Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
NiVRbifY PbhS
S aa C)xlnrd Contents
r fr,; it
Hi. it Herr
ut of Ii,ures inS lox
5. iJu!: ajo ti Saraani K Acknowledgnueuzts
ire no ilipto Sladrid Steiho irro Mci. 0 1 Hi. iiairhr
ll haroha farpu [Or! lit
Introduction
Ren i drs and Opportunities. iecenl itt one ol political
I Ia ii or
ii K wile [lit tutir j repi entation
w ted rade uair 1 Irk [1,ti rot Pro 2. Mapping the representative claim
K ann 55! retaIn ,ibri ulftier
itt
en th
-
mud Snort
3. Variations and resources
I only ito.
4 The elected and the unclected
Dcl ates and tnt rvcntions
II ho ISO
a yl ol I. cti I oslo, 6. Representation, legitimacy, and democracy
I or P _iti j
S - t - - P Ni. p 0 it ira ri. P aIR! mdi Ii ft [ odiucil Notes
5, 1 1 010 11,110 1 ni till 01 05 015
it in en lt P Bthliograpl y
It d rat wi r Indea
i trot non trio, coring xlii t t
51 1 1 5 1! 1- 0 ,rau ii wit t K I,r- 5[)Clt tft
dl.,. 0! P 1 :11l\ rt issy ir(s, at the add ci,abut,
In i.ui,ii. ltti_ tuok H dill iidw bhtinlInt; no i,ei
It id np 1 0 10 t ondnttn r I ny no at
1 s(attlsgingsriilulrat 101
iii,,, V I onin a i ii ncr I N nher 20100 440 La
dl, sOt iubrrrhet u.n seer. Poindidliet it, tnd;a
P d in Ii Eit,i, ii
a P
151 LS ii ) H 08
Li f gz s 4cknowledgment.
41 In preparing this book 1 have benefited hugely from opportunities to
presei nd cxchange ideas with a great many colleaguts. ma ml
Ia rc ns tic I ik so r fort ial discussk rs n a variety fsettings F ave prem td m t n o
k try to claril my thinking, and in that regard I would like to offer mc
sincere thanks to Rebecca Abers, Henrik Bang, l)avid Beetham, lugrid son
B ezer Geothey Brennan Ian Budge, I)ario Castiglion, Ka n is
Sarah Childs, John Clarke, Drude l)alherup, Andy Dobson, I I I k
Iorben Bech Dyrberg, Robyn Eckersiey, Bob Goodm, asmin Gunarat
BOX nam, Richard Katz, John Keane, Margaret Keck, Vivien Lowndes, (eorg
Lutz, Tony MeGrew, Fiona Mackay, Jane Mansbridge, M helk Mich to
Mike Mills, laura Montanaro, Janet Newman, Raia Prokhovnil i
Rehield, Jennifer Rubenstein, Marian Sawer, Philippe Schmitter, Crahaii
Smith, Judith Squires, Sophie Stoffel, John Street, Grahame Thonipsoi
lasse Thornassen, Jacob Torfing, John Uhr, Nadia Urhinati, Mark W an
and Aft ert Weak iF tee anonymous referees for Oxford F. mvc sity s
offered exceptionally helpful and detailed comments on an earlier version
of the manuscript, and I would like to thank them for their investment 01
time ad effort
There $ widespread renewed interest in political represt. ti o ii
I am grateful to organisers and participants in workshops and conferenem
in the UK and elsewhere for the chance to present my ideas. Spending
three months as Visiting Fellow in Social and Political [h iv the
Australian National University in 2005 gay me a welcome o no to I
to explore early versions of these ideas, for which I owe thanks to Bob
Goodin in particular. 1 would also like to single out others for particular
opportunities provided to me: John Keane, Sonia Alon o and Wolf ing
Mulerl from WZB Berlin and Westminster University or ti krl i ic
Lisbon workshops on The Future of Representative Democraiy I nra
Montanaro and fellow participants in the APSA Boston (2008) workshop
B me and Beyond; Stephen Macedo, Nadia Urbinati and Mark Warrer Ihi
th v rkshop Beyond Eta tions at Princeton University (M08 M i ,
Yeck, I conaido Avritzer and Rebecca Abers for Retlunkrng Repr ten it ion
So - hi )iitc
I a ii ic &1la,w study arid Conference Center
1,15 I 1 (aln and So an Childs ki the ECPR workshop on The
Stdtiat I keprtstotouzw: of )Vomen in Helsinki (2007); and Kris
and co)leaCues from the rije Universiteit Brussel for the
)PpOitUn V to exploit. cam rt h impli ations of the representative claim
Introduction
a I aOl gratt.tuL lo the Open University, not least tor its
ets[ndsicn a approat. ii to rest. arch leave and fhr the high levels of support
1 det. lie wit
Ot ollmgues in thc l a l)epartment of Politics and
1 Ici I tudwa md the wid r I y of Social St. iences. Part ular TI is book introduces a new of looking at political
way rep nentation in
iliaii r or) and Mar I i in the POLlS off r U c guise of the representative laim. Representative unstable
ci in s a
iii ,i an to) to or his though p n h nd I ghly variable. They encompass and implicate many diffe t roupa
Itnivez
1 Sprake ar liii g a id ii d viduals; they show us that representation dymiarnic hi t i and
is
nida ctioi d elus)y. id crucial the ry constitution of politics Re re
to
[ha l)r p a laims opqa c a ross bojder and,sun t they,enotc ii&
pcis,
gh 4 m.we rclationsEps rather ulstitutions, and the irk
on. Is t inc I demo ratically and undemocratically We need to look losal ow,
hulta to) a id by whom, they are made rcceivejuded
[this book i tively on (am s ti II I oft cal ideas and practices are more closely inteitwin d tl i we often
a vicud pub ish d am grateful to a i t idge th nk, In part, the impetus behind the book comes I i urrent turd or
a, iv esI era lission to use material from Michael Saward, pressing problems of political life. The politics of representation iii
tK p: ttion pp. 1 o3 9h in i drcsa l)ohson and Robyn Eckersley many countries and contexts is both changing fast and troubling there
ala Pot cal I i1t.ory and the Ti oioi,it.ai Challenge (2006) Cambridge is more than a little talk of a crisis of representation. This should provoke
iiiaeraitv Pren, 21k)ti, ind Michael Saward, Making representations: fresh thinking about what representation in politics is, and what it be. can
nod a am. strategies of political parties, I:uropean Review, Volume 16(03): But prevailing ideas about representation are looking tired and oun 01
2 Lltie 00$ t.ademia Europaea. published by Cambridge Uni date; in key respects they are not up to the job. A number of political
emits Pi n I mi diateftil to Wiley Biackwell for pennission to use material theorists have recognized this issue and have tackled it I discuss their
rant 1 o Sonar Represeritation and democracy: revisions and work throughout the book, and in Chapter 1 in particular but the debate
osail I ha iolev Prnpt.css 45 pp 10001013, and Michael needs to be taken further
Saw ition and out) i sentaflon and th ii elect he pressing problems and real-world changes that pm imp this con
n ltix il Philo 0) pp.) 22, 1 a r ,ratcful to
er m varied
ore
br peru ii from 1 e Sawa d,
(her a decline n voting iaWs in most established demo aacic i 0 i ing
chsaffe tic i from mainstream representative politi s,
the d clinc of political parties and rising distrust of politi aa m
the Icreasing rol especially in international politics, o c i atorv
od c and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) whi I i c often
r unrepresentative
as unaccountable; and
or
1 itroduc i r
newed k nanc s for hi hi representatIon of niaiginalued groups such widespread acceptance of the analysis of Hanna Pitkin tin more tharu
a noflien, coltuial nilnonties, and even future generations and in
thirty years after the publication of her book The Concept otReprescum raio
on nat C.
967 ii key rease r behind the lack of cii seal alt onion on at iw
t t aba ye by y s, c ca eok diii wadhi es 199(3 ii A iglo ncriean political theory it any rate. But a. v hi
the nied tbr hesli thinking about representation. \ho, several years Pitkin herself nois challenges important aspects of the thinking behind hi_u
th ,
lcd o. Ipation spLaks jir dL S fbr the people of Iraq? Who claims classic book, on the basis of the troubling real world developments nut
p 111 , hc ii is iv Is I wuu i Ii
least th ins1 act c big r oney on represer tativ democracy ry bly
en ii y ut iit c ye esi. live ma cy 1 aq. nd there ii other re ens for this renewed attention that re son ste i u
n.t ut ili C)ai wai mmg t\hose vOn. S are most powerful in debates to political theory as a discipline. For example, the dominant deliberanvi
iddrt.ss C \n ong po[iticictns, experts, corporate leaders, and green cam thread in democratic theory in recent years which has emphasized the
ii at i v ii I w wh sit y e r gh a ic
democratic le of talking rather than voting haspronipted c i -ci
( ) iii ati I I RI 101 it, fo get to deliberate, where and how, which is very much au u o
e ball .nome our rcceuvd ideas about political representation matters. rpresentation.
( annkr, for example, el e widespread sense of remoteness of elected It is not that progress is undetectable. Consider arguments and nstiti
tic Ii Cit . C sic m iii ies hi ze c ncr i ma r enacting r presentation in te. ritorial ways that re a mat
-
to
g p ul ,er un sic. he ou dc. hi, h i ation $ ate ( g Held l99)
, w indeed non err tori I a
a d tln retoa a ni resen dtive, or von are not) and as institutionally representation, including ones which seek to have nonhuman mi_rests
lcuelaed in (eleeS ions alone confer fepresefltativeness) ran readily led o represented within human polities (Eckersley 2004). Further, a good deal
de -ito it r se live icr en d p tics tot t. $ is both of rece it em mica! work illuminates issues of indigen s at I mit iity
r U Ii 1) cc rv i v C t nat on. ( ar -
?
it mime whir h form tI i ehlectual and e iltura] this term in ( rder to pm down its Advocair
meaning. $ of, or iii se
rmml wsibmlit os 5 of cci ii as a fac i etmally otherwise w Irk within, the presence ipproacf offer st ip dative dcl i s
odw coon I atively n elicit of rep esentatto i A stipulative definition is One th it is o
m( ii 1 ,ckftori denot tion with d stinetive analytical or empirical ad intages I
thu )lOi tdei a iwhih presence perspective, we riced at accurate and agreed share I ii
i as on) It i uncle lyi ig 1 w of meaning hould ideally he settled prior to in ocatior of the m.
I as pr our mepreseni claim mak w dec yes analysis e I v tried social and political invocatior
ler1saa ems a ejiresentatien as mini.
A/lapping the representatnc claim
h. is I asnilias pulatse e huition idut ed I y Is ocates at the type of thinking about political representation: binary thinking Wntings
as ass I rq lien s wt X sE s for on pout cal repre ntation at replete with binary dist r ctio j nial
11 n c t dir v us i fort 1, s 11 au thoriied versus democratic ally uthorizc e
n lick dul I ni if a 1 ture ersus degate, leg tin ate versus illegitimate, and liber 1 vcrsus lye
Land n for, en. Hip I(5 it his or I constitu ncy is Ihese can be useful enough as analytical tools, short of strong ontc logical
thus a rcprcsentatsac and tiw social fau involved is representation. claims, but even at that level the consequences of their deployment can be
lit. pat seine per spet.twe holds that representation can he singularly unfortunate. Consider, for instance, one common equation: legitimate
rid susan I iguoisk ogniied a present in the world, hilly present to us representation requires formal authorization by others see Figure 1,1)
i oc t, c un in its hateve ific p I al contr rsies The c nmon hinar distincti ins set out r Figure ) a mid an of of
a I I 11 Of e c lit Is a c insider t o i c me haps by a process of natural d s i a ii
ci at I t r, ci tn r a) ffect ye y ole i. ut a xistenc types and D 11 y voul ed
e pri of u Ln $ des, si dde and tee; out beca at if cont tuafly we cannot look for them, we nay not hem
n si Lit at is ass I se nc, tst itesi iii electoral processes (c a (or, if we do, we may downgrade unduly their relevance). Ibis effect, iii
s urrcs ut pent e Philisps I where reformers of political turn, stands to reduce the richness of political representation. I hope to
sflj5jisiTi can taha the rendering preScilt of by ar X sufficiently show, for instance, that inf&mal processes of other-authorized represen
air in thi is orung ali i it s strue ii nip poser sing institutions; tation (to use this language for the moment) are common, and I real
1) nse pici silk. a Yc 2000 6 7). democritic significance Such distinctions can also idcline in pa ant
s hea ii is mt
1 ways in vhich hers. are degrees of other authorization , degrees c f
Ii pie was ed 1 and i sho ) ely t , etc n Figure 2 1, for example, there arc elements or shadows ) iii
ii ide r lyr nse at tern 2 and 2 in 1; 3 in 4 and 4 in 1. 1 do not condemn binary reaso sing in
Ihus idir stipulal Sc dehnitn is is not a straightforward business, of
.
general; much less than that, I want to point out that in cases such as this
cans I eiiutatssc meanings in a dicnonarv, for example, cannot easily one, it can stymie the productiveness of alternative modes, such as rela
cs I,, axe f sr , ,aative nit snings within and a russ cultures and tional reasoning.
nue t the I in suns regarding the presence approach the limited ground fer
lit. S C P IO St i f Y nec, and usefulness of the stipulated definition is always in angc of
ol a o n t at u al ed by revelation Where effective revelation occurs, the resulting des tu a
0 ter
as c pt i a it evil t oes no i pern ens. It lion can render the seemingly given as optional. The underlying p bilk
a I. 1ur ems s s s wla i a un-u stance of the general stipulation ty of full presence is a precondition for presence in the key political sense
is a aample, that ars deeted leg slator is the representative of his or her that representation Xin some way renders Ypresent (despite Ys absencet.
astitueiwv is the I asus and limit ot political representation rides into Recognizing that relation as profoundly unstable is significant.
air tolit stidics i lie back h the seen i p naturaliiatton of the more
Our r, a ansi the of s h con 1, Formal 2. Into nat
rat bicif
3 Self authodzed A 3
nih 50 fO litit. opi veh I it in
I ai )H for et S I 4. Other authorized C 0
Ihe pren sppruaali, irs debasing representation, importantly defines
lcs it is riot \s ale I, till exanipic, it encourages and enables a specilic
it. Figure 2,1 Representation and binary distinctions
Mapping the representative clu un
in enta ineand tot the wn. ng thing to do, availability of notions such as trusteeship or stewardshi can be i oked
ii I ci no stior ut fir t too I untiy, t) the Ian ants idvantage hese resourc. $ are culturally r i cci
ii I lt r pertoir r clan i iaking performances (some of th in c
nice r hi wn , an tha a w vhat Mu. covici (1 )88) ailed social representations
s 1 Ic d Ic me ini t the que ncr sou, There are many points of contrast between the two approaches. Wheic
lb guI s. tng piesen approaches, the author or speaker is positioning the presence approach stipulates meaning, the event approach deters it (or
lout ,o herself as an idjudicator ot occut rence when it is representation, better: deflects it back into the claim-making context). Where the presence
I hen not Ihis might ul one sensi ol what Bauman (1992) wrote approach posits full presence, the event approach is haunted In neser
a 1 cued t inteip roe he analy t he luite-preser -c(s) s never quite clear where or hov invoc t 1 ot
I II Ic r h e a r presci tat o might gain some purchase Where for th Pr U
II pi 1 a gt nccal roach p oack Sc i te X stands ft r some I for the event approa th there i in
epic ioi t one te bu in ci self ai pointed that some X, by virtue of some alleged capacity or attribute, can sp ak for
ci t cit scha and svb t Is not legitimate representation. Such Y to Y, and a wider audience. The presence approach tends to posit a given
slii anne, clifiers su.:citantially from efforts to specify the conditions subject, where the event approach posits an invoked or summoned sub
aidet win Ii repiesentative claims might be accepted as democratically jectivity. The presence approach tends to lead to a view of representation
ounat e 1 hap c as practiced within a ettled set f institutional domains (elective tes in
i th ap I to r h pies i is t a particul r), while he event approach is m e open h H un tth of
s ci t c v ion its what may be regarded as domains or spaces where repiesentath cc. s
x it 1 i i ii nst I o nt, a racti e, This di cussion of the underlying contrast between presence a x vent
a inc Iki ic mug s ipheated mvocati i and enact nent. perspectives has been brief, and the contrast has been quite tightly drawn
hi picscnt moo is the product ot a performance, both in the sense of a I take the discussion no further here; my primary interest lies in tile
Uteaticat perhti mance, and more technically in the sense of being perfor politics of tile claim, rather than the conception of the event underpinning
-an is g Jci ed h scay that Butler (1990) claims that gender is it. However, the character of, and the basis for, this underlying distinction
i loin y pi 0 Meai s irnpb d in mv ition; it volves will continue to inform the analysis throughout the hook
Ic cx I tin er tird
Is
WI presi pm te sy del eprese t ion as making
Csc t 0)1 cong tha is absent, the event approach, for example, looks at TI-Ill ELEMEN IS OF TI-IL REPRESENTA1 IVF CLAIM
Lii mc that gite the unpresmrn a making present. A political figure who
attempts is impression or an thserver who points to such an impres
th Because representation is more an event, or a series of events, than a
ion is a ci So, a It u sentutiv horn is a laim to represent bounded and clear presence, the world of political representation is a
hat irIs 1cm torn r torn thing. world of claim-malung rather than the operation of formal inst t i ons
1 1 1 h rtuol In be u e, the e a e more things in the political world than claii IS t e
ae &inands, for example. And not all claints are representativ u is
5 ph, cam tule to S[ I n gr / by
rest nm i, nvseh i periornii g lie wIt I delegate, iustec, or gent though nany wifi I even if not explicitly Convent onal accou ts of
Whti the presence approach see as representative roles, the event ap political representation often assume that if someone is duly elected to
groach additn>nalis sees as iesources Oar representative claims; the cultural office, then that person is not only a representative, hut that they are
t4appzr the epresentative rlann
ft La Va us rse h is I t e, ii hlight d the act interests. In this senK, representation is is mud constitutive is relic tive
at in ertain dcctoiai and partY systems, and indeed in certain national, of facts about interests and capacities.
6 And it is through the process ot
uiturI and politic i1 contests sorie socntal groups are overrepresented claim-making that the work of constituting is pursued.
Ic al 1 lau m ,a the r
, rr en d (Cu 1 er Seen i this ight, n w uld he representative n cludir g an e ected e,
1 Iii n ; ig ). us lyz - c n fully act v rese itatioii o he fully representative, acts n .y be
ii nI gi cc. n I pes, of LOt i espondutce between s oters and elected facts, but claims are contestable and contested; there as no churn to be
repr. sentatne H in ano Karps i9 7. Binghani Powell 2004). But there representative of a certain group that does not leave space h)r its contesta
c pci stent iobii, niti slid, f out tIns P elect d ther fore h or lion o rejection by the would be audience or constituency, ii by (ther
1 e e t t I t e political act lFi oint s far ithar nough fron observati ii o
toni politics Candidates ompet over the definition of c nstatucncv
In tlwt in IccIcd w. ,Or is representatise is stiaightforward and interests, and electoral victories of over 70 percent of the popular vote
rca.unaNe ciiou;is, I ot to lide this forr iai, achieved status with their are rare in established democracies. But still the power of elections as
i p re it U p( on hcy n producing c resentation often overshadows this point. Ii haptcr 1,
nge i ci ted
Li
1 10 1 I x 1 iui it s I 1 IdCLU S tflat bun WI dl can oc clauncu V iii
cLUid
0(1. cpu. it itivcness so U ugly built ii to the notion of being regard to representation on the basis of due election.
iccoJ and not without sonic reason that consideration of how other The representative claim, then, consists at the most general level of five
Lou. it R be raprLseIttatis
c li rowthd out thus (I argue) reducing Key, interconnecting dimensions maker, subject, object, referent, nid
I yn ut ( ep C C C it t audience Path as crucial, or so I argue, to a robust, detailed, and Bun i
u a H dpi ic ( us hic gr variety of lating account of the world of representative politics. It is unusual to
coin, a id rgtnu.ati Os take pail, electoral actors through elective bring together all of these dimensions in accounts of representation; this
pro
CLw., 10(1 other nturs through thei processes Representation is a set encapsulates an effort to bring together certain themes in the history of
in 1 Ia i in ft i i er tl i a f t est lishe by ii itutio tal the idea that have for a long time been held separate (as noted in he
S t i. i tntrodnctk nl I nnw briefly draw cut their kt y attdhutes and ounc 1
ii short Lii cc rcplcscntdtiun as a lad arising
1 from (in particular) due
C tioll Is to dopt consentional rather than an accurate description.
o ft Lu i r vel Ho. sly 1 IHE MAKI RS OF REPRESENTATIONS
.n tog i s C
a lot ii ies many if
h, ,sill cut ncr in a iili ,ther ii cm iplev ways, and will divide as We saw in Chapter 1 how Pitkins analysis influentially sidelined the
i as uiuw Wouki-lic lepresentatives, of whatever type, must makers of representations (or, representative claims), at least with respect
of
& wit piLk ii ch se. pi pose id tab hate disti tive u d limited to their political importance. In other works, the same problem emerges
n r H s mm a differe it angle Representation is often seen especially in the w k
i r i S f latti V
usil tens epr ilL i ear I cultural and aesti etic theorists, as triangular in conception -- sub cct,
ii no I enconipas. ig se of
,instltuen(s intere,ts s remote, at best Would-he representatives have to object, and referent. But representation does not just happen as the result
naPe ilahns, about themselvs and their would-be constituencies, and use a process or by the functioning of familiar (e.g., electoral) institutions;
is i dci ti y t is claimed as the key part of someone making it happen tF rough he
up w our a be in i articular
a ui .1 r iepk yr tent r ex loitation of a wide variety of formal and n or ii
1 ci lit sl ikir hr th se
M ppin tin iepresentcitivt c1ittn Mapping the representative claim
tutia ii din tot au utions) biects ignifier nd seek to pu across his capacities to deliver, spe ific aptitudes tot th at us
her ri riber u do a lualif atiois for Ii status, possession of ideas 1 at a dist i vely
P ii. ci ii gI Itl .41 appiopria e o th status, and/or personal haracteristics sup r tat
cix fly m if ci bout ,claims at status .scnptlon. )r to foreshadow a later section, he may set t put
act Ic dl aeria/s iIic scrises at suhpict and object (and which across his varied descriptive and substantive claims. 1 he claim is intended
ieraic ano tacos upon tic ssould -he audiences>. to produce effects. If it is successful to a sufficient degree, it piompts
thL inakc at repre.-ntatls e slaino (and the dephtions or portrayals of certain constituents to recognize the status-claim, and to recognize the
1 ii
h c
5 d oths i ho au b i i d ip in thos clam s are not neces selective depiction of themselves the object within it.
10
iii s it at ( or ivy P t cadet i the 1 hay uggested ontra Pitkin, that represcr tation in politic ast
e h rd di w ay r c . he cprescnted play a ole in rho istu g
1s1 p e I pitt Bri pie as d epi rcpres i ativ s, ar d cpresentativcs choose their mstituc
the
the u. I umm two (0 onethinc ise, simu. og sense of portraying them or framing th in in particular, cot stable
ist>c ics las at c ficait at this anipaign), hut the claim was not ways. If I allege that you, a potential constituent of mine, possess he1
PcI autu dl i bar ne ow in the act oat vote a large part of the audieme did characteristic X, arid if I can get you to accept this characterization, I can
ci cue its ia in at th tiart at thc perrormance) Makers of representa then present myself as a subject possessing capacity or attribute Y that
,c lit I a t s 0> b mete )le Of Ui cepted c aims; enables ne to represent you by virtue of a certain resonance I tween
ci) lie of nt abou thert and Y ii other w xds, would-be political representa ives in th ess
of portrayal or representation of constituencies make claims abc e Ii
at a niaki it ix ix nagi lhey an lot selves as subjects and their constituents as objects, and indeed ahi i
tnt Ic lattits st at the it (or it thet do they are highly uithkelv
.
links between the two; they argue or imply that this subject that iou ICc
iL scene keptcseuitattse claims that are compelling, or which resonate and hear is the best representative of the constituency so understood.
2
intnp rePs ant audieuists will he made from icadymades, existing Political figures (and their scriptwriters and spin doctors and party sup
I. ,t a a s that v ould hr udience jt a given time
,. , porters, etc.) are in this sense creative actors, They may l4eU he agents, a.
I tic U iii I cot a i itativ 1dm representatives axe conventionally understood, but e ually Of if tilt
t I t t contextual portantly they are actors makers of claims,
3
am fiSt I c a. v (incited, in We an dlve further into these linkages by drawing on the w at
let to> Ic a tm ng nra I List iteta catures olitical culture Louis Mann, who wrote that to represent signihe to preseii meselt
5 I explore this point further
eras a thtshsild at ,,otential atceptahiiity. as representing something, and every representation, every sign or repie
anidi nit the cult uiui aspects of representation below. sentation process, includes a dual dimension a reflexive dimension,
presenting oneself; a transitive dimension, representing something and
a dual effect the subject effect, and the object effect (2001 256
Elsewh re. \4arin notes that repri sentations at ont e signity - d I iw
that they signify (2001, 204). Here, Mann helps us to make v U ix
reinforcing points first, there is no representation without a cli i hat I
What is t ii pi ca nt laini di 01 ib On one r vel, it is a ham or you or it represents maps, paintings, politicians, and terrotists ate
a a fiat its art lichait if a subject. It, for example, a Communist Party presented as subjects representing something or someone (an object>,
-aide J,uriis Ia .1,1110 for the hiterrsts of working dass people, he may implicitly or explicitly; subject and object are the effects of an act of
Japcirf! tin ripresentatiie claim Mapping the representative cia im -I q
> pro o take id the c ailce of AD ci r i rakers off r a )nstrucllon of constituenc to an au I It
ii I ii y 4 rat i imp tant focu n the potentially a mplex c )ni cetmoils 1
11 1 1 te ence. 1 ctv i and icc and constituency, ar d betwce 1 di 1cm
is ii not IUM mg si eative ach. t d r es and onstituencie cii be both at nded am 1
0 1 1115 used a ikmg 1 ep e 11 aflons. ? second, M a Suggests A claim ii might claim to represent members I a minor it inn
a act am t oh ci ae ictinca and clarmhed m the process of represem group, or for a group with a particular disability, for example. In mill a
cinom liv ntakmg rehresentttmse cicinis, the maker constructs a particular case, that group is his or her intended constituency, the group that a maker
1CW I luinseil or aiioilci as a suheet Ic g, the spin doctor
constructs a claims to speak fon it is the object of the claim, an interpretation of a
es t ci didate as a tamily mar i And by presenting the
pan referent. He or she will, by claiming, both portray and offer some coneep
1 ci na als Irm Is a mew of if ject An tion of thc roups intcrcst All claims to speak for ii o speak ii iii
tic tip ch cLcq eset laim i cak abc u car also he und rstood, hov cr md n I
lari i
sa 0110 Likcv is ye acid to include actual a Islituencre I hest
that con ncv mobt those who cognize a gi en claim as betng made about and foi t i on
who see their interests as being implicated in the claim. By contrast, tin
intended audience is the group that is spoken to. The actual audience ot a
claim is that group of persons who receive (hear, hear about, read, Clii the
ni \iJ ANt) Cc1N1SI l[LFN(.\ claim and respond to it in some way (or, who are Hi a position to elm we to
respond to it). The intended audience may be cot rmlilous will th
alit it niant nicker ingular us
intendcd institucncy or it may include the intended c nstitu
lift ise 1 1011
ther mtiie is and influentials It may also he Just one egn
is j ii c 1 flies
intended onstituenc ,or combine such a segment with somni m
cs i l,talts Ic mel i ak is at d
ho I intemk d oratueney. Which of these alternatives s in olved n
a cci in iii build r itatise rd iships. Re1 I. flalion is
case depends on context, purposes, and resources of laimants.
cc iaini raaim
. aid it is pirposelul. makers cit claims arc trying to
,
The makeup of the intended and actual audiences will most often difter
mevc ca cptamiia and oilier effects through the conceptions of subject to some degree. Claimants will have varied, and never complete, control
ird hiecl that thea consti uct.
their puoses can he many and varied. over how their claims are communicated, who receives or is receptivi to
I hi i extend t i a cffcu to r detmne who on what counts as political, them, or indeed how they are interpreted. Figure 2.2 links and separates ,ill
i4, I 5l.ttuih of these oi ceptions of constituency and mudience a id Figure is
cocci nalysis
four potential onfiguratiens of audience constituency Links i i I a
IL 1 c towl
1 he disn I in n a id verlaps that these figures represent a ci
in am t I in r
omph x lure of onsutuency and audience (larit and
e eng p them s little i I point i c aim tha
matter, F en e the varied distinctions, But on this topic political a i I lex
a not Sit P to I di s a i uIied (i iatrctral local, ethnic, religious, by must also be embraced, hence I have not tried to ininimite oeilaps
hngi hiLt, class or oihcrt audience, and more to the point, to attempt to between audience and constituency and between different types of each
C fl potential udietx es arid constituencies notions of
themselves as
of them.
tad nics 01 onstltdeiicVs
elaini Iviapping the representative ckiim
1pmy d epresentat:Vr
A triaL
In pra U there will oftcn he a tight connection twcen intend ci
actual tudic a es and con tituencies, Both arc in part co stitutid
U hc d taut o dat n making and claim reeL ptlon P claim ot ii
at clan a inlet ded nstituency a ad to an intended audienc ty play I
Jut then it
m shaping conscious en c of being part of that consti uency ot at ci t
the t terests as being
tnspltated us a claim Mat
in its targeted members. By the same token, a claimant might appeal to
iCcttp fC)Ot, onteSt, UT more people than the group he or she intends to evoke as his or her
ignoit the daim Recipient constituency. If, for example, Lech Walesa in the final months of commu
drtser nist Poland acted as the representative of workers in Gdansk and elsewhere
whose it
(his would b constitu i cy), all the people of Poland, and perhaps h rs
sot r b yond Pol nd were hs intended audience; gaining apprc al ftr 1 i
at tat ri m ii s a g aud ence an he seen as a crucial mgred ent it i I
t deft a a ad 11k wing hat to tand for md peak for his II
hum c
r,0flst1tuii
It
lhe painter Paul Kiec took the view that painting did not immic or
copy, or even in the lirst instance interpret, its referent. What it did first
5 By analogy, representatne
and foremost, was make visible the referent.
claimants, elected or otherwise, construct verbal and visual images fot
and about constituencies and their countries (among other thin s
Constituents are hard working, good honest folk, 1amily or
patriots, and concerned oi worried or angry ( onstitum k
communities, have to 1 e im4glned, in Benedict Ar dersons n
iersoL 190 rhe eouivalent of Kiecs painting is requ red in I
make it imaginable, to make it visible, normally b lb to the ss 1d-b
members of that constituency and to a wider potential audience.
Politics is, in the words of Latour (2003, 158), a work of composition
Of course people and groups exist prior to evocation or constitution in
politics. There is always a rejrent. But the real political work lies in the
active constitution of onstituencies the making of rep reset t u
Pierre B iurdi u argues a strong version of this line in op pea i
group c cafes th i tan who speaks in its place to p it t tla I w y
think in te i as of delegation whereas in reality it is more or t s
true to say that it is the spokesperson that creates the group. It is use
//
the representative exists, because he represents (symbolic action), that the
group that is represented and symbolised exists and that in return it gives
existence to its representative as the representative of a group (Bourdicu
1991, 204). Likewise, Fenno (2003, 1) emphasized how there can he Or
Ii 2 3 1 oUt Cl tirtflS ot 1 i C coast lea hnks
Mapping the representative dunn
w is of slicing up and classifying member perceptions [of As Schwartz (1988, 127) writes, Political representation can he conceived
os it k h ip ii ssays 1ecogiu1ng a dirk side to political
-
as an ongoing founding, as the constitution of community.
5 01 a. f S 1 cU V I SOf f mb Park 1 and s lective, the onstruetion of eo istituency th )ect
11 1 1 1 yr it I q ii r uJ in tely idji donated by (some part of) the rem vrng audience F
1k
s th hen thai to s for ( pres othe Vhethr ci 4, I discuss selected modes of reception of representative cia r ,a rid
n could h tituclus members, the imagined and constructed, see Chapter 6, 1 focus on appropriate constituencies for the assessment of
as thes ,Hc seen oi port raved whether intended constituencies claims. As we have seen, the actual audience for a claim might be larger.
a c oU t it OCT t n ar nher matk r The distinction between smaller, or coterminous with the makers intended or target audience.
on d a rid is taut imil isons owever k prim niniste PM) for example, may want to end a vssage
at r u a t oi ft estive par r embers that she really does stand for th ir deepest i tie
s d shi uton ills I gank susi \s we later, hut the message n ay he heard (whether or not this was intend by
ii.onIr then ,s ruin Ii t at an tsr said about the cirLumstances under PM) by a range of nonparty citizens who may make their own judgments
ch P U c tepi esntrd ran assess the acceptid tli of the claims. The constructed object for example, you, my listeners, are the true
ii i inn. r m.ght ud i s I s tot H on its head the orthodox believers in our project, and I know you will work hard alongside me until
aid I ib tnt pr ilv ions is on prin se hay ransfoimcd this system or, above all, like me you u patrk
dti nd I k toy yr u will fght with me for stronger defense f our na 0 1
pi liv t tom .00 In is at and n ft one among many that could have been offered to this rehtren th
0 Lion. tue n n it inn. nar enact or reseal what the wouldhe repron the flesh-and-blood people addressed. Constituencies and audiences
ss ants of it, mat conform to the representatives images or intended or otherwise, may accept or resist particular claims, not least
no on r s on iti n d it a possibility that, as we have seen, by accepting or resisting depictions of constituents iii the object
inn nU id lerri e cc ts). At ast, on constructed by th claim maker, How resistance is displayed may v
1 1 r F cv i tive an enormously. In a totalitarian system, resistance may be bidder
1k e, u zs s Us cect of
t , demoLratle system with Lolerabic levels of frcedom of speed
,TdL ti tin poutne ot it stesentation itself Representation fills in the
.
the form of open dissent or derision.
j,t. iiLCS of 1
1
h .ossihilitv reserved for representatives, hut it also tills in Makers of representative claims attempt to evoke an audience who will
sI it mis elresc ted .Stjtj 1995. 134, j44
. receive the claim, and (hopefully, from the makers point ofview) receive it in
to eiti tIn. 1 1 al gies onto tploy 1 1 a certain, desired way. Makers of representative claims suggest to the polel
ii s p a i or tial audnnee: (t ou are or you are part of, this audience, (b) ynt sh ii
ml pi Inst n.h vu If Us. 1) con accept this view this construction this representation of ti rise onst t.
-
rron redness U I n constr LtiOII, or o assert essentialist notions c>f iden ents; and (c) you should accept me as the one best placed to speak and act tot
ii
., on more enera]1 to hide the aesthetic moment in representation in them (or you, where someone is part of both the intended audience and
1 on tin onnitut U n itur of constItuency (1 take up the issue of intended constituency). The aim of the claim-maker in such cases can be said
c Ia 1 he c set f cot ency con i inc has - to be t avoid dan aging levels of disputatious reading hick v ontes
C iii ri r r n. ion of thin claims by the would he constituency and audience t in
to it in racy lot
the ne t of found Potential or inter ded audiences might, for example, refuse to it udic
aim 1, suPsejt cut acti ii true that founding creates.
is rtlir thr Ii fled, or rendered as an audience, which after all is normally understood as
being by definition a silent and passive entity
2
Mupf inc ti-it riprcst ntative Llarm Mapping the representative claim
but as orditig readhiib back hs audience and ronstituencv members is Exploring the effects of representative claims might also include the
ttiuli he elau-niakrs If s true that 1 litic ails are not like many need to examine the possibility that they include a series of interlinkcd
oiitcmporalv aitiss who CfC te works that arc deliberately set up to silencing effects. Claims can, by their nature, silence the constituencies oi
Tilestation. Political makers of represen audiences that they may in part constitute by evoking; reinforce, or bring
stol c g ems nt aul ess
tat ions I i I to for r lix the to of tlremselv a about, or clai i the necessity of the absence of the reprcsented from r
a ii r thele no thaI
1 is prc io political r i a propriate the voice of the tepreser ted by th
ste Hit its, 0 iS pr wess iv long into heir g a represented vtl a oic and )
ri tie cap is the hands of elite rninoiitie witf privule c c
i 0 ill, di ) ya y to o echnologies and nustitutions of claim maku ig 21
U c ii nIt urn I I I igaist 1k r These possibilitit s all too ften actualities look Lt e potenti
-
a i tell na wh and what I r n hit sams VI iat side of the roe sses of representative claim making But in princip
p iS,uta Is nia s rist bed Ihc death of the authorhl readers representative claim is neither good nor had. Representative claims can
5,-use ) oine authors ni tI it they actively recreate the story
through activate and empower recipients or observers, esen if that is not the
is ad tip a ought Sci that Were is no representative claim without its intention of the makers. Recipients are on the map by being invokcd
Huaip Ohs i In a ounteiLlaiin or a denial of claim from part of its in representative claims, even if an initial effect of a claim is a silencing
u,ii,--iuas dicuce ruenihers no, are agents ant actors. [his is a point one. One needs an identity as a prior condition of being silenced by a claim
us ci unit r to r i I celk u abo tb undue unidireion to represent one Once established, or summoned into view throu 1k
ount
art al epresc So, for cx r i le a claimmaking, that very identity can be a resource for dissent (cI. Rai c
iii 1k wir 1999). This ur empower those on the receiving end of chair
0 example t read back the nature of the claim
irte a di Finally we can see from these comments that audienc s of eitl k
need not be p issivc 1 he word audience often implies passivity th-
1 a cotisli r t dig ii tative clar t _a I on audien c watch and listen, not to contribute jr take part.
las ts it uid seck unto uk it 1w rev ing its coded cha acter. prominent uses of the term in discussions of political representation di v
1i. ci dcci audience Ol representative claim may or may not he upon primarily passive conceptions. Manin, in his account of audiencs
OiIsai,,uS of itself as an audience prim to the making of claims. We have democracy, for example, argues that in contemporary media -driven
-en how represent love claims are tnariably, H one degree or another, politics the electorate appears, above all, as an audience which responds
onstilutiss c laiins, thex construct in some measure the groups that they to the terms that have been presented on the political stage (Manin i99,
c urpor o idi c-n (a udic ni e along with the groups that they purport to
,
223). Others, writing in the later context of the rise of online and interac -
peak I bout cot c hum i of course, 1k not tive technologies, argue that the new media can mean that in politics
iii nvs-iI t ey prel ii to be dd iii ig rigid division between produ er and audience evaporates, opportu r t
p 1 or sIcr ready t th re fo self representation become more realisti Citizens are iu 1
f a dine ontent with the 1 of just being passive spectators (Colem (
on not i ick paul i spond 210).
I thr iii betbre I aim- make Nv y Rehfeld s n eption of audience in his account of po neal rein
11101 d Incus ics ii nay respond
ii(t.s, so to s laums tion (discussed ii Chapter 1) is different. His audience has a specilu
.I5 ISIOC I till 5; 101 sci )us s ierahle ones to play, namely accepting someone as a proper representative by virtue of
Mappziig tin leprcScfltaixiC LlU.ifll
lion i ul 1 I ii tallow I which az oats to a more
havm
iii mu 01 1 at lien prest ation. 3
& Ii s s B lyis
I Ia ilow ole heLl aries ud ratl i 1 an
xI IVI ci I dot ii & dgmtnt. he dciii eiatn legiti nacy at ret resen Variations and resources
tan e 1au is in Ciipter 6. 1 add to the conceptual armory the notions ot
in a;,orooriatu ounliawnev appropriate in the sense that its assessments
1 d mat r ic lgitnn ov that (d mid matter most to democrats. But, in
10 to lies v md ii claIm i n her his cha t conti m $ the w& rk of the previous on iuildmg am
a I vi LSC S hm fly dc m e its of the rmpresentati e claim t xplo a ii
,, C It u 0 at,) iiip fl t (0 1st
aspects of i s manifestation in political life What $ in of c a
ti I I lien es, ouisti ies. in t rst phit Vs a part I hat, representative cHime How, and to what e tent, is it i creatu e of its
also tl e. d ms a the mportan t distinct ion between intended context? The claim comes in many, and in some cases surprising, sar
and actua and tonstituent jes, Overall, my argument with iants, and exploring these takes us to places that the study at political
aspet i to ado rites that representatim e clauns may prompt, intention representation normally does not reach. The performative aspect at the
Is a (I 151st V I inodt. I aelivit md passlv y in audiences, claim is central to its character and its efIcts, viewing politics as Lagu
aI tlut ii con g th m d the dq,ree of for per orniances i iot unusual (see, e.g (habal and )aloz 2 6 1 1
I S e d I mx matte argo tF at the insigl t needs to he taken further and br ugha t I it
xa shet won uditi c r proximat or of the analysis of political representation. Aesthetic and cultural m eels
at 11 B is an nnpact on 0 apacmt to iespond and whether it is (or of representation are also crucial. Central themes in thinking about hoss
neaiimies) milled or a t will allat its capacity to cocreate or to dispute the an artist and her work of art can represent. for example, help us to move
umitemit of the obtcct put betore it h the representative claimants.
23 beyond the intriguing but ultimately unsatisfactory appearance of the
makers uf representations in the work of Hanna Pitkin (discussed iii
Chapter 1), and qu tions of the cultural availability of resou are
c ntral 0 understanding what claims are made, and wh t imp Ii y
in ay have I turn lust to exploring key lines I variation of the
p s n
this r, I In p nie as ci it em0atio u iderpmn ig the tative clam
Jum haed perspect se and imp &ked the tive core notions that make up
the reprcsentativt claim, I inose on now, in Chapter 3, to explicate further
ttwsc tmvm dunemision but this time in the context of addressing the
,
KEY LINES OF VARIATION OF
ii nil am I tIme sentativ aim, ml wrtorn e chara tr of
em 1K ifld nd m LPRES1sNIATJVF C AIMS
I ,
Highlighting rept sentalion as claim making and claim reemptiol I ml to
show us just how much representation is going on, politically. (lair is arc
made, ottered, disputed, and accepted often and in greatly varied ways.
beyond the confines of electoral politics (crucially important though that
Var atrons and US0L
s). lo tr to Of) 1 tin
Par iculan general
1 which repies nhlli S U
iirrpht-raplicrt niUr i The degrees of generality of political representations could crudely cnougl
mal -multidriectional hxp r ad be divided into two r t, at th most general level, we have ciamis that
m rtiVc clrir a through ti cse V iriatio i concern the basic constitu ive character of a political system. One might,
i aid thI Uxture of politral ieprc.c itatic ingu g for example, set out a claim like the following:
or a or k aid r psyc okrgical and in os tural The US founding fathers (makers) deployed the elected othees and
assembly (subject) to stand for the nation (ohect) in the eyes of its peopd
and other observers (intended constituency and wider audience).
One could call this a framing claim, one that delimits and defines the
Singular -muftiple contours of the basic system and constitutionalizes or encodes it. I shall
say more shortly about coding in the context of the cultural moment in
isidetahir Scopc for vaflation ot a semingly single claim. In representation. Clearly, in modern democracies, the coding of representa
ie the M P make ) otleis himself or herself (sublect) as the tive claims into electoral systems is deep and powerful. And the option,
onlmdin at of constituencs mterests (object) to an audience the naker
open above all to heads of state or government (depending on the nature
iid bron:e the party, or the constituency organization, or a wmg of the of the political system), of positioning oneself as above the partisan fray
arU fhc sifyet rould erkonipass the politician by enveloping him in and speaking for the nation is profound (see the discussion in Chapter 4 I.
a a lag r nation 01 the parts, for example. Constituency interests could Within this frame, we might locate strategic representative claims.
a rcc rnaiort or significant minority interests, tuncti nal group These may be claims that take advantage of the constitutional frame or
or a a oationa I r nteresb wr a combination of these). The code of the system. Thus, for example, a claim might look like the following:
ira r c ul e I tie polO roan hinisr If, the partY itself, the constituefles, The US Republican Party (maker) offers itself (subject) as standing for
.0 L Lt Pir fl the interests of family (object) to the electorate (intended audience)
a) rE 00cC r p suggests tire oriars, f0i is Of course, claiirs that are strategic will often enough be presented as
coincs across to different audienc 1) ffer it general; dressing partisan laims in nonpartisan clothing is understand
I (aim ilitferently from the tier ably common, an everyday political strategy. Further, representative
matching, appealing to in a Icc 11 claims of different levels of generality need not be (and very often are
fomenting of a onfus 1 at not) about or within electoral politics. Consider again the following
1 P repi r scan d to wh rciv example:
1 audiences w
p it h I Marx (inak ) offered the working class (subject) as the symbol
hrir represer I nt audi revolutionary ilat cal future (object) to the would-he members
iugh the i I se a c class (intendcd audi rice)
hat or c a it If that is a I air it a high level of generality, ther t enahk
I P v stC specific larms that n this case socialist politicians a all u
ibt ad r 5 more strotega purposes for example, Marxs theory created h
(C mc I. guably through which th politician could see a certain constit icncy as sta Ii
t ) som i tic for a consist it set class interests
an itioris arid resour
cxainpl 1nterniil xterna[
lo
s dilm 1 vo var r f i nentative dani ire ( i) wi crc I i ik r i
hje ie ii I th same person nd (b) whr th ak
it it ti cc a c i 1 same pe son Examples of the firs i ia i
I r j e Fxamples of the se ond va cot r d
rrpre em Is hey enresent ard also it represents W t r ,ar
f st ar it utshc 1 onc cannot present oneself $
v I out r iakn g rep esentatior $ n the sen e of 1annir y
iethi i (be n Ij nd, one cannot make repr sinta C
ut pr itmi, nescI as someone who car make then the du
1 ,L tlcy Note, i tI is cont xt that some representative clarni a i
p1 lair entirely mental or nframndividuaL For exarnpk, I (maker) cai i
a ywif subje 1) is r presenung the interests oi my stuaents t
in self (iudi ice ihis claim can occur entirely in my iead Ic ii
it d onsequci t on the representative claim may be evident sociall
lami it i wh fly internal 1 his is an example of a highly self i i
1 i representative Ia r i Rodney Barker, in the related context of leg t i
wri es of ii imp rtance of this sort of legitimation of ruler b rim
fir rule s (2001 45): Ihe public though they may be a i udi ic
n r been the pm cipal audience in the theatr of endogenot s 1 y t ii
I in 2001, 4 A morcor less endogenous representative lamii
nit nt largely Jifferent components, for easaple
I (maker) claim hat Bono (subject) symbolizes th m eed o
lvii ridde i o i ties object) to Western politicians (intended audi r c
i r iii and Politic displays all shades of representativ claims, Private i m
) () l5titt v dual r presentative claims are ones we as observers have litti
1n ith but wI i h nay piove to be politically sigmfi ant Public t pen i
v y in dentd, be more availabl to contcstation on the one hand and more If
g e atlished transforming on the other
[ eSC
[0 What f claims where the maker and the subject are iot s
a yoris person o collectivity) rheme is a sense in which each us is ken
I It I represei t others mu everyday life, A Palestinian in the United State mx i
is bingCu willingly or not, knowingly or not be regarded as a rep is it v
a w toaialyic Palestin ans by othe s. Other originated claims are very much r
i air swillhc epresentative laim framework Many such claims can hay re ol I
significa ice Consider, for example, the case of the late Dris h i
Va iations and rcs m
p1 nainent Mt r()nan writer exiled for main years in Prance.
Despite has been a tendency in a good deal of representation theoiv to date to taki
hr uhis disasowals i flU uher of Mooccans saw or claimed him as a the status and character of the represented largely for granted, which call
i xi Uvth t P ii p0 in met wa the vali g re nit in seeing representation as only running from the b tiom up, I iii
1. M h rep csent d ti he rpresentat1vc (unidireetionalit io is i s
H ii m n 1 (
angles, I have stressed that representatives also constitute the represented
in a number of ways. Pitkin, for example, as we saw in Chapter 1. did
rc ogniac how systi mx of representation cai he nnplicated in xc co i
ution the epr sented but tended to sub unit. thc 1 nj, orta ( S
n pa t (ii mtam 1U h A a P msc distinction between foimal and phenomenon into the dangers of totalitarian politics, and espcciafli the
hilormal Ieprestntation ii the existing literatuie see, eg., Castiglione fascist theory of representation, rather than see its critical role in lot nu
a ox i nd to sta lard cou torual of politics from the highly democratic to the patently und Hoer it.,
n al i tall ii S I lere ix y pu pose s slightly different. Figure 3.1 ets mt in a ripi I
a is a t
0 1 rIrL oral cDiesntatit a
mannei font different directions for representative claims. (a) government
1 nix distinc non is okai as tar as it goes it is a distinction that ha proven agencies ((A) making claims for or about other government agencies, tb
e net in d at ( lAnk g at it pr neal preu ntatio i p verninent agencies making claims for or about societal ictots 5).
d c I I di tirctim soc etal a t is naking lairns for or aho it government ap 1 m I
it g a P m
dc ii shactes at ia hei tim black and white, we are dealing here (d soitta1 actors making claims for ot about other socittal actors.
ix Ph a continuum of hunis rather than a cleat binary distinction.
Representative claims can and do run in varied directions. Political
o np tile nvei iria view pie tativ dam x made in elec space is a complex and shifting arena for a multiplicity of representatise
1 St tJ r lit I 1 urns. 1 will not pursue the point further here the n aterial in n t h e
. it Ic t ( C
i S Ui1( H Lii ( lapte d but soni Hon lectnral (w uid.1x) representatives rest of the book, and especially the cases discussed in Chaplei s 4 an 1 5
ui haxe Ini mat that is. widely recognized institutional roles status as well extends and illustrates it.
i to A .t ii tat the m, axapte,
dectve office The overall point behind elaborating these key lines o variation ir to
a 1 a t at or i formally underline the sheer variety of representative claims, actual an I p tei t I
S. I ti ku A in nile i spec by tin staft, the degree of fotniality in its iole Fhms is a core part of what I mean by emphasizing the dynirnisi of
Le idu to increase The british Medical Associations (BMA) role in the representation seen through the framework of the representative claim.
I ital K iigk i as pilaf i A A br m cI ar exaniple. Srnilarly, elected Political representation has, for a long time, been seen prilnart ia
i r t. i cii C s to xample
ti sat gate eprest tativ dism issed y Jane Mans idg (see ( hapter I),
s 10k. etceted in tots Aim to represent groups that are not part of their
Illil lttti I cs stitu i tes \danshndge 2003)
S
Ii nidirettionaiity-inultid irectionality
I rs edt ction
c iita c I nix r run Cha te I sup ,estec that here I igure I Directions of representative claims
xx ha tepi 11
Variations and res murces
B I, it a P i d lie wev k I vi 1 mu m, for exunple, could he I peak fo th ins it ct
P at s P itt ris iS flCCL to he cogui d as P ing on dimen A corresponding level 2 claim could he my party speaks ft r an important
t an import mt hne at variation, national constituency in this country And a linked level 3 claim could b 5
ielc pje I ion can apture the impaci at each of these variations. under the constitution the people of this country get representation
p to v to er s 01 t key I nient il rough election tt the national legislature Ihe Iev 3
p 1 t I ) (4 ia mdi c i f s lii ty of the level lann at d Ii ve mar
i, I Inst it a ixis ust I me du clam c) on resent is a condition of possibility for the level 1 claim, I he igure niheds
a eLl as on who in represent some The second, vertical axis hypotheses about how other lines of variation covary with the nested
cei a natid ci 11105 ci minis at a surtave level tievel 1) are often under claims. I have included the formal--informal and the implicitexplicit
(4 moi e h p I ma ossiP In r, Jet r cial (level lines of va lation laims tei d to be more informal at 1 v 1 1, and tend
Ii I t P flit I t b pr g saive more formal at deeper levels. And iai rn te i I
pm mm e ii ms cmvi root vels mo explicit at le el 1, and more implicit at deeper level:
What significance does this theorization have? First, it suggests differ
ences in power and strategy that are likely to accompany different sorts of
replesentative claims, Surface claims that are able to rest upon deeper
,, :1 ,Lt I i istitutic nal and constitutional structures have a head sta ii w
familiarity md per emved legitimacy. An elected politician for x mph
generally has these deeper layers to support his or her claims, while a
protest group spokesperson may not (except in a more diffuse sense ol
enacting constitutiona l freedom of speech rights, perhaps). This is why the
ds it less Is it) b
ci cted p liii iar need not make his or her claims explicit nut - P
nat
j x <Ji tune the structure of the system does a good deal of the work for maui e
her, hut for the protest group spokesperson the same tends not to he true
1 In terms of strategy, two possibilities are particularly interesting. First.
elective actors can shift their strategies to claim to speak at deeper levels
I (2 and 3) if they wish to be seen as more unifying, or less partismn mm
state based and less party-based figures. Second, nonelective Ian man
can try to contest elective claims, say on certain policy issues, at different
levels: contesting a particular political figures claims, or contesting theii
institutionally derived right to make those claims with authority. Take the
classic case of Antigone, for example, who contested the king ( on
claims by contestinn founding features of what we would nov 11 ft
uk & ends it x ads to I) political system and its legitimizing political culture.
Further, I noted in Chapter 2 that there is an underlying contrast
more Ioniial unpikit
between presence and event approaches to representation, with the repre
sentative claim perspective being my preferred instance of ft went
ap roac m. lb are, he point was made that behind any edifi e s py
rintiou rzd rcsourtes Variations and resources
d in[ ii tout ii ache present I pres making arid t r sequent ae eptance or rejection by audur ces or pa I
cv an t. 1 )r t at d ence pro In rq r sr tation ihat is is we have r the
II 5 H ia I sled nance t rep sentati e laims ii volves the conveying of mu sag
stun fleets Se o a s and I c claiir ai (I i n on vho can represent), the woukl- w const r
Indeed, die hnt variatior i idered ht idilect a they arc su II that I speak Ix i them), and the wider aud nec when t it
iWO ut c1esdntation that stresses its dynamic and changeable, diftrs from the constituency (I am such and they are such that I speak br
than its institutinii.ii1 located or lixed, character them). Where members of the intended constituency are also part of the
IsuC th ielainsiiip and examples no further here; suffice to say claims audience, the message would be you are such that I speak fhr vow
id[stet s I
1 s ssc will Lok at a number of ases, including that In order to be representative claims, these claims need to be made, acted
I pat tie tnt the r mud sugges ossihie ml, and packaged, This arguably, is the c we reason why, in the y
n ft vat the live i wright Arthu Mu ers words (2001, 7) Political leaders verywhe
i e to u de stand t ma tu govern they must lean how a
A heatni I p iforniance us broadly speaking, a rehea set or s i
sentati d it is sense that 1 seek to e rincel to pi t
RhSF1\
5 I IVF CL. MS performance. I he successful performance of representative claims lies at
the core of political success; Fenno, in his classic account of 1-louse
itic il figures ant then sd iptss hers and spin doctors and party sup members in their districts, makes the point well: Politicians, like actors,
outlet arc creative actors Fhes may well he agents, as representa speak to and act before audiences from whom they must draw both
ons ention iii undc rstood but titiall or inure importantly they support and kgitimacy. Without support and legitimacy, there is s
snal taints temsel iboitt I Part of political relationship (F nno 2003, 54).
ict( s th iger core ipal I hese p 1 it are far from being mere external observation o
political process A nong elected politicians the necessity of pci for ni
in is It se p ye si p huica widely rt p sed, long-serving postwar Anstralian Prune Mini
p airs i. tong is mmg, i n by at and the Robert Mcnzies believed that the core task of political leadership was hat
ito inaiicc coma i or adds up t t a claim that someone is or can be of the political artists (quoted in Uhr (1995, 94)). One of his successors,
replcsc otitis e. lo au tmportant extent, representation is not something Paul Keating, believed that political leadership involves a public perfor
sit inst 10 Os per.tu itiants, hut is soniething largely generated by the mance, talking about being Out there on stage, doing the Placido
us skit th p i forn nug of claims t he representative We could even go Domingo (quoted in Uhr (2002, 280)). Keating used a film director as
,t) I (5 igit I site St 004, 4.47 ru he arg that we his public speaking coach. Former US president Ronald Reagan, th g
It rat pws elatit OIIC IS lot )USt
sometim seenungly unaware of the extent of his blurring of il t
it n r e tived reality and movie fantasy, reportedly asked How can the preside i a
an actor i Bill Clinton followed up with If an actor cams bet to
sing i I atuve L vols s protectie elected piesident, a p eudent can be an actor (quoted in van Zoonen (5 0
ilseci an k tiied intact istft s of the subject of the claim. 74)). Former Irish prime minister Bertie Ahern had been taking lessons
sces are vital to this process, as we have seen. Representative claims from the director of the Gaiety School of Acting in Dublin to help him on
es acknowledge them in some way, and are able to
ulv stork if aiidien
5 the political stage. As Prying Goffman (1959, 76) wrote, All the world is
or otherwise engage with tI em. Processes of claim-
ft cct, acielt not, of course, a stage, hut the crucial ways in which it isnt are not easy to
riurians and rcSOu!ccs variations
1 and resources
-5I it is Richard ienimo (OO3, );J the noted scholar of the US 1. Awareness on the part of the audience that a performance is taking place,
s r an (nhm dow not t ilk about pobtijans, hut politicians and that performing by definition involves some pretence, can translatL
now wI tfnnn p ahou tnt> acceptance o this fact According to Osipovich 200( 6,). mcvi
Ii onc to >1w 1 a ble fcature ii performanc include a pretense i. n th p of
i ah ufo r ci hat ti e interaction between performer and L ci i so
iat t I uisn ect t a itt 1 ow ther liar it actually i and an iwarcness or th
of
ulc dt ngof r on tin I the p0 leadcrs A ial observer that I retense is ccurring. Indeed, this may pen up spas:
dCSt01
1 in elore is 1 itiLians choo to 1w pertormers, or must they.
t for observers to appreciate a good performancel and to assimilate a
unauo1UalX gixen their role and position. be pertormers? is there an good performance into political allegiance. Ultimately, a defining feature
ii1vmiabie pi rim malice imension to representation or is it optional? of a good performance may be that is does not look like a performance at
iv sit wt iusers to estiom ire that a) it is inevitable that all8 On the other hand, we can be genuinely moved by a good, evocative
o poan i ii toi manic I (Id the king of an ne rformance wI Ic still being aware that it is a performar Relatedly
p >1 tiOt ni an c is t gree 0 t 1 e tI eatric 1 in trot of the suspension of disbelief mi ht ai ly v
IL us i n belie e in. political peumoirnaliri. n.al C u C
nu 1t tic en Ii ( in ediated U Ut WL suspend that inclination in ourslvcs beli
ii it s cue tahh un in its o to it d ride it fo hat reason ak ne as opposec to the othe eas tic to ci
Rn nt hr ar a1 a i t ris 111cr for example, with the content of the messaghi.
I tic cisc ntcd, n a ni oem deinacrac am too diverse in their out 2. Political performance is so ubiquitous that we can no longer pcrcelsc
oL and i itelests to iw aptured, so to speak, in one representative claim what is not a performance. Certainly, this is something that has
en ric ot iai irs, and thei interests or preferences will shift concerned playwright Arthur Miller (2001, 4), who wrote that
instantl wit loi h reason am in, others, there is (there mnst he>
ma \i r R i hetu pa when one urrounded by such a roiling mass of Co iw o suit
eon thi ntativc d ti e
01 trived performances it gets harder and harder for a k of pe jile
i, A I r OO on i nh r
tc o ate calmly any more,. I find mysell speeulatinp wliethc
ii 1 1 1 ar tisti rele i less ddily diet tt crafted, acted emotions and canncd dea i i
o ii rrsc iat ia the rc r se i a iii tly pressi p ma brains no only to nuistakc fantasy for wha s eat
iv 00 1 itei in (ivui uncerlamnt d instability of the but also to absorb this process into our personal sensory nwm hanism.
I nie rcprmCJlttd rcpresentatises otter images or portraits, none
neli ssiii he ircurate in an profound or full sense of the word, but Even if we must be cautious of invocations of the real like MillerR
d whiLk may ix aLiepted in part by target audiences as appropriate. the whole thrust of my approach to representation is linked to a coin
us o k1 h o nsti t nenC es addressed may accept, or indeed embrace, the structivists skepticism about the ready accessibility of the real we
nst it ma thi ii hi in amer hrectioi a i take his point about ubiquity and its potential impact II we are no
I mv lie (dv hi I the t i p r 1 ngcr capable of seeing a performance as a performance, the is t can
v c a erb longer he condemned or dismissed or indeed applauded
-. s
ept thu ficu is wI v I v Sophisticated political performances may carry an am I an h ft i
cc b leadu r esentati ins, and to so when politi al figures successfully imitat theniselve ( Ii icr 20(1
i us r i w utten iii t beliesn in th let s res icw the possibilities 19), or, slightly differently, when they seem to believe every word of their
own performance (as Miller (2001, 39) wonders of Ronald Reagan>.
Variations a resovrc
ti1iin nd rgeting of political pi riormances can he more or informal, and descriptive and substantive representation have been Ow
LI cci I in hI ha upl 0 wi 0 1, 3 ) examples The is i thinf illegitimate about i akn g such dist icu
0 ot at a 0 01 is st stt y it and sin hero as heu 1st e tools, and most theorists who ek )lot I in
0 0. iew. ,unl habits of the onmiunit in which well aware that they do not map neatly onto the complex political world of
H , tc is s I ,iatc I i nOah s. je all t fliiicns concern that a representation. One concern with role-based binary distinctions is that,
r II a a a d e a (, cv d wit S for ixamp th capa it be a driegate or a t u te is I di
n i k t n at I P 0 lie quc t is ki I th is considerable extent r pon, or presupposes, the more w k tral paic I
ni ,ls to anted i the audience (199(1 1959], 206).
0
c appr o ci ii knowability of the interests of the represented. But constituencws can he,
ii P i iioi i ho us cci a pall ii ii e debate about
in and are, read, inevitably, in variou ways. At the beau h the act I
I I I. s I ) flulVC repr wu ti ig I lc d u cti ig o a onstituency a this r th as in
I .ii dc C I 11 Ii ,iati m ol i oh lepCi I eodifcd or this or that, as baa ing this or that set of interests. Any strong sense of the
0 Ic IllrOft t(c
1kltcd 11) (Ullci (2000, 509l) unmediated givenness of the character of the represented needs to be
treate I as probl mall Ti s line of atgiimcnt is a further lusti ion
inc wiys i whi i a i e cx i clspective undexpii s presence p 1speci sos
I IH I I c IL pi) I. e dl 1 is hi, boo Aeceptan e o he
the analysis of representation (see the discussion in Chapter 4i.
tI I H ItisI aspcc I ns ( fucs ild1I
1
c oi the place of creativity at the
My point is that if we take representation as a series of contested
hit ii i au i a fise i tie 1 erto man is
th
laims t stand speal or a t for an ther, then the terms fiat n Li
ii a i u I h r a i, es
these bina y di tinct ins c InC nto quite a different sort of ft en or take
0. c I d iii ,tilis idc jititlus and tealtics that are experi
on a different character. In addition to treating the terms in these
al s 0. >ouo and whIch often his c tangible political eftects. I have
distinctions as denoting types of representation, we can Iruittul1 regard
Iii e crl o k 01 0 hi r v abili of
them as ri aries for plesentatuon (or more pie isely in th niak i
p p1 nt In ha us c lot i. I ed
representative dainm).10
I Or 101110 tilUHl1 01 oi Sc the piecise character and impact of
Representative roles are not exclusive, or clearly contrasting, is is So
ii nc man in t .. null can be udged (by wod- he consti
c
often argued or implied. Ihe would-be representatives can play Iifter t
roles at the same tine, or switch between role or blend uppose
different ones in one action or claim. Consider, for example, the respon
sive representative. Responsiveness has been the key fact of represeuita
a It It 1 ft IL Cl lion analyzed by political science empirical studies in the p otwar r
But what does responsuviness ii can, what are the different ways i mu >
be acted out? Elan and Karps, critically assessing empirical studies that
Sc1 1 101 i a tIe) itcH lo I inaly ed in terms of roles take (in their view) responsiveness as a single and relatively unproblematic
S 1 a r y dimension of political repieser tation in practice, note that responsive c
,ti s to t on lI i so hi 1 e Lii X 1 w stU Iy 0 repicsefl maybe policy, strvice allocation, or symbolic responsiveness (197 241 -
11111 tilc IIIIIdeO ra p0mg hack to Burke indeed) has involved setting A representative may deploy some or all of these forms at 011cc, Oi offer
ii to g au h ok s I b try sib ion that un one under the guise I another md so on. In other words th e n 1
i, (I Ic ii, it ib
f I S )tO fbi dis can sometimes inor he regarded as resouo es for w aid
agnificantly
In hct,vcen ill Illc.llti or independence) toiTnal and
nd trusiec representatives to call upon and to manipulate.
/arrations and resoulces
lo ftectivc dims w (f) spoken or presented foreground factw th I iia
r Ins cat ph t of up a good rt I he character of ft c claiir itself (the invocatior I on
foi us n ,.nnid s ihohe ouns s the iv uld-bc esenti ye (or lie does lot exclude invoking the other). Therefore, for example, One
(a in (salt Sc mctunes symbolic repreentatwn is taken as the could claim to represent women by virtue of descriptive similarity heing a
podn subshntnsc. but it is not the perlbrmancc of symbolism is woman), substantive capability and orientation (knowing womens inter
rue I Silt ey in repri 1mg s 1 tance. A other inics, sts and being moti ated to at upon them), claiming to be manda ed by
I lit tl osi oh women a I i rtain ai achy, or claiming to be a trust c I r tl
g ft so ar i Ite ests I om a ssibly regardless of what many wc men may ft ink
c ( en ni in s ki y ponei n c m vi rig a r se ol as constituting thu interests.
itrs Jep1cri dtinn on.sider too the roles of the princip and Therefore, resources for claims are vital, culturally and politically. But
1 he hat f resentIng oneself n an agent acting out the role of course, in any gIven context there will be limits to the scope of resources
a n csi s i ci its in> i the s e of a g for a nher, ivailable md fur her their availability will vary greatly hetweci 1i1fer-
II I as ft Id res ently p0 tioned o W might say ft at successful sr pote tia 1 su
.
I LI tfl doid cessrul q semauv clam s wnl lepend in large mersure on 4 at
lit c 1 1 rrl ni iftc wouk s rr Lathes in call a ray of rssources may be culturally (is well as personally and econonir
an C rn bnisg rcnlesentatce idifli, In idea ot trustec is the same. it
caily> available, (b) the strategic plausibility of the claim, and (ci the
s,icIn ul ihesi roles as roles (hat even more ngnihcantlv
s ci creative capacity of the claimant.
siC, ills issci ii
is a ci a 1 i cc It
in HI e ol tI type i one 5[ PC ITI( SI Rid {FSENIATIONS ELFCTOIid
1 10(0 1 V(J Si h, oi
nm :n uaciic, the WflU1 he representatives shift among, and some AFSTFILIIC, AND CULtURAL
o s aidnitLie, such roles un strategh way, They nay ciajin to he
1 ftc id ide ised esentat es in on hr cath, F xed typologies The unpacking of the idea of the representative claim has so far ins olved
oO let i I un es 1 is i p rtant
detailed exploration f the five key elements contained in represe tativ
st sin e i, nil ay lid claims blended with a justification for viewing epresentation a ni d
a reals s res s a ill repres tative ns namic process of lainsmalung, operating along many lines of aniatlo
aaa ii ths i in captures the shifting strategies of representation as and deploying a range of resources, rather than as a set of established facts
n process o triing to males such claims stick. A.nalyaing representation I now shift the perspective to highlight how representation has strong
ss nis o t psi roles be an I F is been useful, hut it can also aesthetic and cultural dimensions, which are all too often excluded from
ni Is tar na ott in ii ig key political sciencehased analysis, in part because the aesthetic nd th
I ii ()
tat
Pp bathy t the
t ne lini i. air I I poht t care
c I weds
if tic 3en y mu t r ra e Ideal ty, 3
refleyjy claims
a ix our igc at they ey will, c resent Accordn to the
I h. cal Ispe i of represen dairn making t iat is third, refk
parties resenting mode representative clai ns
a t c uihined
on,. iii I ike thc others, it can and has been attempted in of societal themselves as are made
interests Those embedded in, and by
interests are spealdng for, a
neither
1
piuralir
perceived as, nor
presef1ld
I)cbat s and i zterventions
nCIiit ot I irtit p thniselves as a type of 11 k fling cu tnt era of the dominance of statal claims, such as the lie ible ipproaclu
tii in isa t mi e s a ne es ai I fl I spet ific value driven goals with to ideology under leaders including Clinton, Blair, Chirac ot Ohansa,
ma. moss nuts and sItups and sped ik interest groups, and base their point toward its potential development. Would parties that claim to he
e menta me lanis on the sema of authentic conneetedness that this (at representative in this way still he parties? I would argue that they worfid h
s. Liii intention hc hind th claims is to represent varied and and would appeal to Sartoris baseline definition of a fiti cmii that is
iiirnnn ci hIlts to the a lit and in the slate. performed by political parties but not systematically by other organiza
olni H tue re Ilexis e aiode Is delihetated over with statistically repre tions the offering of candidates in democratic elections (cited in harm
senialii en ps ii d tin Ioal and natioaai issue based gioups that parties lini and Mair 2001, 330). The basis on which those candidates are put up
el s atli Hit t is jib, In Ic parties present themselves as the nature of the representative claims made by and for th m can
tpt cult cii a di i I niocrat s
Geri i aL ics e sort usly from one mode of representation to anothe ip in the
Ii d U tilts to a compk re a r p ese tative claim framew nk stresses precisely represe stat r dy
ne re oft mu salue d b ill ian I ains-makin rathe than a set of undisput C Ia t
ion ai than v a o e
ii 1 ii
raking stock
ir heir C I ( St ctC
C r C lot lOts and c s ih hr e d al-types are recognizable as generalizations I a ays
lIt 01 On e comniumty ) e of parties perated and the contexts in which they o ci uted n ii ferent
liii I it st it tllems 1w to influence by exist rig and I storical eras in Europe, North America, and Australasia in articuhir
ii I t k Lit hack th r I v having strongly decentialized But they are net primarily periodizations; rather, they are modes ot
iii i an at nun am tic ing a g tod t al of autonomy to local figures to representative claim-making, with attendant assumptions about the
uIltieie ,nair agcntia. Rtpiesentati claims are made expiicitl (be place, roles, and potential of parties. Parties, Ibm example, may claim ttt
Misc RO potential ettnstirinncv or audience can he taken for granted), but be representative in implicit or explicit ways; in staged or takeis-hii
is is J ii rid claims are based on i ecific issues and procedural styles. granted ways; in top-down or bottom-up ways; in electoral contexts
et ma he an emprasis on means what works, for instance rather
-- extra-electoral contexts; in ways pertaining to the nation-state onis, 01 itt
i nan mid On is tn captive audience, onlv a shifting one, variously that plus cross-national interests as well. These ways may Look like roles,
e ci ,)srttatinit, but as we saw in Chapter 3, they are better understood as rennm Cs tor
tilt Impel in national t i ai elections. lint they do sm
clam- making.
ii t iii ways ii a recogniac the leg is acy of (lear y. the environment in which parties clams n hr s niatist,
ii 0 iii HOilti i kinds, and of r t n mdc sfiuenc s the types of claims that art, made, and th i ii ke v 0
t Sarticipa deinocr h me latively sue essful (win h is not to say that parties thu is lv a not
iai y 1 dec aPing on a sometimes manipulate the environment to suit them I y
w wh y xar spit that environinent is just how many, arid how many senor ,) s I
in ho I c ely run parties have v hen it co sses to making representative ci i ii d
varied constituencies and audiences. Many observer ha t ri 1 ted
ing itself t ye re reset ta v ins that th environment today and, projecting forward in likely
iahLy it I as ii though some me id i the med ur term future is more competitive than c cr I ii
Deb ii at d ntirvcn000
V K rdl{e ieprese itativc dnio acy arc hi ikable? And vhat I n s t
() aid if any a propi at then
) tant k C
1 s to
wh )N( USION
k t
I 1 Ii Ipter I cub ) e reset tation as a dy lamie and lifter i ia
a i pro es of daur i ia
o g
1 xtraordinary in i $ ariation 1 )O 1 aid
s a lly d product ye p we has been intended to cast a new light oi r i
I itnree debates am insftutio i Revisiting debates arou id the repr s ntat r
a rssuh nature and snuic gene ations women and th roles of p htieal a i
hen I , enable u see vhat ai be added by examii in key aturcs I t
political wo id ti ough ft e lens of the representative dan 1 i thi e
It 110 1 ter, key analytiea tools uuined in Chapters 2 and i in aruc iai
1 y .
eo Ieept. of sub ct obje t, and referent, not least as refracted h o
c mode crucial ot on of h onstitutive claim have been put to work
ii i
alkd the too .n h va ied w Nldwide examples discussed in ha 1 ter 4 v
I to al extended u sotions I I ow claims are received, debate I an I
I i ioe a tasted lr hai e 6 he locus will shift to th ritical question i vi
cai k can nak epresentative claims democratically legitimate.
efl xiv
C tnec
able a
I Lfl0 Jy 5
r i e Iuiis by
ii ydefin
be. A
an heiec
te efaing
ali aflon)
Is hmatr
giibly na ties
v imarily in
i I t rd
i y clonge
k krdof
Zepies itatun egitimacy aid Luno in y
ci te I i r )e r irati representation is vital the al i
p0 at [olitle B t tie practice of democratic ie rrsenttic
appraised b ia iy as lacking in both democr icy and a cou tiat I ty
or s der II sh fa Hanna Pitkins views c F political r scnti
at sh publil die lassiebook nthesubyaet(4lseusscd sii
i ( ia t 1), 1 1 z on ptofRcpresentatzon. he sumi ianzc e
iew of t o ice t stating tha representing r tans acting i i t ii
he cur se te 1 i i a manner responsive t theii (19( 09
F nc ugh hat 1 ctcd representatives are authorir d by voters, ) a
inset ed at Ic c ti er or mdc at like them they should act in he inte
-
t V ny ii it epresen c at d be is onsive to thim A good deal of empir aJ v
1 t qrce a t iuc over t ie is fort ar carried out especially in the Umted t t
o ti the F in I ieused on esponsiveness - t what exten w r
C tva euresenra iv esponsive to the wishes or anen en isuturniS i. e
1 pol tiCa Bu Ii k n he self lOW troubled by in exan,ined a u i Ii
iii p Ii ci mel Rep -esentation and I em e i
CS 411 ane P tkir 2004 she not<is that the relationship of e
, e
I ti od r a va a opi neve aised in my arlier stuly x us
av at ii k F at r a ionsl ip for granted as unpioblerr a ii
ci
1 iss e axior 1 i t t und mode n conditions in ly represent tic n a
id Utir demin r y possible I ha assumption is i ot exactly false b t
y d vha it fou idly in leadii g 2004, 336) She notes the veiy duff ret I. I t e
isSa a h d . f th rnn r y i representatson and w rries a out r
v F am. it, the mpaet of the private power of big mo icy and political si
I iUd en dnninishi ig he xtent to which our present forms re a
t paratiofls gov nn ent a ii fly erve denioeracyi Her belief now is that epre e
T) adtotn tation has supplanted democracy instead of serving it he e n s
ideas o ives iet not as agen s of the people but simply instead o thu
i Ihest 339 1 hi upshot of ill this is that The arrangements we cal] I r
tive dci ioeracy have become a substitute for popular self go r s i
i e x unpie, not its ir a tment ( 004, 340) Or in the words of wntir ar 1
i Ii m rdmarv Arundi ati Roy (2009 too much representation, too liii dciii e
,
ta ti pdi i al I hstorieally the bringing together of representation and d i
a e reserta nvolved a highly signiheant and novel compromise Until ti e r i
hi! A henos Amen -an revolutions, democracy largely still neant son ethur g bka
a fl tionafly
i democra y as practiced in the face to -Face polities of the ncie i A
Ity statt And representation was something that monarel s ai d ri toe
c z atwr 1 gitu ay r Ic no r
8 ) tils I bi uity we i i vorld )f representation ar d 1
ndii e i olati I W d ef n ultple iepert) res I re s t
c idys ekia a Ian e)i( i
Ill dHfl 1 3W t I I n thes I oadcr i i his i o I r i
ta h 1cr xia it. legiti nacy of i rest. ititiv d ii
aI v 1 irvelve St W w mg I pr sentative demo ra y i I tat
dl 11 S tal 10 r (f. rest itat on m it videly Sece nd y v
tea 1yv we gI ddress the issue of dci loerati kgit in
dl o Ii 11 to t a I ia w need to eor igure qu s
iii by h itior of epresentation and I ii 3
(I (I i
1 S
yu h
i ii c a vy
RIIREJN1k I )N
( (I net. t i I c hti $ of replesent$ta( fl fOil. 3 ii i
t hse c Ito V a ac u a icdtoassignn gflic fun tior fre[r e tali
(its vouk a e ia I I ctivc p0 itions in legislatures ar d r s
F ci Ui l it eoi s nI t v democracy Howeve the argument r
laptcs
I ge i th r r en atu a a prw tardy a dy 1 arnie qualit )f i t
t e key e id yen! a s oci t s taking in i raa ge of u Ii .
a
a ors a 4 org na atioa s R presentation in tie state s or oa
highly d verse and boundaryc ossmg topography of repr sentatie 1
tace instances i o c settled representafton in the state a i t
oeictaI representati n Because political reprsentation as I s
Ci 1101 une vu quality of [radices and mstitutions era ompasso h i so
1 fiL a d praet ces C I e nventaonal representative governi i ii 3 ii,
demoerati tern s, go ernnlents responsible to elected pa ha ricilt ba
Ii ar Ufl) geogr iphical ititueneaes we can say that representative den o
)nlybc chosen (normatively) or selected as a focus (analytically I C
a held deft led by wide societal democratic representatloa
15
W thin this pe sp active how might we account for c mu a ft. r
y pi
V I 11
aa d dast r eta n s among the practices of representatio& I hinlun
e al red of broa ai d ested domains 31 dainimakang and claim rec pta. I
an ( sit a wide and encompassing domain of polfta a1 rcpr s t i
or tam g a nariowe domain of societal democi 4 U
Rpr sea rat ion. I grtirnacy, and democracy
Rpresentotwn, kgitrmacy, and democracy
mrs ii ii in is turn ti) a narrower still domain of statebased represen accountability. Wc saw therr. that there were limit
C dcii hi hi) onul hr cc is the location of () within (b), and s both genetic and
contingent to th extent to which elected actors
v isi ittt iii igruieadogaiiing
(or electiv Is tuti) S
more bre adly) can deliver on these principles.
liOlLLt I nileisi mdinydcnzo rcitic representation.
Of
A key example of such overlaps and continuities betw
een the narrower
statal and the broader societal domains oncer is
i & v I ar I a ii i I b tw i r p esenta ion in elections It Ic i c at c
erms the state is often equated with the use of elect
oc sad n pi ccntst ion in th wider soclet5 fedtors that come into ions and the SOLlCt ii
domain with their near absence. lhe distinction reinf
tmu toicc v c si p L mlii rii representation to the narrower, statal ate orces the idea that
de nocrat c representation is a practice located (and
r I i ,I i t o Ii I y Ii nat ant ion as a locatable )nly vi h 1
y state structures. But note the continuities Repr
pa upert I asIc shier thin othe ocre r tal insti tutio ns and prac tices
esen tativ e democracy in the
, hut state follows a logic of election, but so do many insti
hL di ussu a I apti r I especia lly has ShoW n it can also operate tutions in civil society.
The latter might b differently elective at i diflerent level,
I t. v i 1 o r s t e p a 1 i e f ii tate w ii but ne ti s o s
local school, hospital hoard, trade union executive,
In tic inib inStil strom of civil society , hut we would soon see the the hoard of a business
cooperative or university committee or club can
itnins to this cult unde rmin e tin rule itselt, I his renrmds us of inc be more or less settled
practices. Representation n ivil society tends generally
t i ( 1 C C i c s 11 t r s e id s yl s if reall72 i Mi 0 to be m ire i. n chic I
uneven and sporadic but we can still say that it follow
tenocritic principl s such as choice and consent, and control and s a logic of exit (in I
perhaps voice) even where that logic is not pursued
consistently or system
atically hiough lections as such (Hirschman 1970)
Election is one node I
a logic of exit. Others may include no longer atten
ding meetings, or no
longer funding an organization or movement, or
changing consumption
So 1 ion Si habits. Certainly the democratic potential ofiin civil
society is a peren iial
o rSiti ii theme in democratic theory. Consider Paul Hirsts associa tive democracy
model, where the exit principle is put to work in a prop
osal for a major
disaggregittiein of the stare alung radically pluralist lines,
a design app utIdLe
where major forms of governance no longer have a
single auth nitativ
centre (Hirst 1997, 34). The point here
5. i is that not only is representation in
each domain centered upon claim-mak
I I ing and claim-reception, hut the
1 rno& IS institutions and practices may not differ as widely as it com
is moni dii. ugh
DEMOCRAT 1C LEOI FIMACY AND
REPRFSENTATIVE CLAiMS
The qualities of democratic representation should lead us
to resist designat
ing state inistituti n as its sole or primary site or cont
ainer. More m rt n
are tile broader conditions that may define democra
tic representation
Iii si is it The latter functions as the product of a complex and
&
changeable ecology
ne( sC?ai?1, Ii gitm1aLy and democracy
Representation,Iigitirnay, and democracy
14
pit %Ci I ii V Pu eS ii I je d p ii ks tht1y sited will be i key ii br is rigarding them
ntis e I I his die sot us an apsin to dimhiish the as having deinoctatim lepniinam
p e h mliv especially If the 1ective principle oper
r of tli leetue ma dneiy of statal representative government; ates sufficiently freely and Iairiv in
these structures, flie challenge of build
uw s m. te J it lvml %OC ely ontains the state and that civil
point
ing an account of democratic legiti
macv out of the event perspective is so
v vi e I res r mall in unevenly dicrseIy liappens
much greater. The events (the clan os
and their contestation) concernici rend
1 c p nts I a I us dinttly to tritical questions ol democratic kgiti er re resentations a more mimei
otis, sporadic, and rnultisited. Iven
i aty St ii e won d aue tha th Ia iuat o 1 g t r iacy i n ppropri
presences take on a nn I c t up
characteristic because they are first of
ate in if m c nih x t ml i 1. t i ii r p t i list h c rip n4 all events. The chall enge of c ti i k
big de stoer tie legitimacy ii this context -
cannot be met with simple rul
pt ,ik f m nh lit o c a piahuity 1 gitimai to some suggests eat precison Bu to a considerable degr or
here n a tin cuss quaii ity of on X factor which an actor does or does
ee it can be met.
.
Representative claims may prompt
no pi i ss [lowi vi I I I old t the vim that it is reasonable to use the or denote nondemocratic cases 01
representation, or cases of representation
o i at t i co ishit i t w rh Weherian 2 uses it is the perception of
: hearing a degree of democraiiu
legitimacy. The essence of the approach
I a a u y act ording to a standard that is posited as to the question of dcm ociat ic
,
1 legitimacy which I defend is this, provision
ally acceptab le claim .
e un lent o the ,onteXt in whim P the quctio i a 1st . V thi s t its cratic kgitzmacy across society are k dci,
those jdr which there i vui
it ntty mu be more went t. t p tf I gt r all) vhch sufficient accepts ice of claims by appropria ca
te constituencies under r
opei -c i d pro : s a I e I as k ti i a y Wh 1 ii t sttinp aside able conditions o[judg nent
it no y n i iii term 1 1 d irs the n aion th it legibmaey here This formulation contains a nun her
hi t to provision ii to ins ot legiti nation over time a point on which
of nuances and potentially eon
troversial features, which I now atte
it t irihi alow lhat p mit, in turn, enables mc to clari the mpt to clarity and defend.. I discuss
first who does the judging of the dem
liii 1 in a net in ii n iui witn political letnnacy geiietab I am
ocratic legitimacy of repre sentansa
claims the composition and character
of the appropriate cons
ii set cmvi isal standaids lot political legitimacy, hut rather Second, I address what it may mean for tituency.
i ii P twit icy a, tcme tame h aj r r ate o ist m e its, an I there to be evidence of sufi c c i
acceptance by that constituency of a repre
i amdiei men ime e liii i d P
sentative claim or claims Ti I
-
I mncm r thc iSSUC )f provistonality
e ,tii mgi ii lii lithi cdii b an pnoach pohtidilrpreaflta , and fourth on the conditions -r
which these judgments occur
ii m cccii n:s numbem diflerent and unpredictable places and spaces,
in 1 lii a vu ide i angi of u alec ted as well as elected actors, and in prmciple
a i w ui t ii i ipli ditfe e it silts of institutional stmures (or none). ihe
m i i i r ibm rim hitv of meptesent illon seen as an ecology of claims would The appropriate constituency
in u mdci mm t limit s to clarify how thnw cratiilly 1etii tate repit In Chapter 2, 1 elaborated the distinctio
tnt ition nil It mc ii s we sawi ha e 2, he lab i 1 a e c sp fl e is ns between intended md ac ii ml
-
constituencies and audiences of repre
i vana it I oade te ft t it i ci r s flti tin a a v r t a sentative claims (summarii. d
Figure 2 2). Definng and locating
the appropriate constituency with
op on I ii ii ult t o a pm peG vi t wfieh e P s a sealed instiflitinflal respect to those discussions s cruc
I m ore precisely we shot Id say that on the first view representation is an ial. But prior to that more specilic
discussion, note the more general
cci mit pilur to its Iwni ai i istitutional fact; on the second view, the order of
ssue involved in who is the ultimate
; judge, on my view, of the democratic
ty is t vii ed I wi lake the view that represenlllflOfi is pri anly an legitimacy of representative claims:
o tom the constituency and not the theorist or
s t itu nal p sci cc, then we will nominally have setiled and familiar
other observer. Is not the political
theorist, armed with specialist tools for
normative analysis, in
I par 2 i if s r itt at to nint to their Vt my stttlediw s ii d f i shanty
-
position to the ordinary citizen in the ii supe ia r
making of such ass s tie t s
Re n esematio i legitimacy arid lemocraLy
get it rig it. In additior the idea of representative claim mak ng id
I itti I cnough nasi cats heat political theorists saying that we need
,
I Ic cia 1 dustingunh the legitimate from the illegitimate representative, claim-reception is intended It help us to understand the politics o
uld tu c ct lie w it is I th vo w epre ent lion acro va ied cultures and contexts Wh m ty be ikel u
/ I .1 us uw V I p 1K di es, ud e I p Itk1 nakc cia r s, e i saterial out of whid Iainvs may be onstruc I, is
eorists wI osi ol> this s But whoever it denotes, this weness begs a they will he targeted, how they may be seen or heard> and what opportu
I t or io IC adv ate of rose i e appro ches nities recipients may have to respond will differ greatly across cultures and
Or u a con r or t (Cl hal and Dab 2006) The dom nanee of aead in 1 1
Ii n v 1 St CC S Ci C
0. np0.d to sas ifli sob] nrthris of assessment placed upon the theorizing by scholars based in the industrialized countries of the North
on o sh uI I rs Fliere : us a serious level of presumption involved provides all the more reason for a certain cultural humility in specifymg
r s h it it f v I too host I wh t co i its as a claim with der socrat c fort siud w t s
ploed to n ii i seL re u d pendeiit judgments of legiti suacy, There art
not, Representative elan s malung and claim reception Ire deeply ciii ii
ally inflected practices; there can be no single or stable set of gauges (it
h oher dith ulins ni issunpnoi1s that there is one set ofciiteria that we>
Ii i in
filter to be u ed as measures of democratic legitimacy
iii SC it 110 Ia ik iii th us to ak us old inc icr sc he c lifleal Incorist and otner obseNers rema H ii 5 is r
dgni isis ilxut dci uoer tie legitimary of representative claims using however: elaborating the character of the representative claim, paying
se I siif I mt 1 C cvi s p sun tive y in versal criteria Thi detailed attention to the conditions under which claims are madc,
i ci I V Ut p sa 1 1 r e cc i ed r d asse is. I; and playing a role as particularly v IF r I is s I
r horn it I is Okdl and varied and cc mpiex) secon&order role> citizens who alongside others will often be targets of representative claims
lOt pVIiiuc the jiidgmeiit that the appropriate people do make about
or perceptive members of audiences of claims. These roles add up to a
C 1> n is
> u tI o Ii t h nabled particul r sor f sta idpoint that the theorist or other informed ii teq. t
s> sdgmn ft. ( ii ilu burdens it judgment ar d th extraordinarily
er may adopt In the lace of the very considerable burdens of judgmn iii
ditin Ut epoten lolognal issues involved in forging independent criteria of involved, that standpoint is far from omniscient. Building on the work of a
o r in ii aol wr Cliv t
t w
1 sumber of feminist writers who have employed versions 4 sti,id i cit
1
,
In iii in on m ie> id dir es d y: is ip to ou to theory,> the position I have begun to outline here is the idea of t ci ii
dgc horn a denmocr iiii standpoint, it is your job to adjudicate on the standpoint. Of course, in all democratic systems there are myriad social
no itle iVd utma if To. mutative il urns partirularly those which and economic inequalities, and there are privileged and marginalized
ii a n, aflega 10 1 standpo ntis t could be argued that the academic obsc rver p1
k i t ci a ii st n
look especial]) at the citizen standpoint with respect to least favoied
d>out air eharacti r ,sr ss isiws in the process I here may he varied means
issi s nig the di liii critic legitimacy of representative claims, hut this,
citizens (this of course is a representative claim,> something similar to
John Rawlss epresentative persons>> (1972, 56)). Clearly> oliti a p r
ii a
I Ii C is shim usly on gh, is ii u omtar t de moeratc irtuc in trusting differentials a e deeply implicated in the distribution of e ipac ties I iii
the p pic to tdge claims made about tiwni and (hr them, All too often, resources for claim-making and claim-reception and for responding to
ie opi S hu npete claims, This is an i sue that I will not fully elaborate here, though 1 ill
ii atm hr r I ho in nu I ru is
I I an cia w Iui in c mi let in ad nt ing a key comment furtf em when considering the conditions undi r which am is
made and received below,
an pon ci As I )ahl has commented, democracy can he seen as a gamble
Having established that it is the assessments of citizens as would be
t i i i the c th go sic ill lit ci ht (1 989 Son etirnes, perhaps, this
>
gh I n f r tI cy e mstituents f Iii is that are primary when it omes to judgin dci is
Ii 5 Ct ! I C lot it
hep c otili( t, 1eil1ztnala, and dctnocrart Reprelentatwn, legitzn1ar) and dcii Lraci 4t
ill ay t. r Lw 1v tly ii ni rt at in s ill ssu ft Tit actual e nstttuene is smnallei than the intended or at it
iq ott i vta e me ih ap opt te t nsti uer y. I (cisc y su h a east it may be that the representative claim facts an uphill
wLosL plaflee or reeetIon or (1 Sputmg ot daims should couiit? struggle to be accepted in a way that may lend it democratic legitimacy.
W av i 1 ipt 2 tat her tie itet led rid to I co stite ncits it nay be ti it I e laimant targeted h s or her lat i tOt no o
0 w( tq at. in el ii. Ic. te ed om tue cy th gn up Pt sitive judgments depend in part on a claimant being able to reach his
I tin itt oh tens to peak for and who in the process the claimant ilso or her intended constituency. There may be many reasons why a claim
oil if ut us itt ii onst tact y th gr ip hos in rnh s may not re h i. mt nded co istituency including v tried sou c
a / ci ii sL t n in tea d th La i son way, capacity we knesses of a claimant. Perhaps Bono claim d d in rt Ii
who idgo that the iaiin i indeed for and about theni, [he appropriate many people in his intended constituency. Perhaps, even, he did not
st uai y the ito K i ttu the at Ii I u aslit enc Tb in end d want h $ claim t reach them for fear of disputatious readin ba
is a iig ed
it t h P1 C nst men y (sO Cl apter 3). a claim does not reach the intended onsmu ncv a
aiise or may not regard themselves as being accurately
it inenthcrs nets
chances of being judged as democratically legitimate recede, since the
oh to or hot by he P no mO ph isibl democratic 11
lP intended cot stituency remains a part of the community in ikin p
ii vi s ry ci e si en h i ap op mate conat tLmenc.y.
am snoul I have a c.hance to respond and to assess the claim. The 3. The intended and the actual constituencie s are more or less coterrni
i tail onli cc ty shot Id b regorded as part of thc appropriate eonstit nous. In such a ase the claim at least manages to i cgotiate I I
a a I a t 1 ci to I erct hurdle being 1 card and acknowledged by all those who in to I
a n to stipulate tI e range oh people who regard their interests as that their interests are implicated in the claim. A well-targeted claim
tmpunitcd 10 1 tIa in. I )emoerats get erailv hold that aftecied interests may prompt agreement amongst its recipients that th right gr up I
n a c yr il I c C C V it tI ct() 1, peopie were spoken for and about the actual constituency reeogtu a
lot c.0i t,atiomi, or tan test c.lai.
.
itself as the intended constituency. Perhaps Bonos public profile and
I Ia tag defined the apgropriate onstitueney, we need to look an a little standing were such that his claims reached all those he claimed to spe 1k
1 Ic 0 1 \ C i,. t I t G txt Jf for 1
though tha s not likely), and were targctcd i 11 a way u
iak. I atween tlcc di Itt cat component palts ol the appropriate con in the appropriate constituency being well defined and well bounded in
senev. or eaample. oust icr the [allowing possibilities
it
a way that his claim supposed.
9
I a itt It at is at, ted vii n I t is s nail r ti an ti e None of these three illustrative circumstances would in thet iseIvc
attn ii c miistituenc. rich i ease may at least suggest that the claimant amount to a positive or negative judgment of a claim with respect to
iv dlii lii eat n fl co[ tan re eived tI e ci in, or were democratic legitimacy This chapter discusses various factors that n ake
a c it i Ii ni y or tli amp tee or B ing able (or such judgments, the relation of intended to actual constituencies is e
pa eas1ng tile nsources) to reach a wide group may be one crucial of them.
ii di it t ccc a hit intl msi ively jud eel epr sent tive claim. I refer to the appr priate constituency because that is he constit em y
t n cl ie u iii e it as o[l o tr i (see whose udgment of the democratic legitimacy of claims should ulti nat y
I perhaps 105 deans were heard and identified with by count. However, constituencies are not the sole members of the effective
I titiot it o ii t r Ir a I ut with sense f grievance or
i group who e a sessnients do sometimes count In broadly dent ra
I ii It t It ii ii e V el
ni_, contexts, audiences o oilier citizens, including, for example, mcml cia
the observing media, who are not part of the targeted or intended constil
Rm esenta m, legrnmac , id d rnocr it
my d as Mb r ui dv see ruse s as it of ic cia is of tha audlea cc a Ia ge part of the appropriate co rstitucncy will not Ic a a
a ual onsi it nanci, may also have a voice and an impact on the assess position to make any judgments of democratic legitimacy of the claim
of rapr wniatls 1mm A elaimA intended n actual audience may concerned, in such a case, interpreters or observers are highly unlikely to
a to the ni in s ed silt cy lye I rMcts I e ab e o glean any real democratic legitimacy in the las
as h ire ii icr racti 11 no t or all inc nbars Yara also members of! en anmn tha $1
mA rJatainsliim b 1w en oristituens and audience in representative or all of the intended constituency is aware of the claim and us principle in
a aim n akin and alami reception. No grand generalizations are feasible a position to be able to offer assessments of it then we can say that the
ss d med lo k at sp cifo sm with all tf Ar m nces hut there laim has at last met one crucial precondition for its se cccss cl peel ipx
a ii i 1 u e di n gitmn a y. I e co us ithen y being part I he audienc 3 i Fe
I di ii it ri ii an ay i ha he em con tuen 1 crc; ml hat r substantially the case, ther the percentage of t e audi ice
I ann m iv base been ddressing western television media as his intended that is made up of the constituency of a claim is of less importance, though
anslmcirc, in his claim iboal son dess people in Africa. But if that intended as we have seen not insignificant.
Ian Id dis sin of cia it y p oke i it Th sa poin cal a ssucs of the openness of the info-mail 1 c vt
a ii si i n v a au e i wmuei c ci is a c niaAe and assessed as pain of iii ( it iti
)I
fa. A elf i iii as ac id a ii thei tore th appr priate) constitu judgment. lhe actualization of actual constituents, along with the ii
ama f the ciii ii I his is an nxarn pie ot my general point that audiences ception of claims by intended constituents, depends on many factors
is riiake an ffect a con ributi m to the democrati assessment of linked to the functioning of a tolerably open society For example are
II ar a s h dci Ii r seen t on I t t there 1A ural sourc of information on public or politi al deba M Fe
ot ass p I ii pp ml rist ney rhi ugh society n question and how readily available are they t diffe by
i Tirratl Is speaking lie views of audience members who are not part ofa positioned citizens and others? What is the reach and quality of public
aim s approprIate soii5tO swum aie secondary, the impact of their playing deliberation on the relevant issues? Judgments of democratic legit imaav
ale aeti isp lent i cP is I in v w y den ) ratic fly of claims are a discussed, subjective matters; self-position ing A ci us
A A ) 50 1 be (( 1 with espeet 0 laAns made for and about them is what u t a. t a.
aiI A I . is isa gnizir, hat ii in rests ay be stake in a gi en presumptive positioning made by external analysis on the basis of sonic
sir brat ih a ire indeed part ot an appropriate constituency. We might
independent technique of reading interests into a context. Not only do
a quite rca onahi lax oke the a itegory of the appropriate audience, members of appropriate constituencie s judge, they also judge whether
Ii In wr at 1 it ud s gI erms f tE ey are part of the appropriate constituency that does the judging e
o Ii v a rho t ig s a on condita ns of judgment are in major part conditions that ck or d at
leash, paipla Sc a wiousness or knoss ledge of being invoked as a conse facilitate intersubjective consideration of claimants and their claims, and
duansa of a represcatatixe claim is important. The ke issue there is the therefore a process of reasonably informed self-positioning.
nt cInch in n us is I a e ins a ropri co linen are alas
a s as p r t na a onsti a
VP ma tints id ( mud ual ( mci irs. ai d that and! are
I, rig is independent groups. bhosc ar / are by detimtion part of the claims Acceptance acts
a to ml audienas ithis i rust be because they are conscious of receiving the A further key question is what reliable evidence is there that such claims
a Ii at as ml Id in die Bu rembars wre accepted, ejected or ignored and to what degree i aeh se ii
in it it a Ia ice A if I ire lo bac me art appropriate onstituc cy?
I LpresentLuion, legitimac), and dcrr cruet
locus ot: ma! a ceptan e or reje lion) ot actual claims by appropri assessment of those circumstances does not amount to a task that car in
u e h u n i e I g at Ia ode of pit i p produc s c me as pposed to highly piovis onal p
ci n neep t s eb i authori au 1 0! authcntcity (as discussed in ments of the democratic acceptability of a range of representatise claims.
(Ii iptet 4 1 his means that I put to one side issues of hypothetical There is no reasonable democratic ground upon which the tlieonst can
at La w n Pt i gi i r res tat ci n i or i ot attn tute nor prov i n ii assessments to constituents m ft a a of
itt by an i at I s a lid ,hti wa in tter. clus on. ahot tin openness or adequacy of he context in wine i cit icr
n netmies acceptance, Vt thai or otherwist is overliy signaled. At other judgments occur. This makes the role (31 the democratic theorist an
tin s 4 pan Imp t c ttext ace piat e ii v b take i as acit sik ice essentially imit pr ye 1 ie.
It a 1 ci s ci I p t e ut at ( h du
UtsluflN oI pt war In Bahrach and Baratz (1970) made clear). And closely
cIatc 4 tu that poit p th non thiection criterion can he crucial (Runciman
it Time, provisionality, and interpretation
I. ci r I ti ma k i a , o dly
n a! n I ta utaii ed crcdibl degree er tune amongst a So we need to allow Lime for the ingredients that enable assessmcn to
easonal ic nuintw 01 oiisiuuents, titan there is a strong case for obser become manifest, and br observers to detect or to ascertain if they have
ci 1
mi th tO it ci in as ov on Ic writ 1 phi- hai i en d This will involve, importantly, denying an inn e? at tipu i
01 dl at sst pti h 11 (1 cii t n ju addiessed to, tive assumptie n of illegitimacy of representative claims (eg, al )r I cit
hut irc audib1a and are Ostaned to an aspect complicated by the fact nonelective claims). It follows that notions of provisional acccptabthtt
nia iepi sent ttivt ion edil base ilencing fleet (as v a saw in ( hapter2,
need to play a par in the assessment of claims. That fact comes i cia
I I I C ) I y t 1 1 1 t qUiilflg strongly nto i lay the more we argue that it is from th standp cit
siP flea, sshilc seeming to pit e y in a voice). Arguably, this point of appropriate constituencies that assessments or adjudications are to
501 ports the unportance of the eslent to which the actual audience of a be made ii
I i 4 the co ined ents pertinent to the assessment of ep esentati c i
ci a c P a, a 1 c o partipai s and obsrvets a surface over time, nd this you occur (if at all) over different time spans
tas. anti tan elect on with reasonable turnout in the case of elective depending on claim and context, A key issue here is how much time the
tn Ho In sat Ic it i ny bet will H pee fly i broadly observer needs to take unto account in a given case in interpretir g as e s
I w t as (o ig ca y. ses vhe e dcc ioi or ting do rncnts of democratic legitimacy How long is long enough to know f a gi en
tgure bdt iii a fCidiitCIv marginal, private, corrupt, informal, or partial claim has earned a degree of democratic legitimacy? There can be no single
aiai oar [h ups i tat b Icr her c srnpheated by the I ci that an invoked answer. The best broad answer is long enough for most if no all ha
I c iv gc c a iii Li n di dnn e that is member of th appropnate constituency to have registered ohjc mi to
iJdiesco iw the clamt may reject it, or express serious skepticism, the it in a context that enables those objections to be raised at no significant cost
theorist cieds to accept delays, and some ineradicable element of contin to the actors concerned. In this context, representative claims are subject to
in ci t I t Ia c is ir laims v ill tend
, ong ing proce ses of legitimation and delegitimation T ie notion
0 P 1 ot -off Re1 reset ativ dat i-makers may in epeatang their visionality of assessments arises from both this fact and the issues surround
liii lit, adjust and reline theni as well, tailoring them and targeting them ing the epistemnological burdens of judgment more generally.
on n I civ it a t c ci h les Ike. vei I urther, it is equally clear that the observer will need t In i i ii
ai in ut av k to o y In vi and ass ssinl the receipt of the fruits of detailed interpretive work to find o i if tin
eicunist incas under which citizen judgments of claims take place. But acceptance of claims (or a reasonable process of nonobjection) obtains
\p1eLn a Qt,itl?naty, a i r tot racy Representation, k,itzrnacy and democracy
v if a i ourse) i r does lot mean that we cannot meaningfully study n. e
ng i ar tative lan i it a td ieross relativel closed societies Indeed the dUb vii c
II 1 i taking ase s e its f the legitimacy of claims in elatively losnd s t
tnt a feet ti i al, can mid t a! ie nore important for observe o pay lose ate i
tIlt 130th Ii (H it. t. 1 repiesen I ns signs ot darn s hat are suppressed due to government i itolerance
Oit v lilt it ihei a ittal democ tg1tinay. Son ct rues downs, corruption, fear, or gross maldistribution of resources and o. I
i bans s iCR oPen than Lornnlonll readied the tasks of political
trinities for claim-making and claimreception. In this context, difficulty
heorv aqoi e trimlersion in the contex.1 of material political worlds and may rightly encourage urgent and vigilant attention.
die ion through which p irricipants inlertIret those worlds.
P The conditions of an open society that facilitate observers efforts to
glean assessments of representative claims are numerous. Taken together,
they can he understood as a spectrum of institutions, practices, and
iieumsiai udgnient opportuniti s lime higher a system can plausibly be placed on the sp
turn -- wa ii at open and away from a closed society tI o
itch haa den )bserv s nay uc onfidcu f seat.hing iiiforni, all cit Pr
it I iii i 1 onU
1 assessments A us dii baseline for specifing key featur s of
ab r n at ociety a th char cterist es of a polyarchy as outhned by Dali S
o a Its app i idition 1 v t id 221): dc ted offi rals, free and fair elections, rnclusiv suffrage igl
ni detaile I ii the oper and dernoci U an I run for office, freedom of expression, alternative information, ane ss
a r lit we r t briefly indicate ket ft. itures of such a set of atonal autonomy, Starting with the concept of the open society rather
ott red prund ly on the idea of the open society. I focus than democracy (out of which the features of polyarchy are built), one
a Ito open ser tetS rather than democracy despite the tight and over
might change the order in this list to emphasize informational and
etppirz fKtures that ed bet veen thL two because it is a concept that
associational pluralism and freedom. But the more politicalinstitutional
pisio mits of rib uii, claim and response, whereas dernoc elements in this list remain vital. As Dahi himself acknowledges. there is
os o s ni iu c onipar it ely pee the institutional arrangements. An a gap in fact multiple potential gaps between polyarchy and a fuller
op i is a ociet he treedo port and 3 nt cite achievement f the democratic ideal (one of the reasons behind the
I iii ssais i nut va 1 it ing of polyarchy was indeed to bring these gaps into focus) -
p s a defy e 3 1 md highlighted such factors as democracy in eonomic enterpr st a
)it 10 S [art of face-to face deliberative forums (DahI 1985, 1989) i
it t1ct ,hts a 01K 1 t w I would build further on Dahis account of polyarchy by arguim U
it in, and ,
1
definm m luding 1 1 tn tess degrees of decisional power may lie acceptably with other actors (s
to i i nise ci mini in i in varied c ts across society lists, regulators, and interest groups) in a suitably decentralized, dt n
tic [ Lkground conditu i s matter to the assessment of claims primar centrated, and pluralist system. Regarding free and fair elections, we
s to cause we old he coiisntuencws may have little opportunity to receive might look to elections for varied positions throughout society. We may
itid t iespend to claims if a number iii basic conditions of an open want to extend alternative infbrmation to involve a wide variety of such
mcict 2 net obtain. Without such conditions a great many representa sources at different levels of a polity. Legitimate roles for direct democratic
itt lair Jik iv ti be stunted u sul Iborn (which is not to say they
ire procedures and perhaps decisional roles for focused deliberative forums
tout ye been su 1 iii the prest of such conditio is, of may also play a role. And we might insist on measures that minimize t
Rjav nt, tion, Icg0ima i; and decree ace Representation, legitimacy, and democracy I i7
ver Ic fl , gvci array of business a iS wc lfare services. It is in cour try tha i w
a Ii rat t pa tnt establish S mdu tna zed dci iocraey with higl md stable 1ev Is
it 10 5 fl I 55 opeii lEn III rig, ret ptlon, a d sonal and organnational, freedoms Suppose, in X, that a nev intere,
group is announced, called Fighting Poverty in X (FPX), One woman
a opt n crets is onc I hat is juite radicail and persistently open to pronounces herself the leader of this group and claims to epresent all
o, pr es, ai abost 11 prop sals, dtbates, c >ntcstation people suffering from living in poverty in X (she claims that ao main
IS rilr by ii. it r ii a ted r d s ream pout cal rUes, other welfare groups, perforn th 1 a
a p is a a soci I hing ik eq ately at present). After some days. we h at tl at I 5 X
Ii ih. u r vInt, I asses nt of resent r ye called a gathering of people and groups suffering unemploymen w livii
Jot. so hca se part! ipants ii and ohserver ot clainoriaking have below the official poverty line to protest in a prominent town square. [he
an. oppottunities to understand whether or not a claim is supported day arrives, the leader is present, but hardly anyone else has turned up.
an p ropri It canstit net, tho igh agara all such ssesments remain Some time after that, town council welfare officials are quoted to the efteet
av I I laiiv se ty ma cia ep 1(11, that many people suffering from relative poverty who are serv e u ers
55 1 I d VIS I I cscntli,i tnc caims of FPX, Days later, a k,a1 ,ly as t11 h
55 iSle or scto nplv i silahi hscrve will oft r door, announcing another day of action against poverty: from II X Bitt
and a inure dith nIt to rain or to interpret information about claim again, little results from this.
o!ppr. 55100 or anntcstatroii, tEn xamplc (Scott 1990) lhis does not How might one assess the legitimacy of this representative claim? birst,
lOcal P it ICH r makhp n relat x Is closed contexts is in some sense we would need to recognize that all claims are quite particular But we
ito thy cgi in o r rm S y
1
p I mak ng know tha the assessment of claims is a task for appropriate constituent
a n e , ha s p ecan ru above all So tI first question might be, does this claim uggest he
nit ha i ay hr no tot s. existence of a specifiable constituency to which it refers, and whie s mig
[here max, ol ourse, he exLep ions to this assertion. [here is strong therefore be able to attest in some way to the claims acceptability? Alter
s idcnr e, hr axaniple, th t Anng San Snu Kvi won the Burmese elections natively, does it trigger into existence a new constituency by successfully
59 and tha a srgmt ant n r uSer of those opposing the military articulating interests in a new way? If neither of these is the case, we might
ida p ii ua/W ma icc icr egar he as ther suspect there are no secure grounds for the claim In the case of FPX wee
5 K 5 e Ii in th 55 seen say that there is an intended constituency those living under the i over
ghth rid n nd t omi e of Kyi and he phgh line in X. Is the intended constituency becoming actualized? What propo
if her nirutri i international media have made some sorts of informa tion of the intended constituency is part of any emergent actual constatu
i on at east inure aailah e. Myriad other cases, such as those of the late ency? As we have seen, awareness of the claim is a critical initial step in
is ha o \ iwa s ho in i is took to he a spokesperson for the Ogoni observers being in a position to assess democratic legitimacy. If the claim
opl Nip ii I m wi ny a r r eiitative has spread, how has it been received? Did the woul55be co i tituci
It ii t ppe i less lear members turn up Uhis may well be an example of represe tat
11cr lion q rest we r is, no be by such figures o claim that does not even get off the ground because would-be con ituen
other, on ten behalf,i is a distinctly case driven business, and do not hear, or hear of, the claim. It may have failed because the poor in X
epresents political theory iii a strongly contextual mode. have already in large numbers accepted the claims of, for example, a
.1 at r e oIler s urther, a iS quite different and hypothetical example by political party to speak for their interests (or they may have rejected all
as ( sir a My X, r ek c owi neil i typ al claims for exterr al representation of their interests or views ),18
ep scr atio lcgitiinac or d icr o o
s rom h socicty u ii F people is absolutel right. In an und nut. at
ai ctual deiro it. i tcx v it i for example, imitc.d ml r nat (
c1s r sonic. s ft edoir pe pie noy i ot have sufficient r sourccs t ti e I
,
ivide riake ass ssinents of representative claimants and heir airr
Ii iii if preen I v ttent in to ti c onditions in which judfm nt ar
iii si neran
t dnce
fit Ii C
s tigge Judging clauns a reflection
C ra It p t)
J Li de n inds of ii iii ci t indpoint, provisionality, mIt rp t I
opemer dcdnes n ay frustrate political s i ntists ind poh ical I
s ibhdegre but t iat is no bad thing it r the judgments of appropr alt o s t
0 icr a i t ii dependent ti eorctical judgment, that matter te di if Ot. t
1anc soi F reore e itative claim might immediately he at. laimc I I y ii
iaJ losdsoity action n the art o large numbers of the intended u stituci c
c id iiyone cFum maker () t i ay not be opposed by a portion of tli ipur
cctor ha onstitu icy when repeatedLy, publicly expiesscd, in which ca c
liii Dci at best charitably apply a notion of provisional acceptability i i
hrtdegiecof and Ihompson 1999 the claim can be respected by cbs ye s I
-
be tetdascuss i rcc ives validati in by the relevant proto-constituency at soi e a
ii. 0 IldS able future date and rejected if it does not.
C I er i or, ce
1 to seed t kf us
iere is some eoostitue
1 1
i I grc whict t a laa ii In te nis f some examples noted in ( hapter I th cs B i
dyi ucand )alai Lama or did Martin 1 uther Kinfs? L)id intended c s i u
i Ii repres be onie actual constituents To what extent did members of pi op i
t r laims d iot constituencies have opportunities to respond, actively or taciti
o or c in extent that they did have such opportunities, how have th
i t cadilybe) responded? Wha reliable evidence is there that such claims wer at. ej
r r haslittlct rejected or ignored, and to what degree in each cast.?
a be nore opt. if in a given case thcre is a plausible argument that a claimant
i is pt liii i measure of democ rtu legitimacy, the work f the nbcerve ni ito i
cm is not necessarily ovcr. I he claimants legitimacy remains p o i i
is and lor duly eeted figures the provisionality lasts to th m cx
uriber of bairing abuses of offi e and other mtermedistc n echa us n th
i i iii ratleat apply) in all cases where there is considerable evidence that 1 m i
a op i m Ct w th accept mnce h an appropriate constmtucr y, an y ft
Rjrcrnta. inti lLi I flfliU), iind dL?noCriLtj Representation, Iegitirnuy, and democracy 161
nible icr the sialmant to proceed to speak, stand, or act for that racy and representative democracy. There is, of course, a difference
oslO ULO ( long as F n Un umstance obtains (even as its precise between an election and a referendum, and between a face-to-face citiieiis
ip. it ions of id he
iv dy o ciety arc s assemi ly a I a parliar i nt, But u some cruel I ways, the t ndarv
old Fervi mh r rjet t hetwe r I Cs SU( sed wo models of democra -y breaks I i is
I have sugge ted, p e c itation can be seen as videsprea I in. s I
clam mak i g and cia m receiving within and tsd fern p 1 cal
structur s then represetitatlon happens in a great variety of sp te and
scales in any society (and between different societies). Local pressure
Oil thi F1N( 1;lMOCRA( groups claim to represent needs of long-established residents, councilors
claim to represent childrens interests in local schools, leading members of
0 0 I loll of tIlc pic r, 1 aep ha P from dem )craHc legitimacy minority groups claim to represent the groups distinct interests, the local
iic wh [tin K loss as av i night h v ecological society clair ss to represei t the interests of the wildlife n the
of cy local park II MP f t nit district launs to represent the cr ski sis
lii
it that a
floe i cuiist r writs ii, in. niuci of the I uropean Parhaiuent \iF 1 s
Is ind cm ke e to ten se t rlai dci rnstitue icy interests, and you as e d nt
0 (111(1 cracv a osed to a r e claim ti I e your own c presentative with regard t some issues r both
ir etc6 ,fllc [mi
direct and indirect fornis of politics we face myriad representative claims,
is re ft prcscmltat.mon happening, it is Inure changeable and Consider the main modern form of direct democracy the referen
-
dco inn
,
5 ear. in more sites anti en difiirent scales and over different dum. In any referendum campaign in any of the countries that use the
K 5
s tItan wvciiiional eounts of representative democracy would
institution reasonably often (Switzerland above all, but also several slates
s, t Rh 10005 1 onsentumi ess can F av serious imp I
in the United States plus Australia, New Zealand, and Italy), there will be
II (1 i tandi met I is F at u he lobby groups and leadmg individuals who represent one or othe sd- of
ti Id ens he dehaL, d furti Cr who represent the issue to voters to I : d
>01 ii iai ci ror r r images of tl c voters themselves. Particular options or policies will ye
their hanipions, advo ates or representatives. Often enough inn y ol
these will be established elected figures and political parties.
20 I his is
Km n ig c lirct re tsentativc distinction, representative politics, and because it is democratic politics it is also a
p1k enttien as th hrst best option version of representative democracy.
Representation as a sVSteflilC phenomenon, More abstractly, consider an attempt to design a system that is a pure
nsl hut mc nil/I i g coin cx represt marion, and direct democracy (this formulation begs many questions, but I put them
entatlol aside for ease of exposition). All issues in this system are to be decided by
popular vote In considering such a vision, one quickly realizes tha h re
ill be a ned for a ange of nidirect institutions in order to mall the I ct
ngt ved democracy f inction and persist. Institutions will be required, among other
things, for the orgamzatlo i and registering of votes, the implenie station of
s0t I c nost lamiiijia, o all the time honom ed distinctions made by the outcomes of voting, locating points of consistency between two or
o tits is on d niocracs, and v politicians, is that between direct democ more clashing outcomes of votes, and so on. These institutions would, by
? presentation legiurnaty and deniocrai
1a4 ik a nm s insc uctu But zie ca see a ituatio i where it
.
us that thi is not a fact to be lamented but rather a starting p01111 mi
toes ines itable hat parties/factions would develop in order to advo understanding and refIning democracy. As noted in Chapter 3, the fact of
on a se ci of mor o less roitsistent ideological positions across different ubiquity of representation is less important than the cultural availability
I I s Ic a B us e mat rathe
)fc sin modes I clain r saking and tlaimrecei List a s 1 c t r i
I it c 1 B ( ) a a, lif sit to aM t of o hers.
tIe OC kept from iavHig considerable power in a system based
ts it oii lv a one can imagine on direct democratic ideals.
ii bii 1 11w 1 rgin F dO 515 w dire ienie acy v gui kiy realize
Reprscntation as a systemic phenomeno s
a s r ii o i c r ng a
s d I I Rot No (1 ) ba tog t o a s11 e witi out really Representation has ofter been analyzed as a one to-one relationshi
tying, direct democrats run into the need for indirect institutions by simply (either straightihrwardly or by analogy) between the representative and
11 flnwin thcr own lorc. Nui cks slate otanarehy required a minimal state the represented. This fact is highly visible in some of the key pieces of
un s 11 i sy n of re ct oc re lies stat langu ge us d in a ich analyses Most notably, perhaps the xarnin t o
it ii s us i ar t I dir de r ray i epics ntati )n in t tins of a principai agent framework sets repa sen
s In bk t ougi tto be nade to persist, for it to persist, it needs a permanent tation as concerning one person (a principal, or constituent having a
tiamcwork of induect instil nOons to support it, relationship with another (an agent, or representative). Discussions of
pihi t of th itguii nit is hat we hould not s repr sentative
e political representation in terms of delegate and trustee n odd hen
I Jr a c p 1 i Ihe I sttzi non model represe stat oa in similarly one-to-one ways (quite ap t r I
ush iig slat other reaso as we ought to he skeptical about these notions see C apter
3), If this broad approach to representation is taken, then good and
bad representation can only really be measured or understood in a
p w a f he nih micro ense as a quality of a series of one-to-one relattonsht
1 s.
Retuitiy, dsough writers have begun to take a inure systennw di wo
1te but distinct puni
t is nor in idi recently in work by Plotke representation (Urbinati 2006; Mansbridge 2003). Indeed, Pitkin (967)
i 99 and t rhinatt dt)06 The conventional contrast between repre took such a view, though this was not the theme in her work that was
i tis ud di e i for n of lenin racy usually arried the implication most picked up and developed by others Building on the point abor t tin
i I 1 11 u B ii ii d siocr tic ubiquity of representation in direct as well as indirect politics, we at set is
r nat P1 t. a rb i a ii his s not the representatiot is done (or at least, claimed) by wide array neal
case I i politic: of advocacy and judgment and participation requires national, and international groups and individuals, elected or chosen oi not
tI e gap between representat1vu and represented. ibis gap is absolutely elected and rejected. For example, you might accept that your rnterests as a
Ii to I sot i , it Ici s if ays whi bolt pre ited and Hindu in a district where ( hrisnans and Muslims are numerou are r we
$ smied by a - ii tar ple notable whom you did not dc or ly <ns
ci tifi atini iii in Pciiig ju Igmu ihur poi t is w 11 take repre Many other people, in accordance with various aspects of their identities
fl[diiOn is not second best -- but they still hold to the direct-represen may accept representation in similar ways. All of this representation a -
1 nBc di tint lion wi nh as we hase seen is questionable on various complex, mixed bag of election, acceptance, acclamation and proposition -
at 1 1 [a he ial nt hat I dci so adds up s niething. and arguably that something a the ii
0 no tiEr its p0 a, Ut I Ii a i in k reinm character and qual y of democratic representation in and acro s that ciety.
Represe itation, 1 girimacy LnuI d i v racy
CI 0 ihi a 6&. H, i eed 11 ii articipan s Suet odies come close to ichievui qu e Ic
150 h quaSi I ici a enta to on as S emit, ud not ist ann dividtial but still politically important sense of repiesentation, oar me!) statistical
oash to add up tudgments of drinoeratft lettimac> of representative descriptive representation. Going further, the use of the citizens initiative
tOt :1 to (051 and retrendum might be said to enact an expressive form of represen
1 on, ci rtmaps self-representation (Budge 1996; Soy aid 1 8 Ill
a homer ts ot ti e one hand, and descriptively epre ci La ive 1n
ins tot sot liini. cO1fl kx reprcsentation he other may ir diffrent ways enact an ideal of delibe ative rc resent
flon. Politics representative politics is about claim-making. (Slainis
arev d representation can also be looked at with need not be verbal, but they do need to be expressed and most often the
ns des rs tin La is utk Son ig acr varied will be v bal. T mis perspective fits neatly with the evolvng ide hat t
Ky 0 ii ii yr fed rai a in t I ility I epresentatives today has les to d wi S
I ii y p s a a a is 5 tIn en arg bet ountal ihty, a i more to do with deliberative ac untal i y as
designdig n nislitut m ializmg democratic governance. At the time (Mansbridge 2003). This also applies in cases where descnptisc at
s inie tout there S tardy one obsious way to iristitutiona1iz core demo mirror representatives are concerned; as Anne Phi[lips (19951 tiotes, sin5
in iph [S wdn lot cx iple. I un pe pie hay argued representatives cannot claim always to speak for their f otent 1 ons
1 it ci id d ad olifl encic a her t c need to speak to them, literally.
iki ,cn 19 \vr i 2 1 mv m nild it 1 lie lcliberativ wave in democratic the ry, which inn donm ci ti
stitu mooS d and tOLtttLd She question matters especially if one held for nearly twenty years, stresses the importance of free, equal, and
tkm tin low las I Jo S iward 200J that such principles do not have open reason giving and debate in appropriate forums t Bohman and Rehg
s goner s iwo1 ig utsilt 5 peific plac N OK II echanisnms where 1997; Dryzek 2000a; Saward 2000; Fishkin and Lasleti 2003). The dilemno
a ii 10 II SI s Si a ipi qualit of representation who is in the forum, and who should be n as
b Li. u to d tal sp tin cour S often i een sidelined, since according to the deliberative model Ic jail
a a I Ia[ q at nerc aqualay equa opportunities o of talk now outweighs in democratic significance the numbers or even tin
siaiid (or utt equaiit
, 7 at renuirces that underpin ultizenship capacities, social characteristics of participants. Creative democratic institutiona
in at 1st r& edom equal rcspett, qua! atcess to deliberation, equal designs, looking, for example, to institutionalize varied importal t
S t S iii , o sal art N, f mean modes of epresentation, may both find a place fc the d hI rat
ii ( cc me e of a g I hid r nx dcl, and put the deliberative model in its place.
siti t es in mntt>u ton w I sane o all the at ye, 1 will not pursue. further examples and possibilities here, hut the point
Mi iiael Waloet (1983 wrote about the importance ot complex equal- clear enough: there can be, and arguably there should be, many more
a tot s methi 15 like these reasons By analogy, we could think in terms mechanisms for the enactment of democratic representation, precisels
it tnt i i ma ca id sF Id, r alize r because represei tattoo in politics can mean a series of distrnctiv hint.
g or it I 5, 0 1 OKVLI1
no i is of paso tim nocr begn he ativdy tretet d
,tgatn. onsiciu, tot exampie that elective representation to parliaments
Citizen representation and the open society?
atitutes a kind at authorized representation. A citizens jury (Smith 2009)
a d saltY mu liSt I s n 20) ), for xampl , are Lv o if my corn nents so far are right, then clearly the question ol wh ii he
is -t. a ip e achi ye prcsc itat ve I e fo rethinking. If reprcsent lion c nI ci
p s nIoft ir I gitimacy and d , iocr w
q ie hot any i riot ssumptton or stipulation that thc tc
egitim t [rescntatives and to deny any pm r assumpt o
nly or th th u ci ted are automatically illegi mnunt rep csc it v
1 etc t i 1st u net t is a blunt mrstrument in th Ia o inc v ii it
lenin tar y n mances ( lesire and it t rests
lertit ml V tat do tI es p Wits It can for or ideas of repr s ml Ii I i
some ni s hir h t on y Ft nai )VL ii con duAon is that we must mak
A fy pmliai ot the p, with n nge agan Repr s ntative democracy as a political sy t ii
ant nght. and lunes a I citizen ci t. ed off ials make ollective decisions for constituents tot 1
tin tmtsL ot p0k ntial h tunselves as too r a v F cc. io is and parliaments and the forms at du u 1
cja( of culain positions m niediate or sO and accot itability they offer still matter, of course. The approac.
d t cc m imbug om asu np ion 01 its open Society is in Cliseusse I does tot offer a black-and-white alternative ft loi c ii
itt delibor vems opt a or tv I)chhi r nets provides some conceptions hut rather seeks to encompass and add to the a .
is I it hilt us ann S on is I assr s c nraus i janus and for ob politically important meanings and manifestations of representation an
i us to Las some onlidenc. mu those assessments (including the sheer largely (and in my view wrongly) sidelined in consentional politica
et that rtjs hauc o eimrred lIwe ate conei ned nith unrepresentative or science accounts. Thking this on hoard, we can say that representans e
m1uaJhii, or unduinrni CIIL represemitatixe claims, then arguably it democracy can rightly be interpreted as follows:
toU(0 he butter to press Pu an open socmct tug , freer speech and
1. Not the opposite of direct democracy but inc-orporating it. Neither direct Itev
miii me iron prm vi inn in which various claims might openly be debat
nor participation in politics is diminished in a regime of representation.
ohcr titan tUtU p c stipulate that oiis elective Jaims are legitimate.
2. Not a den ocra tic option, but a democratic necessity. All that is de to
I he miarrossilt st A exmstmnf conceptions ot p0 heal citizenship in con
rtiitioiiai appm oaehe\ to representatis e democracy is important here. As
cratic is representative in the broadest sense (not just electorah
ti Bag h 2000, 1 ci has written, together the right to run for office
Representative democracy is not a second best model of democrav
amid the iglit to vote for elected representatives are thought to more or less 3. Not only a set of institutions but also an open set of reIationship. un
m tpi oc Ui suhsianr e of political citizenship But these rights reflect quality of representation needs to be judged on a systemic, and not lust
Petwui iphb to autononis, and Political hhcrties arc not in the end about an individual, level; encompassing representation on a broader societal
Ii cc ti a means to the more tundament end of self-governance, as well as the narrower statal level.
ma a itt in (i ne gi 1 .tieal o ikome Bagehi 2000, 161). She 4. Not so much a given set 0/Institutions as a design challenge. A replete 1
I I m 1 mtas in )ei ar has been in It ) ihout more than tative dcii c cracy needs to be representative in different ways -.
ii miii iii ii iii, thu iiisight has not I cc I ended to citizen tive be sur, hut also descriptive, expressive, and so on, W t
00(1 1 1 ol in a) citi/ci sh
an ustiflah1y expic e t c shape and dynamics of complex represent iii
o d I iii om ass the mm an Lative or at
a less a pxea quali y oj state than a dynamim quality J uc I
U nfl ml r ii im ropi senta i i political
iliac asiu needs to be unshackled as an idea, to em conipa:
i cr mimo rsemr s tha tie, and
potential f iti c i self representation and particip hi u
to ci iu to stai I titan
it s of re r nt Lion in an open society.
h pi a duo sonta
a RLprcs at cc as leo a job title and torn e a diJfuse, aesthetic potential
epresntst se demo rac5 is a creative ongoing and constitutive
11 i III 00 i t nil res I ci s a thci Notes
ii an sin eed rn making rLpresentati e delm)eracy strange, It CHAPTER 1
less thing, more a complex aspiration and less a political
I It t Ml 1 u tiled ents 1 The i gestve iess as d pox er of these fram ng metaphors is unch ored
a in nil ii r I a]
C
no b Ii i em v rsior s of the pcto nil tableru vs h ac ii
I I
Rob d Bar its (198 90), defines the style of prest. Itation diet
,
hr I tOtes i d to t tutu o he1 i sintat xc dr i ocraev as a politu
painting, theatre, cinema, and literature. As Barthes (1985, 90!) writes ot
coin pt tancls lot challenge to hi nit rccogmle or d extend democracy the rectangular tableau in the arts, it is a pure projection, sharp-edged,
o do no i s u it re ncsen atus e ii inor is ass and in the irreversiNe which banishes into nothingness rylh
inco ruptihl ,
-o iiid it, ue i, th eli t Ufi iamed and onnr ites to t i on s
t r to of pt n u rat tit up mg cciii to , to ht, sLrythMlg it birrgs l,,Lu its Ii ld. ;igs and
or is r tt sUtutuatti I loving said that it has not been my task to provide enclosure are, in my view, Barthesian tableaux whose edges distinguish
tiltic.prOit ft r n prLseota1vr demmracv Plausible claims of under sharply the relevant and the irrelevant, the true and the false. In short, the
in I ir ii ii pi t in My enti has b en t mnetaphoricRl architecture of the task P tiun set for herself rim
c n i i iv no sagr tha eon and viii uncover the r ality of tep esenta i
uttol of lv ii ilati (ii II oh app )aCheS prist ne singu ashy, that theme is one best answer to the uestio wh,
icon p
representation?, and that that question is near-identical to the normative
itud mdeect apprian ties that do not qution orthodox views enough. But
on question what should representation be? The important question o
p a if at to been the hut ot itv iloals it may he the case that taking
wheti er there is in fact one best understanding of representata is s d
I tI
a bc >m might
stepped by the stapulative assumption that there is one.
s inna I tkit
, Pitkii ii rus. I
Lisa Lhsch ffers slignily different Brounds fur applaudin
1
In ot cone at th Ofusts it polutical reptesentatiii. activity, and then decrying Pitkins own premature foreclosure on heis
productive the insight could be, See http://www.univ-paris8.fi scpollisa
dusch pdf.
)theis hay disinis ed the activity of making ymbohc o estheti i
tatio is from the topic of political representation even mom fortliri Ml) S
for example, Pennock (1968,6, footnote 9) and Diggs (1968, 35).
4. See Simons (1995) for a suggestive account of political theory along thme lines.
John I awls A Theory ofJustice (1972) can be taken as an exemplar I i sty!
Anglo kuueriean liberal) political theory in which th theoris iii
himself from ideologies, and other particular political perspectives as a p c
requisite to working through to an assumed single best conception of (in
Rawls case) social justice. This has the effect of placing the theorist or the
-
then is plo in hin self pristinely ou side th part al and d )lo
Notes
ii lit d d in if ii is H iiriiin I awls or gina
1 difficult it is to reaci clear conclus ons (Gunnell 2004). Ii nay he plaus
argu hi ny jut ion that we ought explor lit ely &
It atu is c s t inkn about representation (at least hon a Paiku ii
lit of tO o st nply egret raliz bil tivc) or ith the g tin of the Wattgenstein in mphasis ph ed a
0 C 51 ii tha w anJts. tm 1 concepts as located and used witnin specit sonventu
standiii aiid
inggs toilS that w iks such as tnat ot Rawis are fundamentally flawed by contexts I do not pursue such a claim here; my present point is to non
istruuf in us is (ashon, What I am suggesting is that there is a that speculation on what the Wittgensteinian Pitkin may have said ditfereath
h t is) H ei
4 esUmats d ignored link between some key literary about political representation is unlikely to be productive
meta s on th hand, the subst we F It may he the case Iii representatives base th is anticipatio a of lutes t
s n rks ii ti om prefcr r c in ta lays oinio i polls. If they do then arpual y con
(I r Fe to a d d lIe on that shapes astute pi Ic n es be ale i s ii
tot reli i such vi s But u F p usibil ties d not undermine tic fo cc of h pa it M ii
bins elf I Ins eon 01st as ii r t an as xve poht
* In makes y tntroduung anticipatory representation as a distinctive to i
n e late ssnrks, hen mngrades tie sigilificanee of the clearlvtheatrical device 7. This point, about the factual recognizability of an agreed example of repie
isa tri nna( s sitO in Taeoi ot rides oi the game that might lead to actual sentation, differs from though is easily conflated with the issue of whether a
a OCr H n h poil Ct al iplesnse u at leas overlapping consensus be givels case of representation fully or adequately renders present the interests
so n n to so stOic ircbcnsiv I istnncs sewhere, I have or character of the represented. As the work of Mansbiidge shows n a
ten e v tyt s thi I Ii tal ci ix S way tha e stains partly unacknowledged ever by her) r pta senta
act r r in ns ci s ye partial and ever-incomplete N ic a b
an Pi k tIes 1mg. genst II reps sentative of a given constituency at a giver tune, Nc rep esent ia
tot tOll I about Ia age and esophy th (except to a few or group is ever fully present in the process of representati in. It is ten Log
hits n ide no etfort o aneorpol ste Wittgcnsteinian ideas into to suggest otherwiseand there are plenty of accounts 01 representation that
the proces of ix isom lhus this h ok is primarily Austinian and take current institutional forms of it implicitiy as full or complete but this
a isteaian a it in icnr show if 1 were to wnte it over again now, it temptation is one always to be resisted.
lii .1 1 P 1 i a it t Oh it Pc I pi a ma r Witigensteinian ti. A similar point can be made about Rehfelds deployment of the idea a) vile -
i ly t h 1t
h dci the 200d thin of rise gnttion. TI ese rules speci1 who has the right a recognax
)
I sket a oper r presentative in a given context These let 1 dii
tiis ver etc it i ( al St 15 they at vail inevitably shift arid change a a part of the ao mal I
Ii nltC nadouc too 0 1 y vague s Ip in is i g out iii any political ontestation
II oh di tOt stoid has developed over centuries of use (2004, 9. A different, and influential, invocation of audience is Manms argument
ha than adtls that is as far as I got isith the concept when I studied it that contemporary democracy has become audience democracy. With the
Ia I 5,115 ,,t I h)04, a I Her comments tWo years after the rise of media polities as a form of theatre, and the decline of political parties.
0 ok 1 itle to 1 ci us to in I stand what the the electorate appears, above all, as an audience that responds to the t nn
o Oh i IH -
is
1 11 te ae site I o id ttentio it he that hay b en presented on the political stage (Mmii 199 223) 1
i i s bsequc stitch nght to e nphasize performance in representation nd a high igh
iii tot IVO to fl rq in I const utive dimes sion of such developments with his argument iF t
t n, Istik I on wh Wittgc sian I tO migl ave general eferences do not exist prior to the actions o olitieians t)/.
ovsis, t,unaialf s,nalvsls of Patkins and others efforts to tease out Wirt 225). However, he does not allow (as I argue we must) br audience
1 Sin siSI)ilinUIC 101 political theory demonstrates convincingly how answering back, and being to some degree self-constituting. It is notable
that in aho oiliins his analysis to audi mas in elective contexts, I shall representatives perceptions of their constituencies with some objectiie or
urn to tic c iccja ocihe udience in repi esentatlon in detail in Chapter 2. real or true version of those constituencies, The perceived constituemy n
a p nen i s th i of tre issio hint th y of th nly tic we know anything about (Fenin 2003 xix). [Ic p nec
c s di o e ore c or It ghly differe it perceptions geographical cek t > p t
11111) (Nil in moe in i a[Iv
011 1101 pIO(( o perso U [nOw nil harps ( 1917) notc that being respon Ye tO iii
tttitiii I cunun iaitv ttu representation can foster constituency raises the issue of responsiveness to what a conception ot
P ta ih o v I mean th nix that is internally consistent and externally present preferences, real interests, or some other? Elected representatives
onan. i is i itt rnai ic hip Ilys a co npkiteness that is not qualified (the example both of these works use) do not simply I ok at c Istiluex s
C ii 0 ii ida outin s topt nd a id c th t which tfcy mu, t peak oi a t fox We need to ci ider and as a
iii Ps lIt C n wt(1 thk i s nd w a just v Is t i is that they see or, perhaps nor he p i wh
tha they choose to set, or arc disposed to seeing.
7. In Mitchells formulation representation is always of something, or 5OfliC
one, by something or someone, to someone (1990, 12). On triangular
cot eption see also Slezak (2002), Prendergast (2000) cud Bar is (10
11 0, o c a a oi pc r on lative ii the oneept s journey o xi $ x 1
s ins ion uctu c and no I sp cE acts 0, Butkr s n tion of gender as a product of forn c,
as i i v a so
centers upon the way in which performatives organize the world rather than
oial n i.1I0 rio is ettcc xc nakes or represenlatise claims is explored by
simply representing what is, a formulation that Caller (2000, 511; associates
11)0
ta ii speiht words in particularly with Paul de Man, I take up the issue of the performance si
y ii dii of to Cc I r n o 111cc ref esentative burr later in this chapter
p hi iii c V di i de ma i Ia
9 Re sentafiv cIa nis can only he made ou of existing resou s.
1 ii Ii p, in hf n ft 1 u
makers tel on the iterability of the implicit and explicit sources at
the claims are composed of. In the eyes of some critics, this implies that radical
riija s poi1tat ut the task ot a slightly desperate semantic
political change is impossible, since there are only limited resource.s and
i*C, 30! a
discourses that can be called upon in claim-making. However this is r i
0, 1 at eseri is, stroig riti a p lin Clearly in English political culture, for exaniph th
ii pr or r p lix i ic t oil lar e array )f r dical (and indeed conservative, green, c c ) disco irs sib
( iso I its s g c itt, boon a1
hi artific va, in jbstiacti be used in the construction and presentation of claims. It seems churlish to
.1 tr in cr1 iflicXt md esers nis. sine, aa isord were to regulate itself
it worry about how limited this rich array is. New ideas are never entirely new
a a or. rpt indepemdentis of mv contextualised function. and in the limit
innovation is always relative, and will always be built in sonic way out of
revised or recombined existing or accessible resources, 1 his line I aigu i
s it w koM tanaro chrncs neatly with the notions of iterability and repetition that form key a
081 i ant omnt th di t u a its h nore
, , of Drrida s md Butlers renditions of the perlonnative (Butler 19 ; Dci a
3 bait the igure minmnediattly suggests, not least on the normative
subtlet 1998,1; for a focused discussion of the concepts, see Caller (2000).
ssUcs <it tending tom elCi toral repiesentative claims, 10. As Living Goffnuan wrote about the presentation of self: when an
1 ml o in e au in at I iteratto i arc picked up from discussions of the individual projects a definition of the situation and thereby makes an iinpl it
lot in wor )err 199 II ci ci 19 or plied elan to be a person of a particular kind, he automat e Ily ext
ix It w ti Ic I unto, for nmoi al demand upon the others, obliging them to value and trea u ii i
ltl1pl IC tO
trcssc ntaiiet wot 0 Wi actors creep it ns of manner that person of his kind have a right to expect (Gof man 1990
nnsljiiicc,eics llm,mc Style he explicitly sets out to avoid comparing
at [1959], 24).
Ji tes
Ill r tang e net Ankersmit s comment ( 002a 115) Lbs it On
seal ep cxc s ation w are v ti out a conception of what political a
pi sn c is uk without it, political reality ha ii ithe Ia t. o
loss real i by VitF ( Ut core entation there is so represe ted
s ii t a sensible h ,,
19 .. he alya I ..he arts afasistau Sx t (1990).
sO evot it ne s. thtellsng is th k 20, Fve s h n are more literally pass v audiences suet i
a; huts cpresenLsUons. s 2004) suggests, ti c di Id i t ie may be attempts Li bnng nto being and (as a
I 1)1, s ithe as scJl as set a id it can make sense t same p to paciI a proxy audience I w example parents or us n
P t,, Ic a tus a a ii ma] em ales, is t least tin my tennis> fhr example 21. See Barthes (1977).
dasi h I .asolnu the strong and resolut leader and objects such as 22. On the dangers of silencing effects, consider the comments of Brand 1998,
item .aiav n unthed aiid ready to confren its enemies. 20) on electoral campaigning. More than simply attempting to speak to the
tu iII1Oara a at the astor spent distinct on in this context, see also voters, the language of the campaigning competitors claims to speak fof
Our> o I 391 U them. The most visible candidates, especially the incumbents, try to create
1 a,ipi n.t er,t al U ale OiICCii[S here, a conc eption of political leadership the impression they have already been chosen as the legitimate voice of the
Ic uP> h Lap ut Iiuin this dnalvsl 5 its core, political leadership people. The language that speaks for the silent voters is intended to ins due
5 sad tempuralls effective p olection and juxtaposition of
5. 11, them. In fact, it constantly ascribes them knowledge, will, and demands, No
ifs a sen ties; and oh o epresented) Effectiveness in doubt this type of discourse is simply supposed to speak out loud the pr
I COIl (5 In Ito dii with 91cr n ij limg and timely visior exute i expectations of those represented in reality, at the sanse
9 lJf tiVe Ill tive apacities Ia for s thes xpectations.
ii it nest not of the vi 23 S v (2004 for a useful discussior of in eractivity and th
n tions iu I en t be tote.
ge e U
u rV sb
cuss
(HAPTER 3
1. 1 inn an s ii sense on
nec Ques o a ibility also lie a th 1 When he party makes representative claims, it is in more t on e
I I a it of aesthetias onsider, lot exampl individuals acting on behalf of the party. 1 here is a dual claim in 1 e
1 . ,o. U t a politiet ansi S ike the part of those I speak I the party, and therefore I have the standing to tell you t he
a P a jiI9I 9) arid the mcdii tI rough which they are, or aie party speaks for you Thus, in many cases a party spokesperson who.
uticalir vi
ibl.
5 authority to speak for the party may be in dispute internally is asserting
,nsbohn anape hat afl be said to inakcr pout cdl issues visible in particular both their authority, and the partys policy or strategic position. though
an ,ilo rtinant here See, for exansj. Ic, Doyles account of the ultimately individuals make claims, the latter can be made on the part of a
et ease utaPois il pol;ta at loiatn change coiss sinmeotion (2007), collectivity (Weldon 2002).
1 1. stranJs Ca stitatis e ,Oi, ot claims and claimants is closely compatible 2. To stress the performative is not to downgrade material or institutona1
I P 55 ;itner
ti a publics whien exist ne argues, by virtue of being
ant UI
aspects of political representation (such as specific electoral systems; o I
.sddresnd tS a I r OO p have suggested, to cite just one important example, the institutional pots
a p 0011 1 a to sat in nnnt silt ations the specific constituency honing of a claimant can bear significantly on his or her capacity, and need,
est at bs fly 0 e I psesentat vi U mm and the process of to make explicit representative claims
InitIal i call its nun Lrom a slightly
n 3, On constituem ies that materialize as a result of performances as d ap
and the n sorts ice of creating an audience see van Zoone OO
Notes
(1 amid 4 News, :nled Kingdom, September 6, 2007. onto the platform to speak; he has to put on a show. His aim is to charm, to
ti ks ns r Al ro
odd ice, Ih I ukpe lent Nov uber 19,
seduc to lull to bill and to c so. lbs musi a1 phrasi l is s re ii port
F an h s ideas his gestures more important F an Irs one 1 r
ta rg and llins, can si 0 as uuual to pohtwal everything. Ihe good orator may say absolutely nothing, hut lie sacs it
ista1,,r tcrtai is poit ical les elop ilients and nsth utions that are well. What matters to his audience is that he sounds good and looks good.
on ill-i a. S lfl Here ten ai aso ably inn reted as ci ating or I ogic r rational order or consistency, ge in the way t1 h ach vrnp
I v e m tabbh fleet v ire i i attained above all through i ripresslornsti ii iag&a r
kb in s ak I 1. iii. in crest Like the disabled or indigenous phors, hans acting, fancy turns of phrase and defiant remarks. Ihr. goad
S iwo 200 1) writes that 1mm the 1960s Australia and Canada
,
Latin-American political orator bears a much closer resemblance to a hull
I Or on ibhc turn d co mon y adv cacy rid i particu aghtes ti a ck a ger than to a lecturer w a p ofessor hr am cisc s
I w In vi N. v h F au I ene by ir stinct, emotic n and se it r s it ( a I
uni r d us he r Lies men Peak bodies air. repioentative bodies that 1991, 70-1).
twain e adv xaev, representation, r aordmatron, information, research and
10. (Zallero (1994, 229) argues along these lines in his account of positions and
a lewl pm it bets 1 1 iemb i or nisa ms ithus a given r les Simply put, positions are unique to each actor, wh re lcs
p a cu, at ivc sins th
t a e LuaIJiLdl,lcu iridependeiw of he dL
4 ,
culai ,
ci d in t parharnu tarv inquiries and at the committee stage of and significant consequence of this distinction between position and rok is
reicv it h polation Ii osieru nine from
the fact and style of government top that roles are not viewed as a consequence of ones position in a ioCidi
ci is engr vrrr iii rese titer as a osed a its risin mar bottom truct r is Rather, riles i rust be claimed before t[ ey are nacted is p itio
s I II 2 s s ov se tent ci, R lea on th ac ount, are cultural objects
cii e lip, hr. ad ant conic us a ml authenticity abound when 11. Ihis is not to say that descriptive representatives, such as Maori reprcsenu
repit ontatil n is staged in certain ways, or staged just too carefully perhaps
fives occupying reserved seats in the New Zealand national parliaissent,
Inn tin iwtv ii r eser d a I ici sen tive ansfc iris t re re anne t repr&sent substantively better because of their do, a lof I
it Is t i a ii ci n e a et s so co snectior ta their constituency. Recent writers have suggested s t ii
cv rod ilirru ii iss Ii F is it pie e stative I \nkers nit 002a, 34),
-
often the case see Mansbridge (1999), Williams (1998), and Phillips l99i
s A par at tht whole uarlerstjn ling of political performance is a performers But of course knowing what better is in this context is a difficult and
tar F & tar. hat dies is w not rut be fly onseous of or omplex issue Mansbridge and Williams draw on a sense I in suet i
1 1 11 h w is t is at pc 10 nance terms of relative exclusion from political power of rnargrnalized gToups
is dccc seed i play al trig with the idea tha sineesity and authenticity example, to help to make the normative case for institutionalizing new harms
outweigh in pertermatrac aspect. In thb light, it is probably not the case, as of descriptive representation. Dovi (2002) further refInes this line of argu
irs as taur tha 11 a bus wilL vast e a in fomi flee i is ment. My own approach to issues of democratically leg timatc n pre s at a s
1 1 r I a w ire r F s r deic s defer ed until the extended discussion in Chapter 6.
sac he hr. potentially devastating factor. She may be closer to the mark, 12. rhere is no neat or containable list of the strategic possibilities here, Lien
Iiawcscr, rn her earionent that what must be performed on the different working within a role-based rather than a resourced-hased perspectu e,
g,& in iass e v ty 1 ar O[ dat rca aut ntici y Rehfeld (2009), for example, shows that the aitegorics of truste ci
a n I) a
delegate can fruittully be unpacked.
Son irises what n tail )i d and targeted well not so much be the message of
-
13. raking fully on board the aesthetic element in representation, Iser (1982, 2 n
tirt LrcctArrirdrr as tN. style at the perlormanee. lii l9b8, the novelist Mario comments that The semblance lachieved by representatio n] is aesthetic
erg Ill rio ti at o arcs sit Pc u In s ac omit of insofar as something is represented that has no given ieality of its r. an, I
I i tics I go p a there ore only th condition for the production of a insagusa oF
:\otes Notes
ept- sri ar niold 11 ii th opients d and i s 17. Barker 2001, 119) lies Bidir: Those who a most succ ,sful ui got r ing,
on tie . m,s hat angib becor a or s challenging govcrnmei t are those wi o create da or p hr
S I il it ty c the pohin z community in a way vhich siost dfectiv I s
ogi Ityth it the r wn egitimetros and identification In this procans the pr >5 to
tbos w to with gr ncr skill crab identities sot to tL. who us i ot
tine Lou m cultural [resentations can be I tub constitutional struc
mien
represent them.
Ocr s and ults, r 01151 let the Madisonian foundations of modern liberal 18. As Dan Lloyd has written Humans are representing animals, and sre hate
a uoracs Sor iaf iept sentations Muscovici 1988 at Madisons time in built a world crammed with representations of many kinds. Consider, tur
ir d ew if the cot bully at lf-rentere I ess of hurt a i example the number and vanety of pictorial represu tation: p i ninigs
ire I rail ipir th esse me r pho og aphs, m vii p pictures, line drawings caricatu cs diagra i , us.
e o sllsv as hart graphs, and map. kdd the vane y of 1 nguistir 1 q res hi 1
Rrj ion sir, ian tion c sigr s tales texts I all kinds, and especially spoken words a id sc tie r
s is Ion th eterabh dcl of sew p0 (thougf r I luniar fife, in sho t s largely a cycle of making and trite i reting rep ma
riaunrit i guabir tin sras a mc ral element is well, enabling voters to tions (cited in Slezak 2002).
I s ii, to an ri en s ir presenu live I am grateful to an anonymous 19. This way of looking at the world has raised dilemmas in mans acadenm
ier net for this point Mooern lrliiocrauc constitutional design, center fields. For example, the dilemmas it poses for the status of the ethnographtr
1 inp ol nal revr
a tatron Is ftc n now err to In the paradigm of researcher has prompted debates with wide currency for issues of repr sen
iii itt rtair I (and bic) I vithm cli h tation Flahcrty ci al. (2002). burther an smodit es v caup in
ii a20 or rcp cc. ta on u nilex and shifting sea s too. In i node itt
I c of wi t Mit lieU, verything is indefinitely reproducible an r pi c i a I as
i tsault of hut s tatici r ii a corn odity. ( at gones such as the thing tself, the c ihentic i the
OIr mgi. s an sc para e the processes of making isihie the constituency real which were formerly considered the object of representation (or as tin
nadi ig it i example, a politician merely speaking of my constitu presence achieved by formal purity) now become themselves representations,
nat contribute o ta visibility in the s use of bringing it to wider endlessly reduplicated and distributed (Mitchell 1990, 17).
i o -ds Lu snple, triP quirr further
ic t hi. I d tderst ssurr ahou self
HAPIFR
tnt I r tire k g ithful
pie I a I tin ii ipais i ts ia )). Suci mulation d) .. I scws,bhc.co ukJI/hi/magazine/4b29851 strn, ac cased on
1. hit
1 gust
apt i, sells it the e ctrdav brig iagL in which we speak about represen 31, 200!.
elton st rh that cii cc riot obviate the tact that to speak for others as elected 2. Examples involve actors operating routinely out of the public eye, such as the
tcprcsentaiVeS Jo, of surse is to make representations that render those regulatory role of the doctors body the British Medical Association, Othet,
arc just the opposite. In the United Kingdom recently, for example, a range >1
es B i law ci government decisions on food in state sehools have been drive the
ii v a t nyay celcurity chcf Janue cAiver, and the actress Joanna Luuiley virtuan r d
sri nis UI itt (sin 1 go policy terms to the UK government iegarding the settlement I hr tic is
o lri It ntit wI of sy wn and i sorneth ig S
,
soidsers i the Ut ited Kingdom
rit,iti1s cd up 1,1 i srIt as ant zy weight and length (Ankersrnit 2003, 3. lhe emphasis on enactment here is deliberate. As I have argued elsewhere
(Saward 2003), political principles gam their meaning and political signil i
cance in and through specific actions, processes, or institutions,
Ii ii Ii in cli iso a. r ucy 11. n Bu lie vo I Vi al representation s tat ir vhiel Lher a -or
P iv ul 1) 89 as a or o u icr a and a sy npathy in feelings and desire beiwosi boa
I iinii d dihit moPs a enios r Advoc tp cipatory act n the na te of any escriptior of people and the people in chose oar
rw r ans1 omstmi s athxaa s of deliberative democia, often im they act, though the trustees are not actually chosen by them tsucli a
a. hcniv said the ideas and ii tith000s at the core uftheir models repiesentation I think to be ur many cases even better than the actual It
ca. e 1 tim r in us 5cc ias cel, thai those a the heart ot polyarchy. possesses most of its advantages, and is free from many ot its incons emend
a. not tins is as tot a Ii ice ft
. it a it 0 eeLs the rregular ties in the literal q resent t on wI
S ii c ( i lear r r of ut ia flairs or lie actmg of public intere Ii c en
0 1 Ok P hal tiofl cell, a a e a it obliquely from its first line of direction. The people i tay rr in
i I sha s I am e ue uas we as democratic decisional devices ma,
.
choice; but common interest and common sentiment are rarely mistaken.
nd on their etoheddcdiieas saithus a polvarchal political structure. Further, See Edmund Burke A Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe, 1792, accessed at wwv
ioh.ihv St ewe lii, no
. coon ra in the wodd in the early twenty-first ourcivihsation.comismartboardlshop/burkee/extracts/chap 18 htm on Sep
it a I )iyaI( itself
pofya adcal
reuse mocrati tember 4, 2007
lv set
a lbs 12. d ha ucd that the present cult o c lcbrity ai 1 I ov
a boo archiaeiurc ror unelectcu womo-be r pre a es
us 5cr electoir igs might rovide me claimants will access to potential cvi ences
a a -els sos OOi.. sta it does net provide a close equivalent to the formal constitutional status it
1w orns 5 a pie ties clisunction
kctmt between rep anentative being elected to a legislative seat.
cc Ca iueii 1 ssrlit I sepres station han is es idsnt n the current 13 Further examples that replicate Mansbridges positioning of surrogates are
not d by Saw (2001), who cites Australiar and British pa lii nenta i
1 v fo ke is oi p t of their ole to be su ogate rep s a at of
isti as sit, i
1
po iual a! a, mng neople, gays and lesbians, and minority ethnic cotmnumties I-
5 the Isapik mutual e agageinent hetwcei elector and andi also writes of voteless constituencies, such as children, in a similar vein.
seas ncttia e implied Bc relational approaches to representation 14. The works of Held (1995) and Dryzek (2000a) offer influential and contrast
as tii ow P proces o to ar P iro between the two will always leave hag approaches to cosmopolitan or transnational democratseation,
I e u o -l in
a is reaps and is me ext 15. For efiecuons thai are highly suggestive on this topic, see vol Rautenl 1
ii uen tes (005
1 ye 11 t ass all a sit itt irs s sentat to som
Ii tt v P1, so hti
- - 5 al ai d nonpolitical contexts, have a destiny to
51 wept scit I his i the case in I art because we have little choice the CHAPTER 5
r c itita scprcsen cci 55 shcfti ig. complex, and to some degree cannot 1. Metaphors (of nature in this case) are key mediating devices. We inhabit
Bc red i ugh. lion o m seser ii is boil mcvi a rites. y and dynamic world of competing and overlapping metaphors. Ar
oc w re it ii e ot ca 1 at green political theorists and others often addrc s er t ea y
I a i asic Wit at i a dabl d genera
ii Is rat os re ,iis tic ular iron of mIsrepresentation arising from eeonoimc metaphors, concerned with natures riehiwas ar d ins ely ig
peds.se nstiiutsonal eirsumsraiices forms that may be partly avoidable or producers and consumers;
iia\( ilaii in ditfes ciii degrees, detwndmg on the case, The importance of pyramidal metaphors with humans as the pinnacle of evolution.
fits sit fIt c a Pc to in a resent 1 pnma in this latter area
sex -typing metaphors such as mother nature, carried over i o ideas
for xair pie virgir nature,
Notes
othe bypass eac other There arc varied reasons for ft i Ia , a t i a
or P ii. a Ii ii
,
not make this mutual disengagement reasonable. Elsewhere we have analyzed
no iii n ii a ic Ito al imp hh irvasling the tish crops) (Meisner
some of the key reasons, and made suggestions about what might hr do is
address tic prohkm van Bezen and Saward 2008)
an no ion s ii Pn I be icr aitc iiahve mcii ph ri, such as Nature as 7. Old style l)utch consociationalism is a classic example, where the social
it. N or ta h it ii> in ftc ny ) Natr rc a lisir g being ftaillar nay well have been to some degree a p oduct ath
a r
cal mi knsnu )m 14 d. Mm aphors are on 1% In t suggc tnc an of the distinctive form of elite accommodation political system. See Litphar
a iliifo ten, ink nra our mrtaphor will outrun attempts to characterize it or (1968) and van Schendelen (1984),
s p1 at is cc ii H s, e s gi on mbigu 8 1 e word ala tal is unfamiliar to contcm iporary Anglo Amen an ar Ii
ous g od ir ad, helpiul or dangerous, metaphor trom a political ecological OEL) defines it as Of or pertaining to a State (of the U.S. or other federa
p on oft w ft just or L thu smplc Meisrier, in his ti oughtiuil account of tio I as dish aguishcd fror a nationaL I offer it rather as eferrng I a a t
I a ii LI I nit r it ye warfu and
r s en in or
of or pertaining to the state in the Weberian sense of that set of organizations
iuu ivi t act cal his y it ust evoke posi ive feelings about
nature, and
nd o xhotativc
that together laini the monopoly of legitimate force in a giv n territory I Ii
s a ft I di o u ht r pa
term us ft here other than state simply because it makes this id al t pi i
w as ft In mrir ftiYk, In) 11 rrcogmles lion elusive such metaphors are likely grammatical equivalent ot the other two popular and reflexive.
o pros thor git h 5 Iftois, or esainpie ones which see nature as alive, as
i it 2 S in dscusson a Katz and Mair (1995)
a it in, a Ii pa ii at er ra as is, is ii
,
10, For varied perspectives on deliberative democracy and accounts ol the rise of
ft or im uk is c I ii mr aid won en, are twi to ics witu a fascinatingly
w ne key background this persp ctive in contemporary democratic theory see Fishkim and L ste
l I or o 1 1 to ii ic Ur
on (1003 and Sawan 1(2000). A key political example as the Big (onvcrsa or
I mm tom s nd mcd a us ii hind tins omi sir MacGreg r (00 ) am d lorgars
in the early 2000s under the Blair government in the United Kingdomn.
See the ai alysi competitors to political parties with e p ct c at s
or 1k i n n ii vs i a r ii a h a o i ft to
Lion in Mair (2006).
imnJ Ic, In man, it. i 1 mis aIx ut oncns hit rests and idenities made by
5
12 The selected eases in this hapter are a few among many ways of explorin [I
1 1 ft vu i r r a Ar mat i, cv mu k ov a a Wine Who Wart
world of representative claims. The range of concepts and orientati ur. tin,
o in W an, m hi p wus v, cnd avon i thrum mrg. w/)
make up the claim-based approach can be adapted and applied to a range of
I me ohmct aT, as I r part of a remesentativi claim can of course be many
9 ) ri t a the contexts in pamuple. Gonsider, for example the study of the rezeser Li
i my. d a s a I mu n d mm ii ii
behavior of elected legislators. Often, such studies link a legislators votes
in n I n a m airs mis, iii xa api or d we have n this chapter reviewed
,
ott. sp ira aid so or with the policy preferences of their constituents as a measu e of repres 110
P ri mc a ii ta or an lx a ,
tiveness, 1 he claim-based framework prompts different approaches to us
I urtire, that fi anmswo I orvi a ii highlight the fact that mepresentation
empirical work. Such approaches might include a form of thick description
n ci mc representation it a continuous pxoeess of claims and
o ng ror i earlier (Ceertz 1913) ma close mterpretiveworkon the nature o rhetari and a t a
in H. iii if t ml sr pm s at it r II
on the part of legislators their representative claims. It might require sonic
I ins a mc dir ens on inn ca i aid will he invoked in claims to
iii
soaper sion or bracketing of normative assumptions about what r akc ii,
r irs m is m 1 a ii c es ii fo ii i a wI h liar xample ca n
more and lea appropriate forms of representation (meluding assu nj om
s aPt tmmtsmcst isrnms ot whsrc wimineri ame now where they might be um
with respect to any decisive role of elective status for legitimate representa
r ma dir nmn m ilac werm before, Iurihem for example, legislative
oa) A kok atti e party bureaucratic and her machine y in ft a I
,
is or y is I i is is lii a n pa ii al pre er Lotive
tion of representative claims, and the modes of listening and VOIcC available
am in her to constituency and other audiences, would require examinati in hi iron
m e d n o ,m h o r r dcii as ambrprescnttior
th re vould be a riced to limit the field of issues, the numbem f I go to
o tIm baird, amid m3 he ink and des elopmcnt r I political parties, on the
tire
tin iHK pe rod studied in order or foster the detailed interpretive mans instances scholarship has been replaced by pronouncements grounded
ten eflt i h a t, ac di t the ap roach demands, In this say, the in claims to various forms of episternic privilege which do not tit comfort abis
iI
her 1
ho into Ii e dy C of sentat 0 i witi t e typ in expression of democratic. sntimnen
I osy c ugh o sui pose tic desirability o havmg rica in ii
inciependen e terra agr in t whine i to judge the legitir lii of r i senta r
claims, But thr. clear difficulties involved in wrltmg about deniocracs with am
normative purpose from a broadly constructivist perspective cannot be avoided.
As Anne Phillips (2000, 249) writes, there is no easy way out: We can hardic
I 0 cs r or tIn uuluc ci in all lineal ill iricts, John stake the univc rsa[ity of our principles on the Id ir of what would ii ppen it
di in vi ci ,cod deal o abai do red hi ann I h case against foundationalism cam ot 1 t x err.
or in ry at I I he ega C act argur inc 1st I istrur i tin nature, for if ver he preference for I i in on
mc it nil with corix power democ politic the Uni ed tior is revealed as such ye need universal principles, we need a secure \arrt f
sn es on parti ular, this w not a new theme, of course consider the evolution of point trom outside), the case collapses on itself. We cannot appeal to the
airuaiist nhinkn, in tire unIencan acadein,, leading to the highly keptical and consequences as the basis for returning to foundationalist thinking; the only
nec on s by Onirdhlnini (19 1 and t)ahl I 191(5) But arguably political basis for this return would be the knowledge of sure foundations,
- do atte to ft ml) I ft dci acy, or lb 6. Ther a stror g use for arguing more generally that democracy oo a
a b i I oc atic deals 0 c rcted I rough West ii eyes see for example Paleys aeco
a they ci. or s by sati ( 3 22b- an h opoloy of emoc acy (2002)
Err nil rr s mc, cr be made ornraLice contril u on by nderitiing the 7. A citizen is normally defined as someone who possesses the formal status ci
rclivrt of legitimation as disturet from the ascribed quality of legitimacy national citizenship. Especially with the vast movements of peoples across the
(tOt, I rt urtlcir I ccc ask whether a regime is legitimate what that globe which is a defining feature of todays politics, we need to take on hoard
to in nedrI s the r tic legiti natedi A e there at lions which the perspectives of people who reside in nation state, temporarily
-r c ire ma M s ggestk i in otherwise, but who arc not formally citizens; and people who arc r it
ii lb Ia o d glint. to of a state an d teside outside it but whose interests arc bound up i cci r
ne t art. repre. tove is. repres ntativc claims made within (perhaps by) that state. Wc could,
I 0 is onc oint of c ritrast with the account of constituency offered by course, ignore the term citizen and speak only of those affected, for
Rehield RtOI I onng ris terms, 1 would advocate exploring the normative example. But I prefer to retain it and to qualify it; though citizenship is
or dcrpmnur of sot otogleal udgmenta of legitimacy rather than drawing exclusive as well as inclusive indeed, it is exclusive because it is inclusive
lear itrac cccii norn (or ilosophr in) and the its in lusivit-y still carries democratic force in terms of participa my rif I
I P 0 r stitucn y i and freedoms, a force that democratic theonsts put to one side at h r a
Ic tc ace I tin i all v insufficte it space fo 8. Suci a case could for example involve looking to the position ft disadv,
o i, nary an lynanuic rocesses ft constituency definition, Constituencies taged subgroups within intended or actual constituencies, given for example
01 vrt..d kind, are constituted (defined) through ongoing efibrts of the findings of Strolovitch (2006, 894--5): I find that while advocacy groups
cIa m-makem, dairri r eivers, and audiences. provide some representation for their disadvantaged members, they are
I (0. or I cx mr ts (2006 781) h 1, to ill Irate the aoint: The substantially less active v hen ii comes to issues affecting disadva iared ci 6
ira lit up1 the kn wledge I gnu c than ii y ire when it eoi In to issues affectm 1 more vant
sec ci a yti cx icr ft dgc is p acti suhgro i s empi an in the original)
c natal I on a wfrdg . Th denuc cc is as c timati and 9. In thei account of disco sive representation Dryzek and Niem yer ccc
redthlc ,rs runs otncrs in the political arena however
. the politics tend that Bonos clarni (2008, 481) makes most sense not in terms of
ninertrt wInd nnanv do speak is often a philosoplucal construction and .. in
all Mar 2006 Pd o sty 31 the 01 en society arguably requires no e i s
Ii r y a t r nor t th penncs of parti ipation in societal debate d 1 ss
1 zed a t ir non to the ceeptability against mndependen t ndsrd.
0 tier t of that debat
licsc a e exa ipics op who an reasoiaabiy be unaerstc in
xt, we nirgh I nt laim d r ii e ns lv a cprcsentative status in a articula con vi ii
tual an henccs, to I ctise o her i aya sofa eel iii d it for them). In these and the iyil c in
es Mm al idiem i ice opi I deplo n ti is chap r I nit to one side cases whete a public I gu c r
a to the him a gem ii \ttentive b ire a rdr an cpicsentatmve, positioned by others (firer thy or I t k
in inmay onaist of mcdh 1 iating and a pe rIcing o sta idmg for some group or ideal but denying that s a i
raising larms inlet use audit e u ces or info thcnwlves Sn vample us the late Moroccan writer l)riss (bra h I a tin
which mr inakc them opmioi claims in my wi Ian c iot in the name of my brothers), whose early 1s
deliberative theta nir >1 dilhirc it ttpc v aced mote engaged and in French w re published around the time of the gathering pact
ashlic al modes ol as essmng whtica1 cIa ii I ad to embrace what we Moroccan i id pendence movement (see Harnson 2001).
.miht all tin m ,lessmiIess ci politital time and cot sequcndv the need fin notions 18. Of course, there may be many reasons for the failure ot representative claims.
ci rtrvuionahty in )udbmiig political claims 1 his u the case ss ifs Raw[s (1997) on They may not reach intended constituencies and audiences at all. Thes mat
irgutnents oflered iii pubifi from within reasonable Lomprehensive doctrines, be tactically poor claims, badly targeted, rushed, or overstated (see the
and eutinoln and I hompson ( i9tN) osi arguments in a deliberative democracy. examples discussed by Moss and OLoughlin 2008).
j in it upom lance of udgicent in representatise politics has rightly been 19. Parkinson (2004) discusses in some detail the multiple acts and claims
nprmasiicd entta by Urhinatm t2005), involved in a case of health policy in a UK city. It may of course be the case
I hate attempted mineihnig along these lines elsewhere (Saward 1998), that there is a kind of informal incumbency effect whereby claims and
though ii i not aim account geared to the notion of the reptesentative claim. claimants that achieve a level of acceptance are in a stronger position I
11 ( (earls tic id a of tile open society is most do ely associated with Popper compete against relatively new clamms that impinge on their issue or area of
ss ho slit v,eci its contrast with a closed society in which truths were concern.
imp sed and rtttc maui stilled. 20. Note Urhinatms comment (2000, 765> that it is not indirectness per se that
I iacwftere I have offered a ruIical appraisal of Datils account of core democratic distinguish representative democracy from direct democracy. Rather, what
rmctpfes amid the adequacy ot his conceptiOn of demoerain (Saward 2001). makes the former truly different is the character and broadness of its
iiimiber of coimiemporais critics would argue that Dahis approach amounts mediated politics
o .0 at count of alggregative tleunoeracv which is less defensible and desir 21. Some quite ingenious arguments run into difficulty by assuming the logical
Die h i tel [anal ye elernot racy (young 2u00 Gutmann and Ihompson or empirical separability of direct and representative democracy. Consider
(>0 1 lIe ci Ii egard his as a inst i eti in of i title iality as to render it the probleir expressive voting. Brennan and Harnhn (1999) ag
tie imngl as In bit l, so called ft b i ocracy requires the that representative forms of democracy are clearly superior to direct for ic
ist i it cal at if in tu ut tonal mac hinei in )cracy as much because rep ese Ita mves have an incentive to act virtuously and there or
lie I agrcgat a demo ise I . t c rists strongly of Ic policies hat arc loser to the public interest than direct voti ig
w e uu ly dov npldy debates a c if between produce. According tc this view, under direct democracy vot rs am ii
u 1 li r iee tory of th I a ly helpful choose u r elfin t outcomes, but they can choose who or what to ott for
alxaia i u of thi ptions of a ies It v as will be xpres mve based largely on particular e it mu i
iir tInt count asj nit catrictive, nd ir jud c s (1999 1 9). When electing representatives or he I
lelilanaims I 000; hand we a dete t and will vote for candidates of relative v tu r
is ol it. wI ii th do hi. a no rn ,
is isi Ic ir Id ci it. iti p bLi (I99, 12a In th end, there n
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Anderson, B. 51 Bourdieu, P. 512
Andeweg, R. B. 105 British Medical Association 62
animals, representation of see noithu Budge, I. 165
man ani.mals Burke, E. 10, 70, 85, 93
Ankersmit, F. R. 68, 79, 107 BurrnalMyanmar 156
anticipatory representation 201, 92
Antigone 65 Capitol Building, Washington,
associative democracy 143 DCC. 91
audience (in representative claim) 18, Cavell, 5. 11
25, 278, 36, 4856, 667, 76, Celis, K. 120, l24-
11213, 119 Chabal, P. 57, 75, 103, 147
Austin, J 11 China 156
Australia 67, 119, 161 Chralbi, D. 62
authenticity 1034, 117 citizen representative 1657
authorization 12, i034, 160 citizenship, political 101, 125, 1657,
185
Bachrach, P. 152 citizens initiative 165
Bagchi, A. 106, 166 citizens jury 1645
Bang, HR 108 citizen standpoint 147
Baratz, M. 152 civil service 97
Barker, R. 61 claim, representative see representative
Bamett, C. 78 claim
Barthes, .R. 40 Clinto.n, B. 67
Bart.olini, S. 131 codes, cultural see representation,
Bauman, Z. 16, 42 cultural
Be&er, H. S. 78 Cohen, J 78
Beetham, .D. 87, 99 Coleman, S. 55
Index
iLl 8,114 hail $ 75, 77 123 I B a 27
hlarnsor N 1 ,jphari,
hinchhfc, S I I iskin, R 90 00 1
Fhirscf man, A
1 7% U hLrs1, 14 hlirst, P. 143 McKay, F. 127
1-Lkstem, 1{ i0 Hobbes, F. 10, 91 Madison, [. It)
elcctwc iepresentation )4, 65, 731, Ilolden, B. 31 Mair, p. 127. 129, 131 -2
82-1 3, >41, 152 e alsu non House of Chiefs 96 Maione, C. 84, 106
House ofCorn r 81 Make Poverty Flistory 8
House of Lord 10 ii akcr of iep rscntatlo ss
Howard, M 4( ,3 11 20
]ronn lIuc5-n,A. 2 ) lanm, B. 4, 100
ua it I, F o1itica 86 Manshridge, 1. 19- 24, 20 31, 44, o
uhu. >1 44, identity 77-8 89, 12, 99, 122, 163. 1
i ii Union 84
ipeaii independence ot claimants 1069, [25 March,J. C. 98, 106
INGOs 27 Mann, L. 4748
interest 44- 5, 4 )7-9, 1 3 14 Marx, K. 1
12930 (48 Menzies, R F
intc. p e atlo . 3 4 183 metaphor, m sc U thco y
lraniai Guardsu Council )6 118 20 181 -2
a I to iraq 2, 99 Mexico 1(X)
S 0,, 1 7, -Ni F1eschi, C. i Italy 161 Micheletti, M. 101, 108
lislikin, j 7. 90, 10(1, 1647 Miii, J. S. 11819
judgment, political 30, 145Si. Miller, A. 67, 69
nklin 14 >19 15460, 164 Mills,W.J 12
ci s,-[ ho mnlsrepresentatlon 91 0
monarchy 96
karp P 1). 44, 71 Montanaro L 160
(ci in> B Keatmg, P. 67 Morocco 6..., 96
Ghana 96 Keohane, R. 27 Muller, W. 105
ot1nian, 1,. 67 , 70, 132 King, M. L. 28, 99 Muscovici, S. 43
oodin, 14. 4. )i), 78, 90, KIee, p. 51. 174
Kos yr 101 nation-state and repreun a ion
Yyidicka, W. io
nature 11 2(
I womv lasleti, I, 16- Netherlands thc
I atour, B. 51, 79 networks 1056
(u>Inann, A 159 legitimacy, democratic 84, 14360 New Zealand 181
gvroscopic cprescntatiOn 212, 92 legitimacy, political 26, 61, 96 Nigeria 156
S ti C ft fl5Jt11411 4, (C, Pniidergasl, (. 79 nested 91 resoulces br 70--c
tO iC eiCCt c rineipa1 agent model 20 5 1045, patterns ot 94 silencing effects 32, 53
I 015 C 415 scrita stagin a id settir ol I 7( stata 8 3 1
s ib siv ctngfo studyo 183 4
axu a SLfl UlOif, s 19, csoorcv sr (Cl St4L
tl bu. 33, 72 sec ain ioies, represn roles, icpresentatiV It, M 42 s,
-4 -I6 8 15- [kVi5101411tV of judgment 153--4, tative 703, 83, 1o3
at uant 1014
mtl - C9t)0 ubiquity of 7981, loS Roy, A. 74, 139
Ic 16 I 1/CWO I S. -
representational art 14 Rubenstein, 1. 2 99
presi. ita we ci s
C(.[ itoi San W va, K 151
11 1 8 authen icity an 1 /8-- 9 Sarftr .15-
I 4. . C- I tt ere, j. CC, 80
4
R,in basic form 368 Sawer, l. 22
random select ion 100, 1645 contestation of 534 Schatter, h 103
8 - l-it Rawls. 5-, 117, i47, 16970 as constitutive 445, 4953, 38 Shmitt, C. 78, 107
I_I 4aga 67 democratic legiti nay and 143 -60 Schmitter P. 133 36
dual ci cit 4/ 8 Schnatts wader F I ?1
re Wi elect yr 1 -9 Schum wtcr, J S 90 1,0 1 1W
11 4
1, 74, 4) 12-13 denser ts of 43 ( Schwartz, N .3., 53
7 41 4 S44 I 5- Rehfeld, A 258, 32, 55-6 factors in success of 73 Scott, J 150
Relig, W 165 illustrated 37--It, 111 37, 157 8 Seitz, B. 52
ai ti toht. ai. ai 5
I - R.iubi St 74 judgment of 154-60 self representation 101-2, 1614
lincs o variatio i 7 -66 Simons 1 119
a (4, TI 0 sal nf iriS 2 Smith, 1 164
cpu tion wtR. in piicitexptl I iiO apivan, 77--
f1cfl, I ,cC, r_ )fts naiIsc lain 68, 73- 92, ho, 132 ,
internal-external 61 2 Squares, J. 1203
CT CCt1V, S. ,CftICi 214 represen tat ion, cultural 75- 7 particular-general 59oO stakeholder representation 83, 100--I
001015- L so I 40, 44 88 r presentation, politiCal singular-multiple 58 standpoint theory 147
act oety 1 1 unidi ectional-muhidirectional Stokes, .74
Siret, J (6,101
nesed i--S Stroni K iQi
bnj, ,
4
disUn i ms 41 nonikctive 95- 110 Stoffd, S. 124
as constitutive 14, 17, 20, 289 deeper roots 958 suhiect in representatise claim., 36.
toOt WCI re selitattli,,, (I at-pn seil
5- debates over 111 37 expertise 98 468, 112---13
0 01 il is 1a and [Mi 5% 26 wider interests and new substantive representation 4, 85,
as est 16 v ices 9S 102 0 6
p iaht /8 0 urrogat rcpres a a
14111,1 C r On I exis g theor s perfor i ance at d 66-70 Suu Kyi Aung Sai ISO
5_ 14 ngaL1ve aSpects 52 reception of 1029, 147, 15- Swidler, A. 75
1