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Germany above all i..x

The German mental altitude and the war


Professor at the University of Paris

Der Staat ist Machi


Translated by J. S.

Cette brochure est en vente ~t In


103, Bou1e~ardSaintMirheP, PAIUS, 5
au prix do 0 fr. 50

MM. ERNEST LAVISSE, ofthee Acadmie franaisc a~Prt~sident.

CHARLES ANDLER, professor of German literature and

language in the University of Paris.
JOSEPH BEDIER, professor at the College de France
HENRI BERGSON, of the eAcademie franaise a.
EMILE BOUTROUX, of the Acadthiiie francaise
ERNEST DENIS, professor of history in the University
of Paris.
EMILE DURKUEIM, professor in the University of Paris.
JACQUES HADAMARD, of the a Academic des Sciences a.
GUSTAVE LANSON, professor of French literature in the
University of Paris.
CHARLES SEIGNOI3OS, professor of history in the Uni-
versity of Paris.
ANDRE~ WEISS, of the ~Acadmie des Sciences morales
et politiques a.

All communications to be addressed to tho Secretary of the Committee

M. 1~MILE DURKHEIM, 4, Avenue dOrlans, PARIS, I4~.


Germany above all

German mentality and wam


Professor in the University of Paris.

Ikr 51w/Is! Iliac/i!.

JeITSUB ( i~cit1k).

Translated by J. S ,-c~~,


103, Houlovard Salnt-M(che), PAWS, ~


The Conduct of Germany during the war spriiii.~shorn a cerlain
itierital at tilude
This attitude ~vi11be examined in the writings of Treilsclike... 4

I. The Siato above international law.

lnternationn~ 1 roaties ilo not hind the State. Apology for war. 7
The State is Power. Suppression of small States

It. The State above Morality.

For the Satc Morality is a means 15

The sole duty of the State is to be strong ~I
The end justifies the means 21

III. Tho State above civil society.

The antagonism between the State and civil society 27

The duty of citizens is to obey
The ideal Statesman

IV. The Conduct of the war explained by this mentality.

Violation of Belgian neutrality and of the Hague Conventions .

The existence of small States threatened

Systematically inhuman warfare 35
Negation of the rights of nationalities 40

V. Morbid character of this mentality 41



lhe conduct of Germany during the ~vnr springs from

a certain mental attitude. fun principal oh~eriof tile

analytic studies, which form our Series is to depict Gerniany

as tie war has revealed tier to us. \Ve have sjoduti already
oh tier aggresive temper, her bellicose disposi lion, hei
contempt of itternaituital laws, of lint systematic saviii.~eiy,
a and Iiei deliberate cruelties. Diii these various leiiiiitislra
tions oh the German spirit, however (hislinet each oh thou
characteristics may be, are all subservient to one and thin
same basic condition, which establishes their utilty. They
are only varying eNpressiulls ol oiie and the same condition
of iiieuliility, which, it) thin prcseiil work, we \~oii1(l~vishiho
exa mine, in order to comprehienii, and to determine, i Is
essential elements.
This analysis is so much the mote necessary, because only
by its aid can an answer be found to the (jilestion ~vltichia
certain number of well meaning people abroad are still
asking themselves. rfhle cumulative proofs which show
what Germany has become, and which justify in this way
the charges brou~iitagainst lint, have brought about, even
in quarters which were most l~ivoIlrahle to 11cr, a- (iefihlitc
shifting of opinion. None the less, an objection is oFten
made against us, antler shelter ui which certaill inveterate
sytn pattiins still try ho ii sseiL themselves. The facts that we
have alleged, authoritative as they arc, ire challenged upon
the ground that they are a priori iinprob~ihlo. It is beyond

belief, they say, that Germany, which yesterday was a member

of the great family of civilized peoples, which even played
amongst them a part of tile first importance, has been ca-
pable of giving so completely the lie to the principles Ot
human civilization. It is not possible that those men,
with whom we used to consort, whom we held in high
regard, who belonged without any reservation to Die same
moral community as we ourselves, have been capable of
becoming those savage creatures, aggressive amid unconscio-
nable, whom we hold ~p to public indignation. They be-
lieve that the fury we feel as l)elligerents heads us astray,
and prevents us from seeing things as they really are.
Now those very acts which are so baffling and which, for
that reason, people would desire to deny, are exactly those
which are found to have their origin in Flint totality oh ideas
and sentiments, which we propose to analyse they spring
from it just as a conclusion springs from its premises. We
find there ill its entirety a mental and moral system, which,
elaborated especially with a view to war, remained in the
back-ground during peace. Its existence was known, an(J
the danger involved in it was to some degree suspected; but
only during the ~var, has it been possible to appreciate the
extent of its influence in the light of the extent of its
a c ti vi tv
It is the system summed up in the famous formula, which
appears as the hca(hing of these pages.

This mentality will be studied as presented by Treit-

schkc. To describe this system it will not be necessary

that we should set out to seek on this side and on that its
constituent elements, and tile!) to group and to correlate
them one with another in a more or less artificial manner.
It is a German writer, Heinrich Treitschke, who has set
forth this system on his own responsibility, with a full and
clear appreciation of tile principles upon which it rests, and
of the consequences which it implies. The system is deve-

loped throughout his works as but mome particularly in his

Polilik (I).
\Ve cannot then do better than take him for our guide
we will follow the lines of has expusi Lion iii nial~ing our own.
We will do this so closely as even to let Ii in use hi is own
language; we will veil ou tselves hiettimul hiini. Iii that way
we shall not lie liable to change thin German itiode of thought
by a biassed and hostile interpretation.
If we select Tiei tsclike as the leadi tig stil)jecF of our a mta~
iysis, it is not by reason of the value which lie can ehaiin as
a savant or philosopher. Quite time con tin my, lie iii teiests
us, because his mode of though I is less that of an mdi vi
dual thinn of a school. lieilschike is not nit original
thinker, who worked out, in the seclusion oh his sI udv, an
individual system ; liii t lie is a perso nnhi l~ pree iii neii I ly
representative, aiirl it is as such Lila F lie is I tistiiictivc. liii
mersed in time life of his period, lie expresses I lie menial
attitude of his surroundings. A fmieritl of lhisiiiarck, who iii
I 87-t invited hi m to I lie University of Berlin, a great mImi rer
of William II, he was one of the first and iiiosh ardent
apostles of the imperialist policy, lie (lid 1101 limit himself
to tianslating into resoutiditig phrases (lie i(heas which P~~
vailed around him ; lie contributed, more thati anyone, to
the diffusion of tli cm as much by his speeches ~tS by ins pen.
That is the task to which as journalist, pio lessor, and
deputy in the Ileichstag, lie devoted himself. I his elo
(juence, rugged anti pie tu resqite, careless a ad arrest iii g in
style, had a fascina tiiig infi uemice, especially 111)011 thin you iig
students who crowded eagerly round his profcssomial cliii
lie has been one of the educators of modern Gerin~iny,ai.d
his authority has only grown thin grenter since his (heath (ti).

(1) This book contains a course of leclures, which lieischike ga~

every year at Berlin, ihuririg tile winter session. Our (lUotillions are
taken 1mm the second edition (Leipzig, 11(1)9).
(2) Scarcely was he dead when extravagant eulogies were raised
on alt sides. A Committee, of which Prince Itismnank was the liresi.
dent, was formed ininiediately to ciect a monument to loin, If we

But what best shows the impersonal character of his

work. is t lint we shall [Intl there, set forth wit Ii absolute amid
frank pieeisioii, mill time principles which German di~)honlacy,
amid hhie Gcimnnmi military shall, have pit, nut] ame daily
1)1111 lug, into practice, lie has prediched, mmny morn has
enjoined as ii duly il[)Oii C~eima1iy, all Ilmal she has hem
tloimig Ioi the last hen months, and lie tells mis ~~hmatin his
opinion ate the reasomis which imiipose that (hilly. All the
thieomies, by which the German intellectuals have tuied to
justify thin acts of Elicit government, and I lie comitl mict of their
armies, are found ready to hand in his teaching but (hwy
nrc hhmme coorditmated, and mimade subordinale to a cenirmi
idea, w hiichi mcv(als time unity imndcthyimig them. Bcrnhiaidi,
oh ~vhmomn one hears so mucti, is only his disciple ; lie is even
a disciple, who has limited himself to apply rig to thin poli-
tical questions of thin (hay, the ax ionms of his master, without
adding amiyt hi imig oh substance to Diem (I) lie has en m-iicd
Ihiein to cxtiemne limits in I lie attempt to popuihimis them.
- Al. lime sa iii e I ni e, been use [tie work of Tiei tschm ke tins been
pubhihied hoc t~vemmhy yeais, hi is tea clii ng, as I here pmeSeiiIc(h
to us, is fmee fco ma ceila iii accretions wlmichi o hscu in it to -day,
amid cloud [lie essen I imih Ii imes of it is argu mciii. Upon Ihiese
grounds we exl)Iain a rid justify our choice.
betevo timise p~rsons,the Prussiati historian outshone all time historians
ol his counhmv. (A. Guilturul, 1_-lY,imrjrre mmmrvellc el ses
p. 2is).
(I) We
shall refer to lo~Views, wheim they SC(lii rmsuummllv to supple-
ment those oh rrcitschkc.

Imitcriintiominl treaties do not bind the State. Apology

for war. TIme system tests enl ilely on n c(ul aiim way of
conceivimig of (lie Simile, its ttatumre antI its htmnct.ioii. II may
be objicied perhaps that suichi mutt ithemi is lot) abstract ho
have matle any deep iiiipressiomi 1111011 niemis iiiimids. limit it
will lie seen that it is only npp;iremillv ahistiach ,aiid in reality
connotes a heeling allogetlier athi~eand real.
~ We expech geutermihhy ho see in the nature of its sovmmeigimly
~ Ihie chiamaelemistic quumihity of lime Slate. thin Shale is sove
~ reign in the sense that, it is (lie source of mill thin jutrhtical
~ authorities, to which thin citizens mite sumblech, auth (limit Iom
~ itsell it recognises no auithioiity oh thin same kind ~vIiieht is
~ superior lo II., or upon ~~ltmchi it (lehmemimis. All Imi~vhi1Th(~hs
~ from it, while no authority exists whiich is comupelnimt to
~ iiii~JOSClaw upon it. But lime sovereignty which, lit thin oidi
imaiy way, We ahliihitiln ho the Simile, is ahwmuys iimerely r(hmu
Live. \Ve well know thmmit iii fact time Stale d(huenils upon mu
muitltitude of tnomal forces wlnr,hi, Ihmotighi they amy mint
humlve a Iomm and tirgaiiismitiomi muhsoltitely jiimimhical, mire mmone
thin less real and ehlective.
it (hepcmnts upon treaties thmat it hmts signet1, 111)011 emmgmi.
genietits that it htas voluuitamily made, iitmon moral pmmici~iles
which its duty is to see respecheh, principles which ii umiuist
Lhieielore itself respect-. It tiepenths upon lime gootiwill oh its
snijec[s, anmi the goodwill oh loieign natiomimihities, ~vhmichi
ii is obliged to take into comisnierat ion.
Exa gerri In, on thin cont rary, that independence, ueiense it
fromu all himnitmilimin mmml mesemve, extemnh it to absoliilismmu, antI
tile!) you will have the idea whmichi Trei Isehike tmmmmkes of thin

State(t). For him thin State is ~u~x~, in the sense which

time Greek philosophers gave to that word; it must be com-
pletely self-sufficient; it has, and ought to have, need only of
itself, to exist and to maintain itself; it is an absolutism.
Made only to conimnand, its will must never obey other than
itself. Above inc sai(l Gustavus Adoiplius, I recognise

no one but God, and the sword of tire conqueror That.


proud formula, says Treitschke, applies in exactly the same

way to the SLate(~). Moreover time supremacy of God, is it
riot here reserved scarcely more than as a matter of form?
To sum up, it is of thin very essence oh the State that it

cannot recognise any force above itself (5) .

All superiority is intolerable to it, were it only a superiority

in appearance. It cannot even allowa comltrary will to express
itself in face of its own; for to attempt to exercise upon it
any degmee of pmessure is to deny its sovereignty. It cannot
even wear time appearance of yielding to ammy kind of cons-
traint fmom the outside, withiout weakening and lowering
itself. A concrete exatriple, showimig thin application oh
these axioms, will make one better understand (limit meaning
and bearing. It will be remembered how, at time time of
the Moroccan affair, tile Emperor William II sent one of his
gunboats to Agadir; it was a menacing way of reminding
France that Germany did not propose to stami(I aside from
the Moroccan question. If at Flint moment France, in reply
to thtmil. thrre~it,had sent into time same port, alongside thin
Pant /1Cc, omie of its war vessels, (lint simple assertiomi of its
right would have been considered by Germany as a defiance,
and ~var probably would have broken out. Thin reason is
that time State is a creature peculiarly susceptible, even nior-
bidly prone to take offence; it canmiot l)e too jealous of its
prestige. however sacred in our eyes human personality
may be, we do not admit that a man may avenge by

(t) vol. 1, JL 41.

Petit 1k, (2) Potitik, vol. 1, p. 37.
(3) Das \Vesen ites Shrates hmesteimt dorm (tnss em keitie hohiere
Gewalt ber sich duhrlen kann (ibid.).
m. nu:nioiini. II. Angt.

bloorhshiee! a simple default in the ordinary rules of etiquette.

A State, on the contrary, mnust comisiderer as a grave insult
the least slight to its amour propre. It is to misummidem
gtaii(l , said Treitsclike, the immoral laws of political conduct
to repmoach a State with a too lively sense of honour. A
State must have a sentiment of htomiotmr developed to a very
highm degree, if it (hoes not wish to be faitlmless to its owmm
nature. The State is not a violet, which blooms iii the shimide;
its power ought to be )moUdly dispimiyed in thme full gimire of
light, and the State must not allow it to be questiomieti, not
even in a symbolical mannem. S hiould its hag he insuu I ted,
the duty of time S tate is to denimind satisfaction, and, it ii tails
to obtain it, to declare war, imoivever petty 1/ic cause may
appear to be; /hr it must insist absolutely on prsctwmrg /or
itself 1/ic ran/c that it occupies in time conmlnulmity of flaliOfls( I).
The only possible limiiitations 1.o the sovereignty oh the
State are those wliichi it accepts usd1, whemi it uimdeutakes
engagements towards other States. limen at least one iiiighmt
suppose that it is bound by thin engagements wimich it hmmms
U n(lei tmtken.
S tartiiig from that monmemiI, it ~sotilt! see un, it
has to reckon with another entity titan itself; is it not subject
to the temms of the treaty agreed 111)01)? Iiuit iii fact that
subjection is omily apparent; time bonds which it has thins
fashioned are the ~~oukof its own will; they remmiiii tom I hint
reason subordinate to its owmi will; they have au h)imitliiig
foice, except in so far as they comutinue to lie in linrimiony
with that will. The contracts, in whelm these oldigatiomis
have their origin, contemplated a deIimiite state of facts; it is
because of that state of facts Unit time State accepted those
obligations; let the situatiomi be chmunged, iuuiti lime State is
released. And since it is time State which (hecides in sove
reign fashion, and \vitlmou t control, whether thin situiatioii
has remained time same or not, the vmilidity of the contracts,
to which it has subscribed, depends wholly upon the judg-

(1) Mag der Anlass noch so kleinhich ersciieinen . II, p. bidJ.

F:. DUI1K1IEIM. II. AngI. 2

merit it forms of the circumstances and its own im)terests at

any particular moment. It. can as a matter of right denounce
them, cancel them, that is to say, violate them, whmen and
how it pleases.
All international conimacts are entered into subject to
the clause, rebus sic stanlibus, (so hong as time circiumnstammccs
shall remain the same). A State can in no nay bind for h/me
future its own will towards anot/mer Slate. Time State has mmo
juitge superior to itself, and consequentty ~viil commcluhe all
its contracts with (fiat tmmcit reservation. This is proved by
the fact that, so hong as international law shah endure, from
the moment thimit. a war has broken out, contracts betweeim
the belligerent States cease to exist; but every State, being
sovemeign, has an incontestable mighit to declare ~var whemi it
pleases. Consequently every State is iii a position to set
aside contracts svhiichm it has entered into.,.. Thus it is clear
thin t inteinatiomial contracts, which limit the freewill of a
State, do not constitute absolute limitatiouts(l)....
\Vimilst in contracts between private persons there is at (lie
base a moral power which controls the wills of time contmac
ting patties, international contracts cannot be subject to
this superior power, for there is nothing above time will of a
State. This follows not only when thin contract has been
imposed by force, as time Se(lUel of a war, but imot less when
it has been accepted by a free choice. in all cases, what
soever they may be, evemy State rescmves to itself Due right
to determine the extent of its contractual obligations (~)
This principle may simocje thin jurists, jtmdges arid advoeaies~
but Ilistory does not admit of being considered from time

point of view adopted by judges in civil suits (5) That is


a philistine poimit of view; neithmer time statesman nor the

historian could accept it(4).

Much more therefore a State cannot accept thiejurisdiction
of any international trihumial, howsoever it may be consti-

(1) 1, p. 3735. (2) 1 h~- 102. (3) Il, p. 550. (4) 1, p. 102103.

ued. To submit itself to the verdict, of a judge Wotil(l be

to im1a~~itself in a condition of thepem)denen, iiiecomieihable
with the notion of sovei-eignly. Besides, in vital qumestiomis,
such as are those iii which Slates Dim ii themselves hum commhlict,
thmemo is no neuitial atm thiori ty \vhiichm could udge with impar-
tiality. If we ~vei-n to coiimmmmit thin Iohiy of treah immg lIme
question of Alsace as au O~CU question, arid if we were to
sumhimnit it to atm murbitrmutor, who would seriommshy believe
thin t suich an arbitratom couthd be imnpamtiai (I).
In time same way too, tternhmurdi adds (2), ~~-imat Pi1m)Cih)It~
of rigli t will thin j iiuhge iimvoke iii pronoumicing hi is decisiomi ?
Will lie invoke [lint semise of justice thmit each of mms flails in
his own comisciincc? But we know how vague, mincer-
? tam, amh elusive that semise is; it yam-ms fmomui ntami to
tuna, from Peoltie to people. Are we to rely on cunvemitiommmii
E international imaw? But we have just seen I hmmut that law
it self rests on agreemeii h.s peon iimurly pmecmmimous, whmicii eachi
Stale can legitimimately denounce at its pleasure. It is thin
expression of time respective posititin of States ; mimitl lhmeir
positio;m is perpetually chamigimig. The law, themi, o~iemi.sthue
door to prej umdices, u nthivid umul and mnutioiumi I. In a word ami
imuternmi tionmih tribunal presupposes an itt ttmmiat ioiimil how,
Drumily established, composed of titles imperstinmth and imnpe
rmitive, imn poseuh on all a Ii hue and riot comm test etl by any imuw
mibiding comiscicrmce ; bitt miii internal ional law of thin t It i ml
does iiot exist.
A Stmute owes it to itself to solve by its owmu pow(rs quics-
lions wherein it, ju(hges that its essential interests mime invol-
ved. \Vmir [lien is thin only form of Pioc~ltim-n wit icht it caui
recogmiise, and thin pmoofs which ame umnrolled iii those hem
nible cases between nations have a binding force such as
cannot be attained by ammy proofs iii civil procecdimmgs (5)
(I) I, p. 3S.
(2) Umsere Ziikunft (our Futui-c),1cli, v. An English trcimmslatiumi f ihis
book is published by ~Mcs~ms. \\ i~, Dawson ~mmdSons Ltit (London)
under thin title : Bmitain as Germanys Va~sul,
(3) 1, P ~

That is why so bug as there shall be competition, rivalry,

and antagonism amongst States, war is inevitable. Now
competition is time law of States still more than of indivi.
dumals ; for between nations it is mitigated neil hem by mutual
ss mpruthy, nor by the intlutetuce of a culture common to both,
nor by attachment. to the satan ideal. Without war, time
State is not even cormceivatte. Again time right of malcimig
war at its own will constitutes thin essential quality of sove-
reignty. It is by this right that it is distnguished from mill
other hunaaui associations. \Vhen the State is no lomtgei in
a position to dmaw the sword at its will, it no louiger deserves
the name of State. One may still, by way of politeness or

of courtly flattery, call such a State a Kingdom, but science,

whose first duty is to speak the truth, must declare without
circumlocution that such a country is no longer a State,,..
In this fact alone appears time difference between the crown
of Prussia and the other German States, that the King of
Prussia is himself time WTam--Lord, and that thus Prussia has
riot lost her sovereignty as have time other States (1) .

War is not only inevitable, it is moral and sacred. It is

sacred first because it represents a conditioma necessary to
time existence of States, arid without time State humanity
cannot live. Apart from the State, humanity cannot
breathe (2). But it is sacred also, because it is the source
of time imighest moral vimtues. it is war wlmich compels men
to master their natural egoism; it is war which raises them
to the majesty of the supreme sacrifice, lime sacrifice of self.
By it, individual wills, instead of dissipating themselves in
the pursuit of sordid ends, are concentrated on great causes,
and time petty personality of the individual is effaced and

disappears before the vast perspective envisaged by time aspi

rations ol time State By war,
. man tastes the joy of

sharing with all his compatriots, learned or simple, in one

and the same feeling, and whosoever has tasted that happi

(1) I, p. 39-40 (2) I, p. 115.


ness never forgets all time sweetmiess and comfort [limit it

~icld~ .In a word, war comimmotes a political idealism

which leads a man forwamd to sunpass hmitmmsehf. teace, on

thin contrary, is thin reign ofmateri~ihisrn it is thin t riumnii1ili

of persommal interest over thie spirit of devot iou mumid sacrifice,

of thin me(liocme amid sordid over thin mioble hile. It is time
iimdohen t (I) memiunciation, of great iii mims maul great ambi-

tions. Time ideal of perpetual peace is not omily incapable (if

realization : it is a moral scamidal (2), mm veritable curse (5).
in effect is not thie wish to exclude heroismim frommm hmumniamm
life the subversion of morality? It is a mtiis(Omicept ion to

invoke against war the principles of Chimislimiuiity the Ilihilt,

says expressly that authority hrus time dimly to draw the sword.
Again it is always periods of \veaniness, wit hiomi t vigomir
amm(i without enthm usiasmu, whiclm have conifoiteih Iii tm sth yes
witim tIme dream of eternal peace This was thin case nflmr

thin Treaty of [Jtrecimt, and also after thin Commgress of Vimmimta.

According to Treitscimke, at time mnomemmt whima lie was wi-i-
hag, Gernnany was passing through a perioti of [lie smutiie
kimmeh. But, he adds, one can be assmiretl that it will mint
last. Time living God will see to it [limit war will always

recur, as a drastic medicine for the human i-ace (4) .

The state is power. Suppression of small States.

To sum up, the State is a personality, imperious and animbi-

tious, impatient of all subjection, even of time appearance of
subjection it is only realty itself in propomtion to thin
measure in which it belongs completely to itself. Bmmt to be
able to play that part, to chmechc time irresponsihiities of amnbi
tion, to impose its osvn law without submitting to ammy law
of another, it is neccssau-y that it should have powerful

(I) for faule Friedcimszustand (I, p. 59).

(2) I)ass der Gedamikn ites ewigemu Fricitemm~m,.. cmi unisitthichies
Ideal ist, ima lieu wim schmon i~rkammimL (II, ~- 5~3).
(3) Der tJnscgeim des Friederis (I, p. 59).
(4) 1, P. 76, Alt the passages quoted, without being accompanied
by a special reference are taken (morn pages 72-70 of Volume I.

means of action. A weak State naturally falls into depen-

dence on another, and, in proportion as its sovereignty
ceases to be complete, it ceases itself to be a State. \Vlmence
it follows [lint the element, which essentially constitutes a
State, is Power. Dcz Staat 1st Mac/it this axiom, which
constantly falhs from the pen of Treitschke, dominates all his
\Vhmat constitutes fiust and above all this power, is the
phiysical stm-engtlm of [Ito nation, it is time army. Thins time
army, in the totality of social institutions, is found to occupy
a place altogether apart. It is miot only a public service of
tIme finst impomtance, it is the cot-net- storm oh time commummihy;
it is thin incarnation of the State (I).
\Vhen, in company with Treitsclike and modern Germany,
men make of ~sam
a timing most sacred, the army as time migent
of war cannot but share in that samuctity. Oh course an
army, even numnierons amid strongly organised, dues not
suffice to assure time power of thue State. It is fuu-thier
umecessaiy that thin stalecraft, of ~viiichm ~var is only thin

forcible expression shoumid be niauiagNt by intellects clear


and welt baianiced, by energetic will po~~~, conscious of [hue

end at which they must aimrm, and persistent imi timnir efforts,
It is necessary also that time soldiers shiouild Iimmve moral
enthusiasm, and those military virtues without wimichi
numbers and thin most skilful stmategy am-n oh mmo avail, Time
power of the State I lien presupposes serious moral qualities.
But thuose qualities mire not sought after fom their own sakes;
they are onmly means to be employed to give to time army its
maximum of efficiency; for it is in thin au-my [limit time State
realises its essential nature; this is thin very root principle of
militarism (2).
Thmerc have been, it is true, some States which by prom.
rence have sought their gmnatnnss antI their glory in time nuts,
in hitem-atum-e, om- iii science, but in so doing they wem-e false

1, ml, P 361. (2) II, p. 554-363.


to the fundamental laws of their mmmitumre, and for that default

they Imove paid dearly. In this respect, time womlds hmistomy

oflcms to the thoughtful m-eseamchuem- the spectacle of an imupia-

cabin justice. Time dreamer nmnv deplore that At hmens, wit Ii
lieu refi mind emil turn, siiould have suuccuunbnil to Sparta,
Gn-eec( to Rome; that similarly l~bum-ence,iii spite oilier lofty
moral sense, should not have been aide to mmmaiuitaimm thin
sti-uiggle mugainst Venmicn. Time serioums I iiiiikei mecogimises
that it was hominid to be so. Behind it mill, stammuis :mmm iumhmem-enl
necessity. flue State is not tin Academy of Arts. \Viiemu it
saci-ifices its power to the iileaiisl ic aspirmut ions at hmumani Iy,
it ontmamhicts it,s ow-ui uuidem-tyimmg piiumciphe mind pemishues (I).

A State is mmot nmuude for thuinkimug, for tinding omit new ideas.
tmimt for action. Most certainly time Eunpem-or Wihiiaun I timid
flismnarck were thin trite foumuhers of time Germiumum Eiuipire,
itoh Fichmtn, Paul or mmmiv othmer piomieers. Tin gm-i-nt
political thinkers have their own glory, limit not they mum-n thin
[rime hnm-ocs of history; timese are time meum of actiomi lhio
fouimuulers of States ame not men of geuiiums, jim thin inteiieetumuui
sense of the worth, hhme Ei~mpcuot- Will in in hind mint lii mug nI
[lie geum ins iii lii in, but lie w-as a maui of cairn an(l 11mm wilt -

it was thin force of character [lint was his strenghhi (2).

But it time Stale is delmned as Power, Stales emumiunt ciaimmi
to lie so called, except in ptoporh ion as they mmme i-taihy po\urr-
iii. fun sniahi coumurtries, thmat is tlmu~c which cauinot
tiefertd and maintain tiiemnsnl u-es b~tiieim own sl renghhi alum,
are not [rime States, since they exist omuly by (lie good uvibl at
time great Powers, Thmey have, miami camm have only a nommi i mini
sovem-nignty. That is thin case notably with time umeumtmah
States, such mis Belgiutm, Jiol and auth Swit zerlaumul_ biieir
indepnn ihence, in reality, is gularmium te~ihomuiy by i mitemmm:u I aummal
conventions, time Im-agile character of which we well kmiow.
Given [lint one of time couitm-actiuig parties comes to time
conclusion that those conventions are rio longer itm accord

I) I. p. 34. (2) I, p. 34.


with time respective positions of time Powers, and hue has time
i-ight to release himself. Treitscimke even shows mis, by a
casual omission, that in his eyes thin autonomy of Belgium,
amid of holland no longer fits in witim the present condition
of Europe; for he says of Switzerland, but oh Switzerland
alone So long as there shmail come about no material
change in time existing relations between time States thenm-
selves, Switzerland can count upon a long existence (1),
Time silence wimiclu he observes about time two other neutm-aI
States is sigmiiuicant. There are fuirtimermore, other passages
in whmiehm lie expressly says about holland that, if time natural
law be followed, shin must re-enter the old German Fattier-

land and [hint this neturn is highly desirable (2). And


as for Switzerland imemsehf, site is war-ned [lint the right of

existence, \vlmich is conceded to her, is wholly conditional,
and consequently provisional; it only holds good rebus sic
.stantibus; time menace is only deferred.
En a general way he speaks only with contempt of time
small State, of that wimichi lie calls, by an umnti-anshatable worth,
the Kleinstaaterei. Time very existence of time small State
hme says, contaimas something which is un(hnnmiabhy ridicum-

bus. In itself, weakness is in mmo way rithiculoums ; but thin

weakness whichi puts omm time mask of strength, is so (5).
The idea of a State evokes that oh Power; a weak State [lien
brings about a contradiction in terms. Dignity amid a
boumuidless and haumghty selfconfidence, in these qualities we
see pa? exceltencc the virtues of the State. Now it is ommiy

in great States that it is possible to develop a true nmutiomuai

pride, the mark of time moral value of a people (4). The
wide ranges of vision ~vhichi are thmums opened up to indivi-
duals develop in timem a world sense (Weltsinn). No

longer can timey let themselves be shmut in within limits

(I) I, p. 42.
U Bass oboe wenigstens llollanil noch einrnal zuni alien Vatcr-

land zuriickkelmrt ist,,. dringend zu wOnschen (t, p 128)

(3) 1, p. 43, (4) 1, p. 44-45.

which are too closely confined; Ihey have need of space.

This sense is particularly active as reganis 11w domination
of the sea. The free sea sets free the mind The petty

Slate, on the other hand, dwarfs everything to its own

proportions. It develops the mentality of the beggar (char
bettellaafle Gesinnung); its people gel. into the way of cell-
mating the State only according to the taxes Itiat it imposes.
From that results a materialism, which has the most tie-
plorable influence upon the sentiments of the citizens (I).
From this representation of the case Trettschike concludes
that the existence of the small Stales to-day is no snore than
a mere survival, without raison flirt. Aceording to him, it
is in the nature of things that they should disappear; they
are destined by fate to be absorbed by the great States.
And as the dignity of a great State is felly recognised as
belonging only to five Powers, (Italy Is presented to us as
only on the eve of being admitted into the aristocracy of the
peoples of Europe) (2) we divine what tIme map of Europe
would become, if the conceptions of Treitschke, which are
those of contemporary Germany, were ever realised.

(I) I, p. 13. Trehlsehke means to say that, in tIme snialt caunints.

people eonslder as the best government that wtitch costs the least.
and, for that reason, imposes the lowest taxes. That, tie adds, is to
lose the point of view ~ that the Stair, like the rgg~stsell, don not
protect except at some cost of cempressloa.
(2) ~ Italten let nahe damn In bhn lmlnetnzukwnimmen,: Italy is ready
to eaSt It (I. e. the circle of the great StaIn) (I, p. 45).

*. nuaxuzms. tt. Angel. 3


But there is something which is generally accepted as

superior to the State; this is morality. Morality is no (Ioubt
merely a matter of ideas; bet these ideas are forces which
move and dominate men. Is the Stale, too, subject to their
action, or may it legitimately claim immunity therefrom?
If it is unJ.~rtheir authority, its sovereignty has limits
which it is not within its competence to transgress at will.
If morality has no power over it, it. must be admitted that it
is not human.
Treilselike approaches and treats this question with a
curious mixture of embarrassment and audacity, but in the
end audacity gains the day.

Por the State Morality is a means. A. thinker of the

sixteenth century did not hesitate to maintain that the State
is not under the jurisdiction of the moral conscience, and
should recognise no law but its own interest. This was
Mechiavclti. His work, the expression of a thoroughly
corrupt age and souiety, had been universally reprobated
for centuries. his name had become a synonym for political
dishonesty. Frederick IL himself, who cannot be described
as over-scrupulous, wrote an Anti-Machiavelli in his youth.
This reprobation seems to Treitschke undeserved, and he
openly undertakes to rehabilitate Machiavelli.
It was natural enough that Machiavelli should not have
enjoyed the odour of sanctity among the dreamers of time
eighteenth century, those professional humanitarians

whose highest pleasure was to smoke the pipe of peace (1);

(1) 1, p. t)3.

and this explains, to some extent, Ihe injustice of lredericl~

the Great to the famous Florentine. lint, as a fact, he was
one ci the prceu rsors of modern times. 1 t was he who

formulated the idea that, when time salvation of I he Stale is

concerned, no questi~iiought to arise concerning Ilie pumitv
of time means einployeil. Save (lie State first, and afterwards
everyone ~vill approve the i~eaiisUSC(i (I). 11 was lie Wilt)
delivered the State from time Church and who was [lie first
to proclaim this fundamental primicipic ol all political life
~ Slaat 1st MacItt, the State is Po~vcr(~).
g Trei tschke, however, though he makes profession ci
~ Machiavellismn, seeks to render it more acceptable to the
contemporary moral conscience by certain apparent coii~
He does not allow that, in a general way, time SI ate may
~ disregard moral ity altogether. It is evident he says,
that the State, whose Junction it is to further I lie ed flea
~ lion of humanity, is necessarily subject to the moral law .
Reading these lines, we might take theni to imply [lie abaim-
donmen t of LIme principle of political him inora iity. But [lie
proposition has really a very different bearing, as we find
when we continue.
To maintain absolutely thai gratitude and generosity an
not political vimLues is to speak una(ivisedly. Take liii . . .

treaty of peace of I 81(11 (with Austria). IL is I lie most geime

rous treaty ever concluded by a State alter a signal victory.
We tlid not take a single village from Austria, I bough tiimi
compatriots in Silesin won 1(1 have ii Iced at least to have li;n I
Craeow, an imnporta at j intel ion of roads. Html h iii:i Ice ii

future alliance between the two Slates possible, it was

necessary riot to add fresh mortilications to (hat of (I ofeats
suffered on the field of battle. Ii was a stroke of (liplo-
macy as well as an act of generosity (5) .
If then the State is to respect morality, it is not i)ecamlse

(1) 1, p. 89. (2) 1, ~. ~ ~)I, p. u~-e~


it considers morality respectable in and for itself, but.

because there are advantages to be gained from respecting
it. If political immorality is generally reprehensible, it is
not because it is immoral, but because it is impolitic (1).
If generosity and gratitude are virtues which time Slate
should cultivate upon occasion, it must be only when 11mev
are not contrary to the essential ends of Policy . They may
indeed be faults. In 1849, the thrones of different small
German princes were shaking. Frederick William IV
marched his troops into Saxony and Bavaria (~)and re-esta-
bushed order, which was commendable. Rut hereupon he
committed a mortal sin. \Vere lime Prussians there merely
to sited their blood lot the kings oi Saxony and Bavaria?
Prussia should have derived some durable benefit from ((mis
cam~)aig1i. She held the small princes in time hollow of hem
hand; all sue (mad to do was to leave her troops in the
countries they (mad occupied, until these princes had sub-
mitted to time new German Empire. Instead of this, time
King simply withdrew his troops, and then [lie rnimmor sove-
reigns, feeling themselves safe, laughed at him.... lime
blood of the Pmussiamm people hind been shied in vain (5) .

time remarkable frankness of great statesmen is also gene-

maily a waiter of calculation. \Vhen Frederick lime Great
entered upon a war, lie always statc(l time object lie had iii
view with the utmost precision. Although ho was not iii
time least ashamed to resort to cunning upon occasion, vera-
city was as a rule one of time dominant traits of his elm-
meter. And although Bismarck displayed a subtle craftiness
in the details of affairs, his diplomacy as a whole was marked
by a solid frankness (massive Offen/icit) which was a most

(I) I. p. lOS.
(2) titsurrections had broken out in these stales. It was after the
dissolution ol the Diet of Frankfurt, which had offered the I inpeijal
ero wn to Ire d crick WI iiiaIn I V. lie re Ius?d it, desiring to receive it.
not fro to a parliani erit, bit I fm in t lie Ge mu jail Piiaces, who were a
inclined to offer it to him.
(5) I, p. 1(11.
iIIE SOLE DUTY (II (lIE STYlE (SIts Iii: StI,ON(;. 21

ellective WC~i~)Oiiin (iN hi~ii1(lS. lom imileijor dih)lflhimatists

always behieVe(l the opposite of \Vhma t lie said whiemm lie (alt-
iluily told them what imp wanted (I).

The sole duty of the State is to be strong. Hut

I lioughi this happy lmarmomiy of moral exigemisy ~mmmd Stah
imiterests frequently occurs, it is not immvari;ihde. Fhmey nitty
(OiiiliCt. What is to lie done [lien?
Tim antinomy would be imisoluhile, tOjIlioS Ireilsehilce, if
Gimristian morality were a kind oi fixed cotle, Iiia(i( tip of
inflexible precepts, uniformly incimissheimt cii all. lImit if ivy
are to bclieve hminm, CImmistianity has iiii ~siiehi CO(iO ; Iiiiiii%(
the Oriental creeds, it (IDeS not altow timid hiiiiitiiii mietioie.
C~IIl 1)0 classifIed once for all as good or l)a(l, and its ~

iiority and its trite origimiahily lie in its having prmlaiimiiiI

[lint each individual must iimakc his morality to his own mnea-
sure. Everyone must feel thai for tin Christian the mule

is to develop his personality, lhioruimglilv lo know lumnsshF,

ilii(l to act U~Oii that kimoivledgo. Tiiie Chimist intl immom:mli iv
has no immiiformn slammdartl applicable to everyone; ~iICarhilS
the principle si (1)10 faeivi(1 ii1,~i, non jvIe~i (2). Sup~
~iisse that the grace of ( od has made you aim nil isi . \Vlumi
once you are assured of this, it is Your (lilly to develop tIn
tinalitics with which you tue gifted in ihmis respect, and yolli
other duties beconme secomidary l)oimhthess it is not possilde
in such cases to a void mnora I cunilieIs and I ingic sbom*-
owing (lragisc/ic Sc/lu1/), the cause of which is it tinma im
weakness.... But in lhie end all I lint ma Items is to Jciiow il
each individual has recognised his true iin Lute, mmd hiouglml
it to [lie highest degree of perfect ion attainable (5).
This is certainly a soiiicwhiat surprising imiterpretation of
Christian morality! To say that for Christianity there ass

(I) I, p. 96.
(2) TIme same act domie by two jljIl~reiil jjsrsuhIM is iul Ill ,eiiji, ii
both cases.
(3) 1, p. 99-100.

no objectively good or evil actions is to revert to time theory

so often made a reproach to the Jesuits (lint all time moral

vahime oI an act (lepends on the intention of the agent. To

say [(mat time prime virtue d)f (lie Christian is to develop his
personality ~s a negation of [lie principle [lint [lie Chiristiamms
supreme duty is to pu sell aside, to forget self, and to
sacrifice oneself fom some higimer end. ii. is evident that this
very summary exegesis is only introduced to make a show of
argument. hhio prime object was to make morality 1)lial)1e,
and ttmus enable [lie State to adopt it to its own ends. ~\mmd
immdeed, it this primmcmple be accepted, all time rest follows.
Between Ihie individual and time Slate there is no coniummm
measule; there is a difference of miature between these two
entities. The morality of tIm one cannot therefore be the
mnorahily of time other. We must be careful to distinguish
between private and ptil)hic morality. The hierarchy of
duties cannot 1)0 [lie same for the Slate anti for individuals.
There is a whole series of duties whmichi are incumbent upon
[lie immdividual, but ol which the State takes no cognizance .

It is essentially Power; its duty therefore is to develop its

qunhity of Power. To assert itself is its supreme duty iii
all circtmmslarmces; this is its absolute good. For [lie same
reason, it shoimid be expressly said that of political sins the
worsi, [lie must despicable of all, is weakness (1). Iii
private life there are sentimental weaknesses which are
cxcusabhe. But in connection with the State, there is no
excuse in such cases ; time State is Power, and when it is
false to its essential quality, it cannot be blamed too
severely (2). The individual says Treitschko elsewhere,

ought to sacrifice himself to a higher community of which he

is a member.. The Stoic /wwcver is itself the lug/most external

(I) Time facility with which Treitschike applies religious terms to

political errors is noteworthy lie calls them sins, niomlal ~mns,smns
against ItiellolyGliost. This is Use more remarkable in that Ireitschke
inclined to (meethought, amid ivas indeed fom a considerable hme a
)2) 1, p. ((ii.

human comonnily.... Consequently, time Clmi-islian duly of

self-sacru7ice /07 SOThC /uigl,ci end does nut exist /~r S/ic ~StnIc;
for in (lie whole course of the womIds history we clot
find nothing superior to time State (I).

Accoidiugly, not a word of Imumimu ammi ty, of the d itt its the
State has towards it! It is of no miccoumit to time Stale; Ioi
[he State is its own end, amid oulside it theme is nothing to
which ii owes allcgiamice. home we hituie a logical ihimmiomi-
stra (ion of the famous lOinhilla tue Gem man learns to repeaL
from his eamIie~tchmihdlmood Deulsclulwud ibcr atles ; for tite
G cern an there is nothmimm g above tIme German St ate, Time State
hmas but one duty : to gel as large a place imm the summm mis
sible, trampling its rivals ummider foot imi lime pmoc~-s. I hr
radical exclusion of nil other ideals will mighty lie reg aideul
as mnozist rous. And indeed none will deny I lou I the moral it)
of I lie State is not always a simple matter; Ihmat the Sin to
often finds itself Cliii fromited by comilmadictomy diii ies, bet~~
which it is i nupossible to choose without paimmitil co~fiicls.
But tim t humanity siiou Id lie simply obhi (em a led froni (lie
moral values it has to take imm(o account, (lint all the efforts
made for twenty centuries by Clii istian societies to flhiiiglo is
little idealism with reaii ties should be lrea(cd as itoim-exisleni,
constitmu los a momal as well as a historical scandal, It is a
return to pagami mornhihy. I his indeed is to uindsrslale the
case, for time thminkems of Greece hind risen far above timis comi-
ception ; it is a ret urn to time ancient Itonian morality, to tim
tribal moi-aim ty according to which hmuntuiiity w mis communed In
(he tribe or [lie city(2).
In this inom-ahity we cannot recognise (lint which we prns
[iso. For morality to us, that is to say io nil cisihised nations,
to nil those who have Leon formed in lime ~chioolof Christia~
nity, has for its plimamy object (lie rcaiisation of liunmaimity,
its liberation from I lie servit tidIes that heli(tle ii, its growth

(I) I, p. 1(10.
(2) Ihe Emperor William (1 lia~been credited with thig dictum
(or me tiumii~miityends at the Vosges.

iiilovimmg.-kindness amid lintel-nit)-. To say [hint the State

should be deaf to the great human interests is therefore to
put it outside and above morality. And indeed Treitschke
himself mecogiuises that politics, as lie undem-stands them, can
only become moral if morality changes its nature. Mote-

lily he says, must become more political, if politics are

to become more moral (I).

This is why we could say (~)that when lie seemed to allow
God a certain superiority over [lie State, Treitschike was but
making a formal reservation. For time only God the great
religions of to-day recognise (5) is not time god of such and
such a city, or such and such a State, but the God of [Lie
human race, God (he Fattier, lawgiver, and guardian oh a
mmiorahity which has all humnammity as its object. Now the very
idea of this God is alien to time melt (alily whichi we are

The end justifies the means. But let us admit (hint [lie

aggrandisement of its power is the sole end the State should

pursue. On what principle should it choose time means
necessary to attain this entt? Ame all those which tend to
achieve its object lawful, or does ordinary morality here
resume its sway?
To this question lreitschke replies by the famous aphorism
the end justifies the merins. lie is content to modify it
slightly : No doubt lie says this wellkown maxim of

(he Jesuits is brutal and sweeping in its abruptness, but no

one can deny [hint it contains a certain amount of truth.
There ale unfortunately inmiumera ble cases in [lie life of [lie
State, as in [Fiat of the individual, where [lie use of perfectly
pure methods is impossible. Assurediy, when, to attain a
moral end, menus equally moral may be employed, they are

(I) I, p 1O~ (2) Sec Smmpra, p. 5.

(3) Ihere are in fact hut few societies where tIme gods have such a
strictly national character. There are hardly any great divinities who
ate not to some extent international,
eot d (~) 901 -cot ti (ii

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tagems are justified by this state of latent war. Let us, foi
instances recall time negocia(ions heiween l3ismatck and
Bcncdctti. \Vhmemi Bismarek was hoping that it might yet
he possible to avoid a great wam, Bermedetti arrive)! with Isis
list of inmpudent demands. Was it not perfectly moral of
Bismnarck to amuse imim wills half promises, making him
believe [lint Germany might grant all he nskedl (I). Time
same may be said of time immethiods of corruption used in simi-
lar circumstances against another State. it is absurd to
declaim agaimmst these practices in time name of morality, and
to ask the State to act only catechism in hand (2).

To sum up, politics is a stienuous lusimmess in which it is

not always possible to act with perhectly clean hands(S)

There are certain scruples, a certain sensitiveness of the

moral conscience which it must inevitably disregard. The
statesman has iso right to warm his hands comfortably at
the smoking ruins of isis country, contemmt that Ime is aisle to
say I have never lied This is the vii[tme of a monk (4).

Morality is only tor small people occupied witim small timings.

t1nt those who are ambitious of doing great timings are obli-
ged to over-step time narrow limits it lays down ; far reaching
action cannot be cast in the conventional moui(1 that suits
the world in general. And the State is bound by its very
nature to act on a large scale.

(1) Tue reference is to the negotiations which took place alter

Sadowa. ilisrnarck led Bene(letti to tehievc that l)CWOIIId not opi~os~
the annexation of Belgiutn by Itanee, and caused a written Ilsopose!
to this etTe~tto be handed to him. When once he hiatt secured Ito
document, he said no more about lime project, but field time paper in
reserve in order to compromise the Fiends government. This plan
lie carried out in 1875).
(2) I, p 1117,
(3) Mit ganz reinen 11iiitdc~i
(4) 1, p ItO.

hitherto we have considered the State mainly in its rein-

tiosm to foreign states. But its a(lditiomi to its imiternational
functions, the State has a part to play in the internal life of
society. It ~vill be well to see Isow, according to lmcitsthtke,
this part should be interpreted; imicidumut ally, an essential
trait of German psychology will lie revealed

The ar~tngonismbetween the State and civil society.

In our ordinary terminology, the question may be put as
follows : what are time i elatioiis ol the Shale to time gemmemiti
body of its citizens, or, as we still say, to thic people?
In a denmocratic society, the People and (lie Slate nrc
memely two aspects of a single reality. [he State is time
people awakened to a con~ciousncssof itsclf, of its needs
and its aspirations a more complete nmstf (i(lfim)~teCOi1SCiOUS-
imess. lo Germnany, however, there is hietween these two
umecessary elements of all national life a radical dist inctiomi,
and even n sort of contradiction.
To designate what we call (lie People as (list inguishied from
the State, lreitschke and a rmumnber of othmer German theo-
rists prefer the term Civil Society (die btrjjerliehc Gi~e11-
sc/ia/i). Civil Society includes everything in the nation
which is not immediately connected wills the SImile, thin
family, trade and industmy, religion (when this is not a (lepnrt-
meat of the Stale), science, nit. All ihiese forms of activity
have this characteristic in common, that we embroce (hens
voluntarily and spon iancoiisly. fltey have their origin iii
time natural inclinations of man. Of our own Jxee will ~e
found a flimily, love our children, work to satisfy their inuts~-

mini wants amid otis own, seek after truth, and enjoy aestisetic
pleasures. Here we have a whole life wisicls develops wittsout
I tic intervention of time State.
the very fact Gmat all these activities are determined
by private motives pmeversls them fmomn IJcim~gdirected to-
wards one and Use same end. Each family, each industry,
each religious confession, each scientific, philosophic at
artistic school, each man of business, scientist, plsiiosophser
or artist has his individual interests and isis imsdividual method
of seeking to proniote them. Civil Society is tlmcmefore a
mosaic of individuals arid of separate groups psmmshming diver
gent aims, amid the whole formed by (heir ag~tlomeratioii
consequently lacks unity. The multiplicity of relations thial
connect individual with individual, or group wills group do
not constitute a naturally organised system The resusltin~
aggregate is not a persomsality; it is but an incoherent mass
of dissimilar elements. Where is (lie common organ of
Civil Society? There is none. It is obviotms to everyone
tisat Civil Society is not a precise and tangible tisitsg like time
State. A State has unity; we know it as such; it is riot a
ismyshic personality. Civil Society Isas no imnity of will (I)
Many Schools of German scietstists (Niebuhir, Savigmsy,
La t~arusatid Steintlial) have, it is true, attributed to the
nation, as distirmgsiishech from the Slate, a kind of soul (die
lolksseelc) and coimsequently, a personality. A people, front
the n-mere tact that it is a people, will have ars intellectual
and moral temperament, a clsaracter which will assert itself
in every detail of its thoughts and acts, hut in time formation
of which time State will bear iso part. Tlmis popular soul
will find expression in literary monuments, epics, myths,
legends, etc., which, without being referable to any particular
author will have a kind of internal unity like time works of
individuals, It is from tlse same source tlsat we derive those
bodies of juridical customns, time first forms of law, which the

(1) 1, p 54.

State may codify inter on, hut does imot. emeal t~. It WUS ifldO&(h
one of time selvices ren(hese(i to time woild by Gertiman ScienCe
of lime past to have called attention to these iiiipersonat, ann-
nynsous amid obscure forces whiiclm ate 111)1 I lie least isis portani I
factors iii history. But to Treitsefike, all these coimceptioti~
arc but abstract costsinuctiosss, mere fisshiiomrs of a day,

ihestined to pass away 111cc tIme snows of wiister, I low s:stm

one say (lint at any given msionmettl. thse soul ot tIme pm~plt
decided something? (I).
Not only has civil society smo smahiral isisity, hut i is big
~vithm internal conflict; for all these individuals timid giotip~
are pursuing opposing iusterests, whsiclt miecessaiily conse ititu
~olhision. Each one lends In expaisil arid develop at (his
expense of time of Im ems. Coin pci i tioum is smol only Use law of
comnmimercial life, but also of religious life, of scientific lits,
sir artistic life etc. Eachi iris iustiial oi coinmuserciat siut tiptiii
strnmggles against rival eislerpiizes ; each religious coittessissis
each school of art or pisilosopimy, sl.mives to get (lie hsel,( er of
ii(hser schools or confessmons. The o~ilmust ic thesis, ~iCC(tt-
sling to which imIiiiVi(htial interests ~viilltntniotsise atitonmal i
calty, by means of a hcinit of spontauseomis agienrisetst., due to
a clear perception of tis e r sol1(1 ~ir~Iy, is a timeount en h puopo-
sition unsupported h)y facis, Betwecis usihdic irs(erest nismi
hirivate itmteiest, there is a gull fixed; thin first is 9Iiitn ~l
Ii i[em-ent tising from tIme second, duly gil Ii gel ansI ummmdemst nusmi
\Vlsere private interests ahomme govetts, Iliure caim he mm ut liii ig
but disorderly antagonisms. Civil Society is (lie I lien It
of a commfused medley of all itmsagimtahde iisleresis irs conflict
one with another. \Vere lucy heft to themselves, time result.
wouhi be a was of all against all, bellurn onunium conhie
nmnes (ti). -

Vemy different are the reqiuiremnents of time State, What it

deniaimds above all is umsi ty, order, oigaisisation. Vise Slat.-
is a person conscious of itself; it says I, I will. And this I

~1)1, p. 6~. (~2) 1, p. ~4.


does not vary from nliomneumt to moment; it developes, idea.

tical with itself iii its essential traits, through successive
generations. The State is shabihily as opposed to the shifIin~
kaleidoscope of civil society. Its activity is of a similar
character. It is made UI) of coherent and persevering
efforts directed to emiduiing, lofty and distant ends, and
lucre it is in strong contrast with thse dissipat iors of private
energies. all occupied iii time pursuit of irnmnediate, variable,
and often opposed iuterests. Society therefore consists oF
two kinds of forces, set in a different dimectiomm. It ieveab
a veritable antmnomny.

The duty of citizens is to obey. In reality there is no

such antinomy in practice. If it be true that there is a gulf
betweess public arid pmivalc interests, it is false that indivi.
duals care only for their personal interests. By umtiting, by
linking themselves one wit is another, they become conscious
of time groups lucy form, from time simplest to time most
elevated, and thus those social sentiments wiiicis the State
expresses, defines, arid regulates, biut which it assumes to
exist, comb spontaneously into being. The action of the
State, far from meeting with nothing but opposition in imidi-
vidual consciousness, finds -upport here. But to Trcitschke
who on this poirat merely adopts an old German tradition (t),
between time individual and the State (lucre is a veritable
antithesis; time Slate alone has tm sense of tIme common good.
EJnsder these consslitissras, flue only way to make tfmcse two
forces, so mmsanifestiy antagonisGc, uriit.e and fomm a whole,
is to place one in subjection to time other. Nat urally, the
State is lime agent to whom Treitschke assigns the preulonni-
isarit part, for, according to him, tise State is the vmtai prin-
ciple of society.
It is tnue that in these days, a different conception (ends
more and more to gain guound. Many historians hold that
(l~This is not time only German conception of time subject, but it is
the classical one.

the State is rat hem- a result than a cause; tisat tise events in
wit elm it plays I hue pmincipal pmurt, waus, diphoimma tic niegotia
lions, treaties of all somIs, are time most suhuet(icimmh elemuients
in social life; that the real factors of lmistnuic nlevelopmmmenst
are ideas and beliefs, commrserciah amsuh tech nicmmi lie, ant., etc.
They say (lint time place of nations ins time iswhui deprnsds,
above all, on their degree of civihisation. But, according to
Treitseimke, this nsannmer of inmherpretimmg imistory ~voumldhe
conmtnary to all that history itself teacimes us; time great ness
of mmalionms in time past was time on I cause of their political
activity, of time nsanmnmer in which (tue Stale punlontnied its
fvmnctiotms. Thmeme is hardly ~ people in history whose mmcts

have had a nnorc lasting influence t hans thso~eof lIme floni:snss,

yet the hlomans were rievcm sum picnic cit luer ins nit or I item-a
lure, nor were they dislingu isfued mis itt venu toms. II mace
mind Vitgih mnscrely wrote Greek poetry iii time Latin Iuuu
guiage .. . A iid yet by t/scir deeds h/sc flonuunis Wsme one of
1/me most productive nations in h/sc /szslouy of 1/se world (I).
On the oilier hand, ~~liena mm lion makes coumimmuercimil or
artistic life its main preoccupations, it fails wider lime

domination of time in tem-ion inst iimcts of our imatumrc Tlmis .

was time case with Ilohlaisd fromn (hue moirment whmenm shin
ceased to struggle against time world power of Spmmin (u).
In like mntmimner, whetu litcrauy anti mmmtistic immhmests becmumnse
prcpons(lerant ins Gcrmunny, Geimmimuy fell Irom hmeaveis

to earths (n). St;utesmnen amid mniiilauy conummmuiuuhers mime

lime lmemoes oh hi istomy. Scholars ansi arl ists Ion helommg

to history, hsut hsistomic life canmiot cerlmminly he rednmcesl to
time propomtions of their puneiy ideal iumO(iuctmomms. lime
farthser one recedes fnonmi lime State, time fmiutiscr simm recedes
also fronri LIme life of history (i).
It is tIme State therm (lint has time iigim I to (biclate its iaws,
anul as it cannot dispeisse wfl.h unity civil society must how
to its exigencies. !niS society is, iii itself, mmmmlmmgormistie to

11)1, p. 65. ~ I, p. 59. (~)1, p. CII. (4) 1, p 64.


order; but the Slate will impose order upon it, Law,
~ and am-des c;mnuiot be evolved lrom (lie multiplicity oF
social interests that stand in an eternal conflict wills one
another, bat solely from (lie power which dominates thii~
society amid which is armed ~vitim a forcc capable of const nil.
hing and subjugating the wild social passions (1). It is
therefore by cocucivc action that the Slate succeeds ins esin.
hilishming order; it can only act by external pressiume (~.
hi comusamids aumd men obey; obedience is thin first of civi
duties (5). True, coercion has no effect upon thin inmner
conscience; it. can only prodvmce actioums, but time Stale asks
for nothming more. \Vhimst it insists upon is time material fact
of obedinnce, not. thse manner in wimich it is obeyed. It

says what you Umimsk is a mattem of inmdiflcrence to nse; bitt

you must obey.... l~rogtesshas been made when time silent
obedience of citizeums is reinfouced by internal amid well-
considencd acquiescence; but this acquiescence is not esseul-
tiah. Empires have existed for centuries as powerful aimsi
isiglmly developed States without this internal acquiescence
of their citizens, \Vhat tue State denmanids above all, is
action in its most external formn... Its essence is to reali.~e
mu/mat it avis/me-s. Time tenrihle principle p~~3t~ ~m~arat (force
is commtrollcd by force) (laminates all i/me history of Ste.
les (4).
But if thin State is to make itself obeyed iii (Isis fnslmiout, it
must be strong and powerful. With its own nationals thicuu,
as witim foreign States, it is cssemutially Power. Its uhulv
therefore, within as without, is to assert this Power. Sc
when its decisions are once made, it must imssist that, 11mev
are inexorably carried out. It must show no trace of hiesi-
tation, for this is a sign of weakness. At home asabsoaml,

the essential is Power, time persistent assertion and time mite-

gral reahisation of the will of tlse Stale. A State which
pernsils the slightest doubt concerning time firmness of its

(f) I, p. 50. (2)1, p. 02, (3) I, p 143. (4) I, p. 5253


will and of its ordinances shakes the faith in law. (1) If II

meets with resistance, let it strike, and strike hard; this is
the only way to &ve a sentue of its strength. Consider the
senLimentality with which German princes long exercised
their prerogative of mercy. The philanthropists hail matte
such a moan over the immorality ofcapital punishment that
the princes were infectist by a similar sentiment; things
came to such a pitch that there wdrc no wore beheadings in
Germany (2). Politics cannot be carried on without
harshness; that is why women understand nothing about

The Ideal Statesman. This analysis gives us the poe.

trait ofthe ideal statesman, as Treitsehke conceived him.
Above all, he must have a massive ambition (massive
Elirgefz)(4). For, as the State is essentially ambitious, as it
aspires to become ever greater and more powerful, a man
too modest in his designs could not help it to fulfil its
To realise his ambitions, lie must, of course, be intelligent,
and his intelligence must be essentially practical, keeping
him on his guard against the intoxication of fine political
ideas. For it is the result only that should have any valut~
in his eyes; in the result he finds his happiness.
But the meat indispensable quality is an inflexible will.
The art of politics demands an iron character. A sta-
tesmans function Is to dominate, to master, to coerce both
his compatriots and foreign States; it might almost be said
that his activity is exercised against the nature of things; on
every hand he meets with resistance, Vie selfishness of IniH.
viduals, the rival ambitions ofother States, against which lie
has to struggle. To triumph over them, lie needs iuilomi-
table energy. This Is why, when he has once set an end
before him, he goes towards it undeviatingly, without

(t) I, p. tot. (1) 1, p. 402. (3) 1, p. tI. (4) I, p Iii.


allowing himself to be arrested by scruples in the choice of

means, and still less, of persons (I). The idea of the State,
always present to his mind, must prevent him from allowing
himself to be softened by considerations of private morality,
or by the suggestions of sensibility; philanthropy and huma-
nitarianism are not his business. Of course it is inevitable
that, under these conditions, his personality should be marked
by something harsh, eausti~,and more or less detestable(2).
But this is of little moment to him his task is none the less
the noblest that can be fall to a human being(s).
That certain qualities of the heart might be useful to him,
if but to enable him to understand what is going on in the
hearts of others; that, if he would influence men, lie must
not he a stranger to the nobler human aspirations: that he
should use a portion of Ilic power lie wields to promote a
little justice between individuals and also between nations
that a little sympathy is an indispensable instrument of
action theso are things Trcitschke never admits for a
moment. In the ideal portrait ho paints for us we easily
recognise the historical personage who was his model the
Iron Chancellor.

(I) Trot~sciner Rucks:chtsiosigkeit in der \VahI (Icr Millet un,i

nainclittiCik tier Pcrsoncn. (I. p. Ui).
(~2) ~\li~atleni Umbra und lierben was ihui anliaflen muss.
(~)The elements of this portrait nrc taken from pp. 60 and 1O4-lO~i
of Vol. 1.

We are now able to understand how (ernoinv ~an have
been guilty of the deeds laid to her charge. They are I he
logical application of the i(ieas set loitli above.

Violation of Belgian neutrality and of the hague Con-

ventions. If the strange conception of international Ia w
Wll IC I WO ha VC nOSY examined he accepted, I he viola lion of
Belgian nentralily appe~rsperfectly legitimate and natural.
how should Germany, when she has come to recognise no
~ binding power iii time international contracts to which 4hie
~2 subscribes, feel any scruples in violating time treaty she has
~ signed? Tins is (lie true meaning of time limngurigc of heir
von Bethmannilollwcg to the English amnlmssador, Sir l~( ins
clien, on August 4,1914, svlieii he dared to say timid Belgian
neutrality was but a ~vord an(l that, tIme treat i-s which

~ guaranteed it were mere scra ~ of P~P~ Ihmese exhmles-


~ sions were not merely irritable ejaculations, evokmd l)~

anger and chagrin ; they were time out come of a sent i nicH
really felt, a truth the Chancellor looked upon as selievimleiit
When Germany treats with other Slates, she does not ColIsi-
der herself to he e[lcclively hon mmd by the uimdcrtaknigs she
When 011CC thi is J)rinCiple is ii nders(ood, it takes away all
value from the pretext by svlm ich I he Genna a Govern in eu I
attempted later to j mistify its crime, (lie assertion that it hail
been obliged to invade Belgium, in order to forestall France,
who s~aspreparing to do tile like (I). Indeed, for a long
(1) II is hanhly necessary to refute this etiliimnny once more.
ced only ~orecall how on A~i~medI, 191 t, France, at. lime rm(immest of

time, it. gave this excuse only as a supplementary and

superfluous vindication. This was the period ~vhen the
Imperial Chancellor, proudly confirming Trcitschkes prin-
ciple, declared at time tribune of the Ikeichstag that necessity
knows no law, IVot /cennt J~cinGebol. And Ilarnack, time
historian of Christianity, did not hesitate to improve upon
this official cynicism when, addressing time leaders of Pro-
testant thought in England, he wrote Our Chancellor,
with that lofty couscientiousness which characterises him,
has admitted that this was an unlawful act. But for my
part, I cannot follow him here a(lmitting a formal breach of
law; for we were in a position in which forms no longer
existed, and nothing but moral duties remained.... There is
a law of necessity which breaks iron; how much more Ihemi
will it break a contract (I). Later, when time overwhelming
success, on which Germany had counted to win pardon for
her (teed, had not come about, it. was thought necessary to
speak in rather less brutal terms, and to show a cerlain res-
pect for the public conscience; but ~ve must turn to these
early confessions to find the true reasons which determined
Germanys action.
The same principle of course explains the inuumem-able
breaches of the hague Conventions, which the German
Government has committee! ss-ilhout even deigning to excuse

The existence of small States threatened. But, when

she threw herself upon Belgium, Germany was not only bent

England, solemnly undertook to respect the neutrality of Belgium,

and how Germany, when the same request was made to her, refused
to give time same undertaking. Thus on the very eve of the war, the
two States pm-oclaimed their respective intentions in no uncertain terms.
(I) This translation is immade from the French translation in time
Scrnaine littraire, lOb October, 1914.
(2) Violation of the article forbidding collective penalties, of the
article prohibiting the bombardment of open towns without previous
warning, and of works of art without strategic necessity, the use of
asphyxiating gases, the killing of the wounded, etc., etc.

upon securing in spite of treaties a more rapid route to

Paris. Another reason, which Treitschke has also revealed
to us, further explaimis this act of violence, and at lime same
time, makes more manifest its evemitual gravit ; it is that in
I lie eyes of Germ any, small States are not States in time (time
sense of the word, lE is evident that their coumstitumtiommal
weakness does not allow them ho assert themselves as
Powers, that is to say as Slates; they have Ihmerelore no
right lo the respect which may be normally claimed by time
great in oral personal i ties, Shah es properly SO called. Mere
historical anachronisms, they are destined to be mnerge(I iii
vaster Slates, and time greatci- State which absorbs them
merely reconsl it mites their true nature. It execules time
decree of time laws of history (I).
This thesis is so entirely Ihma I. of the German ( overmi ment
that herr von Jagow, the Grumman Secretary of State fur
Foreign Affairs, tins not hesitated to uphold it PeFSOtmiithY.
Talking one day with an Ambassador of tIme vast Colonial
Em piie owned by Belgium, he pointed omit hunt Germany
was in a much better position to turn this to account, and
going on ho work omit this proposition immure fully, lie
attempted to make his interlocutor- share his contempt for
time rigli Is of property of small States ; accord i mug ho hmitim only
the great Powers hail time right and time power to coloumise.
lie even disclosed his underlyimig thought 1mm lime liens/or
rnation Ce/mu/i iS flow taliifl(J place in J~vrupeiii favour of (lie
stron11er nationalities, I/me snmatl Slates wilt no lommqii be able
to enjoy tire independence hitherto permit/ed to I/menm ; they are
destined to disappear, or to gravitate into time orbit of 1/u
lireat Powers (u).

This conversation took place a few months before time

war. Fut-thmer, iii a secret official report puuhihishicil in lime
Yellow Book amid emanating beyond doubt from a Gerummati

(I) Sec supra, pp. jS.47.

(2~ Bcycns, La famille impriate aUcmfl,klC, in the Revue ile~deu~
Mondes, March 15, 1915, p. 264.

of high distinction, who most probably expresses the opinion

of the Covernmnent, we read : 1mm the next European war,

it. will also be necessary that the small States should be

forced to follow us or he subdued. In certain conditions
their armies and their strong Positions can be rapidly con-
quered or neutrahised (l).
\Vhmen therefore time Germans invaded Belgium they did
so under the impression that they were entering a territory
which was a kind of yes nulliims, a territory they had every
intention of nmaking then own in some manner. True, they
had promised to evacuate it as soon as hostilities were over;
but we know what their promises are worth. Besides, there
arc ram-bus ways of reducing a State to vassahage. Luxem-
burg offered no resistance to the German occupation. But
no one doubts that, should Germany be viciorious, the
Grand-Duchy would never recover its former autonomy.

Systematically inhuman warfare. When we accumtm-

late proofs to show that the war has been carried on by (lie
German Stall with a barbarity ummpamalleled in history, we
are often told that time facts adduced arc after- all only
isobated individual instances, such as take place in every
am-my iii lime field, and tlmmmt we have no right to genemahise.
But as a fact these atrocities, examples of whmiclm are only
too numerous, are but time practical application of ideas amid
sentiments bug inculcated among the young in Gernmany.
We may. indeed, cite Treitschikes Political morality.
Time State is alove Morality; it knows no higher end than
itself; ii is in itself its own en(l. To work to make itself as
powerful as lm05511)le, so that it many inmpose its ~vihl on other
States, is its highest. good, and all that serves to attain this
end is legitimate amid moraihy good. Apply these axioms to
w;mm, arid you get time maxims into whicim time German SlafI
has condensed its conception of military duty in war-time.

(1) Irench Yellow lieo/c, Despatclm No. 2, p. tI.


Some of these propositions directly recall those of imeilschmke.

it. ms periimi~siImhe,says tire General Stall, for time l)ehhiger(tm I
SImile to have recommmse to mill umiemmmms which cimmilmie it to
atlaimm time object of time wam ~1). Ilmis is hut mu specinhisemi
veisiomm oh Treitschkes gemmeral h~tcpt in polities, lIme tint
umsti ties time means. lien cc it fob lows, ho (trio e ( iemmemmrl von
llamLmnminn, thmmit interimatiommal law mimimsi iim,\\ame ot immmrahy_
sing mnititary action by placing let(em S lihi0~iit (u). if time
~vih1of time ad mersary can be Lmiohcemi by teiromisimrg lime civil
population, it will he teutom-ise(h amid all efficacious macaims,
terrible as these mmmy be, will be hegitiumia(r-.
Again, the imidividual atrocities commimumilhe(h lv lIme soldiery
mime but the met lmochimii aplilicmmtiotm ol I hmese lninciplrs amid
rules. 1 huus time ~vlmolesystem is hmeimmogemmeotis ammd logical;
a ~dete~~n~ concept oh time Simile is ~hmessed in rumles
of conduct laid down by lime mmmihilmmmy authmomity, ammd himesm,
rules mime, iii their turn, trmummshulemh imito action hmy time immdi
vidumul. hence in all hlmis, lucre is mmo qimesliomi oh imimlividuirl
misdeeds, more 01. less muunmeuomms ; we meengimise a conmhmie_
teiy orgmrmmisCd system, deeply mooted in the puhhic mmmentalihy,
and working autoniaticmrhhy (5).

(1) rime Geimmmmin \Vam Iluok bPmofcssc,m J, II. Mmgmmtms tmmmmmslmmliuum of

the /mrc,q~br(umehtom Lmidltinpe (lIme Usages ot \Vmmm miii t.:mmml)f, p :i2.
(2) Miii 0~riscIcAol 1ee)mdi~//eituimd lie numim hot, tim lIme I)i ii toe/ic il mind
,~c1i,i,,XIII, p. 119.
(3) rrcitschke lminmself has limiefly habit (lie ~mmestiumm 01 liii
of wom. 1 lie principle tuomum which lmc lrmcm~isis iilinbhal with t}inL
on ~vlmjeim tIme otliciat doil mimic ol the Ccrmiiamm t~ucjmmt Slim)) is tm~~itt
evemyttmiuug omust be stitiotitimmiilcd to mummtmt:iry exmgemiey. It ~
fecily lawful , lie ~~mites, to wage war iii any mmm:immmmlm wlmimlm
mumises to he imiost efticaciiius, summee by this mmmeamms its mitijiml, which
is peace, wit! he muumi~t uimpidly iuliaimied. t~om tlmis meiismmul, i-very
Ciioit should lie muiade to stmmlce lIme cmmemiuy to tIme liemm~t, lhmmi moist
terrible weapoums mime absm,limtely pcmimmis~iiitc to this mjmmt, lmmoiiilil 11mev
cause no ummmmecessary suileiimmg to tIme wmommuled, No hihmilammlhmropie
ilectanualiomms camm be allowed to aJlmct tins i~smmc.,.(ti, p. c!). In tim
application of time lUimiCiPiC, he slmoirs mm melimtive miiimdmmmtimmum. I:o,.
immstLmiicc, he commdcmmmmms lime nsel~ss dcstiiictioum if wombs of am?, mini!
recomnmmmcmids mespccL tom private pmopemly. Ncveulimcless, tIme hmumimma
t 1w allows to titter into (lie cilgumouis code of immlemmm:mtiommmil limo liii
ays down us mumeasnmcil 1)111 hiy diuips , Aflem mecogiiisimig that thin puulmlie
COflScicmice no longem saimctimmtis time tiuuumimig 01 towu~ mmmd ((ages imm
Negation of the rights of nationalities. In the course
of this study we shall have noted Imow impervious this mcmi-
tality is to the idea of nationality, an(1 tire principle derived
A miationahity is a group of human beings, who for etiunica
or perhaps merely for historical reasons desiie to live under
time same lmmws, and to form a single State, lam-ge ot small, as
it may be; and it is now a recognised principle among civili-
sed peoples that, when this common desire hras been pelsis.
tenthy alflrmed, it commands respect, and is indeed the only
solid basis of a State. But this truth is made to appear a
sentimental absurdity if we agree with Tueitschmke that a
State may be consolidated by mere coercion, (lint the cordial
conscnt of its cithcns is unnecessauy to it, arid Gmat its authro-
rity may be efficacious withomut tiueir free consent. Seeing
that gmeat empires have endum-ed against the will oh timeir
subjects(I), we should not hesitate to coerce a people if by
so doing we may build tip a great and powerful State.
hence the passion of Germany for conquest and annexa-
tion. Sire cares so little vi imat mcmi may feel or dcsin-e. All
she asks is that tlmey should submit to time lmrw of time con-
queror, and she heuself wilt see to it tlmat it is obeyed. She
never- even dreams that it would be well to efface time memory
of her violence, to win over time vamiqtmishmed and assimilate
them. Germany has never recognised time iighml of nations
to dispose of themselves. lhis is the pmimmciphc of her policy,
and sire pioclaims be!orehmand that she will not depart. from
it when peace is made, if it be in huem power to impose her

war between civihised combatants, he adds Time State nuust not

be made a lleld ofexperinment fom huuunanilaiian sentiments . (hI,p. 56l1),
II is, however, not Very easy to unmterstand why Ireitschmke speaks
of an international law in wam-tirmue, since tue State is accountable onty
to itself. It owes nottuimug to anyone, in tIme strict sense of the ternm.
(1) See supra, ~i 52,


it is now evident I lint theme is aim in telhigemmliy organised

system of ideas in tIme Gemnmamu mind ~~imirhma(commmmls lor
(l(,e(hs o1 which we would aiim believe (kmmmrammy imuiapaiihe.
\Ve have mmot reconstructed this system amtiticimmilv by imm(himect
mnetbmmiils ; it oflemed itself s~momiImniueommsly Iti (mlii mmnimilysis.
fire puacticah coiuscqimemmces resuultiuig lrommr it have mmot hoemi
deduced by uS (himmlecbiemil]y ; they have been enunciated mrs
natural mind legitimate by time \ely hmeisomms whimi were muimiimmly
iesponsi Lie for I hue est al mhishmuimen t of this syst emui. We a me
~ therefore able to see wiieme arid how they coimmcide wit hi a
~ ccitmmin iommn of German mcii (mmii ty, as vii tim I huei m pmimmcitile.
~ Tiuere is so little ground fom surprise mit tium,ii evolution timmmt
we might easily himnve foreseen timermi hehote the evcmmt, as we
~ foresee mmmi died from its emiuse,
Besides, we (ho miot immaimitain tuuat time Gerrmmaims iumdivbhnmahhy
~ ore I lie victims or a idum(l oi constitmm tiomimil mmmommml perversity
~ comm-csponmhrug to time deeds inipmuteit to them. hreihseimkes
chuamacter was imamsim, but ardemul, mhisiumtemcstmoi, mmmiii of great
uiobiiity, full of indulgence tom mmmii (I), liie soldieus ~~hm 0

have conmunmitted time atrocities wiuichm ronmse mu itoh ignmm t iomm

time headers who have pmesciibeh I lmexn, time mninish ens who
imave distuononued their coumm I my by relusimmg to imommoimr iuer
signatume, are probably for time most pmmrt homiest nmehl, Wilt)
perform their daily dnm ties consemeimliorisly. lInt tIme mimemital
system we have studied above is not nmmmde lor everyday pri
~ate life. It is designed for- public liIe mmmlii, nhoie mmli, for
war; for it is in war4irne that public life is most immtense.

(1) Guilland, LAllenuagnc aouvellc et se,~/mi.clorieim5, p. 2~ti,


So ~vImen
war is declared, it takes possession of (lie Germa
coruscience, duives omit time ideas and semmhiimmmnts hush ile to it,
011(1 I,ccomcs thum tyrant of hue with. lhmmnmeelomthm, lIme mmli
vimimmal sees thmiuigs lmommi a special armgfe ani becommmes Cal)mih!C
of amtimmnms which iii time of peace ime wouid , as mmmi i umdi viduah,
mepiobmite severely.
flow shall we chmamaclemise this mentality?
It has somehimnms bmemm defined as mnater-ialistic. Time cx-
puession is ii rmjus( amid irirormcct. Indeed, to Tmeitsclmke,
I3erumhummidi, and all the Pan-German theorists, nuateni;rtisrn
was time ar-elm-enemy, agmuirmst ~vluiclt ~var was to l)e waged
imiicea~imugIy. In timeim- e)(S, ecomiotuic tile is html time how mmmiii
vim Iga r numummi Ic (a(ion of mum horn I life, amid a people wiriclm
makes ~vemi11 Ii tIme goal of its highest ctlorl is dmmoumiemh to
(lecmmdence. Accotdiuig to theurm pmolomiged ~~nce becomes a
source ol moral dangm-n becaimse it dcvntopms mu tmustim 1cm cm-
fort, and for a soft. rind easy hile ; it fostmm-s our least adirri-
ruble instincts. They am-c thin apologists 0f war, because it
is a school of nbmuegmmtion and saemiuice. Thmeir teaching, far
from showing mm ny iimdnil gence to sensual appetites, brent lies
a spirit ot austere aimd mystic m(hemmiisnm. Time emit1 for whiimIi
they exhort mmien to sacrifice tiuemmaselves is far beyond lire
cimcie ot mat em-mI jut crests.
let Iii is idealism has an ai)ulormimal and noxious element
which makes it a dangem- lou human ty at large.
Thmere is, inn shmomt, but one amen mis by whuiclu time Stale tony
achieve (lmat imm I~ r ml aim tormomy wlricim they dcclii me to be its
essence, and free if self fmonm ammy theperidemice on oIlier simm Ics
it is to luolmi these others in smubjection. hh~it cannot dommmiumate
thmeni , it muuis tIme risk of huavimmg to snmbimm it to them. If, to
adop lhi-eit schihmes fomnmmimla, I here is to be no power greater
than its own, it must nimmke its own srmhmemior to all oi tiers.
TIme absolmu te irmdepmimdcruce to which it aspires can thiemeiore
oumly he cmi smi rem I by its smip u-emnmicy. True, lrei (scim ke coni~ii
tiers it mmcm them possible mum desi rabie that omme single Shale
should absorb mmii time nations of Lime earLir. A womld-ernpire,

in time stmict sense of time term, seems to him a niomislrosity,

lom luuumiaui civihismmtioni i5 too mob a Ihimmug 1(1 hm~ conm~itttuly
realised by a single nation (I). limit ii is nmuvmmthmelmss evidemit
[hal, fuommm tins poimit of ~imw,rmumivmusmmi lmigmmumomly is lime f4(lilh
to ~vimichm the Slate mimust press for.vmmnh. It cummmumol tmdmmmite
cqmmals, oi- mit hmast, it must seek to rm-mtnuce (lieu- iuummmhmems;Immn
empimils ane mivals whiommi it nmurmsl ommlstmip, iI it is mint to lie
ommtstii~)pe(hby timenm. tim its Iieimzieh i-mice ho p~\\tir,it cmmmmumnh.
hold ummtil it has reachmcmh a degiee of mmiiglut which emmimuiot hue
cimaihemm~ed; a~ithit, mis a Immct, thii~lmoimmt caii mmtver Ito mm(tmuiumed,
mmomme the less is it lime (humly oh time SImile to mmpjmmuaehm it asehusely
as possible. JImis is time vmrypmiiieiimle of Pamm(bmmumammisnmm.
lime origin of tirms i~~1~tiea1 mboclminue hums hmeemm vmm.y gemmi
rmmtty me temmed to Gumummnmys exaggmimmteut msf intiuhe mit Imemsehl,
~ lieu- imnjmomh~muice mmmiii huur civihismmhioii. Ii is smupjiosiih that, if
~ shue inns commme to aiiogmmle to tmmmsel[ a suit oh immii:mte iim4imt It)
riule tIme world, it is lwcammse, owing to sonmie imuexlmhiu-imbhm
~ itlusiomi, she has nmiade oh Imimsmtf an 1mb behmme winch she
immvites time whole ~voilihho pmostmmmhe ihsmhh. limit, as we Immive
~ seen, tmeitsctmke bmimmgs us to tIme \ery limm-esluol(I o1 Pami
~ Gemummaiiismn ~vihlmommt mmmuy luimm( of hlmis apotlmemmsis(2).
it may thmeuehome be ;mslomh ivbuetimmm- it is iuot mmmtimem mmmi
eflect, (bmumnm a cause, aim exptammmmhioui aftem- liii eVmimi, 1)1 mm
deeper amid more pmiuuui[ivc tact (5). flue imuiidmmiuuemitmmi tlmiuug

(I) I, p. 29.
(2) II is mmmc llunt Iuemtsctmke mInes not fail (mu oem~msimmuuto mxtmmh thu
mimcomimhmuliumtile mimtrils ol (jmmumi:mnuv. limit tlmmmu is mmmi Im:mme nt mmi~stimm~mmm
iii his tummmgmm:mu.~e. lIe ~.iIuuuiIies (immmmmmmumv ,j,msl as amy mmtmmmm mmmllmumsm;mstie
fmatmiot glomitims lmi~cmmumumtmy ; me nmevmu tt~ilmmmshmrmmvilmutiil Immecmmmmmnuy
air lmmmu, Itmut himrnmhmmmumli ~unmjviiI ;mt uImssie aim Gmmmmmmmmmi~mmm suumm~rIy mv
dvrhmmpuumu. Imis mmmastmus hmiim1lhmli5 smm 1)0 me/isle /mm eq. I .tm~m tmi mu
minI lV~, Aum tmuglisli lu:mmmsImmmimmmm ml lhmi~fimmm,1~ i hmmutli~1memI I) ~mIr. h,iI~
ward Ammuotit (I.mummmlmmmm) mmmlii hum title : Gimimmumimymmmmml Iii Nm~t\\ am
(~)lIme hmmhmuf mm tIme smupmmimimitv mit truumummm mmulluuum is, fit taut, riot,
very illmummmini;uhinmg~ Iou mm ui;itimmm, univ cmmimimlmu itself minimally ;mumml
ummteltemImmahv sii~iimimir to mmthmmms ~vmIhimmmmt wistminmg to
tcmiim;oiv uumiglil Iu~lii~mulmirsmlI mm mm if mlmvimmmu m,smummu ~smhImummit
as~iuimmmg him moummllumel limit world , limgalimuuiuuuuii diiis mmml iimmmss;uumhy
entail a taste kmm- lmegcummoimv. lhuuum~liit lumids to meimlumuc this ~mttmm
tIme event.

is imem need to assert herself, to feel nothing aboive her, her

imnpahieumce of all linnitatioua anti dependence, mi a word, hun-
will to power . To explain to lieu-self lIme ebuhlition of
energy of which she was conscious, an energy whielr impe-
riously opposed every obstacle and every restraint, Gemnianv
cr-cated a myth sire Iras persistently developed, complicating
amid systematising it in tine process. To jtmstity hem lust for
sovereignty, sue umatnurahhy claimed every kind of superiority;
and then, to e~piain this universal superiouity she sought
for its causes in race, in hmistory, anti in legend. Thus was
born that mimultifomm Pan-Gem-wan myhimohogy, now poetical
ahi(l now scientific, winch represents Germany as time highest
terrestrial incarnation of divine poweu. Bnmt these coumcep-
tions, sometimes bordeming on delirium, did not arise spomm-
taneoushy, mione knowing how or where; they are but (lie
expression of a vital !~rct. This Inns jumstified us in saying
that, in spite of its abstract appearance, time idea of time State,
on which Treitschmkes doctrine is based, masks a comicrete
and living sentiniment ; its soul is a cemtain attitude of time
wilt. No doubt time myth, as it gradually developed, confir-
med and shmenigthmened (hue tendency which gave rise to it;
but if we would understand it, we must go beyond the letter
of its fom-mimlmme. We nmust get down to time spiritual state,
winch is its cause.
This state may be defined as a morbid hypertrophmy of the
will, a kind of wiil-mania, The nommnal, Imealtimy ~vihl, howe-
ver vigorous, accepts tire necessary relations of dependence
inlrerent in tire nature of things. Man is part of a pirysicat
system which supports, but at time same time limimits him, and
keeps hminn in a state of depemidence. lIe therefore submits
to the laws of this system, for lie cannot change them; hue
obeys thmemmi, even when Ire makes them serve his ends. For
to free himself emitirely from these limitations amid resis-
tances, Inc would have to nmrake a vactmtmmu around him, to
place himself, thmat is to say, outside the conditmomms of life,
But there are moral forces equally incumnl)ent on nations
snd on individuals, though on different grounds and in diffe-
rent ways. There is no State so powerful that it can govern
eternally against the wishes of its subjects, and force them,
by purely external coercion, to submit to its will. There is
no state so great that it is not merged in the vaster systeni
formed by the agglomeration of other states, that does not,
in other words, form part of the great human community, and
owe respect to this. There isa universal conscience and a uni-
rersal opinion, and it isno more possible to escapetlioempire
of these than to escape the empire of physical laws; for
they are forces which re-act against those who transgress
thom; a State cannot subsist when all humanity is arrayed
against it.

Now what we find at the base of the mentality we have

been studying is precisely a sort of attempt to rise above
all human forces, to master them and exercise full and
absolute sovereignty over thom. It was with this wont
sovereignty that we began our analysis, and it is to this
that we must come back in concluding, for it sums up the
ideal set before us. The individual is not strong enough to
realise this ideal, the ossontlal principle of which is domina-
tion; but the State can and must attain to it by gathering
firmly into its hand the sum of individual energiesand direc-
ting them all to this supreme end. The State is the sole
concrete and historic form possible to the Superman of
whom Nietzsche was the prophet and harbinger, and the
German State must put forth all its strength to become this
Superman. The German State must be 66cr Alics (above
all). Superior to all private wills, individual or collective,
superior to the moral laws themselves, without any law save
that imposed by itselr, It will be able to triumph over
all resistance and rule by constraint, when It cannot
secure voluntary acceptance. To affirm its power more
impressively, we shall even find it exciting the whole
world against itself, and lightheartedly braving universal

anger (I). The extravagance of these ambitions would in

itselr sti flee to prove their pa tiologicat nature. have they
not, ifldfetl, the ~~amecharm-Icr of niothid enormity which
we find in all the details ot the material methods actually
adopted by German strategy and toetics? The projects or
invading l~nglaiidby aircraft, the dreams of cannon, the
projectiles of ~vhich are to be a! wo~texeui pt Iroiji the laws
of gravity, recall the romances of a Jules Verne or a Wells.
fhey Seem to transport us into au unreal world, where
nothing can any longer resist thc will of man.
\Ve ~ then clearly in the presence of a case of social
pathology. historians and soeiolo~istswill have to deter.
in inc its c;iuses in the fu I nrc; we are coii lent to-day to take
note al its exitence. The recognilion or it cannot but con
firm France and her Allies in I luci r legi Li nate conIii en cc toe
there can lie no greater source of strength tluaui to have the
nature of things on ones side; violence cannot be ulone to
this with irnpunit~. Tine, there are great nervous maladies
in the course of which the posvers of the patient appear to
be abnormal ; his capacity for work and production increases;
he does things of which he would he incapable in a normal
state. lie too recognises no limits to his energies. But
this super-activity is always transient; it wears itself out by
its own exaggeration, and nature is not slow to take her
revenge. Germany oIlers us a similar spectacle. The
unhealthy activity of ~vill, which attempts to evade the action
of natural forces, has enabled hcr to accomplish great things
It has inspired her to build up the monstrous engine of war
she has hurled U~Oflthe universe in or(ler to subdue it. But
itis not possible to subdue the world. When the ~vihlrefuses
to mecognise the limitations and restrictions from which
nothing human is exempt, it is inevitable that it should be
carried away by excesses which exhaust it, and that sooner
or later it should dash itself against supeuior forces which
(l~These wc,rds were written on the very day that the news of the
Lu.~itani~ was received.

will shatter it, Already, indeed the onstaugh I of the mons-

ter his hieen checked. When all the nut ions whose exis-
tence it thlVtatflS OC (Li~tUrbs and they are legion
combine against it, it will be unable tO resist tlieui, and the
world ~villhe set free. Now, thou~hfort inlouscuinhin Linus
of interests, individuals, and circumstances may retard (lie
day of deliverance, sooner oi later it. will da~vii. For (ei
many cannot lullil the destiny she has marked out for herself
\VillIOIII piev(iiliiig humanity from living iii hiiihtiiii, ml(l
lilt will iiot SUI)IlliL to per~ieltialeiishiviineiil. II is possible
to repress and pai~dyseit for a time by mechanical action;
hut. iii the end it will resume its ceilis, tliiowiiig out uipoii
its banks the obstacles that oppose its free iuovcincui I.

~URUGUtIRAU\ ol etc j3i~A


jnrI~.Irnpii~cric IA ~



Who Wattled war? 7h origin of the War according to diplomatic documents.
A pamphlet 8.
German atrocItIes [torn German evidence. A pamphlet 8.
how Germany seeks to Justify her atrocities. A pamphlet 8.
The violation by Germany of the neutrality o~Belgium and Luxemburg,
A pamphlet 8.
11.-A. 11EISS
ilow Austrlailungary waged war in SerbIa. Personal invesligations of
a Neutral. A pamphlet 80.


German theory and practIce of war. A pamphlet 8.
Germany above all . The Gsrina,~ mental attitude and the war. A pam-
phlet 8.
18151915. From the Congress of Vienna to the war of 1914. A pamphlet 8.

Pan-tJermanlsm. Its plans for German expansion in the world. A pamphlet 8.
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