Domestic Architecture, Ethnicity,
and Complementarity in the South-Central Andes
Edited by Mark S. Aldenderfer
University oftowa Press YP towa CityDomestic Architecture on Lupaqa Area Sites in the
Department of Puno
Charles Stanish, Edmundo de la Vega, and Kirk Lawrence Frye
Resumen
El valor de las metodologias arqueol6gicas basadas sobre el
anilisis de arquitectuca doméstica se explora dentro de este
informe. Especificamente se dirige al problema de fa colo-
nizacién de los valles occidentales durante los periodos tar~
dios prehispénicos (1100 a 1475 D.c.) por fos Lupaga, un
grupo étnico de la cuenca del Lago Titicaca. Nuevos datos
de la arquitectura residencial de tres sitios Lupaqa se utili
2 para reexaminar la posiblidad de la colonizacién Lu-
‘pags en l valle de Moquegua del sur del Peri. Los datos no
sugieren la extensién Lupaqa en esta region y verifican una
interpretacién anterior de este modelo de asentamiento.
A successful household archaeology must be moze than.
the mere documentation of architecture and domestic re-
‘mains from prebistoric sites. A focus on architecture and
its associated domestic artifact assemblages is a power-
fal methodological tool for modeling cultural process ia
space and time. In earlier publications, one of us has ar-
‘gued thar a methodology based on the comparison of ar~
chitecture and domestic assemblages isa superior means
of defining ethnicity in archaeological settlements in the
south-central Andes (Stanish 1985, 1989a, 1989). This,
is particularly elevantin testing modes of zonal comple-
mentarity (Murra 1964, 1968, 1970, 1972, 19755 Salo-
‘mon 1985), the most successful theoretical framework
within which cultural processes have been studied in the
south-central Andes to date.
In an effort to illustrate the utility of a houschold-
based archaeology, a specific mode! of zonal complemen-
{arity was tested in the Otora valley (fig. 1.1) of the Os-
‘more drainage in southern Peru (Stanish 1985, 1989a,
1989b). This model proposed that a post-Tiwanaku (ca,
A.D, 1100-1475) Titicaca basin ethnic group known as
the Lupaga colonized the Moquegua drainage in the
Late Intermediate Period (e.g., Hyslop 1976; Majica, Ri
vera, and Lynch 1983; Murra 1964, 1968). Based upon
the evidence from Otora, a model of Late Intermediate
Period Lupaga colonization was not supported. Rather,
da ae thange-zclat
between the Late Intermediate Otora valley sites with the
northwestern side of the Titicaca basin, specifically the
Colla region. Lupaga influence in Moquegua was not
noted until the Late Horizon (ca. a.p. 1475~1532), co-
incident with the Inka administration ofthe region.
This conclusion was based upon several lines of evi-
dence, including an analysis of domestic architecture and
finewaze ceramics in domestic contexts between contem-
porary settlements of the Moquegua region. This com-
parison indicated a marked homogeneity in settlement
types in the Moquegua sierra, that is the existence of a
discrete ethnic group known as Estuquitia in this time
period (Borstel etal. 1989; Conrad, this volume; Conrad
and Webster 1989; Rice, Stanish, and Scart 1989 Stan-
ish 1985). The failure to confirm a pattern of Lupaqs
colonization vas based on several observations: first, the
principal exotic fineware type found in domestic con-
texts in the Estuquifa settlements in Otora was Sillus-
tani, a type associated with the Colla region (Hyslop
1976: 225; Tschopik 1946: 22-27), Second, the plain:
‘ware ceramic types from both regions were radically dif-
ferent. Finally, John Hystop had reported in 1976 that84 Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites
the primary domestic architectural pattern in the Lupaga,
region was characterized by circular structures.
‘The Otora valley Estuguifia setcements, in contrast,
had an architectural type called the “paired pattern”
(Stanish 1989a: 16), characterized by long, rectangular
structures divided into two unequally sized rooms. The
domestic architectural pattern was so distinct from the
reported round structures of the Lupaga area that an as-
sociation with the Lupaga ethnic group was not sup-
ported. In short, the domestic architecture and associ
ated artifactual patterns that characterized the Otora
valley Late Intermediate sites differed markedly from the
known Lupaga ones.
Conrad's work at San Antonio (Conrad, this volumes
Conrad and Webster 1989) supports this interpretation
as well. Fie found a similar architectural pattern from
this major Estuguifia Period site in the Torata valley.
Conrad notes that the location of the large and small
rooms at San Antonio are reversed compared with pub-
lished Colla examples. He suggests, however, that the
pattern is similar enough to indicate that the paired type
derived from Colla prototypes.
In spite of the substantial data base from Moquegua
and Otora, there is an obvious weakness in this test of
the model of Lupaga colonization. According to the cri-
teria that were explicitly stated as test implications of the
‘model (Stanish 1985, 1989a), it was necessary to com-
Dare commensurate domestic architectural and artifae
tual patterns between the hypothesized colonies and the
colonizer. The data fom the former (the hypothesized
colonies in Otora) were adequate for the test of the
model, However, the data from the latter (the bypothe-
sized colonizer, i., the Lupaga) were based upon the
schematic descriptions of Lupaga sites by John Hyslop in
his extensive survey of the southwestern Titicaca basin
(Hyslop 1976). The data were not commensurate in that
Hyslop did not excavate structures or provide detailed
‘maps of the habitation areas of the Lupaqa sites. There-
fore, one component of the test implications was only
partially satisfied
In 1988 and 1989, we began a new research program
in core Lupaga territory near the modern tavn of Jul,
Peru (fg. 7.1). Juli is one of the main towns of the alti-
plano in the Lupaga region and was one of seven cabe-
‘eras of the Lupaga “kingdom” (fig. 7.2) It is located
along the shores of Lake Titicaca and next to the princi-
pal modern highway. This highway is also a former Inka
road (Hyslop 1984:133~134)
The Juli Project had several goals (Stanish ms.) one of
the most important of which was to map the domestic
architecture of a major Lupaga site and excavate at last
‘one domestic unit. Sections of two other contempo-
rary Late Intermediate Period (or Altiplano Period—see
Hyslop 1976) sites were mapped as well. This research
‘would then serve to satisfy the final test criterion of the
tora valley research by providing commensurate data
for comparing the hypothesized colonizer and colony.
These data are presented here as a further test of the
model of Lupaga colonization,
Research in the Juli Region
At the suggestion of John Hyslop, we selected the site of
Puikara Juli to begin work on the Lupaga settlements
Pakara Juli was first mentioned by Bernabé Cobo in
1653 and later described in greater detail by Hyslop
(1976: 315-320). One section of the site was intensively
mapped by Frye and one domestic terrace structure was
excavated by de la Vega. Subsequently, two additional
Lupaga area sites were partially mapped by Frye. These
additional sites were first reported by John Hyslop
(1976: 300-311) and are known as Huichajaja and
Llaquepa. They are located near Yunguyu and Pomata,
respectively (fig. 7.1).
Pukara Juli (16° 14” $0” south latitude and 69°27" SO"
west longitude) is a massive settlement, one of the largest
‘of any in the Lupaga area. Its located about 3 km from
modern Juli, Three to five huge defensive walls encircle
approximately 40 to 60 ha of domestic residential struc-
tures and cemeteries (Hyslop 1976: 315-320). The total
combined length of the walls is approximately 15 km,
These defensive walls are 2 to 3 m in height today and
aboriginally stood 4 m or more from ground level. The
defensive walls are actually constructed with two walls
filled with a rubble core. The average width of the walls
is approximately 2 m, making them wide enough for
rapid movement of defenders along the top. The blocks
are all uncut feldstones except for doorways, which had
shaped fieldstone blocks along the sides. Pukara Juli
is actually composed of four discrete residential areas
(ig. 7.3}. The sector chosen for intensive study is known
as Yacari-Tantachabui, the name of the modern political
Aivision of the site area. The archaeological sector of
Yacati-Tuntachahui is approximately 9 ha in area. Three
very large defensive walls cut through the domestic area,
a patiern typical of the other areas as well.
‘The residential structures of Yacari-Tuntechabsit are
located in a concave-shaped depression on the hill. ThisDomestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites 85
caueurtore
Luadueea
ease eee esacuavero® ae
Figure 7.1. The Titicaca basi.86 Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites
Figure 7.2. The Lupaga region,
location was possibly chosen as a means of avoiding the
strong winds that occur in the area. The defensive walls
ccut across the hill between two large escarpments. These
escarpments provided a natural defensive feature that
was augmented by the walls,
‘The principal domestic construction on Pukara Juli is
the large, artificial terrace. Many of these terraces extend
up to 20 to 30 m in length and support platform areas
between 100 and 400 m2, The terraces are presently low,
approximately 50m high. Aboriginally, they were prob
ably at least twice that height, and most likely much
higher.
“The residential zone of Yacari-Tuntachahui is divided
into four large sections (fg. 7.4) that are separated by
pathways. These pathways run up and down the hill and
align with the three doorways on each of the three main
defensive walls. Stone steps made with crude, uncut field-
stones were observed in several sections of the pathways,
While much more work is necessary, we currently hy
pothesize that the four sections correspond to social
or political divisions of the settlement. The nature of
these architectural divisions remains to be defined in the
fatare.
‘One large terrace platform was excavated by de la
Vega (6g. 7.5). This work indicated that the large ter-
races have internal structure divisions. These divisions
are built with uncut feldstone walls in a manner identi-
cal to the terrace support walls. No cane or wood pre-
serves in the aliplano envionment, Asa consequence, it
is difficult to determine if additional perishable divisions
were utilized in the structures. These divisions are gen-
rally not vistble from the surface. The excavation there-Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites 87
Ince-Pukara
SS
Sco Site Architecture
° 1500
METERS
Figure 7.3. Pukara Jul.
fore indicates that thece is a substantially more complex
domestic architectural pattern on the Lupaga sites than
is apparent from the surface,
‘The excavations also identified a number of domestic
features on the terrace living surface, including ash de-
posits, hearths, and storage areas. The quantity of acti
factual debris was substantial, including a large number
of utilitarian vessel fragments. There was no question
thar these terraces were principally domestic residential
‘The other major structure type is circular in shape.
Yocori -
Tuntachachui
AF Base
‘There are at least three types of circular structures: resi-
dential stractures, chullpas, or aboveground burial
chambers, and small (2 m diameter) structures of vati-
able or unknown function. Based upon susface and ex:
cavation data, we hypothesize that these small, circular
constructions were probably used for storage, while the
‘moderately sized ones (diameters of 2 to 3 m) were used
for storage or functioned as chullpas. Finally, those over
3 m in diameter probably had a residential or ceremonial
function. This proposition remains to be tested.
‘The domestic architectural pattern on the Yacari-Domestic Architecture on Luppaga Area Sites
38
2 Defensive Wott
eo*8F Site Architecture
«
nee
A
rary
Figure 7.4. The site of Yacari-Tontachabui.Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites 89
Figure 7.5. Excavations at Yacari-Tuntachabui.
‘Tantachahui section of Pukara Juli is characterized by
cone of these large terraces with one or two round struc-
tures, This pattern characterizes the “normative” or
“deal” domestic unit on the ste in the same way that the
paired type typifies the Osmore valley Estuquifa setle-
ments. There is a variation around this ideal on Yacari-
Tuntachahui, of course, but the pattern characterizes
‘more than half of the exposed domestic units
In conjunction with the work at Pukara Juli, two other
sites were mapped and systematically surface-collected.
‘The first of these is known as Huichajaja (16° 17" 40"
south latitude and 69° 8° 40" west longitude} and is lo-
cated 6 km east-southeast of Yunguyu (Hyslop 1976:
307). Like Pukara Juli, Huichajaja is a hilltop site that
was defended with massive, encircling walls. Habitation
areas are located inside these walls, the pattern typical of
the sites of this period (Hyslop 1976). The habitation
zone is located at an altitade of approximately 4,200 m.
‘The ceramies found on the surface are exclusively Alti-
plano Period in date (Hyslop 1976: 307).
‘The domestic architecture of a small section of Hui-