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Mitchell B. Merback
To cite this article: Mitchell B. Merback (2014) Recognitions: Theme and Metatheme in Hans
Burgkmair the Elder's Santa Croce in Gerusalemme of 1504, The Art Bulletin, 96:3, 288-318,
DOI: 10.1080/00043079.2014.889524
Article views: 82
And so that you might see yourself there union: the comprehension of a paradox uniting identity and
and gently look at it, presence that, in itself, constitutes an ever-renewing chal-
this pious mirror for your own good lenge to faithan enduring predicament brought about
we bring before your eyes, by grace itself.4
in visible form, with characters. From the mid-thirteenth century on, European artists pro-
Arnoul Gr eban, Le myste re de la Passion (mid-1400s)1 jected this demand onto their depictions of protagonists and
antagonists, models and antimodels, within the narrative Pas-
In Christianitys preeminent narrative image, the Crucifix- sion image for the discernment of those outside it. Figures
ion, Jesus of Nazareth hangs dead on the Cross, there for all who had once been mere agents, embodiments of a narrative
to see. Ridiculed as the King of the Jews, victim of the most function, would henceforth be fleshed out as characters,
abhorrent of punishments, focal point of mystery and won- embodied moral types possessed of human idiosyncrasies
der, he embodies in death a harrowing paradox. For at the and passions, capable of a full range of situated responses
climax of the Passion drama, the epochal moment toward from belief to incredulity, from faith to doubt, from compas-
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which the Gospels point again and again, Jesuss messianic sion to crueltyindicative of human will. Especially striking
identity was still hanging in the balance. Miracles had testi- in this regard, as we will see, is the interest altar painters
fied to his nature as a divine man [ueo& nr, theios an^e r], begin to show in the figure of the witness, developing in the
and his own christological utterances had led many to pon- process three general, though not always distinguishable,
der the peculiar nature of his identity.2 Some of those pres- character types: 1) those who see the reality of divinity
ent on Golgotha watched and waited for divine power to through the twin veils of Incarnation and human death, recog-
become manifest in events, and passersby scoffed out loud at nizing Jesus as the Christ of prophecy and the Son of Man; 2)
the claims made about him, challenging him to come down those who, trapped in a mere carnal seeing, remain blind
from the Cross. While family and friends mourned, soldiers to that divinity, failing to recognize Jesus as Christ; and 3) those
gambled for his clothes; others simply mocked him (Mark who appear suspended, as it were, between acceptance and
15:2432). rejection of Jesuss messianic identity, hovering at the thresh-
Measured by the diverse responses among the crowd on old between blindness and seeing, between refusing and wel-
Golgotha, both those recorded in the Gospels and those coming truths disclosure.
imagined for centuries, the spectacle of Christ crucified By the middle of the fifteenth century, masters at the fore-
counts as a radically bewildering eventunto the Jews a front of religious realism in northern Europe, for example,
stumbling block, and unto the Greeks foolishness, as Paul Dieric Bouts of Haarlem, in his Descent from the Cross triptych
wrote in 1 Corinthians (1:23). Unlike its predecessor in in Granada, had made it de rigueur to endow certain witness
pagan tragedy, it is a spectacle of suffering and death that characters, even in complex multifigured compositions, with
brings to the fore the experience of incoherence. This inco- minutely described signs of awareness and interiority
herence, spinning out from the half-disclosed reality of (Fig. 1).5 Such faces, captured in what appears to be the
Jesuss divine nature, exists both for the characters inside the dawning of comprehension, could become galvanizing
Gospel text, those present on Golgotha as witnesses, and for points of interest and subjective identification for beholders,
participants outside, the Passion storys readers and listeners, even, or especially, if they have stepped into the scene of wit-
for whom the role of witness must always be constituted nessing as unbelievers. Watching this form of watching, we
through an act of recollection or remembering. Each and every are imbricated in narrative; we place ourselves, as Karl Morri-
participant in the story must find his or her own path toward son has put it, into the position of looking over the shoul-
coherence; each one must, in a very fundamental way, put it ders of the people to whom the events happened as they put
all together, make sense of what has happenedthe core together what had happened to them.6 What may rightly be
imaginative demand that all narratives place on their readers. counted as a normative condition of all visual narrativethe
For believers past and present, entering personally into the beholders putting together of what has or had hap-
Crucifixion image, there to recollect not only its terrors and penedis here intensified by the beholders need to take
sufferings but also the claims and counterclaims made about the measure of his or her own response before the terrifying
Jesuss identity, has therefore meant standing at an existen- spectacle of suffering that sin has brought about, and his or
tial crossroads, a place where opposing trajectories, both her own worthiness to receive the gifts of that sacrifice, to
objective and subjective, meet and collide.3 Confronted by find coherence in the experience of inner transformation and
the image of Jesus crucified, Christian conscience faces a conversion to God. In this sense each and every Crucifixion
demand that precedes the fundamental impulse toward imi- image poses a challenge to the Christian beholder, one that
tation (imitatio Christi) and the desire for conversion and is ever-renewing and also ever-haunted by failure. Conversion
H A N S B U R G K M A I R T H E E L D E R S S A N T A C R O C E I N G E R U S A L E M M E 289
Golgothas henchmen and seems to have arrived on the Christian penitential conscience toward another form of rec-
scene too late to have had a hand in the bloodshed. But the ognition, one that likewise entailed the overcoming of blind-
reflected face in the polished armordemonstrably gestur- ness: recognition of the Self. What the doubled image of the
ing to Eyckian catoptrics, as we will seetells a different blind Jew and his seeing reflection figures forth, in other
story, and signals the ethical as well as pictorial ingenuity words, is a Judaizing perversity within the Christian Self
behind the motif. Burgkmairs specularized Jewish soldier that part of the subject that perennially slides back into blind-
emblematizes a strong penitential theme running through ness and sin, fails the test of recognition, denies Christ, and
the Basilikabilder cycle, one that connected the humanist aspi- afflicts his suffering body again and again. Burgkmairs half-
rations of the painter to the spiritual regimen favored by the hidden motif is directed against a narrative nobody, and,
nuns: the theme of Christs perpetual Passion. At the risk given its marginal visibility, it practically addresses nobody,
of overtaxing a single motif with big claims, I find that too. Yet it is precisely for these reasons that, in the end,
Burgkmairs embedded mirror motif in the Augsburg Cruci- it accuses everybody. It does so in its negative capacity as
fixion amounted to a kind of reflexive lens for compelling double failure of recognition.
H A N S B U R G K M A I R T H E E L D E R S S A N T A C R O C E I N G E R U S A L E M M E 291
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Recognition and the Half-Blind Viewer two key ingredients he claimed poets and playwrights must
Recognition (nagnrisiB, anagn^o risis), as poets since deploy in crafting the best kind of plot, or mythos (the
Homer, dramatists since the Greek tragedians, and theorists other key ingredient being peripeteia, usually rendered as
since Aristotle have known, functions poetically within story- reversal). In Sophocless Electra, for example, the twinned
telling to explode the boundedness of evidence, overcome moments in which identity unfolds between sister and
the resistance to truth, and signal the inner conversion of brother, wrenching trials of proof that bring a release of pas-
the individual. An unusual word formed by a double priva- sionate joy when knowledge becomes certain, qualify as the
tive, literally meaning not not knowing, anagn^o risis is anagn^o risis, while the attendant realization that Orestes will,
typically translated as recognition, but sometimes as after all, take his revenge against Clytemnestra is the peripe-
discovery, or even disclosure. In the closest thing he gives teia. These narrative devices, as Aristotle explains earlier in
to a formal definition in the Poetics (chapter 11), Aristotle the book (chapter 6), represent the surest means by which
calls it, simply, a change from ignorance to knowledge.10 the poet discharges his essential duty of arousing the emo-
Within his scheme for the tragic arts, recognition was one of tions of his audience. Complex plot may be achieved solely
292 ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 2014 VOLUME XCVI NUMBER 3
concept of seeing right side up. He sees (kai id^o n) the Son recognizes, sees spiritually, and knows. The hidden meta-
of God revealed in the void of godforsakenness and death, phor of that text is not a closed room nor even an enigma,
and thus becomes the [Markan narratives] first and only but a half-blind reader.25
true believer.22 Abrogated in this nearly instantaneous pas- This dynamic reflexivity in the experience of disclosure,
sage from sense perception to the putting together of self-knowledge, and inner transformation is what assures rec-
understanding, from seeing to knowledge, is the very crisis of ognitions figurative reach beyond the objective happenings
experience Christs closest disciples endure until the storys of literary plot. A whole phenomenology of Christian devo-
closing episodes. Thomass nonrecognition of Jesuss divine tional art, one suspects, might be organized around this
nature, for example, is not overcome until sensuous proof, notion. More modestly, it can be used to test a visual motif
in the form of touch, is vouchsafed him in John 20:29, that is itself already a challenging metapicture, a reflection
and even then it is proclaimed to be an inferior path to motif that crystallizes the pressures and challenges of ana-
knowledge. gn^o risis. Burgkmairs conceit rises to this level not simply by
As transformative experience, the reckoning of salvific iden- virtue of its metamorphic and reflexive potentials (attribut-
tity in the person of Jesus recurs throughout the Gospel texts able to nearly all mirroring motifs) but by dint of its func-
and anchors several kinds of epistemological problems with tional context: through the situated intentions of its maker,
which the Evangelists were concerned. Commenting on the and with the tacit sympathies of its patron and its principal
reflexive function of christological recognition in Mark, audience. To see how our motif thematizes the challenge of
Culbertson writes: recognition, its opportunities and pitfalls, its powers and dan-
gers, we must first get to know a group of Passion players who
The disciples in Marks chapter 10 are told what will hap- have, by and large, flown under the radar of iconographers,
pen and so are the readers, the primary hearers of this despite their noisy and ostentatious presence on Golgotha.
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announcement, but information is not enough because Im referring to the colorful and critical mass of characters
the weight of the message goes beyond cognitive enlight- arrayed at the base of the Cross, some of them directly in the
enment. To comprehend the message in its fullness company of the Good Centurion.
requires an experience that the characters at this point in
the narrative do not have and, for that matter, the readers Centurion and Soldier in South German Passion Tradition
may not have either. Marks Gospel is about the difficulty For late medieval altar painters in northern Europe, the cast
of understanding, not the difficulty of getting the right of characters around the Good Centurion was a farrago of bit
information. The message is frequently subjectively players, loosely derived from the four Gospel accounts of the
incomprehensible at the time it is uttered. The fullness of Crucifixion,26 elements of local visual tradition, including
truth is present to characters in Marks narrative only as Passion plays,27 and the manuscript tradition that set sacred
promise. It is not difficult to wonder why the content of realism on its brilliant course. As efforts to further augment
such a message was not grasped: experience had not the mass of Fuvolk on Calvary intensifiedElisabeth Roth
caught up to the message.23 dates the emergence of the true volkreiche Kalvarienberg
to the 1420s28German and Austrian painters in particular,
Readers and listeners outside the narrative, and participants seeing great opportunity in this assembly of the wicked,
inside, burdened by the same liabilities, must make the same transformed the biblical metaphor into a motley crew com-
difficult passage from knowledge to experience. Yet transfor- posed of Jewish priests, scribes, and officials mingling with
mative experience often lags behind revelation; the past- passersby, outcasts, vagabonds, and a soldiery of decidedly
anchored self resists the challenge of the new. Aware of this, multiethnic hue. Altar painters outfitted some of those mili-
ancient dramatists, the Evangelists included, sought ways to tary men as feudal knights, some as flamboyant mercenaries
stagger the pace of these two passagesfrom disclosure to or grunting knaves, still others as turbaned foreigners of
knowledge, from knowledge to experiencewithin the same swarthy skin, kinky hair, and bad teeth, with exotic or exag-
diagesis. At the Passion storys climax, however, at the gerated features both comical and monstrous (Fig. 5).29
moment when the heros very death becomes disclosure, Sometimes subtly, sometimes crassly, fifteenth-century altar
the two are forced into sudden alignment. A gauntlet is painters conjured up soldier figures with markedly Jewish
thrown down; subjectivity finds itself at a crossroads. Brought physical traits or other identifying signs. Perhaps they imag-
to acknowledgment of events for which we are not prepared, ined them as Caiaphass henchmen, or members of Herods
we face a dizzying incoherence and are compelled to test our- palace guard, to distinguish them from Pilates Roman
selves against those models and antimodels around us: not forces.30 Pushed off to the margins or engulfed in a crush of
only models of conversion like the Centurion but also anti- bodies and horses below the crosses, some hurl curses,
models of spiritual blindness and stubborn resistance snicker, or snarl like dogs;31 others watch the execution with
(the pagans and Jews), as well as models of unwillingness to silent expressions of contempt.
be prepared (Jesuss disciples in Mark 8:3132).24 Thus, Contrary to what their marginal position might suggest,
failurethe failure of discipleship so brutally evident however, these rabblers are hardly incidental to the dialectic
throughout Mark, the failure that haunted Augustines expe- of witnessing around the Cross. In fact, these ruffians and
rience of conversion in the Confessionsremains an ever- cutthroats could, in the hands of some painters, find their
present possibility, not least of all for the reader before the way to the center of the action as individualized characters.
text or the beholder before the image. Disclosure requires No scriptural, apocryphal, or dramatic source of which I am
eyes to see, but inner transformation requires a heart that aware gives them tradition-honored names of the kind
294 ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 2014 VOLUME XCVI NUMBER 3
We have seen how, even when deprived of speaking parts, a critique of the godless fool, or anti-Semitic caricature,
the anonymous soldier figures that stand opposite the Good and by ruling out these possibilities we are led to the follow-
Centurion in many late medieval images were understood to ing question: What would it have meant to the Christian
be agents of blasphemy, pitting their will against God to viewer to see his archetypal Other, the Jew, ridiculed in his
denounce Jesus messianic identity. In the Augsburg Cruci- blindness by his specular Other, and this precisely at the
fixion, that denuncuation is expressed in gesture (Fig. 3). moment of the Saviors deathat the scene of christological
Degrading what the Centurion exalts, the ugly Jewish soldier recognition, conversion, and their Jewish opposites?
points downward with a mailed hand, joining those who The answer to be developed here begins from an acknowl-
demand that Jesus demonstrate his divinity by coming down edgment of the ethical importance late medieval Christian
from the Cross (Matt. 27:40, 42). What the character enacts culture placed on the subjects penitential self-recognition as a
is a resistance to transformative knowledge, a rebellion sinner, as a being burdened with death and the reprobate
against God, a stubborn refusal to see anything beyond the carnality Adams disobedience brought upon the human
carnal immolation of the Cross, thus, an unwillingness to race. Drawing on a key figuration within patristic and medie-
join the Centurion in conversion. val thought of Judaisms inherent dangers, I argue that
Hardly content to make his figure the mere embodiment Burgkmairs moral target turns out to be that Judaizing
of a narrative function, however, Burgkmair fleshes out the part of the Christian Self, the carnal enemy within who,
soldiers moral character, and this troubles any straightfor- through its ceaseless sinning, betrays Christ to his enemies,
ward attribution to him of a demonic or subhuman enmity. abandons him on the Cross, and meets his loving mercy with
A closer look tells us that the stereotyped Jewish ugliness of ingratitude.62 Failed recognition of God and failed recogni-
the figure is no mere mask of hatred (Fig. 4). As he addresses tion of Self reflect one another and arouse the same anxiety.
the Centurion a perverse smile spreads over his face. Fawning By tracing the ever-present challenge of self-recognition back
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in the presence of his superiors, he seems intent on playing into the Gospel storys foundational challenge of christological
the fool. For their part, the Centurion and his fellow officer recognition, in other words, the artist situates the beholder
look on the display of obsequiousness with angry condescen- at the intersection of these two inescapable tests of Christian
sion, on the one hand, and something like bemused pity, on identity.
the other. And there is more, as we have already noted: Art historians have long understood mirror reflections to
another judging gaze, this one hurled back on the Jew by his be a special kind of image-within-an-image. Never neutral or
own image. This specular doppelganger appears to be visible passive relays of reality, catoptric motifs are always, in one
to no one within the scene, least of all its flesh-and-blood sense or another, meta-images: that is, they are either trans-
counterpart, who looks right past while smirking at the Cen- formative (metamorphic), coded (metaphoric), reflexive
turion. And far from miming the Jews oafish grin, as we have (metapictorial), or some combination of these.63 Our per-
already observed, this mirrored other, glinting out from the spective here must be limited to the century preceding
shiny surface, mouth agape, seems to recoil in horror at the Burgkmairs work at the Katharinenkloster. For the Nether-
spectacle before it. landish masters who exploited the translucence of oil paint-
What does the spectral Jew in this metamorphic reflection ing to produce flawless visions of optical reality, and for
see that the real Jew cannot, or will not? What does it mean whom the convex mirror was a standard workshop tool, the
that the reversed visage offered up by the mirror, the other pictured mirror became, in Meyer Schapiros memorable
of the Self, recognizes the truth about the Self while itself words, a model of painting as a perfect image of the visible
being overlooked, unrecognized, by its other? Assuming that world.64 Numerous scholars since have shown how reflective
Burgkmair adopted the reflection motif from the Master of convex surfaces of all kinds, not just mirrors proper, could
1477s Calvary (Figs. 6, 7) and that he grasped its reflexive function within paintings to create a more complete and
potential as an image within an image, what compelled him to substantial representation of space, as Jan Biaostocki has
develop the borrowed motif in this particular way? It is tempt- described the panoptic reach of Saint Michaels cuirass in
ing to interpret the gesture as little more than a painterly Hans Memlings Last Judgment altarpiece now in the National
conceit or a quixotic antiquarian play on the grotesque Museum in Gda nsk.65 Credit for the most far-reaching inno-
masks that used to decorate ancient arms and armor (Fig. 9), vations in this arena is usually awarded to Jan van Eyck, who
the dead repouss e Gorgon transformed, as it were, into an famously used reflections to situate the moment of witness-
animate specter that mocks the living. That Burgkmair might ing within the visual field as it crystallized in his gaze. In his
have reached beyond his own milieu, finding inspiration for sparkling devotional epitaph of 1436, the Virgin with the
the motif in the Netherlandish tradition of embedded reflec- Canon George Van der Paele, van Eyck distributed multiple
tions, self-illuminating oil colors, and pictorial plays on clas- images of the enthroned Queen of Heaven across the scal-
sical tropes,59 is also conceivable. Alternatively, one might loped round ridges of the saints polished helmet, as well as
locate it within the late medieval and early modern iconogra- fixing his own presence, his own act of artisanal spectator-
phy of folly, where buffoons and jesters are routinely mocked ship, in the gleaming bronze of the epauliere.66 Recent schol-
by their doubles, some staring out from handheld mirrors,60 arship attuned to medieval and early modern image theory
others depicted as grotesque animate heads sprouting from has elevated the embedded mirror reflection into something
phallic baubles, as in Heinrich Vogtherr the Youngers like the preeminent meta-image, a supermotif that insistently
creepy Schalksnarr woodcut of 1540.61 But there is clearly refers discourse to the problematic veracity of images, the
more to Burgkmairs reflected soldier than a display of paint- variability and fallibility of sight, the dangers and pleasures of
erly prowess, an exercise in imagination or classical citation, illusionbut also, ironically, the superiority of painting over
H A N S B U R G K M A I R T H E E L D E R S S A N T A C R O C E I N G E R U S A L E M M E 301
other arts.67 Scholarly interest has massed around Leon Bat- unsettling prospect onto truth, one that ancient and medie-
tista Albertis original interpretation of the Narcissus myth in val authors alike comprehended: the potential to confront
book 2 of Della pittura (143536), where the pools reflective the subject with the horror of the Self. In Christian thought
image paints the young hunter as a primal desiring subject this was the Self mired in sin, corrupted by worldly attach-
and, simultaneously, as the first beholder of pictures. What ments, deformed by self-seeking, forgetful of Last Things,
is painting but the act of embracing by means of art the sur- and alienated from God.73 Wishing only to escape from the
face of the pool? asks Alberti in the famous passage, winking dissociating shock such a reflection produces, the penitential
to his humanist readers with a clever appropriation of Philo- subject finds the choice laid bare: either flee into the fantasy
stratus the Elders ekphrastic exercise in the Eikones.68 of mere appearances and remain blind to his true self,
More germane for my interpretation of Burgkmairs sol- accepting sin and death as his lot, or use the mirror to con-
dier motif in the Augsburg Crucifixion is the ethical thread vert, to turn away from sin and toward God. A rhymed
running through classical and postclassical interpretations, inscription encircling Deaths reflection in a fifteenth-cen-
verbal and visual, of the Narcissus myth: the mirror images tury engraving, pasted into a Book of Hours in Dublin and
status as a trope of philosophical self-examination, its risks, preserved today as a unicum, recommends just this: In this
and its rewards. Ancient writers implicitly understood that mirror, so may I learn, how from sin, I ought to turn [In desen
the mirror could serve the subject as an instrument of moral speigell, soe mach ik leren, hoe ik mij sal, van sonden keren].74
betterment, for it provided, as Shadi Bartsch explains, a tool The need for constant self-examination and vigilant reflec-
for the splitting of the viewer into viewing subject and viewed tion on death was a major theme in ancient ethics, particu-
object.69 Ovids portrayal of Narcissus at the moment of his larly Stoicism, and in the long history of Christian
self-recognition in the pool is the classic negative exemplum monasticism, where penitential exercises served as a method
of this self-splitting: iste ego sum: sensi, nec mea fallit for purifying the soul and making way for the birth of the
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imago (I am he. I realize. My image/my reflection no longer new man. In the Middle Ages this preoccupation stimu-
deceives me) (Metamorphoses 3.463). Yet the ethical challenge lated a proliferation of didactic and pastoral works, reaching
wrought by the illusions fracture is one this particular sub- far beyond the monastery, bearing the title Speculum.75 As
ject fails, since, as H
erica Valladares points out, the experi- the idea of spiritual exercise was progressively retooled for
ence does not result in a corresponding critical distance the needs of the laity, the broad-based ethos of self-observa-
from his own reflection but only an awareness of the erotic tion gave birth to a whole new domain of Christian ethical
paradox in which he is caught and its attendant impossibility art, tied largely to the imperative to prepare for death: ars
of fulfillment. The result, in Ovids telling of the tale, was a moriendi, vanitas, memento mori, and related macabre and peni-
new kind of madness [novitasque furors] (Met. 3.350).70 What tential themes. A whole regimen of spiritual therapy for the
Narcissus failed to achieve every mirror image promises: a laity was organized around their common logic. Eventually
therapeutic reversal of subject and object relations. When it disseminated in popular form by the printing press, the new
succeeds, the viewer, the owner of the gaze, simultaneously class of emblematic meditative images began as novelties
becomes the viewed, the target of the gaze; the possibility of styled for elites. A two-page opening from a Book of Hours
self-knowledge flits into view. Yet the enterprise, like any made about 1500, probably in Bruges, for Joanna (the
effort to transmute sense impression into understanding, was Mad) of Castile marks the transition from the books calen-
always understood as inherently vexed. Commenting on the dar pages to its battery of meditative lists (Ten Command-
ancient motto Nosce te ipsum (Know Thyself), inscribed along- ments, Seven Deadly Sins, Five Senses, Works of Mercy,
side a Narcissus-like mirror-gazing figure in the decorative Virtues, Gifts of the Holy Spirit, and so on). It includes the
program of his own villa outside Bologna, the physician and proleptic spectacle of a skull gazing out from inside a convex
naturalist Ulisse Aldrovandi (15221605) expresses the con- crystal, encircled by the texts putative title, Speculum con-
ventional wisdom, Admiring ones face is most easy. To sciencie, or Mirror of Conscience. Trompe loeil flower,
know ones internal self has always been reputed to be pod, and berry specimens, interspersed with two butterflies
difficult.71 and a snail, surround the inset word-image composite
Bartsch aptly terms the subject-object reversal that opens (Fig. 17).76 By offering up to fleshly eyes a future vision of
the door to self-knowledge a momentary dislocation of self- the Self unclothed by flesh, reminding us of what we will
identity and distinguishes it from the self-splitting that leads become and, in a sense, always were, the mirror, combining
to Cartesian enlightenmentthe familiar trope of the cogi- mimesis and metamorphosis in a single figure, proves itself
tating mind reflexively mirroring its own operations. In face- the instrument par excellence of a penitential optics. Such
to-face societies the mirrors disclosure of a newly objective opportunities as mirrors affordedto see what carnal
point of view for the subject is not that of the introspec- vision was too limited, and imagination too fear-struck, to
tive mind becoming self-aware; nor is it necessarily a surro- furnishconstituted something like a heavenly therapy. This
gate for the omnivoyance of God, whose surveillance elicits takes the form of competing parables in a roughly contempo-
shame and compels penitential self-correction.72 Rather, the rary German broadsheet preserved in Stuttgart (Fig. 18).77
dislocated subject is caught enacting a second-order, social The mirror held up to the luxury-loving young couple on the
role, learning to judge himself in light of commonly held val- left appears empty, tempting them to peer closer; whatever
ues and norms. Momentarily divided into subject and object, pleasing image comes to fill it will, the Devil holding it knows,
one sees oneself as others would, beyond appearances. And guarantee their souls to him (likewise if it remains empty).
it is here, at the scene of dawning self-knowledge, that the What the angels mirror furnishes the prudent burghers on
mirror, despite its capacity to deceive, discloses a most the right, by contrast, is that painful shock of recognition
302 ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 2014 VOLUME XCVI NUMBER 3
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20 Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Elck, ca. 1558, pen and brown ink,
8 11 in. (20.9 29.2 cm). The British Museum, London
19 Hans Holbein the Younger, the fool mocked by his ref- (artwork in the public domain; photograph The Trustees of
lection, 1515, added in Erasmi Roterodami encomium moriae . . . , the British Museum, London)
Basel: Johannes Froben, 1515, fol. E2v, pen and ink, quarto.
Kunstmuseum Basel, Kupferstichkabinett, 1662.166 (artwork in
the public domain; photograph by Martin P. B uhler, provided by
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Kunstmuseum Basel)
image carries the inscription, Nymant en ekent sy selven ether (Fig. 23). Terrible in their fixation on the flesh-and-
(Nobody knows [or recognizes] himself).82 blood others, the simian skull of Frau Burgkmair appears
I have written elsewhere about the prominent role Nobody amid a spray of red hair that mocks Annas thinning locks,
acquired as a stock character in the European satirical tradi- while a spectral Meister Hans, intent on chastising the
tion, and I invoke him here because something of the painters vanity, glares across the breadth of the panel,
Nobody paradox, it seems to me, finds berth in Burgkmairs mouth open, as if barking out a curse. Inscribed around the
Jewish soldier as he wanders in on the scene at Golgotha, mirrors edge is the admonition to recognize our true selves:
almost innocently, unprepared for the challenge of reco- ERKEN DICH SELBS.
gnition.83 Neither a tormentor in the strict sense nor a This complex humanist conceit for a vanitas double por-
sympathetic witness, neither deicide nor convert, a target for trait is almost certainly Burgkmairs own.88 Whether or not
neither hostile ostracization nor empathetic identification, the portrait truly illustrates the antithesis between sinful
the soldier-fool is invested with a strange form of no- and prudent self-reflection, as James Marrow has argued,89
bodyness, a universalizing anonymity that turns the drama there is no doubt we are being called to witness an act of self-
of the subjects failed self-recognition into an indictment, recognition on the couples part and admonished to recog-
not of Jewish reprobacy per se, but of Christian godlessness nize ourselves in the process. The mirror conjures up a
generally. That is, what Burgkmair stages as a stereotypically glimpse of that which is blocked by the world of appearances
Jewish blindness stands here for the blindness of those Chris- and earthly attachmentsparadoxically, by the very body
tians who refuse to look into the penitential mirrorthat whose material presence brings it into focus in the first place.
reflective surface out of which their own image as ungrateful, That the metamorphic motif of a specular Other horrified by
reprobate sinners stares back. It is a truthful vision of the what it seesan absent presence possessed of its own, terrify-
souls alienated relationship to God that the Jew, by his ing agencywould reappear in Burgkmairs oeuvre twenty-
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nature, remains unable to overcome, while the Christian, dis- five years later, in a painting conceived as a visual testament
tracted by the vanities of the world and immersed in his own to the painters own Christian virtue, casts a retrospective
foolish self-regard, remains unwilling. Confronting ones sin- light on the importance of this visual trope of recognition in
ful self meant feeling the shock of recognizing the Jew the painters repertoire. Attentive to his chances for artistic
within, oblivious to ones own guilt, ready to deny Christ self-display and intellectual self-assertion within the bounds
again and again. To see Burgkmairs Nobody failing the test of an important commission, Burgkmair projected into the
of salvific recognition on Golgotha thus renders the image Augsburg Crucifixions reflection motif a moment of autho-
emblematic: its verbal equivalent, once unraveled, is the rial self-recognition, stolen back as a form of Christian virtue
argument that nobody meets the challenge of self-recognition, from a fleeting moment of narcissistic blindness.
nobody properly sees himself. The indictment mounts a chal-
lenge to everybody, every Christian faithful who witnesses Basilikabilder: Imaginative Pilgrimage and Perpetual Passion
Christ crucified. What place, what role, what meaning did Burgkmairs reflec-
Given his ambitions and humanist connections, the Burgk- tion motif assume within the larger cycle of paintings for
mair of about 1504 would no doubt have agreed with the which the Crucifixion was designed, the six Basilikabilder
coming generation of moralists and reformers who railed commissioned between 1499 and 1504? As noted earlier,
against a Christian society in which nobody recognizes him- Burgkmairs scene, with its frieze of monumental standing
self. That the painter, later in his life, understood the twin figures and its Christ type adapted from his fathers allegori-
imperatives of facing the horror of the Self without false con- cal Crucifixion in St. Maximilian,90 forms the upper two-
solations and of regarding the mirror as a site of prudent thirds of the center section of a tympanum-shaped painting,
self-reflectionthus, proper self-recognitioncomes across measuring 7 feet 9 inches (2.38 meters) high and 11 feet
in the imploring miens of Hans and his wife, Anna Allerlay, 2 inches (3.415 meters) wide along the bottom edge, dedi-
portrayed by Burgkmairs junior colleague in Augsburg, cated to the Roman church of S. Croce in Gerusalemme
Laux (Lucas) Furtenagel, in the remarkable panel now in (Fig. 24). Occupying the lower tier of the center section is a
Vienna, dated 1529 (Fig. 22).84 Building on a tradition of separate view of the church, freely rendered and perspectiv-
macabre portraiture stretching back to the early fourteenth ally folded, it seems, to allow us to glimpse the eastern choirs
centuryone that eventually came to include the subgenre exterior and at the same time something of the carved west-
of mortifying marriage portraits85the Vienna panel ern portal. Whatever else might be seen of the portal, and
presents us with a troubling double aspect: the couple as the painters coy invitation to peek inside, is half hidden by a
they are (or once were), and the couple as they will be (or courtyard gate, on which Burgkmair signed the panel with an
always were). Folding time, it thus addresses a simultaneous ersatz antique inscription: HANNS BVRGKMAIR / M[ALER] : VO
audience of present and future beholders, making it what [N] AVGSPVRG / ANNO 1504. Pilgrims identified by their
Joseph Koerner has called a proleptic epitaph. Above the badges, hats, and travelers staves come and go: the main
painters head begins the panels cascade of admonitory group, led by a local guide, seems to be departing and pass-
inscriptions, with words set against the black recess: Such ing advice along to a couple who are entering, accompanied
was our human form, but in the mirror nothing more than by their dog. Completing the tympanum ensemble are the
this.86 Above Annas head a banderole calls out the ages of half lunettes (each 80 by 45 inches, or 204.5 by 115 centi-
the sitters on the precise day (May 10, 1529) they were cap- meters) bracketing the stacked central panels; together they
tured in mortal likenesses,87 while inside the crystalline orb comprise a sumptuous panorama taken from the Life of
she holds, embryonic doppelgangers float through a dark Saint Ursula, specifically, her martyrdom among the eleven
H A N S B U R G K M A I R T H E E L D E R S S A N T A C R O C E I N G E R U S A L E M M E 305
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24 Hans Burgkmair the Elder, Basilikabild depicting S. Croce in Gerusalemme, 1504, oil on joined panels, combined 7 ft. 9 in.
11 ft. 2 in. (2.383 3.415 m). Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Staatsgalerie in der Katharinenkirche, Augsburg (artwork in the
public domain; photograph provided by BPK, Berlin / Art Resource, NY)
Singular in the history of convent arts, the Augsburg sonderhait andechtlich haymsucht drey stet in disem closter], as
Basilikabilder were conceived as touchstones of an ambi- specified by the abbess reigning at the time (durch ain
tious campaign of communal self-regeneration and con- pryorin zu zeyten geordnet send), and at each place pray
solidation extending over several decades. This campaign three Our Fathers and three Ave Marias (an yeglicher der
would eventually see, in 1498, much of the cloister refur- drey stet drew pater noster und dreiw Aue maria). Although
bished by the Stadtbaumeister Burkhart Engelberg (1447 the original Latin bull has been lost, the German text
1512) and later, between 1516 and 1517, the monastery excerpted here was worked up for display around 1500 in the
church rebuilt in the newly fashionable Renaissance form of triptych, an object meant, in all likelihood, to serve
idiom by the Augsburg architect Hans Heber (d. 1522), as a commemorative plaque, or Gedenktafel, somewhere inside
under Welsers watchful eye. Of the citys seven convents, the convent.98 This suggests an effort to promote the con-
the Katharinenkloster was the richest, largest, and most vents privilege, and its special relationship to Rome, within
emphatically civic; its elite status was confirmed by a the specific context of the Jubilee year of 1500.99
series of papal and royal privileges, granted since its foun- On the face of it, then, each of the painted basilican
dation in the thirteenth century.97 portraits would seem to represent one station on a virtual
The privilege scholars have linked specifically to the Basili- Roman pilgrimage to the Sette Chiese, contained within the
kabild project was an indulgence issued by Innocent VIII in convent walls for the benefit of those traditionally forced to
1487. Continuing a papal tradition of corporate dispensa- make do with peregrinatio in stabilitate. Were the images
tions begun in the early fourteenth century, it bestowed on intended to serve as spaces for imaginative journeys and med-
the nuns and other visitors to the convent the opportunity to itations, a set of visual prompts for the kind of pious visualiza-
earn the same remission of sins granted those who journeyed tions scholars have long associated with late medieval
to the seven basilicas of Romewithout ever leaving the con- devotional images, Passion images in particular? Endorsed by
vent. These benefits could be fully earned by anyone willing a number of scholars,100 this understanding of the images as
to visit three stations in the cloister with special devotion [in surrogates has also met with criticism. Christopher Wood, for
H A N S B U R G K M A I R T H E E L D E R S S A N T A C R O C E I N G E R U S A L E M M E 307
extent that this arrangement constituted a viewing order anticlericalism.109 However, female sanctity, patronage, and
based on the Passion sequence, it significantly lacks any cor- community building do not tell the whole story, and too great
respondence with the order of the commissions (in fact, the an emphasis on these factors leaves the prominence of Pas-
first painting completed and paid for, Holbeins Santa Maria sion imagery in the overall project insufficiently explained. As
Maggiore, occupies the last position in such a sequence). noted, five of the six panels feature Passion scenes in their
Close by the central column, the nuns finally installed an central panels upper fields, setting each at the apex of its
altar; consecrated in 1503, it was evidently adorned with pointed-arch frame and aligning it with the architectural
Holbeins Saint Katherine Altarpiece of 1512, its now-lost shrine portrait below.110 Two of these five, both products of the
housing a Marian cult figure.108 Holbein workshop, originally featured images of their donors
There can be little doubt that the lavish set of commis- kneeling in devotion before the scene of martyrdom: the
sions, as Pia Cuneo has argued, marked an effort on the part Santa Maria Maggiore of 1499, with Dorothea Rehlinger
of this wealthy enclave of Dominican nuns to reassert their embedded in Saint Dorothys beheading at the lower right,
place within a tradition of powerful and holy women, and the San Paolo fuori le mura, to which the panel featuring
pledge their allegiance to the Roman Church, and thereby Veronica Welser with her rosaries (Fig. 25) was once attached,
resist destabilizing reform efforts at a time of escalating also in the lower right position.
H A N S B U R G K M A I R T H E E L D E R S S A N T A C R O C E I N G E R U S A L E M M E 309
Passion themes are also prominent in a number of tympa- uncannily point toward the nuns below, as if animated by the
num epitaphs, closely similar in shape to the Basilikabilder wish to be wielded anew. Read as mute testimony that the
and of roughly equal dimensions, produced by the Holbein souls of the deceased have paid their debts of conscience
workshop for display in the adjoining Kreuzgang. One of even if that penitential task must be renewed among the liv-
these, completed in 1499 for the three cloistered daughters ingthey stand here as vivid symbols of a total spiritual pro-
of the Vetter familyVeronica (d. 1490), Christine (d. 1499), gram. Grounded in Passion mysticism, Eucharistic piety, and,
and Walburga (d. 1500)showcases the mysticism associated from the later fifteenth century on, the cult of the rosary as
with the rosary cult favored by the nuns (Fig. 27).111 Sepa- well, the regimen fostered in south German convents such as
rated from the scenes they witness by slender trompe loeil St. Katherines kept ascetic discipline enshrined in the
tracery, the sisters kneel together beneath a dedicatory pla- orders history as a focal point of the cloistered life. Mystics
quette: the Coronation of the Virgin in the apex, family such as Catherine of Siena (13471380), who transformed
escutcheons on either side, six Passion scenes, and a vignette herself through flagellation into an anvil for the blows of
portrait of Saint Veronica take their places on a multilevel God, or Elspeth of Oye (from the Oetenbach cloister in Zu-
stage spotlighted against a deep black. A continuous span of rich), who allegedly spattered bystanders with blood from
turf unites the space of the nuns with the three scenes on the the fury of her self-torment, or Christina Ebner of the Engel-
lower tier (Gethsemane, the Crucifixion, and the Carrying of thal convent near Nuremberg were extolled in convent
the Cross) and Veronica standing with her sudarium, while a chronicles and contemporary hagiographies as charismatic
receding expanse of tiled floor does the same for the three penitents who attained holiness, ascetics who became
above (the Flagellation, the Crowning with Thorns, and Pilate earthly angels through their mortifying efforts to conform
Washing His Hands). In order to reach the climax, the six- to Christ in suffering and love.112 Massively documented in a
figure Crucifixion in the lower tier, beholders must scan this still-growing scholarly literature, that tradition requires no
out of order sequence that apparently seeks to harmonize review here.113 But it should be remarked that one of the two
John 19 (where the hand washing is omitted) and Matthew extant copies of the German translation of Catherine of
27 (in which the Crowning follows Pilates declaration of his Sienas vita to feature illustrations was transcribed, and dated
own innocence). Just below Christs outstretched left arm in 1466, by a nun of the Katharinenkloster, Elisabeth Warr us-
that final scene, the Good Centurion makes his confession to sin.114 Communal rites of penance, including ritual flagella-
a man in a yellow tunic and flat-topped hatthe same figure tion, likewise sustained these histories and brought them
visible among the henchmen in the Flagellation and Hand into a living present. It is no coincidence that the perfor-
Washing scenes above. Striding into the frame from its mar- mance of penitential discipline has been calledwith special
gins, he likewise points upward toward Christ on the Cross as reference to the Dominicansperhaps the most important
if posing a question. ceremony conducted in the chapter house.115
One additional detail in the Vetter epitaph deserves atten- To the extent that the Basilikabilder offered its beholders a
tion for what it tells us about the penitential mysticism of the vehicle for sequential meditation on the Passion, the series
nuns. At the far left end of the second tier, continuous with conjures it as a virtual participation in Romes Good Friday
the artfully contrived stage space of the torture scenes, two of liturgy. And because participation in the liturgies of Holy
the Passions instruments, the birch rod and the flagellum, Week condensed much of the spiritual fervor pilgrims to
lie discarded on the floor; signlike in their isolation, they Rome were invited to feel, it stands to reason that the
310 ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 2014 VOLUME XCVI NUMBER 3
pictures could indeed, in the right ritual setting, function as deposited her collection of holy antiquities. Later known as
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surrogate stations on an inner pilgrimage. This, or some the Roman Calvary, in part because its floor was packed with
other closely related, ritual imperative clearly guided their Holy Earth brought from Jerusalem, S. Croce was also the
arrangement within the chapter room and may have been the popes sanctuary for Good Friday masses, home to the famed
determining factor.116 If we follow the apex imagery around mosaic icon of the imago pietatis and numerous Passion
the room, we have: Gethsemane by Burgkmair (San Pietro), relics.118 Given these associations, it is conceivable that the
Christ s Arrest by Master L.F. (San Lorenzo and San Sebastiano), Augsburg cycle performed double duty for recluses or visitors
the Flagellation by Burgkmair (San Giovanni), the Crowning seeking simulated passages and spectacular indulgences: in
with Thorns and Mocking of Christ by Holbein (San Paolo), the addition to the Roman basilican itinerary, the panels might
Crucifixion by Burgkmair (Santa Croce), and the Coronation of have facilitated surrogate Jerusalem pilgrimages as well.119
the Virgin by Holbein (Santa Maria Maggiore). Correspond- Conjectures such as this aside, what do the demonstrable
ences between these Passion scenes and particular Roman connections with Passion pilgrimage and devotion tell us
churches, however, remain loosejust as they do in an inter- about the situated intention behind Burgkmairs ugly soldier
esting trio of devotional panels (ca. 147080) by the so-called in Augsburg? Informing the motif, I submit, is a theological
Master of the Riedener Altar, today preserved in Munich. and homiletic theme that had far-reaching resonances in
Figure 28 reproduces the third panel in the sequence, which northern Passion pietya theme that effectively bridged
was originally painted for display in the Franciscan priory in the elite mysticism practiced by the nuns and the practical
Kaufbeuren (founded 1315), possibly as part of a Stations of penitentialism at the heart of lay devotion before the Refor-
the Cross installation (Kreuzweg).117 Shown schematically, the mation. I refer to the notion scholars sometimes call the per-
full cycle, encompassing all three panels, presents the follow- petual Passion: the characteristically late medieval idea that,
ing pairings from left to right: with every sin committed inside the community of believers,
with every new transgression, Christ is not only denied and
Upper scene Passion scene betrayed but tortured and crucified anew. Because sin per-
sists in human affairs, the reasoning goes, the work of
Christ Taking Leave of His Mother Arrest and Beating of Christ
redemption, the God-mans rescue of humanity from the
San Giovanni Laterano Christ before Pilate
clutches of death and the Devilthus, his suffering
San Pietro Flagellation
remains ongoing. Among its emblematic images are the liv-
San Paolo Crowning with Thorns
ing Man of Sorrows, shown actively bleeding and suffering in
Santa Croce Carrying of the Cross
a perpetual present between Crucifixion and Resurrection,
San Lorenzo Christ Awaiting Crucifixion
and the so-called Sunday Christ (Feiertagschristus), depicting
Santa Maria Maggiore Deposition?
Christ afflicted by the tools and implements of those who sin
San Sebastiano Entombment
by working on Sundays.120 On the ancient Cross of Golgotha,
Anna Selbdritt Resurrection
Christ atoned for the offenses of humanity, suffering in every
Inasmuch as the Augsburg cycle facilitates contemplative part of his body, but in the present the sins of everyday life
absorption in their individual schemes, Burgkmairs Santa and the workaday world rack his body just as mercilessly. In
Croce is perhaps the one panel most consistently dedicated his sermon cycle on the themes of Brants Narrenschiff,
to the symbolic and ritual nexus connecting Passion, pilgrim- Strasbourgs great cathedral preacher Johann Geiler von Kay-
age, and martyrdom. S. Croce was, after all, Romes Passion sersberg (14451510) argued the point, castigating those
relic headquarters since its consecration in 325, built on the fool-blasphemers who pierced and sliced up Christs body
site of the Sessorian Palace, where Empress Helena allegedly every time they swore oaths on its members. More evil than
H A N S B U R G K M A I R T H E E L D E R S S A N T A C R O C E I N G E R U S A L E M M E 311
the Jews who crucified him on Golgothawho at least spared the guidance they received from their advisers. In a poem
breaking his bones!were those Christians who pulled and known as the Allegory of the Spiritual Scourge, from a manu-
ripped apart the body of Christ with their devilish tongues script in Nuremberg, a figure of the flagellum whose iron-
[zerzerren und zerreisen den leib Jesus Christi mit Iren t
u ffelischen studded tips stand for Love of God, Brotherly Love, Humility,
zungen].121 Unknowing sin is one thing, argued Geiler, but Patience, Obedience, Generosity, Moderation, and Chastity
Christians who blaspheme through sacrilegious oaths and is accompanied by these verses:
curses turn directly, and knowingly, against the living God
staging the Passion anew. O inhabitant of the cloister, take note / How you lead
Images of Christs ongoing suffering have their origins in your life / You have fled from the world and the devil /
the Passion liturgy and the high medieval theology of inter- So that you could come into the cloister / But you still
cession, in particular, the idea of a tribunal misericordiae have your greatest enemy by you. / That, say I to you, is
before the Heavenly Throne, where Christ and the Virgin your own body. / You should strike it with this scourge /
offer a confluence of perfect sacrificial substancesblood on So that it does not overcome the soul. / You may well
the one side, milk on the otheras proof of martyrological make it suffer, / But you should not, however, kill it
merit in overcoming sin, a scene first visualized in early completely.126
manuscripts of the typological-devotional treatise Speculum
Gratitude for Gods loving mercy, dramatized to the emo-
humanae salvationis (composed about 1310 in Dominican
tional breaking point by the spectacle of Christs torments
circles).122 Whether it was due to the broad dissemination of
on Golgotha, which the practices of meditative pilgrimage
the Speculum itself in manuscript, block book, and numerous
enabled the nun to witness with her own spiritual vision, had
incunable editions, or to the castigations of preachers like
to be coupled with a vigilant awareness of her own responsi-
Geiler, the perpetual Passions currency was widespread in
bility for that suffering, a horrified comprehension of the car-
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29 Ulrich Apt the Elder and workshop, Crucifixion Triptych (Rehlinger Altarpiece), 1517, center panel 65 44 in. (166 112 cm),
each wing 66 20 in. (170 51 cm). Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Staatsgalerie in der Katharinenkirche, Augsburg,
534951 (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by BPK, Berlin / Art Resource, NY)
and carried forward into the new era sub gratia, not only by am a sinner descended from Adam and I am rescued from
the reprobate Jews but also by the Judaizing impulses of death by Christs death.
Christian believers. Gazing out from the depths of the Vienna double por-
Hans Burgkmair thematized this double failure in the Cru- trait, dated two years before the painters own death, the
cifixion painted for the Katharinenklosters chapter room. Burgkmair of 1529 is surely believable as the author of a
In the process of reinterpreting a catoptric motif he had morally astringent admonition to self-recognition and a
learned from Augsburg painters of the preceding genera- devastating indictment of a corrupt world in which nobody
tion, he struck on something of the dialectical entanglement sees himself. At the risk of overtaxing the Augsburg motif, I
of salvific recognition and the self-recognition of the sinner have proposed a personalized meaning for it as well, regard-
as an abject being tyrannized by carnality and cursed by ing it as emblematic of the artists authorial self-recognition.
death. Intuitively, it seems, he sensed that the Good Cen- Without doubt, the Burgkmair who eventually came to dom-
turions confessionwhich splices two otherwise contradic- inate the Basilikabilder project between 1501 and 1504in
tory testimonies, Jesus was the Son of God and Jesus is the end contributing three of the six panels, commanding
dead into a double helix of salvific recognitionfinds its progressively higher fees with each new commission, and
structural double in the Christian subjects self-recognition. having his panels prominently placed in the cycles clock-
The code embedded in that confession of identity we might wise pairingswas keenly on the lookout for ways to impress
recover from the important credal formulation of 1 Corinthi- his patrons, one-up his rivals, and register his presence in
ans 15:22, And as in Adam all die, so also in Christ all shall the project. This happens emphatically in his final state-
be made alive, and render its twofold testimony this way: I ment for the nuns, the Santa Croce panel, which he signed
H A N S B U R G K M A I R T H E E L D E R S S A N T A C R O C E I N G E R U S A L E M M E 313
and dated 1504 over the threshold gate. In the course of painted for the Rehlingers by Ulrich Apt the Elder (1460
seeking the best pictorial solution for harmonizing the shifts 1532) and his workshop, we have a frieze of portrait heads
in figure scale across its component scenes, Burgkmair with expressions ranging from sorrowful absorption to awe-
took time to study Holbeins compositions for the flanking struck wonder, from sober comprehension to electrifying
half lunettes of the San Paolo tympanum, eventually record- recognition (Fig. 29).132 When it was installed (about 1517),
ing them in meticulous line sketches.128 This attentiveness the altarpiece, designed for the newly founded family chapel
to his rivals contributions to the project is significant. in the Dominican church of Mary Magdalene, took its place
As Katharina Krause has shown, in the opening two decades in a stream of high-profile patrician donations equipped
of the sixteenth century patrician taste and patronage in with keenly observed portrait likenesses, a body of works that
Augsburg crystallized around the great alternative of eventually included Leonhard Becks Adoration of the Magi of
Holbein versus Burgkmair.129 Thirteen years separated the around 1520, the epitaphs made for the Vetter, Walther, and
two men, whose families had close ties stretching back Schwarz families in the Katharinenkloster (ca. 1499, 1502,
through the fifteenth century. From all indications the and 1508 respectively), and the Basilikabild panels them-
younger Burgkmair challenged himself to claim the mantle selves. Through the looking glass conjured by the painters
Maler von Augsburg, courting the new taste for Italianate skill, these pious Augsburgers invite us into an ennobling fic-
forms, Orientalizing splendor, crystalline realism, unex- tionthe fiction that each and every one of their own recog-
pected narrative twists, and psychologically rich character nitions of Christ as Savior, as the living God hanging dead on
portrayals. the Cross, stands as a fait accompli. By implication, they tell
Among these portrayals is the foolish, quasibestial soldier us that their self-recognition as sinnerspenitent, grateful,
entering stage left in the Santa Croce panel. No open-and-shut and worthy of the fruits of Christs sacrifice, as well as the
case for the Jewishness of that visage has been made here, prayers of the livingis likewise exemplary, praiseworthy to
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nor, as I have argued, is one needed. That Burgkmair was all who witness their act of turning to God.
ready to label as Jewish the whole range of exotic attributes
and Orientalizing characteristics in his tormentor figures is
more than suggested by the pseudo-Hebrew lettering he Mitchell B. Merback is professor at the Johns Hopkins University. A
used on the soldier wearing a green tunic, shown wielding an specialist in late medieval and northern Renaissance art, he is the
iron-spiked flagellum and eyeing his victim with a malicious author, most recently, of Pilgrimage and Pogrom: Violence,
glint in the Flagellation scene that crowns the San Giovanni Memory, and Visual Culture at the Host-Miracle Shrines of
panel, an ensemble he designed for prominent placement Germany and Austria (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
over the door of St. Katherines chapter room. But his pur- 2013) [Department of the History of Art, Gilman Hall, 3400 North
pose, here and elsewhere, was not anti-Jewish invective. Draw- Charles Street, Baltimore, Md., 21218, merback@jhu.edu].
ing on his own inventiveness, and his own, growing resources
as a Christian-humanist ethnographer,130 the artist reached
for an oddly humanizing portrayal of Jewish blindness and Notes
transformed it into an allegory of Christian conscience
Preliminary versions of this essay were presented at the Renaissance Society of
poised for conversion yet stubbornly resistant to the new America in April 2010, in the History of Art Department, University of Michi-
storythe new text and the new selfdisclosed on Golgotha. gan, in 2011, and at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, in 2012. For
In the Katharinenklosters telescoped Passion cycle, Christ is their generous suggestions and critical comments, I am grateful to Lisa Pon,
Kenneth Stow, Achim Timmermann, Megan Holmes, Alex Potts, Pat Simons,
set upon by his enemies and abandoned by his followers: the Pablo Schneider, H erica Valladares, and the two anonymous reviewers for
three-panel Gethsemane in the apex of Burgkmairs San Pietro The Art Bulletin. Special recognition and thanks to Lory Frankel for peerless
editing. Biblical verses in English are from the Douay-Rheims Catholic Bible
(the opening Passion image in the chapter rooms viewing (online resource at http://www.drbo.org); unless otherwise noted, all other
sequence) is precisely about this breakdown of discipleship translations are my own.
and the imminence of betrayal. As Christ prays for God to
1. Arnoul Greban, Le Myste re de la Passion d Amoul Gre ban, ed. Omer
remove the chalice of suffering, the apostles remain in fitful Jodogne, 2 vols. (Brussels: Palais des Acad emies / Paleis der Academien,
sleep around him, while in the background Judas leads 196583), lines 1994864 (prologue to day three), trans. Steven Rendell,
in The Ambivalences of Medieval Drama, by Rainer Warning (Stanford:
Caiaphass police under a banner with the SPQR armorial: Stanford University Press, 2001), 181; see also below.
behold the Son of man shall be betrayed into the hands of 2. See Theodore J. Wheeden, The Cross as Power in Weakness, in The
sinners (Mark 14:41). Passion in Mark: Studies on Mark 1416, ed. Werner H. Kelber (Philadel-
phia: Fortress Press, 1976), 11534, who emphasizes the struggle
Perhaps this is why the figure of the Jewish witness on Cal- between competing christologiessuffering Son of Man versus divine
vary, the one who finally opens his eyes to see spiritually and manwithin the Markan narrative.
truthfullysomething we encounter in Dieric Boutss evoca- 3. For further aspects of the Crucifixion image as an existential cross-
tive Randfigur in the Granada triptychs left panel, his head- roads, see Mitchell B. Merback, The Thief, the Cross and the Wheel: Pain
and the Spectacle of Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe
piece adorned with ersatz Hebrew (Fig. 1)could be (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 22122.
imbued with such poignancy.131 Perhaps this also is the rea- 4. I borrow the phrase enduring predicament from Karl F. Morrisons
son why the look of recognition, to the extent we can iden- interpretation of Augustines Confessions in his Conversion and Text: The
Cases of Augustine of Hippo, Herman-Judah, and Constantine Tsatsos (Char-
tify it, became such a highly valued attribute of patrician lottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1992), 3, further discussed below.
virtue, indeed, a commodified form of distinction, in com- On the dialectical unity of christological identity and presence, see Hans
W. Frei, The Identity of Jesus Christ: The Hermeneutical Bases of Dogmatic The-
mercial cities like Augsburg, where painters excelled in flat- ology (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1975), esp. 425.
tering the piety of their patrons. Across the rich panorama of 5. See Catherine P
erier-DIeteren, Dieric Bouts: The Complete Works, trans.
modish costumes, gleaming armor, and bristling weaponry Mark Carlson et al. (Brussels: Mercatorfonds, 2006); and P erier-
314 ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 2014 VOLUME XCVI NUMBER 3
DIeteren and Annick Born, Le triptyche de la Descente de Croix de 16. Culbertson, Poetics of Revelation, 12.
Grenade et sa copie conservee a Valence, in Bouts Studies: Proceedings of 17. In what follows, I refer to this figure generically as the Good Centurion
the International Colloquium, ed. Bert Cardon et al. (Louvain: Uitgeverij despite the crisscrossing traditions that, from about the twelfth century,
Peeters, 2001), 3355. Doubts persist about the autograph character of would conflate the two soldiers whose actions John 19 describes sequen-
this work, but those issues need not be addressed here. tially in verses 34 (the spear thrust) and 35 (the confession); see, for
6. Morrison, Conversion and Text, 2. example, Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend of Jacobus de Voragine,
7. Morrison, ibid., xi, suggestively traces this awareness of the probationary trans. Granger Ryan and Helmut Ripperger (Salem, N.H.: Ayer, 1987),
nature of conversion back to monasticism, where conversion was under- 181. John of Caulibus, by contrast, keeps the two figures separate: the
stood as a way of life rather than as a specific peripety, or crisis. He anonymous centurion who confesses (meditation for Sext and None)
explains, For centuries the experience of human frailty had ingrained and the spear-wielding Longinus (Vespers), in Meditations on the Life of
into ascetic literature the proposition that taking monastic vows was but Christ, trans. Francis X. Taney Sr., Anne Miller O.S.F., and C. Mary Stal-
the beginning of conversion. Conversion remained to be advanced, lings-Taney (Asheville, N.C.: Pegasus, 2000), 256, 258; so, too, does the
perfected, and, after death, consummated. Until the last, each day and typological program of the Biblia pauperum (late fifteenth century). On
hour brought risks of failure. the Longinus tradition, see Knut Berg, Une iconographie peu connue
du Crucifiement, Cahiers Arche ologique 9 (1957): 31928; Elisabeth Roth,
8. Tilman Falk, Hans Burgkmair: Studien zu Leben und Werk des Augsburger
Der Volkreiche Kalvarienberg in Literatur und Kunst des Spatmittelalters (Ber-
Malers (Munich: F. Bruckmann, 1968), 912 on Thoman and Hanss lin: Erich Schmidt, 1958), 50, 56; J. R. Hale, Artists and Warfare in the
early biography, 2734 on the Basilikabild works (further references Renaissance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 22933; and Nigel
below). Prospects for a resurgence of interest in Burgkmair have Morgen, Longinus and the Wounded Heart, in Beitrage zur mittelalter-
remained dim for decades, though specialized studies such as Stephanie u r Gerhard Schmidt, 2 vols. (Vienna: B
lichen Kunst: Festschrift f ohlau, 1993
Leitch, Mapping Ethnography in Early Modern Germany: New Worlds in Print 94), special issue of Wiener Jahrbuch f u r Kunstgeschichte 4647, vol. 2, 507
Culture (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); and Ashley West, 18, 81720. Overwhelmingly, the northern European tradition of the
Between Artistry and Documentation: A Passage to India and the Prob- multifigured Calvary distinguishes the two figures, with Longinus typi-
lem of Representing New Global Encounters, in Subject as Aporia in Early cally characterized as a bearded elder gesturing toward his blind eyes
Modern Art, ed. Lorenzo Pericolo and Alexander Nagel (Aldershot: Ash- (cf. again the Legenda aurea), positioned stage right under the Cross.
gate, 2010), 87114, offer isolated bright spots. Foundational studies on This Longinus is indeed a figure of conversion, with his own paradig-
the artist include Falk, Hans Burgkmair: Studien; and Tilman Falk et al., matic narrative, but he is not, in my view, a figure of recognition, a diver-
Hans Burgkmair: Das Graphische Werk, exh. cat. (Stuttgart: Graphische gence I will develop in a forthcoming study.
Sammlung Staatsgalerie, 1973).
18. On delegate figures as models of the observer, see Andrea Catellani,
9. Complete references for the cycle, its patrons, and the cloistered com-
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multifigured Calvaries surviving from Franconia; and Bodo Brinkmann trailing the judicial procession through the city gates and then encamp-
im Stadel
and Stephan Kemperdick, Deutsche Gemalde 13001500 (Mainz: ing on Calvary has no warrant in the Gospels.
Philipp von Zabern, 2002), 16275.
41. University College of London Art Museum, inv. no. 1223 Gore. Origi-
30. Whereas northern painters tended to collapse the distinction to foster nally proposed by Ernst Buchner (The Master of the Martyrdom of the
an imaginative link with the present, Italian artists, observes Hale Apostles, Old Master Drawings, March 1930: 6971), the attribution was
(Artists and Warfare, 22747, at 239), perhaps out of regard for the taken up by Christian Beutler and Gunther Thiem, Hans Holbein d. A: Die
ancient tradition of the Roman citizen-warrior, were more apt to
spatgotische Altar- und Glasmalerei (Augsburg: H. R osler, 1960), 8384; see
uphold it.
also Hans Holbein der Altere
und die Kunst der Spatgotik, exh. cat. (Augs-
burg: J. P. Himmer, 1965), 15960, cat. no. 186; and Elsbeth Wiemann,
31. On defamatory canine tropes, see the classic article by James H. Marrow, Die Graue Passion in ihrer Zeit, exh. cat. (Ostfildern:
Hans Holbein d. A.:
Circumdederunt me Canes Multi: Christs Tormentors in Northern Euro-
Hatje Cantz, 2010), 29699, cat. no. 65. The drawings reverse is
pean Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, Art Bulletin 59
inscribed with the nicknames of Holbein the Elders two artist sons,
(June 1977): 16781; and, in a different vein, Kenneth Stow, Jewish Dogs:
hensly (Hans the Younger) and brosy (Ambrosius); Krause, Holbein
An Image and Its Interpreters; Continuity in the Catholic-Jewish Encounter
der Altere, 194, adduces (correctly, in my view) this as further evidence
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006).
against Sigmunds authorship.
32. For example, in act 4, scene 5 of the Villinger Passions second day of
42. Arrest of Christ, oak panel, 41 by 27 in. (105.5 by 68.5 cm), Bayerische
action (ca. 1600); see Antje Knorr, ed., Villinger Passion: Literarhistorische
Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Munich, inv. no. 990. See Annette Scherer,
Einordnung und erstmalige Herasugabe des Urtextes und der Uberarbeitungen
Der Meister der M unchener Gefangennahme: Werk und Wirkung, in
(Goppingen: Alfred K ummerle, 1976), 4047.
Bouts Studies: Proceedings of the International Colloquium (Leuven, 2628
33. Founded, according to its charter, on September 21, 1135, Kaisheim bei November 1998), ed. Bert Cardon et al. (Louvain: Uitgeverij Peeters,
Donauw orth was dedicated by the bishop of Augsburg in 1183 and, after 2001), 5770; and Martin Schawe, Alte Pinakothek: Altdeutsche und altnie-
a thirteenth-century rebuilding and reconsecration, granted the rights
derlandische Malerei (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz, 2006), 3023.
of an imperial monastery (Reichsstift) by Karl IV in 1346. It is located
43. Landesmuseum, M unster, inv. no. 1038. Nearly obscured by Christs
about 31 miles (50 kilometers) north of Augsburg.
Cross, in the triangular space below the thrusting lance, is a bald mock-
34. See Theodor Musper, Altdeutsche Malerei (Cologne: DuMont, 1970), 128, ing figure with a banderole reading: Vach qui destruit templum dei et
cat. no. 36; Gisela Goldberg et al., Staatsgalerie Augsburg, Stadtische Kunst- in triduo (Vah, thou that destroyest the temple of God, and in three
Katalog, dritte Auflage mit erganzen-
sammlungen, vol. 1, Altdeutsche Gemalde days [dost rebuild it]) (adapted from Matthew 27:40, not Mark 15:29);
dem Anhang (Munich: Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen M unchen,
see Paul Pieper, ed., Die deutschen, niederlandischen und italienischen Tafel-
1988), 9293; Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern bilder bis um 1530 (Munster: Aschendorff, 1986), 10236, figure at 120.
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European Art of the Late Middle Ages, 2 vols. (Berkeley: University of Cali-
Cf. Krause, Holbein der Altere, 378 n. 16, who notes the rarity of a blas-
fornia Press, 1993), fig. III.36; Merback, Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, 91 pheming figure placed stage left in a Calvary; also Roth, Volkreiche
92, fig. 33; Katharina Krause, Hans Holbein der Altere (Munich: Deutscher Kalvarienberg, 104.
Kunstverlag, 2002), 5154; and Martin Schawe, Staatsgalerie Augsburg: Alt-
44. See Krause, Holbein der Altere, 215, 378 n. 17. One of these, the head of a
deutsche Malerei in der Katharinenkirche (Augsburg: Bayerische Staats-
man in a study drawing for an Adoration of the Kings (Museum Boij-
gemaldesammlungen, n.d.), 87.
mans Van Beuningen, Rotterdam, inv. no. 1150), bears only a superficial
35. See Irmgard Hiller and Horst Vey, Katalog der deutschen und niederland- resemblance to his counterpart on the London sheet; see Wolfgang
bis 1550 (mit Ausnahme der K
ischen Gemalde olner Malerei) im Wallraf- Schone, Dieric Bouts und seine Schule (Berlin: Verlag f
ur Kunstwissen-
Richartz-Museum und im Kunstgewerbemuseum der Stadt K oln (Cologne: schaft, 1938), 171, cat. no. 56, pl. 72d.
Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, 1969), 9495; Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 2,
45. Katholisches Pfarrkirche, R odelheim bei Frankfurt; oil on fir panels,
fig. IX:27; and Merback, Thief, the Cross and the Wheel, 9295, fig. 34.
each about 47 by 29 in. (120 by 75 cm). See Beutler and Thiem,
36. Ernst Buchner, Die Augsburger Tafelmalerei der Spatgotik, in Augs-
Hans Holbein d. A., 7679, figs. 24, 25, with the figure in question appear-
burger Kunst der Spatgotik und Renaissance, ed. Buchner and Karl Feucht- ing near the right edge of the Martyrdom of Judas Thaddeus. Apostle-mar-
mayr, Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Kunst, 2 (Augsburg: tyrdom cycles for altarpieces are discussed in Mitchell B. Merback,
Benno Filser, 1928), 196, at 3754; also discussed in Roth, Volkreiche Lucas Cranach the Elders Martyrdom of the Twelve Apostles: Punishment,
Kalvarienberg, 91; and Krause, Hans Holbein der Altere, 5153. Penal Themes, and Spectacle in His Early Graphic Art (Ph.D. diss., Uni-
37. Stange, Deutsche Malerei, vol. 3, 165; Herbert Beck, Wolfgang Beeh, and versity of Chicago, 1995), 8592.
Horst Bredekamp, eds., Kunst um 1400 am Mittelrhein: Ein Teil der Wirk- 46. Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 1, 18494.
lichkeit, exh. cat. (Frankfurt: Liebighaus, 1975), 124; Mellinkoff, Outcasts,
47. John of Caulibus, Meditations, 254 (no. 78, meditations for Sext and
vol. 2, fig. III.41; and Petra Schwaerzel, Gotische Retabel der Felsen-
None). See also James H. Marrow, Passion Iconography in Northern Euro-
kirche in Oberstein: Untersuchung zu Maltechnik und Bestand,
pean Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance (Kortrijk, Belg.: Van
Zeitschrift fu r Kunsttechnologie und Konservierung 14, no. 2 (2000):
Ghemmert, 1979), 4041.
35177.
48. Stange, Deutsche Malerei, vol. 8, 120; Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 1, 46, 105,
38. Paul Pieper, ed., Westfalische Malerei des 14. Jahrhunderts, exh. cat.,
16667, 213, vol. 2, fig. II:26; and Merback, Thief, the Cross and the Wheel,
(M unster: Landesmuseum M unster, 1964), 6367; Schiller, Iconography
11819.
of Christian Art, vol. 2, 157; Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 2, fig. III.42; Bridget
Corley, Conrad von Soest: Painter among Merchant Princes (London: Harvey 49. Clearly derogatory in this context, the Judenhut was used by local Jewish
Miller, 1996), cat. no. 9; and Andrea Zupancic, Der Berswordt-Altar in councils in the Middle Ages as an official insignia, sometimes combined
der Dortmunder Marienkirche, in Der Berswordt-Meister und die Dort- with imperial symbols, as in Augsburg, where the citys double-headed
munder Malerei um 1400: Stadtkultur im Spatmittelalter, ed. Zupancic and eagle (Doppeladler) was used in combination with the hat by the Jewish
Thomas Schilp (Bielefeld: Verlag f ur Regionalgeschichte, 2002), 69 council of elders; Israel Schwierz, Steinerne Zeugnisse j
u dischen Lebens in
133, who dates the altar to about 1386 (132). Bayern: Eine Dokumentation, 2nd ed. (Munich: Bayerische Landeszentrale
f
ur politische Bildungsarbeit, 1992), 244. Kempten bei Allgau was home
39. Westfalische Malerei, 64; Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, vol. 2, 157 to a Jewish community until 1938.
(who misinterprets the speech scroll held by the soldier as referring to
Mark 15:30); Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 1, 71; and Zupancic, Der Bers- 50. Eric M. Zafran, The Iconography of Antisemitism: A Study of the Representation
wordt-Altar, 81, whose claim that the Berswordt Master aligns Pilate of the Jews in the Visual Arts of Europe 14001600 (Ann Arbor: University
with the two other converted pagans who recognize Christ, Longinus Microfilms, 1973); Moshe Lazar, The Lamb and the Scapegoat: The
and the Good Centurion, is problematic in light of the Johannine Dehumanization of the Jews in Medieval Propaganda Imagery, in Anti-
account, where the dispute pivots on shifting attributions of Jesuss semitism in Times of Crisis, ed. Sander L. Gilman and Steven T. Katz (New
messianic identity. The rare motif recurs in Westphalian painting in the York: New York University Press, 1991), 3880; Mellinkoff, Outcasts;
Warendorf Passion Altar of about 1420 (Pfarrkirche St. Laurentius); Heinz Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian Art: An Illustrated History,
see Corley, Conrad von Soest, cat. no. 10. For Pilates changing roles in trans. John Bowden (New York: Continuum, 1996); and Debra Higgs
medieval Passion iconography, see Colum Hourihane, Pontius Pilate, Strickland, Saracens, Demons, & Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art
Anti-Semitism, and the Passion in Medieval Art (Princeton: Princeton (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).
University Press, 2009). 51. Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 2, figs. VIII.24, IX.5, overlooked this ugly fellow,
40. On the progressive enlargement of the crowd (ochlos) in the Synop- yet precursors and comparanda can be found in sufficient numbers
tists, and then its transformation into the Jews in John (18:31, 36, 38, there that any argument one might like to make here about his place in
19:7), see John Dominic Crossan, Jewish Crowd and Roman Governor, our archives of historicized hatreds would be an empty exercise.
in Mel Gibson s Bible: Religion, Popular Culture, and The Passion of the 52. See Strickland, Saracens, Demons, & Jews, esp. 13740, 17382; and Lieso-
Christ, ed. Timothy K. Beal and Tod Linafelt (Chicago: University of lette E. Saurma-Jeltsch, Muslime im Bild des Spatmittelalters: Unter-
Chicago Press, 2006), 5967. The great throng artists imagined as schiedliche Blicke auf die Anderen, in Wechselseitige Wahrnehmung der
316 ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 2014 VOLUME XCVI NUMBER 3
Religionen im Spatmittelalter u hen Neuzeit, vol. 2, Kulturelle
und in der Fr anonymous reader for the Art Bulletin who suggested that Burgkmairs
Konkretionen (Literatur, Mythographie, Wissenschaft und Kunst), ed. Ludger specular soldier could be understood anamorphically.
Grenzmann et al. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2012), 20945, esp. 219 64. Meyer Schapiro, Muscipula Diaboli: The Symbolism of the M erode
26. On Orientalizing military garb, see Hale, Artists and Warfare, 23543. Altarpiece, Art Bulletin 27, no. 3 (September 1945): 18287, at 187.
53. As in the 1583 encounter between the Bolognese physician and natural- 65. Jan Biaostocki, Man and Mirror in Painting: Reality and Transience,
ist Ulisse Aldrovandi (15221605) and the hirsute Gonzalez family, then in The Message of Images: Studies in the History of Art (Vienna: Irsa, 1988),
residing at the Gonzaga court in Parma, or Lavinia Fontanas portraits of 93107; also Preimesberger, Zu Jan van Eycks Diptychon; and Hans
Tognina Gonzalez, cases illuminated in Frederika H. Jacobs, The Living Belting and Christiane Kruse, Die Erfindung des Gemaldes: Das erste Jahr-
Image in Renaissance Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005),
hundert der niederlandischen Malerei (Munich: Hirmer, 1994), 75, who cite
13646. Bartolomeo Fazios praise of Jan van Eycks painted mirror (in the lost
54. On this problematic within the iconography of antisemitism, see my Woman at Her Toilet) for its all-embracing perspective (tanquam in vero
introduction to Mitchell B. Merback, ed., Beyond the Yellow Badge: speculo prospicias).
Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture 66. See David G. Carter, Reflections in Armor in the Canon Van de Paele
(Leiden: Brill, 2007), 129. Madonna, Art Bulletin 36, no. 1 (March 1954): 6062; and Preimes-
55. In particular: a) the twelve surviving panels of the Gray Passion now in berger, Zu Jan van Eycks Diptychon, 473, 48384, who considers the
Stuttgart (original provenance unknown, dated on stylistic evidence to multiplying metallic reflections here and elsewhere in van Eycks oeuvre
the years after Holbeins return from Ulm to Augsburg in 1494); b) the a response to a topos found in Seneca and Pliny (47273). A later exam-
seven surviving large panels and the multiscene predella from an altar ple from Antwerp, more relevant to our theme, is the Ecce Homo by
made for Frankfurts Dominican church (completed 1501), now in the Quinten Massys (ca. 1515, Museo del Prado, Madrid), in which the pol-
Stadelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt; and c) the Kaisheim altarpiece ished helmet of one tormentor on the proscenium near Christ stands in
(signed and dated 1502 on the exterior of the wings). For all three proj- for the Eyckian convex mirror.
ects, see Krause, Holbein der Altere, 11589. In the Gray Passions scene of
67. See especially Belting and Kruse, Erfindung des Gemaldes, 7479, in whose
the Arrest of Christ, Jesus is accosted by a leonine Judas with a mopey account the mirror expresses the very Bildprinzip des Gemaldes (pic-
expression, a profile that bears comparison with Burgkmairs ugly sol- torial principle of painting) (78). For the metaphor in medieval theol-
dier in Augsburgthough Holbeins caricature is itself based on estab- ogy and art, see Jeffrey F. Hamburger, Speculations on Speculation:
lished stereotypes; see Willfried Franzen, Die Karlsruher Passion und das Vision and Perception in the Theory and Practice of Mystical Devotion,
Erzahlen in Bildern : Studien zur s
u ddeutschen Tafelmalerei des 15. Jahrhun-
in Deutsche Mystik im abendlandischen Zusammenhang: Neu erschlossene Texte,
derts (Berlin: Lukas, 2002), fig. 101, with useful discussion on 23950; neue theoretische Konzepte, ed. Walter Haug and
neue methodische Ansatze,
and Wiemann, Hans Holbein d. A.
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Allegory and Mirror: Tradition and Structure in Middle English Literature 87. IOANN BURGKMAIR M[ALLER] LVI IAR ALT ANNA ALLERLAIIN GE[MAH]L LII IAR ALT
(New York: Pegasus, 1970); Herbert Grabes, Speculum, Mirror und Looking MDXXVII[II] MAI X TAG.
Glass: Kontinuitat und Originalit at der Spiegelmetapher in den Buchtiteln des Mit- 88. Until the 1933 discovery of the signature in the upper-right corner, the
telalters und der englischen Literatur des 13. bis 17. Jahrhunderts (T
ubingen: M. work was regarded as a self-portrait; since then scholarly opinion has
Niemeyer, 1973); also discussed in G ottler, Last Things, 16869. leaned toward an authorial role for Burgkmair while attributing the
76. Folio 15r is preceded by a full-page miniature (fol. 14v) depicting the painterly execution to Furtenagel. See especially Berthold Hinz,
Fall and Expulsion from Paradise; see Otto Pacht, Rene dAnjou Studien zur Geschichte des Ehepaarbildnisses, Marburger Jahrbuch f ur
Studien I, Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Kunstsammlungen Wien 69 Kunstwissenschaft 19 (1974): 139218, at 16771; and Alexander von
(1973): 85126, at 8990; Marrow, In desen speigell, 15657, fig. 2; Reitzenstein, Zum Burgkmairschen Doppelbildnis von 1529, Pantheon
and idem, Pictorial Invention in Netherlandish Manuscript Illumination of the 33 (1975): 10610.
Late Middle Ages: The Play of Illusion and Meaning, ed. Brigitte Dekeyzer 89. Marrow, Pictorial Invention, 28, fig. 73.
and Jan van der Stock (Paris: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2005), 2728, figs. 68,
69, where the artist is identified as the Master of the David Scenes of 90. The latter observed already by Buchner, Die Augsburger Tafelmalerei,
the Grimani Breviary. See also Belting and Kruse, Erfindung des Gemaldes, 8587.
7576. 91. Jacobus de Voragine, Golden Legend, 62731. Falk, Hans Burgkmair, 34,
77. Paul Heitz, Primitive Holzschnitte: Einzelbilder des XV. Jahrhunderts (Strass- calls attention to unusual elements of the Ursula legend, which Burgk-
burg: J. H. E. Heitz, 1913), pl. 51; and Marrow, In desen speigell, 160, mair drew instead from Elizabeth of Sch onaus Liber revelationum,
fig. 7. undoubtedly at the behest of his patron.
92. Cf. Krause, Holbein der Altere, 296.
78. Gr
eban, Myste re de la Passion, in Warning, Ambivalences of Medieval Drama,
18182. Katalog,
93. For the entire cycle, see Goldberg et al., Altdeutsche Gemalde
79. This is among the eighty-two drawings made by Hans (79) and his 12958; Gisela Goldberg, Zum Zyklus der Augsburger Basilikabilder
brother Ambrosius (3) for Myconiuss book; see Erika Michael, The und zur Existenz von Stellvertreterstatten romische Hauptkirchen,
Drawings by Hans Holbein the Younger for Erasmus Praise of Folly (New u r Volkskunde, 198687, 6575; Pia Cuneo, The
Bayerisches Jahrbuch f
York: Garland, 1986), pl. XIII, discussed as drawing 13 (7173, at 73), Basilica Cycle of Saint Katherines Convent: Art and Female Com-
and for a fundamental discussion of Erasmuss and Holbeins sources, munity in Early-Renaissance Augsburg, Woman s Art Journal 19,
189249. no. 1 (SpringSummer 1998): 2125; Martin Schawe, Rom in Augs-
burg: Die Basilikabilder aus dem Katharinenkloster (Augsburg: Bayeri-
80. See Todd M. Richardson, To See Yourself within It: Pieter Bruegel the sche Staatsgemaldesammlungen, n.d.); and especially Magdalene
Elders Festival of Fools, in Image and Imagination of the Religious Self in Gartner, Romische Basiliken in Augsburg: Nonnenfrommigkeit und Malerei
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Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Reindert Falkenburg, Walter S. um 1500 (Augsburg: Wissner, 2002).
Melion, and Richardson (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 277305, at 299,
with further references, and 28889 on wisdoms imperative of reco- 94. This panel was detached from the San Paolo panel at an undetermined
gnizing folly. Compilation of the Eulenspiegel tales appears to date to time before 1828, when it was relocated to Augsburg from the Oettin-
1483, while the first printed editions were produced in Strasbourg by gen-Wallerstein collection; Goldberg et al., Altdeutsche Gemalde Katalog,
Johannes Gr uninger in 151011 and 1515; see Till Eulenspiegel: His 15758; Gartner, R omische Basiliken, fig. V/5; and Schawe, Staatsgalerie
Adventures, trans. and ed. Paul Oppenheimer (New York: Routledge, Augsburg, 8485. Her banderole reads: sancte . . . mise[r]ico[r]dia[m]
2001), xxilxxxiii. dei p[ro] me i p . . .
297, points out the dramatic increase in fees com-
95. Krause, Holbein d. A.,
81. Translation from Gerta Calmann, The Picture of Nobody, Journal of the
Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 23, nos. 12 (JanuaryJune 1960): 60 pared to those paid for earlier commissions in the series, the byproduct,
104, at 92. Such examples could be multiplied; cf. Andreas Alciatis she argues, of an artistic competition in which Burgkmair led the way.
epigram of 1549 (designed to illustrate the figure of the misguided 96. Cuneo, The Basilica Cycle, 22.
youth), which claims blindness as the consequence of self-love: It is a 97. Ibid., 23, with relevant historical literature on the convent. For the con-
flaw and lack of judgment to love oneself. Such love has driven vents successful resistance to evangelical reform from the 1530s
many men to blindness, because, abandoning the ancient ways, they onward, see Lyndal Roper, The Holy Household: Women and Morals in Ref-
only desire to follow their fantasies; quoted and discussed in ormation Augsburg (Oxford: Clarendon, 1989), 20651, from which the
Jacobs, Living Image, 149. phrase most emphatically civic comes (209); also Reinhard H. Seitz,
82. Calmann, Picture of Nobody; Irving L. Zupnick, The Meaning of Zur Geschichte des Dominikanerinnenklosters Sankt Katharina in
Bruegels Nobody and Everyman, Gazette des Beaux-Arts 67 (MayJune Augsburg, in Das Dominikanerinnenkloster zu Bad W orishofen, ed. Werner
1966): 25870; Hannes Fricke, Niemand wird lesen, was ich hier schreibe : Schiedermair (Weienhorn: Anton H. Konrad, 1998), 6372.
den Niemand in der Literatur (G
Uber ottingen: Wallstein, 1998), 9396; 98. Wood panels covered with parchment, height 34 in. (87 cm),
J
urgen M uller, Das Paradox als Bildform: Studien zur Ikonologie Pieter Brue- Maximilianmuseum, Augsburg, inv. no. 3839; partial transcription
(Munich: Wilhlem Fink, 1999), 5676; Bret Rothstein, The
gels d. A. in Gartner, R
omische Basiliken, 2023, discussed on 1720 and
Problem with Looking at Pieter Bruegels Elck, Art History 26, no. 2 illustrated as figs. 23. A later German translation appears in the
(April 2003): 14373; Richardson, To See Yourself, 287; and Mitchell Chronik des Klosters St. Katharina zu Augsburg (175253), fols. 24v28r;
B. Merback, Nobody Dares: Freedom, Dissent, Self-Knowing and Other transcription in Gartner, R omische Basiliken, 197202. Cf. Goldberg,
Possibilities in Sebald Behams Impossible, Renaissance Quarterly 63, no. 4 Zum Zyklus, 66.
(Winter 2010): 10371105, esp. 105866.
99. Goldberg, Zym Zyklus, 65, who notes that Burgkmairs San Pietro
83. The circumstantial connection with the myth of Ahasuerus, the Wander- panel, completed shortly after 1500, makes several direct references to
ing Jew, is tantalizing here, and M
uller, Paradox als Bildform, has sug- 290, with older
this most recent anno santo; see also Krause, Holbein d. A.,
gested connections between the Ahasuerus myth and the Nobody trope. literature cited on 390 n. 15.
Almost all later depictions of Ahasuerus, however, depict him with a
travelers stave, and none presents him as a soldier; for examples, see 100. In particular, Goldberg, Zum Zyklus; Cuneo, The Basilica Cycle;
Schreckenberg, Jews in Christian Art, 29196. Schawe, Rom in Augsburg; Gartner, R omische Basiliken; and Walter Cahn,
Margaret of Yorks Guide to the Pilgrimage Churches of Rome, in
84. D
u rerCranachHolbein: Die Entdeckung des Menschen; Das deutsche Margaret of York, Simon Marmion, and the Visions of Tondal, ed. Thomas
um 1500, ed. Sabine Haag et al., exh. cat. (Munich: Hirmer,
Portrat Kren (Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1992), 8998. My thanks to
2011), no. 210; and see n. 88 below for further references. Alisa Gross for the latter reference.
85. See Pacht, Rene dAnjou; and Marrow, In desen speigell, 16061. 101. Christopher S. Wood, Forgery, Replica, Fiction: Temporalities of German
Joseph Leo Koerner, The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Renaissance Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 339.
Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 270, illustrates the two-
sided panel Macabre Wedding Portrait, by the Master of the Aachen Life of 102. In the New High German of the Chronik (175253), this phrase is ren-
the Virgin, ca. 148085 (Bad Godesberg, College of Alosius) as fig. 138; dered trey Orth.
see also Eduard Syndicus, Hochzeit und Todein wiederentdecktes 103. Gartner, R
omische Basiliken, 21, with references.
Bild, Zeitschrift f
u r Kunstwissenschaft 6 (1952): 4756, figs. 1, 2; and Ernst 104. Nine Miedema, Following in the Footsteps of Christ: Pilgrimage and
Buchner, Das deutsche Bildnis der Sp atgotik und der fr u rerzeit (Berlin:
u hen D Passion Devotion, in The Broken Body: Passion Devotion in Late Medieval
Deutscher Verein f ur Kunstwissenschaft, 1953), 17375, cat. no. 197, Culture, ed. A. A. MacDonald, H. N. B. Ridderbos, and R. M. Schluse-
where the painter is called the Meister der Aachener Schrankt uren. See mann (Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1998), 7392, at 81; see also idem,
also the Macabre Marriage Portrait by the Ulm Master, ca. 146070, divided Rom in Halle: Sieben Altare der Stiftkirche Kardinal Albrecht von
between Cleveland and Strasbourg; Buchner, 17073, cat. no. 196. Brandenburg als Stellvertreter f ur die Hauptkirchen Roms? in Ich
86. [SOLL]CHE GESTALT VNSER BAIDER VVAS. IM SPIEGEL ABER NIX DAN DAS. See
armer sundiger mensch : Heiligen- und Reliquienkult am Ubergang zum konfes-
Koerner, Moment of Self-Portraiture, 268, who translates the inscription: sionellen Zeitalter, ed. Andreas Tacke (Gottingen: Wallstein, 2006),
In the mirror the form of us both was nothing but this. 27186.
318 ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 2014 VOLUME XCVI NUMBER 3
105. For example, the Holy Land fresco painted by Gumpolt Gitlinger in 1927), 261308; Hans Belting, The Image and Its Public in the Middle Ages:
1495 for the refectory of Sts. Ulrich and Afra, which reportedly included Form and Function of Early Paintings of the Passion, trans. Mark Bartusis and
a view of Jerusalem and other sites in Palestine; see Krause, Holbein d. A., Raymond Meyer (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Aristotle D. Caratzas, 1990); and
37; and Gartner, R
omische Basiliken, 22, both with references. for recent contributions, see Catherine Puglisi and William Barcham,
106. For centrally planned Gothic chapter houses as sites of commemorative, eds., New Perspectives on the Man of Sorrows (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute
liturgical, and disciplinary rituals, see Sheila Bonde and Clark Publications / Western Michigan University Press, 2013). For the Sun-
Maines, Monastic Struggle and Ritual Resolution: Centrality and day Christ, see Peter-Klaus Schuster, Niemand folgt Christus nach,
Community in the Gothic Chapter Room, in Saint-Jean-des-Vignes in Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 1981: 2843, who regards the
Soissons: Approaches to Its Architecture, Archaeology and History (Turn- Nobody allegory as a secularized version of the perpetual Passion (see
hout: Brepols, 2003), 262302; for late medieval convents specifi- esp. 2931); and Dominique Rigaux, Le Christ du dimanche: Histoire d une
cally, see Jeffrey F. Hamburger, Petra Marx, and Susan Marti, The image me die vale (Paris: LHarmattan, 2005), esp. 4850 on the perpetual
Time of the Orders, 12001500: An Introduction, in Crown and Veil: Passion.
Female Monasticism from the Fifth to the Fifteenth Centuries, trans. Diet- 121. Geilers sermons on the Narrenschiff were first published in Latin in
linde Hamburger, ed. Hamburger and Marti (New York: Columbia 1511, and then in German translation in 1520; they are quoted and dis-
University Press, 2008), 4175, at 6164. cussed in Gerd Schwerhoff, Christus zerst uckeln: Das Schw oren bei den
107. This confirms the arrangement first proposed by Falk, Hans Burgkmair, Gliedern Gottes und die spatmittelalterliche Passionsfr ommigkeit, in
2728; see Gartner, Romische Basiliken, 3738, fig. 10; also discussed in Fr
ommigkeit im Mittelalter: Politisch-soziale Kontexte, visuelle Praxis, k
orperliche
290, who bases her reconstruction directly on Falk
Krause, Holbein d. A., Ausdrucksformen, ed. Klaus Schreiner (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2002),
(Krauses and Gartners books were both published in 2002). 499527, at 509.
108. Only two of the original, double-sided wing panels, each of them since 122. Chapter 39 depicts the intercesssion of Christ and Mary in divided
sawn apart for a total of four paintings, survive today in Augsburg scenes in the early manuscripts, each with its own prefiguration; see Pa-
(Staatsgalerie Altdeutsche Malerie in der Katharinenkirche, inv. nos. nofsky, Imago Pietatis, 28588; E. Breitenbach and Th. Hillmann,
5296, 5297, 5364, 5365); see Norbert Lieb and Alfred Stange, Hans Hol- Die Sternbacher Pieta: Ein Beitrag zur Ikonographie des Vesperbildes
bein der Altere (n.p.: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1960), cat. no. 31, figs. 102 und des Schmerzensmannes, Die christliche Kunst: Monatsschrift f u r alle
Katalog, 8283; Krause, Holbein
5; Goldberg et al., Altdeutsche Gemalde Gebiete der christlichen Kunst und Kunstwissenschaft 33 (1937): 26874, at
290, 237ff., 15456; and Schawe, Staatsgalerie Augsburg, 85.
d. A., 273; and Dieter Koepplin, Interzession: Maria und Christi vor
Gottvater, in
109. Cuneo, The Basilica Cycle, 24. Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, ed. Engelbert Kirschbaum, vol. 2
110. San Pietro D Gethsemane / San Lorenzo and Sebastiano D Arrest / San (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1970), cols. 34652.
Downloaded by [84.79.181.102] at 23:31 05 April 2016
Giovanni D Flagellation / San Paolo D Crowning and Mocking / Santa 123. Caroline Walker Bynum, Violent Imagery in Late Medieval Piety, Bulle-
Croce D Crucifixion. The exception is Holbeins Santa Maria Maggiore, tin of the German Historical Institute 30 (Spring 2002): 336, at 2931;
which features the Coronation of the Virgin in the apex. Mitchell B. Merback, Reverberations of Guilt and Violence, Resonances
111. Lieb and Stange, Hans Holbein, no. 14; Goldberg et al., Altdeutsche of Peace: A Comment on Caroline Walker Bynums Lecture, ibid.,
Gemalde 140
Katalog, 6971 (with older literature); Krause, Holbein d. A., 3750, at 40; and Franz Posset, Renaissance Monks: Monastic Humanism in
41; Schawe, Staatsgalerie Augsburg, 83; and Wiemann, Hans Holbein d. A., Six Biographical Sketches (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 6392.
26063, cat. no. 52. Preserved in Basel (Kunstmuseum, Kupferstichkabi- 124. The idea is unorthodox, first for its inference that the blood atonement
nett, inv. no. U.I.17) is a pen, ink, and wash drawing prepared sometime on Calvary was insufficiently paid, and second for the impossible image
after 1500, preumably to document the commission; see Wiemann, it introduces of Christ suffering humanly after the Resurrection
300, cat. no. 66.
Hans Holbein d. A., (the glorified body in heaven is, by definition, immutable and beyond
112. My examples are drawn from Niklaus Largier, In Praise of the Whip: A Cul- suffering); see Kieckhefer, Unquiet Souls, 97, 111.
tural History of Arousal, trans. Graham Harman (New York: Zone Books, 125. Quoted in Walter Gibson, Imitatio Christi: The Passion Scenes of Hier-
2007), 3571. onymus Bosch, Simiolus 6, no. 2 (1972): 8393, at 83, with my emphases.
113. Any sampling must include Richard Kieckhefer, Unquiet Souls: Fourteenth- See also Peter Parshall, The Art of Memory and the Passion, Art Bulle-
Century Saints and Their Religious Milieu (Chicago: University of Chicago tin 81, no. 3 (September 1999): 45672, at 465.
Press, 1984), 89121; idem, Major Currents in Late Medieval 126. Stadtbibliothek N urnberg, Nuremberg, MS Cent. VI, 43e, fol. 198v;
Devotion, in Christian Spirituality: High Middle Ages and Reformation, ed. trans. Hamburger, Visual and the Visionary, 462; also discussed in Thomas
Jill Raitt, Bernard McGinn, and John Meyendorff (New York: Crossroad, Lentes, Andacht und Gebarde: Das religiose Ausdrucksverhalten, in
1987), 75108; Kent Emery Jr. and Joseph Wawrykow, eds., Christ among Kulturelle Reformation: Sinnformationen im Umbruch 14001600, ed. Bern-
the Medieval Dominicans (Notre Dame, Ind.: Notre Dame University Press, hard Jussen and Craig Koslofsky (G ottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1998); and Michael Camille, Mimetic Identification and Passion Devo- 1999), 2967, at 61; and Steinke, Paradiesgarten oder Gefangnis, 111ff.,
tion in the Later Middle Ages: A Double-Sided Panel by Meister fig. on 113.
Francke, in MacDonald, Ridderbos, and Schluseman, The Broken Body,
183210. Focus on the imperial cities is provided by Barbara Steinke, 127. A distinction analyzed, among others, by Hans Robert Jauss, Towards an
Paradiesgarten oder Gefangnis? Das N u rnberger Katharinenkloster zwischen Aesthetic of Reception, trans. Timothy Bahti (Minneapolis: University of
Klosterreform und Reformation (Tubingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 2006), with the Minnesota Press, 1982), 1415.
most comprehensive account. 128. Burgkmair, studies after Holbein, each 12 by 8 in. (31 by 21.1 cm),
114. Jeffrey F. Hamburger, The Visual and the Visionary Art and Female Spiritual- Universitatsbibliothek, W urzburg, Delin. VII, B, 48 and 49; see Fritz
Koreny, Hans Burgkmair d. A. Unbekannte Zeichnungen:
ity in Late Medieval Germany (New York: Zone Books; Cambridge, Mass.:
Uberlegungen zu einem verlorenen Werk altniederlandischer Malerei,
MIT Press, 1998), 460.
Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 78, n.s., 42 (1982): 35
115. Hamburger, Marx, and Marti, The Time of the Orders, 62. 297, figs. 219, 220.
68; see also Krause, Holbein d. A.,
290.
116. Krause, Holbein d. A., und Hans BurgkmairAlterna-
129. Katharina Krause, Hans Holbein d. A.
117. See Rainer Kaczynski, Die Coena-Domini-Kirche, in Kirche, Kunstsamm- tiven in der Augsburger Malerei um 1500, Zeitschrift f u r Schweizerische
lung und Bibliothek des Herzoglichen Georgianums (Regensburg: Schnell
Archaologie und Kunstgeschichte 55 (1998): 11122.
und Steiner, 1994), 838, esp. 3037, and 8586, cat. nos. 38082; and 130. Massing, Burgkmairs Depiction, sketches the expanding network of
Gartner, R
omische Basilika, 2426. associates from whom Burgkmair received ethnographic information,
118. On S. Croces relics, see among others Joseph N. Tylenda, The Pilgrim s drawings, and even artifacts associated with the non-European peoples
Guide to Rome s Principal Churches (Collegeville, Minn., 1993), 6972; and he would portray in woodcut; see also Leitch, Mapping Ethnography. How-
Anton Legner, Reliquien in Kunst und Kult zwischen Antike und Aufklarung ever, everything we can document about these activities postdates the
(Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1995), 8182. On the his- commissions at the Katharinenkloster.
torical imago pietatis, begin with Carlo Bertelli, The Image of Pity in Santa 131. For documentation on Boutss Descent from the Cross altarpiece, see n. 5
Croce in Gerusalemme, in Essays in the History of Art Presented to Rudolph above. The symbolic importance of the Jewish witness figure, which
Wittkower, ed. Douglas Fraser, Howard Hibbard, and Milton J. Lewine (Lon- emerges as an identifiable type in the twelfth century, is expertly traced
don: Phaidon, 1967), 4055; see also references in n. 120 below. and historicized in Sara Lipton, Unfeigned Witness: Jews, Matter, and
119. A possibility suggested by Cahn, Margaret of Yorks Guide, 96. Vision in Twelfth-Century Christian Art, in Kessler and Nirenberg, Juda-
ism and Christian Art, 4573.
120. The literature on the imago pietatis and the Man of Sorrows is massive.
See especially Erwin Panofsky, Imago Pietatis: Ein Beitrag zur Typen- Katalog, 1417; Schawe, Staatsga-
132. See Goldberg et al., Altdeutsche Gemalde
geschichte des Schmerzensmanns und der Maria Mediatrix, in Fest- lerie Augsburg, 3136, 7677; also Wolfgang Pilz, Das Triptychon als Kompo-
schrift fur Max J. Friedlander
zum 60. Geburtstage (Leipzig: E. A. Seemann,
sitions- und Erzahlsform (Munich: Fink, 1970), 21113.