them wisely plausiblyto increase future value
available to us the probability that the will contain a lot of . To do this, we must prevent any existential catastrophe.

Give Aff RVIs on T/Theory four reasons.

A Strat/Time Skew NC theory is a priori and renders the AC useless. They get 6
minutes to respond to a 4 minute 1AR. They dont need an RVI because they have
twice the rebuttal time.

B Discourages bad theory debaters wont run it frivolously if they know they can
lose on it.

C No-risk issues hurt education they incentivize kicking the shell instead of
clashing. Prefer on grounds of reciprocity I have to defend an advocacy, they should
too.

D Double Bind either abuse is legitimate and RVIs dont matter or theory is
frivolous and RVIs force argumentative responsibility and deter bad theory which
detracts from substantive debate.

Drop any Neg Theory argument run on the Aff advocacy if it isnt checked in CX you
must read the violation and ask me to comply or contest by specifying two reasons.

16 [Nick Bostrom. Faculty of Philosophy & Oxford Martin School University of Oxford. Existential Risk Prevention
as Global Priority. Global Policy (2012)]
A Predictability infinite interps exist including bidirectional ones so I can never
meet. Spec trades off with itself so its better if you ask your specific concerns.

B Clash ensures you do since theres infinite spec shells; I cant meet all of them
because of time constraints and you can moot the aff.

Accept 1AR Theory/Metatheory since its key to checking back abuse in the NC.
Other Memes
 Short Framing
Government actions will inevitably lead to trade-offs between citizens since they
benefit some and harm others; the only justifiable way to resolve these conflicts is by
benefitting the maximum possible number of people since anything else would
unequally prioritize one group over another. Several impacts
A Side constraint theories are useless for policy since theyll inevitably violate some
constraint.
B Answers util indicts non-consequentialist moral theories prevent any action
which is worse than not being able to use util.
C Takes out indicts about calculability since governments already use util which
proves its possible to do so.
D No indicts based on individual actions tragedy of the commons doesnt apply to
government action.
 Soft Power ev
RECONCEPTUALIZING THE PEACE CORPS IS NECESSARY TO BOOST U.S. SOFT POWER

Slabbert 06 (N.J., Research Scholar on tech and economic innovation for Md state govt and the Urban Land Institute, The technologies
of peace, Harvard International Review, (web exclusive Global Perspectives), Uploaded 6-5-2006 at http://www.harvardir.org/articles/1336/)

The US's core national values differ markedly from those which its detractors identify with it. Its positive
values include reverence for human rights, liberty, opportunity conferred without prejudice, moral
responsibility, the free play and optimal development of intelligence, individual dignity, the desire to
learn from all traditions and incorporate their wisdom into the complex multicultural fabric that is
America. The values, in short, of the Peace Corps since its inception in 1961. Yet in Niger, which is
unlikely to be unique in this regard, many Europeans see the Corps as an intelligence organization.
French and German volunteers do not associate with Peace Corps volunteers, even in the same small,
remote town, according to the Peace Corps Country Director for Niger, Jim Bullington. At a 2004
reception the anti-Americanism of DED (a German volunteer organization) personnel was palpable, says
Bullington, who has served as a former US ambassador, a career US State Department diplomat for 27
years, Director of the Center for Global Business at Old Dominion University and Senior Fellow at the US
Armed Forces Staff College. "In decades of diplomatic work with Europeans in Asia and Africa, I had
never felt such hostility," he recalls. Clearly, US soft power, though immense, projects an inadequate
message; this message handicaps even the Peace Corps, arguably the purest institutional expression of
American idealism. To project its values more effectively may be impossible without reconceptualizing
and strengthening the Corps.

National service is critical to boost US soft power.

Joseph 0317
AmeriCorps has won the praise and support of countless Americans because it provides a vehicle for integrating American idealism with both
patriotism and pragmatism. I
have come to think of community service as a form of soft power in a world
greatly influenced by hard power. While the use of the word power could be misleading, I like the distinction that is increasingly
made between "hard" power and "soft" power. Hard power refers to the use of military might or economic muscle to influence and even coerce.
Soft power refers to the ability to attract and influence through cultural values, moral messages, acts of
generosity and involvement in the needs of others. As Professor Joseph Nye , Director of the Kennedy School at
Harvard reminds us, hard power is the ability to get others to do what we want while soft power is the ability
to get others to want the same things we do. The former is based on coercion. The latter is based on attraction.
The former can prevent and even inflict pain. It can be used to gain an immediate advantage, but soft power builds
community and creates enduring goodwill. Soft power is a powerful metaphor for understanding the principles
and potential of community service, but it is also a fundamental element of the public values we affirm as a nation.
The historian Tacitus defined patriotism as praiseworthy competition with our ancestors. I recall that description of
civic virtue on this occasion because it reminds us that each generation has an opportunity, indeed an obligation, to contribute something as
significant, as meaningful and even as extraordinary as preceding generations . In the 21st century, national service should be a
part of what it means to be an American citizen.

17 James A. Joseph, a former U.S. Ambassador to South Africa, was the first Chairman of the Corporation for
National Service, Testimony, September 11, 2003. http://www.dukenews.duke.edu/2003/09/joseph0903.html
Soft power depends on how the US communicates its foreign policy to the world.
Expanding US diplomacy by rethinking the Peace Corps, for example, would help
communicate an acceptable view of America.
Nye 0418
Soft power grows out of our culture, out of our domestic values and policies, and out of our foreign
policy. Many of the effects of our culture, for better or worse, are outside the control of government. But
there is still a great deal that the government can do. Much more can be done to improve our public
diplomacy in all dimensions. We can greatly improve our broadcast capabilities as well as our
narrowcasting on the Internet. But both should be based on better listening as well. Newt Gingrich has
written that "the impact and success of a new U.S. communication strategy should be measured
continually on a country-by-country basis. An independent public affairs firm should report weekly on
how U.S. messages are received in at least the world's 50 largest countries." (32) Such an approach
would help us to select relevant themes as well as to fine-tune our short-term responses. And we should
greatly increase our investment in soft power. We could easily afford to double the budget for public
diplomacy as well as raise its profile and direction from the White House. Equally important will be
increasing the exchanges across societies that allow our rich and diverse nongovernmental sectors to
interact with other countries. It was a great mistake for the Clinton administration and Congress to cut
the budget and staff for cultural diplomacy and exchanges by nearly 30 percent after 1993. (33) And it is
a mistake now to let visa policies curtail such contacts. The most effective communication often occurs
not by distant broadcasts but in face-to-face contacts--what Edward R. Murrow called "the last three
feet." Such programs were critical to winning the Cold War. The best communicators are often not
governments but civilian surrogates, both from the United States and from other countries. We will need
to be more inventive in this area, whether it be through finding ways to improve the visa process for
educational exchanges, encouraging more American students to study abroad, rethinking the role of the
Peace Corps, inventing a major program for foreigners to teach their languages in American schools,
starting a corporation for public diplomacy that will help tap into the resources of the private and
nonprofit sectors, or a myriad of other ways. As Michael Holtzman has observed about the Middle East,
our public diplomacy must acknowledge a world that is far more skeptical of government messages than
we have assumed. "

18 (Joseph, Prof of International Relations at and Dean of Kennedy School of Govt @ Harvard, Soft
power and American foreign policy." Political Science Quarterly 119.2 (Summer 2004): 255(16).
Expanded Academic ASAP)