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Domestic Architecture, Ethnicity, and Complementarity in the South-Central Andes Edited by Mark S. Aldenderfer University oftowa Press YP towa City Domestic Architecture on Lupaqa Area Sites in the Department of Puno Charles Stanish, Edmundo de la Vega, and Kirk Lawrence Frye Resumen El valor de las metodologias arqueol6gicas basadas sobre el anilisis de arquitectuca doméstica se explora dentro de este informe. Especificamente se dirige al problema de fa colo- nizacién de los valles occidentales durante los periodos tar~ dios prehispénicos (1100 a 1475 D.c.) por fos Lupaga, un grupo étnico de la cuenca del Lago Titicaca. Nuevos datos de la arquitectura residencial de tres sitios Lupaqa se utili 2 para reexaminar la posiblidad de la colonizacién Lu- ‘pags en l valle de Moquegua del sur del Peri. Los datos no sugieren la extensién Lupaqa en esta region y verifican una interpretacién anterior de este modelo de asentamiento. A successful household archaeology must be moze than. the mere documentation of architecture and domestic re- ‘mains from prebistoric sites. A focus on architecture and its associated domestic artifact assemblages is a power- fal methodological tool for modeling cultural process ia space and time. In earlier publications, one of us has ar- ‘gued thar a methodology based on the comparison of ar~ chitecture and domestic assemblages isa superior means of defining ethnicity in archaeological settlements in the south-central Andes (Stanish 1985, 1989a, 1989). This, is particularly elevantin testing modes of zonal comple- mentarity (Murra 1964, 1968, 1970, 1972, 19755 Salo- ‘mon 1985), the most successful theoretical framework within which cultural processes have been studied in the south-central Andes to date. In an effort to illustrate the utility of a houschold- based archaeology, a specific mode! of zonal complemen- {arity was tested in the Otora valley (fig. 1.1) of the Os- ‘more drainage in southern Peru (Stanish 1985, 1989a, 1989b). This model proposed that a post-Tiwanaku (ca, A.D, 1100-1475) Titicaca basin ethnic group known as the Lupaga colonized the Moquegua drainage in the Late Intermediate Period (e.g., Hyslop 1976; Majica, Ri vera, and Lynch 1983; Murra 1964, 1968). Based upon the evidence from Otora, a model of Late Intermediate Period Lupaga colonization was not supported. Rather, da ae thange-zclat between the Late Intermediate Otora valley sites with the northwestern side of the Titicaca basin, specifically the Colla region. Lupaga influence in Moquegua was not noted until the Late Horizon (ca. a.p. 1475~1532), co- incident with the Inka administration ofthe region. This conclusion was based upon several lines of evi- dence, including an analysis of domestic architecture and finewaze ceramics in domestic contexts between contem- porary settlements of the Moquegua region. This com- parison indicated a marked homogeneity in settlement types in the Moquegua sierra, that is the existence of a discrete ethnic group known as Estuquitia in this time period (Borstel etal. 1989; Conrad, this volume; Conrad and Webster 1989; Rice, Stanish, and Scart 1989 Stan- ish 1985). The failure to confirm a pattern of Lupaqs colonization vas based on several observations: first, the principal exotic fineware type found in domestic con- texts in the Estuquifa settlements in Otora was Sillus- tani, a type associated with the Colla region (Hyslop 1976: 225; Tschopik 1946: 22-27), Second, the plain: ‘ware ceramic types from both regions were radically dif- ferent. Finally, John Hystop had reported in 1976 that 84 Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites the primary domestic architectural pattern in the Lupaga, region was characterized by circular structures. ‘The Otora valley Estuguifia setcements, in contrast, had an architectural type called the “paired pattern” (Stanish 1989a: 16), characterized by long, rectangular structures divided into two unequally sized rooms. The domestic architectural pattern was so distinct from the reported round structures of the Lupaga area that an as- sociation with the Lupaga ethnic group was not sup- ported. In short, the domestic architecture and associ ated artifactual patterns that characterized the Otora valley Late Intermediate sites differed markedly from the known Lupaga ones. Conrad's work at San Antonio (Conrad, this volumes Conrad and Webster 1989) supports this interpretation as well. Fie found a similar architectural pattern from this major Estuguifia Period site in the Torata valley. Conrad notes that the location of the large and small rooms at San Antonio are reversed compared with pub- lished Colla examples. He suggests, however, that the pattern is similar enough to indicate that the paired type derived from Colla prototypes. In spite of the substantial data base from Moquegua and Otora, there is an obvious weakness in this test of the model of Lupaga colonization. According to the cri- teria that were explicitly stated as test implications of the ‘model (Stanish 1985, 1989a), it was necessary to com- Dare commensurate domestic architectural and artifae tual patterns between the hypothesized colonies and the colonizer. The data fom the former (the hypothesized colonies in Otora) were adequate for the test of the model, However, the data from the latter (the bypothe- sized colonizer, i., the Lupaga) were based upon the schematic descriptions of Lupaga sites by John Hyslop in his extensive survey of the southwestern Titicaca basin (Hyslop 1976). The data were not commensurate in that Hyslop did not excavate structures or provide detailed ‘maps of the habitation areas of the Lupaqa sites. There- fore, one component of the test implications was only partially satisfied In 1988 and 1989, we began a new research program in core Lupaga territory near the modern tavn of Jul, Peru (fg. 7.1). Juli is one of the main towns of the alti- plano in the Lupaga region and was one of seven cabe- ‘eras of the Lupaga “kingdom” (fig. 7.2) It is located along the shores of Lake Titicaca and next to the princi- pal modern highway. This highway is also a former Inka road (Hyslop 1984:133~134) The Juli Project had several goals (Stanish ms.) one of the most important of which was to map the domestic architecture of a major Lupaga site and excavate at last ‘one domestic unit. Sections of two other contempo- rary Late Intermediate Period (or Altiplano Period—see Hyslop 1976) sites were mapped as well. This research ‘would then serve to satisfy the final test criterion of the tora valley research by providing commensurate data for comparing the hypothesized colonizer and colony. These data are presented here as a further test of the model of Lupaga colonization, Research in the Juli Region At the suggestion of John Hyslop, we selected the site of Puikara Juli to begin work on the Lupaga settlements Pakara Juli was first mentioned by Bernabé Cobo in 1653 and later described in greater detail by Hyslop (1976: 315-320). One section of the site was intensively mapped by Frye and one domestic terrace structure was excavated by de la Vega. Subsequently, two additional Lupaga area sites were partially mapped by Frye. These additional sites were first reported by John Hyslop (1976: 300-311) and are known as Huichajaja and Llaquepa. They are located near Yunguyu and Pomata, respectively (fig. 7.1). Pukara Juli (16° 14” $0” south latitude and 69°27" SO" west longitude) is a massive settlement, one of the largest ‘of any in the Lupaga area. Its located about 3 km from modern Juli, Three to five huge defensive walls encircle approximately 40 to 60 ha of domestic residential struc- tures and cemeteries (Hyslop 1976: 315-320). The total combined length of the walls is approximately 15 km, These defensive walls are 2 to 3 m in height today and aboriginally stood 4 m or more from ground level. The defensive walls are actually constructed with two walls filled with a rubble core. The average width of the walls is approximately 2 m, making them wide enough for rapid movement of defenders along the top. The blocks are all uncut feldstones except for doorways, which had shaped fieldstone blocks along the sides. Pukara Juli is actually composed of four discrete residential areas (ig. 7.3}. The sector chosen for intensive study is known as Yacari-Tantachabui, the name of the modern political Aivision of the site area. The archaeological sector of Yacati-Tuntachahui is approximately 9 ha in area. Three very large defensive walls cut through the domestic area, a patiern typical of the other areas as well. ‘The residential structures of Yacari-Tuntechabsit are located in a concave-shaped depression on the hill. This Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites 85 caueurtore Luadueea ease eee esacuavero® ae Figure 7.1. The Titicaca basi. 86 Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites Figure 7.2. The Lupaga region, location was possibly chosen as a means of avoiding the strong winds that occur in the area. The defensive walls ccut across the hill between two large escarpments. These escarpments provided a natural defensive feature that was augmented by the walls, ‘The principal domestic construction on Pukara Juli is the large, artificial terrace. Many of these terraces extend up to 20 to 30 m in length and support platform areas between 100 and 400 m2, The terraces are presently low, approximately 50m high. Aboriginally, they were prob ably at least twice that height, and most likely much higher. “The residential zone of Yacari-Tuntachahui is divided into four large sections (fg. 7.4) that are separated by pathways. These pathways run up and down the hill and align with the three doorways on each of the three main defensive walls. Stone steps made with crude, uncut field- stones were observed in several sections of the pathways, While much more work is necessary, we currently hy pothesize that the four sections correspond to social or political divisions of the settlement. The nature of these architectural divisions remains to be defined in the fatare. ‘One large terrace platform was excavated by de la Vega (6g. 7.5). This work indicated that the large ter- races have internal structure divisions. These divisions are built with uncut feldstone walls in a manner identi- cal to the terrace support walls. No cane or wood pre- serves in the aliplano envionment, Asa consequence, it is difficult to determine if additional perishable divisions were utilized in the structures. These divisions are gen- rally not vistble from the surface. The excavation there- Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites 87 Ince-Pukara SS Sco Site Architecture ° 1500 METERS Figure 7.3. Pukara Jul. fore indicates that thece is a substantially more complex domestic architectural pattern on the Lupaga sites than is apparent from the surface, ‘The excavations also identified a number of domestic features on the terrace living surface, including ash de- posits, hearths, and storage areas. The quantity of acti factual debris was substantial, including a large number of utilitarian vessel fragments. There was no question thar these terraces were principally domestic residential ‘The other major structure type is circular in shape. Yocori - Tuntachachui AF Base ‘There are at least three types of circular structures: resi- dential stractures, chullpas, or aboveground burial chambers, and small (2 m diameter) structures of vati- able or unknown function. Based upon susface and ex: cavation data, we hypothesize that these small, circular constructions were probably used for storage, while the ‘moderately sized ones (diameters of 2 to 3 m) were used for storage or functioned as chullpas. Finally, those over 3 m in diameter probably had a residential or ceremonial function. This proposition remains to be tested. ‘The domestic architectural pattern on the Yacari- Domestic Architecture on Luppaga Area Sites 38 2 Defensive Wott eo*8F Site Architecture « nee A rary Figure 7.4. The site of Yacari-Tontachabui. Domestic Architecture on Lupaga Area Sites 89 Figure 7.5. Excavations at Yacari-Tuntachabui. ‘Tantachahui section of Pukara Juli is characterized by cone of these large terraces with one or two round struc- tures, This pattern characterizes the “normative” or “deal” domestic unit on the ste in the same way that the paired type typifies the Osmore valley Estuquifa setle- ments. There is a variation around this ideal on Yacari- Tuntachahui, of course, but the pattern characterizes ‘more than half of the exposed domestic units In conjunction with the work at Pukara Juli, two other sites were mapped and systematically surface-collected. ‘The first of these is known as Huichajaja (16° 17" 40" south latitude and 69° 8° 40" west longitude} and is lo- cated 6 km east-southeast of Yunguyu (Hyslop 1976: 307). Like Pukara Juli, Huichajaja is a hilltop site that was defended with massive, encircling walls. Habitation areas are located inside these walls, the pattern typical of the sites of this period (Hyslop 1976). The habitation zone is located at an altitade of approximately 4,200 m. ‘The ceramies found on the surface are exclusively Alti- plano Period in date (Hyslop 1976: 307). ‘The domestic architecture of a small section of Hui-

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