(Mouton Grammar Library 17.) Chelliah, Shobhana Lakshmi-A Grammar of Meithei-Mouton de Gruyter (1997)

Mouton Grammar Library
Chelliah
A Grammar of Meithei
W
DE
G
Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417
Authenticated | 194.94.96.194
Download Date | 9/19/13 6:08 AM
Mouton Grammar Library 17
Editors
Georg Bossong
Wallace Chafe
Bernard Comrie
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin New York
Shobhana L. Chelliah
A Grammar of Meithei
1997
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin New York
Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague)
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin.
Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the

ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Chelliah, Shobhana Lakshmi, 1961

A Grammar of Meithei / Shobhana Lakshmi Chelliah.
p. cm.. - (Mouton grammar library ; 17)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 3-11-014321-6 (alk. paper)
1. Manipur language - Grammar. I. Title. II. Series.
PL4001.M311C47 1997
495'.4-dc21 97-8086
CIP
Die Deutsche Bibliothek - Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Chelliah, Shobhana Lakshmi:

A grammar of Meithei / Shobhana L. Chelliah. - Berlin ; New
York : Mouton de Gruyter, 1997
(Mouton grammar library ; 17)
ISBN 3-11-014321-6
Copyright 1997 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin. All rights reserved, including those
of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in
any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any
information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
Printing: Arthur Collignon GmbH, Berlin. - Binding: Lderitz & Bauer, Berlin. -
Printed in Germany.

Table of contents
Acknowledgements xi
Maps xiii
Plates xvii
Abbreviations xxiii
1 Introduction
1.1 Qassification 1
1.2 Geography 3
1.3 Religion 5
1.4 Political history 6
1.5 Material culture 8
1.6 Performing arts and sports 10
1.7 Dialects 11
1.8 Review of literature on the Meithei language 11
1.9 Fieldwork 13
1.10 Organization of this book 15
2 Phonetics and phonology
2.1 The consonant phonemes 17
2.1.1 Contrastive distribution 17
2.1.2 Free variation 20
2.1.3 Complementary distribution 20
2.2 The vowel phonemes 21
2.3 Syllable structure 22
2.4 Tone 25
2.4.1 The data 25
2.4.2 Roots 25
2.4.3 Suffixes 26
2.4.4 Lexicalized suffix combinations 34
2.4.5 Prefixes 37
2.4.6 Compounds 38
2.4.7 Enclitics 39
2.4.8 Summary and conclusion 39
2.5 Lexical rules 48
2.5.1 Voice assimilation 48
2.5.2 Deaspiration 54
2.5.3 Lateral deletion and Velar deletion 59
2.5.4 Total assimilation of 1 61
2.5.5 Summary 62

vi Table of contents
2.6 Post-lexical rules 63

2.6.1 Diphthongization and Gemination 64
2.6.2 Dissimilation and Debuccalization 67
2.6.3 Flapping 68
2.6.4 Simplification of rC clusters 69
2.6.5 Schwa deletion 69
2.6.6 Alternation of vowels with schwa 70
3 Grammatical preview
3.1 Phrase structure of the main clause 71
3.2 Phrase structure of subordinated sentences 75
3.3 Major lexical categories 77
3.3.1 Nouns 78
3.3.1.1 Pronouns: personal and possessive 78
3.3.1.2 Pronouns: indefinite 80
3.3.1.3 Pronouns: relative 80
3.3.1.4 Pronouns: demonstrative 81
3.3.1.5 Pronouns: emphatic 84
3.3.1.6 Numerals 85
3.3.2 Verbs, adjectives, and adverbs 86
3.3.2.1 Adjectives 86
3.3.2.2 Adverbs 87
3.4 Minor lexical categories 89
3.4.1 Quantifiers 89
3.4.2 Postpositions 90
3.4.3 Interjections 91
3.5 Enclitics 92
4 Grammatical relations and information structure
4.1 Phrase structure 93
4.1.1 The verb phrase as a constituent 93
4.1.2 Subjects in complements 94
4.1.3 Subjects in nominalization 96
4.1.4 Pronominal and anaphoric coreference 97
4.1.5 Extraction from subject 103
4.1.6 Subjects in imperative constructions 104
4.1.7 Lack of passive 106
4.1.8 Lack of agreement 106
4.1.9 Conclusion 107
4.2 Case marking 107
4.3 Information structure 114
4.3.1 Contrastiveness 114
4.3.2 Definiteness 116
4.3.3 The adversative marker -pu 117
Table of contents vii
4.3.4 Word order and ambiguity 120

4.3.5 Restrictions on pragmatic marking 122
4.3.6 Volitionality 124
4.4 Case marking on peripheral noun phrases 125
4.4.1 Locative case 125
4.4.2 Ablative case 126
4.4.3 Genitive case 127
4.4.4 Associative case 128
4.4.5 Instrumental case 128
4.5 Conclusion 129
5 Root sentences
5.1 Declarative 132
5.2 Optative 133
5.3 Imperative and prohibitive 134
5.4 Supplicative 135
5.5 Permissive 137
5.6 Interrogative 137
5.6.1 Yes-no questions 137
5.6.2 Alternative questions 141
5.6.3 Tag questions 143
5.6.4 The morphology of question-word questions 144
5.6.5 Nominal and verbalized question words 145
5.6.6 Position of the question word 148
5.6.7 Multiple question words 150
5.6.8 Phrase final rising intonation 151
5.6.9 Use of question words as discourse markers 152
6 Subordination
6.1 Nominalization 155
6.1.1 Nominalizers 155
6.1.2 Relative clauses 157
6.1.2.1 Semantic role and pragmatic marking on the relativized
noun 159
6.1.2.2 Internally headed relative clauses 161
6.1.2.3 Question words as relative pronouns 162
6.1.2.4 Quotatives used to signal relative clauses 163
6.1.2.5 Adjectives 164
6.1.2.6 Combining relative clauses and coreference 165
6.1.3 Verbs which subcategorize for nominalized clauses 168
6.2 Complementation 170

viii Table of contents
6.3 Adverbial clauses 172

6.3.1 Case markers as clausal subordinators 172
6.3.2 Adverbial Participials 175
6.3.3 Lexical subordinators 178
6.3.4 -ti 'delimitative' and -su 'also' as subordinators 179
6.3.5 Combinations of subordinators 180
6.4 The quotative subordinator 183
6.5 The ordering of clauses in the sentence 189
6.5.1 Embedding 191
6.5.2 Ellipsis 193
6.5.3 Clause chaining 193
6.5.4 Clausal coordination 196
7 Affixal morphology
7.1 The verb morphology 201
7.1.1 First level derivation 204
7.1.2 Second level derivation 211
7.1.2.1 Category 1: Reciprocal and comitative 212
7.1.2.2 Category 2: V for the sake of self/other 213
7.1.2.3 Category 3: Causative 215
7.1.2.4 Category 4: Desire to V 215
7.1.2.5 Category 5: Speaker's attitude towards what extent
V is performed 216
7.1.2.6 Category 6: Speaker's attitude towards time taken
to perform V 216
7.1.2.7 Category 7: Indirect evidence 221
7.1.2.8 Category 8: Directionals 224
7.1.2.9 Category 9: Negative 228
7.1.2.10 Category 10: Prospective aspect -la 229
7.1.3 Third level derivation 230
7.1.3.1 Category 11: Potential and nonpotential mood 231
7.1.3.2 Category 12: Necessity, obligation and intention 232
7.1.3.3 Combination of Category 11 and 12 mood markers 236
7.1.3.4 Combination category 11 and 12 with other verbal affixes 237
7.1.3.5 Category 13: Aspect 239
7.1.4 Scope differences 240
7.1.5 Inflectional morphology 242
7.2 The noun morphology 242
7.2.1 Inflectional morphology 243
7.2.2 Derivational morphology 244
7.2.2.1 Category 2: Gender 244
7.2.2.2 Category 3: Number and quantification 245
7.2.2.3 Prefixal categories 248
Table of contents ix
7.3 Enclitics 248

7.3.1 Determiners, semantic role and case markers 249
7.3.2 The copula 249
7.3.3 Mood markers 251
7.3.4 Pragmatic markers 251
7.3.5 Attitude markers 253
8 Compounding and duplication
8.1 Compounding 261
8.1.1 Productive combinations 261
8.1.2 Nonproductive combinations 262
8.1.3 Affixation within compounds 263
8.2 Duplication 264
8.2.1 Repetition 264
8.2.1.1 Word repetition 265
8.2.1.2 Stem repetition 271
8.2.2 Echo collocations 274
8.2.2.1 Echo collocations with free forms 274
8.2.2.1.1 Nonidentical stems with identical affixes 274
8.2.2.1.2 Nonidentical stems with identical morphology 276
8.2.2.1.3 Identical stems with nonidentical morphology 278
8.2.2.2 Echo word formation 280
8.2.3 Ideophones 281
9 Functional and pragmatic aspects
9.1 Indirect speech acts 285
9.1.1 Commanding 285
9.1.1.1 Attenuating commands with words or affixes 285
9.1.1.2 Attenuating the force of commands through
indirect speech 288
9.1.2 Requesting permission 292
9.1.3 Warning 292
9.1.4 Persuading 293
9.1.5 Blessing or cursing 293
9.1.6 Indirect questions 294
9.2 Evidentiality 295
9.2.1 Evidentiality in the complementation system 295
9.2.1.1 Lexical nominalizers 295
9.2.1.2 The evidential value of nominalized clauses 297
9.2.1.3 The distribution of the complementizers 300
9.2.1.4 Restrictions on tense and aspect in subordinate clauses 306
9.2.1.5 Summary 308

Table of contents
9.2.2 Other evidential markings 309

9.2.3 Asking questions 311
9.2.4 Conclusion 312
Appendix I: Meithei - English glossary 313

Appendix II: Meithei literature 353
Appendix III: Meithei writing systems 355
Appendix IV: Texts 377
Notes 495
References 513
Index 535

Acknowledgments
This book would not have been possible without the help of Thounaojam
Harimohon Singh, my main native Meithei speaking consultant. He deserves
special thanks for his diligent work and insightful comments. Thanks also to
the following consultants: Sushila Ningthongjam, Naorem Saratchandra Singh,
Janatam Begum, Ningomba Mangla, Nameirakpam Promodini Devi, Ph.
Bishwajeet Sharma, Thongram Biijit Singh, Takhelhambam Geetarani Devi,
Pravabati Chingangbam, Watham Bemcha Devi, Mutum Umarani Devi, Ksh.
Meena Devi, Kakchingtabam Amita Devi, Heisnam Ranjana Devi, Laishram
Shila Devi, Thongam Pishakmaha Devi, and Khuraijam Meena Kumari Devi.
For stories, monologues or the opportunity to tape conversations, I thank
Kalachand Singh, residents of the Women's Hostel at Manipur University,
Radhe Sham Singh, Kokil, and Cook Sharma. Thanks to E.M. Malik and
Neeta Singh who accompanied me to the less accessible communities in
Manipur.
I am grateful for advice and assistance from Willem de Reuse, Scott
DeLancey, James Matisoff, Scott Myers, Carol Genetti, Curt Rice, Ivy Doak,
Hyoonsuk Kang, Cindie McLemore, Carolyn MacKay and Paul Benedict. I am
especially indebted to Anthony C. Woodbury who was a constant source of
inspiration as the chair of my 1992 University of Texas at Austin Ph.D. disser-
tation committee. This book is based on that dissertation.
In Manipur, I thank Radhe Sham Singh, the deputy librarian of Manipur
University Library for making many works on Meithei available to me. I bene-
fitted greatly from discussions with faculty of the Linguistics Department at the
University of Manipur, especially, D.N.S. Bhat, Chungkham Yashawanta Singh,
Nameirakpam Promodini Devi, M.S. Ningomba and P.C. Thoudam. Thanks
for their hospitality and assistance in my work.
For financial support, I thank the American Institute of Indian Studies which
funded my stay in Manipur and Delhi. Thanks especially to L.S. Suri and the
staff at the Delhi and Chicago offices of the Institute.
Thanks to Katja Huder and the Mouton production staff for their patience
and to Sandhya Asirvatham for a careful editing job.
I thank my parents for supporting me in all my endeavors. Above all, I
thank God for a husband who has believed in the importance of this project
from its inception and has contributed many hours of his precious time in
seeing it to its completion.

Maps
Map 1. Location of the Northeastern States in India

xiv Maps
NAGALAND
15
SENAPATI 7
Karong
. Tollo
11
. Somdal
14
Ukhrul
12 Sekms
Tamenglong/ 8
. Ulan
(. ChapoPhayeng
TAMENGLONG
Imphalf 10
U UKHRUL
Jiribam IMPHAL
Bishnu-f
13 -Thoubal
CO -BISHNUPUR/tf v
Kakching
Moirangl . Thanjao
Palel Logtak Lake
S"
5 Kwatha
Churachandpur Chandel
4 CHANDEL Moreh
CHURACHANDPUR MYANMAR
(BURMA)
3
MIZORAM
The state capital Imphal is indicated with a square. Districts are indicated with a bullet.
Subdistricts are indicated with numbers, keyed to names given in 1-15: 1. Chakpikarong,
2. Tengnoupal, 3. Singhat, 4. Thanlon, 5. Parbung, 6. Henglep, 7. Chingai, 8. Kamjong Chassad,
9. Kasom Khulion, 10. Phungyar, 11. Tamei, 12. Tousem, 13. Nungba, 14. Saikul, 15. Tadubi.
Major towns are indicated with a dot.
Map 3. Administrative map of Manipur

Maps xv
0,
LOGTAK
Co LAKE
CO
Major mountains are indicated with a triangle, keyed to names given in 1-4: 1. Kacho Phung
(9843 feet/3000 meters), 2. Chingui Khova (9048 feet/ 2758 meters), 3. Shiroi (8427 feet/ 2569
meters), 4. Easo (9824 feet/ 2994 meters).
Map 4. Physical map of Manipur

Plates
Plate 1. Woman in traditional Manipuri dress of phanek (lower garment) and

chadar (upper garment)
Plate 2. A Manipuri Muslim family in Leelong, 1990

xviii Plates
Plate 3. The Imphal fish market, 1990
Plate 4. From left to right, Naorem Saratchandra Singh, Jamuna Laishram and
Sushila Ningthongjam

Plates xix
Plate 5. Traditional wedding ceremony of Dr. . Deva Singh and Kumari R.K.
Shashirani Devi in Imphal, 1989
Plate 6. Dancers of the leima jagoi, a dance traditionally performed in the

presence of the royal family by noblewomen

xx Plates
Plate 8. Manipuri dance troupe members wearing Rasa Lila costumes, in

Tucson, Arizona, 1990

Plates xxi
Plate 9. Details of the Rasa Lila costume

xxii Plates
Plate 10. Pungcholom dancer

Abbreviations
Capital letters are used for abbreviating the gloss of bound affixes.
Gloss Meaning Morpheme
IP first person i-
2P second person na-
3P third person 3-
ABL ablative -tagi
ADIR action away from place of speech -lu
ADV adverb -
ADVR adversative -pu
AFTER after V-ing -laga
AGN agentive -na
ALSO also -c h u/su(q)
AP adverbial phrase
APX approximately -lom
ASRT assertive -e
ASS associative -ka
ATT attributive 9-
BY as a consequence of Ving -t9n9
CAUS causative -han
CNTR contrastive -9
CONFM confirmative -ye
COP copula -ni
CTE contrary to expectation -t9
DCOMP determiner complementizer -p9du/p9si
DDET distance determiner -tu
DEF definite -pu
DISTAL distal -l9k
DLMT delimitative -ti
DOWN V downward -tha
DURING during V -qay
EACH each -mak
EVD indirect evidence -lam
EX exclusive -ta/taq
EXASP exasperative -he
EXCESS V to excess -man
FEM feminine -pi
GEN genitive -ki
xxiv Abbreviations
GPL generic plural -chiq/siq

HAVING having Ved -lsba
here participant present hak
hpl human plural khoy
IF if V -tebadi
IMP imperative -u
IN V inward -sin
INFLAF affect with undue pressure -h9t
ING V-ing -tuns
IN ORDER TO for Ving -naba
INQ inquisitive -no
INST instrumental -9
INT interrogative -19
INTEND intention -toy
INTJ interjection
JUST just -qsk
LIKE nominalizer -kum
LOC locative -t9
MAS masculine -pa
MULT multiplicatives -l9k
noun
NEG negative -t9
NES must, necessary -t9
NHYP nonhypothetical -i
NM noun marker 9-
NOM nominalizer -P9
NP noun phrase
NPOT non-potential -loy
OBLG obligation, probability -t9W
ONLY only -mak
ONMP onomatopoeic
OPT optative -ke
OUT V outward -thok
PARTAF partially affect -th9t
PAT patient -pu
PDET proximate determiner -si
PERF perfect -19
PERMIT permissive -sanu
POT potential -k9
PRECISE precisely -t9m9k
PRESAF affect with pressure -thek
PRO prospective -19

Abbreviations xxv
PROBH prohibitive -nu

PROG progressive -li
PROX proximal -la
REC action done for sake of others -pi
RECIP reciprocal -na
REDUP affix used in reduplication
REPEAT V repeatedly -kan
V
SELF action done for sake of self -ca
SI shared information -ne
SOLCT solicitive -0
START inceptive -haw
STILL still -khi
SUP supplicative -si
TAG invariant tag -ko
THING nominalizer -pot
TOGETHER comitative -min
TOTAF totally affect -khay
TYPE nominalizer -jat
UP V upward -khat
UPTO to the extent of -khak
V verb
VP verb phrase
WISH wish to V -niq

Chapter 1
Introduction
1.1 Classification
This book is a grammatical description of Meithei, a Tibeto-Burman language.

There are about 250 Tibeto-Burman languages, with approximately 56 million
speakers living in China, India, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Myanmar (formerly
Burma), Laos, Thailand and Vietnam (Matisoff 1991b: 478179). In his
Introduction to Sino-Tibetan, Shafer (1966/1967) presented an internal sub-
grouping of Tibeto-Burman languages. However, Matisoff (1991b: 473) has
pointed out that the amount and quality of data available to Shafer did not
justify his groupings. In the influential work Sino-Tibetan: A Conspectus
(Benedict 1972), which relates Chinese to Tibeto-Burman, the exact relation-
ship of Tibeto-Burman languages to each other is said to be too complex to
define with traditional methods and is left open. To date, Sino-Tibetan his-
torical linguists operate with a "working hypothesis" of language relationships
within Tibeto-Burman. MatisofFs (1991b) heuristic model consists of seven
groups:
Group Approximate location
Kamarupan Northeast India, Western Myanmar

Himalayish Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim
Qiangic Sichuan
Kachinic Sichuan, Yunnan, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam
Lolo-Burmese Northern Myanmar, Thailand, Yunnan
Baic Yunnan
Karenic Burma and Thailand
Meithei falls in the geographically determined group Kamarupan (from the

Sanskrit word Kmarpa for Assam). Traditionally, the subgroups postulated
for this area are Kuki-Chin-Naga, Abor-Miri-Dafla and Bodo-Garo. Earlier
classifications put Meithei in a Kuki-Chin (Grierson 19031928) or Kuki-Chin-
Naga sub-group (Voegelin and Voegelin 1965: 17). However, it has generally
been recognized that the Mikir, Mru and Meithei languages do not fit readily
into this or other sub-groups of the area. Although DeLancey (1987: 800)
postulates a distinct Mikir-Meithei sub-branch, I remain agnostic, pending the
collection of more data on other languages in the group, on the exact position
of Meithei within Kamarupan.

2 Chapter 1. Introduction
On the one hand, Meithei shares many features with Tibeto-Burman lan-
guages such as tone, widespread stem homophony, agglutinative verb morpho-
logy, verb derivational suffixes originating from the semantic bleaching of verbs,
duplication or elaboration (see Chapter 8), evidentiality and emotional atti-
tudes signalled through sentence final particles, aspect rather than tense mark-
ing, lack of gender marking, verb final word order and the lack of grammatical
relations such as "subject" and "object" (DeLancey 1987, Matisoff 1991b). On
the other hand, Meithei is atypical for the Kamarupan group in some signif-
icant ways. It lacks pronominal marking on the verb, which is considered an
original Tibeto-Burman trait (Bauman 1975, DeLancey 1989b),1 and it lacks
numeral classifiers. Also, due to extensive cultural contact with Indo-Aryan
languages, in particular Bengali and Sanskrit, and in recent times Assamese
and Hindi, Meithei contains a large number of borrowed lexical items and
some non-Tibeto-Burman constructions such as the use of question words as
heads of relative clauses.
Meithei is known by different names. The loconym Manipuri, a term derived
on analogy with other place names in India such as Kanpur where -pur is of
Sanskrit origin meaning 'state, place', is used by the Indian government and
non-Meithei Indian scholars. Folk etymologies for Manipur originate from my-
thology: a snake god Vasuki is said to have thrown out a shining diamond (or
mani, the Sanskrit word for jewel) from its head which filled the land with
natural beauty or jewels. Government-run institutions in Manipur use this
name; for example, Manipur Language Department and All India Radio News in
Manipuri. On ideological grounds many Meithei speakers prefer to use the
glossonym Meitheiron which contains Ion 'language' (N. Promodini Devi 1989a).
In the linguistic literature written by western scholars, the term Meithei (some-
times spelled Meitei) is used. Meithei scholars seem to make a distinction
between whether they are writing in Meithei (when they tend to use the term
Meitheiron) or in English (when they use Meithei). The term Meithei itself
may be a compound of mi 'man' and they 'separate' (Hodson 1908: 10).
Sohini Ray (p.c.) has pointed out that a current term in use by Meithei
"revivalists", those who wish to assert Meithei religious, cultural and political
autonomy from India, is Meetei. The origin of this term and its pronunciation
are yet unclear to me.
I have adopted the practice of using the term Meithei to refer to the lan-
guage of the Meithei since this is what speakers prefer. Also, this avoids con-
fusing the Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Manipur with Bishnupriya Mani-
puri which is an Indo-Aryan language that was spoken in Manipur between the
13th and 19th century. In the early 1800s Bishnupriya speakers migrated from
Manipur to neighboring Assam, Tripura and Sylhet. Due to the long period of
contact with it, Bishnupriya Manipuri has borrowed many words and some
suffixes from Meithei (Sinha 1974, 1986).
1.2 Geography 3
1.2 Geography
Meithei is spoken predominantly in Manipur State. Smaller populations of

speakers fled Manipur, due to either internal wars or wars with Myanmar, to
neighboring Assam (Sylhet, Sibsagar and Silchar), Bangladesh (Dacca and
Mymensingh) and the hills of Tripura. Meitheis can also be found in Myanmar
where they were taken as captives in 1819 during invasions by the Meitheis of
Myanmar. Manipur is bordered by Myanmar to the East, Mizoram to the
South, Nagaland to the North, and Assam to the West and Northwest.
The state consists of 22,356 square kilometers, 1813 kilometers of which are
level country approximately 750 meters above sea level. This level area is
populated mainly by the Meithei and 120,000 Muslims who are the progeny of
the intermarriage of Muslim traders and laborers with Meithei women. It is
possible that the original population of Muslims were prisoners of war taken by
the Meitheis from Cachar (Hodson 1908).
The 20,543 square kilometers of hill territory are populated by about 500,000
people belonging to Naga (Angami, Kabui (called Rongmei in Manipur),
Kacha, Lamgang, Mao, Maram, Maring, Tangkhul) and Kuki-Chin (Mizo
(Lushai), Hmar, Koireng, Kom, Ralte, Simte, Thadou, Zou) tribes. Other
tribes which live in the state are listed as Old Kuki tribes because their lan-
guages have resemblances to both Naga and Kuki-Chin groups (Aimol, Anai,
Chote, Koirao, Tarao, Monsang, Moyon, Paite, Vaiphei). The Chiru and
Gangte tribes also live in Manipur.2
According to the Encyclopedia Britannica, Book of the Year 1993 (1994:
780), there are 1,180,000 native speakers of Meithei, although the number of
actual speakers is higher since Meithei is used as a lingua franca in the state
and is spoken by about 60% of the state population (Sen 1992: 23). As of
1981, when the last national census was taken, 41% of the total population in
Manipur was literate. English and Meithei are the state languages. Meithei
speakers are for the most part monolingual, but many can understand Hindi
and English through constant exposure to the Hindi and English news and
entertainment media. Educated speakers (those who have the equivalent of a
high school education) have at least a marginal competency in English.
Manipur is divided into 8 districts: Imphal, Bishnupur, Thoubal, Ukhrul,
Senapati, Tamenglong, Churachandpur and Chandel. The state capital is Im-
phal city, in the district of the same name.
The hill ranges run mostly north to south and are connected by spurs and
ridges that run from west to east. The Naga hills are to the north, the Mani-
pur hills begin at the eastern border with Myanmar, the Lushai and Chin hills
are to the south. The highest hills are in the northeast with the highest point,
Kacho Phung, reaching about 3000 meters (9,843 feet).

The most important river in the state is the Imphal, which flows from the
north through the plains for about 130 kilometers to eventually join the
Chindwin river of Myanmar, a tributary of the Irrawady river. The other sig-
nificant rivers are the Iril (96 kilometers long) and the Thoubal (88 kilometers
long). Both meet the Imphal river south of Imphal city.
Manipur is known for its many natural lakes, especially Loktak lake, the
biggest fresh water lake in eastern India which in the rainy season covers about
100 square kilometers and in the dry season about 64 square kilometers. The
monsoon is from May to September and the average rainfall in the state is
2077.7 millimeters.
The Manipuri hills are covered with evergreen forests which are being gra-
dually reduced in size due to slash-and-burn agriculture: there were 15,090
square kilometers of forest area in 1975, which had been reduced to about
13,572 square kilometers by 1982 (Sen 1992: 8).
Manipur flora include bamboo, cane, cotton, lotus (including a famed variety
with 108 petals), rhododendron bushes, and water lilies. More than 100 variet-
ies of orchids are grown and exhibited at an orchid park in Khongampat on the
outskirts of Imphal. Fauna includes leopard, bear, wolf and various species of
deer (including the rare brow-antlered Thamin deer), snakes and (edible)
frogs. The elephant was common before the time of the British.
The main crop of the state is rice and rice cultivation is a traditional occupa-
tion for Meitheis. Although some farmers are adopting modern cultivation
methods, most still use buffaloes yoked to wooden ploughs to till soil. The
biggest industry in the state is handloom textiles. Lower-caste families living in
the plains practice mulberry rearing to produce raw silk that is used by the
handloom industry. Fishing comprises 2% of the state's income. A wide array
of indigenous fishing gear, such as weirs, bamboo and cane baskets, spears and
nets can be seen in use around the Loktak area and even within Imphal city
limits. Other industries are cultivation of sugarcane, pear, apple, pineapple,
banana, guava, peach, cabbage, pumpkin, chilies, potato, and sweet potato.
Tobacco and betel leaves are grown in abundance. Teak and rubber trees are
found in the hills.
There is an airport in Imphal with flights to Calcutta, Assam and New Delhi.
There is no railway in Manipur; only two main roads, Highways 39 and 53,
connect the state to the rest of India. Transportation on these roads is not
always feasible due to landslides, and transport of goods in and out of Manipur
is often delayed. Imphal is connected to the other state districts by smaller
highways which can safely be travelled by jeep but not by car. Non-citizens
may enter the state only by permission of the Union Ministry of Home Affairs
in New Delhi. Indian citizens who visit Manipur through Nagaland must also
seek a permit.

1.3 Religion 5
A sizeable proportion of the population lives below the poverty line. In

1979-1980, the average per capita income in India was 1379 rupees, while for
the same time period it was 822 rupees in Manipur (Ahluwalia and Ahluwalia
1984: 87). In 1982, out of 1,949 villages only 322 were electrified. Drinking
water is scarce in most rural areas and in some urban areas as well.
1.3 Religion
The Meitheis are Hindus and the other major religious groups in Manipur are
Christian and Muslim. A momentous event in modern Meithei history was the
conversion of the Meithei people to Hinduism. Previous to the 18th century,
the Meitheis were animists, worshiping deities that were vested with the cha-
racteristics of fire, water, wind, sun and other natural phenomena. They also
carried out a form of ancestor worship where the rulers of clans rather than
individual families were revered.
Between the 2nd and 15th centuries the Meitheis came in superficial contact
with Aryan civilization, as evidenced by coins minted in the 2nd century that
have Deva Nagari lettering and an 8th century copper plate that mentions Hin-
du deities. Shrines built to Hindu deities from the 15th century onward give
evidence of proselytizing Hindus from Assam, Gujurat, Orissa and Bengal.
In 1750 A.D. the monarch Garibniwaj (also known as Pamheiba) converted
to Hinduism, specifically to Vaishnavism which emphasizes devotion through
worship of reincarnations of the Hindu deity Shiva. Garibniwaz instigated a
mass conversion of the Meitheis to Vaishnavism, through various forms of
coercion and the burning of scriptures of the old religion. Converted Meithei
males observe and celebrate important milestones in Hinduism, such as birth,
adoption of the sacred thread, marriage, death and cremation, with prescribed
ceremonies or festivities. However, earlier forms of worship never disappeared
and pre-Hindu festivals are still observed.
The conversion to Hinduism had enormous implications for the language and
culture of the Meithei people. This is evidenced in the genesis of new social
dialects of Meithei. Two groups were exiled from the dominant Meithei speak-
ing areas in the Manipur plains to surrounding hill areas. These groups are
the Lois, who were subjects of the Meitheis and were not converted to Hindu-
ism and the Yaithibis, who did not follow strictly enough the rituals and rules
of Hinduism. These groups are interesting from a socio-linguistic point of view
since the Meithei they speak was not influenced by Sanskrit or Bengali and has
therefore developed differently from the Meithei dialects spoken in the other
areas. This difference in dialects has been reinforced by the geographic and

social isolation of these groups, as well as by their ideologically motivated

efforts to align speech with older written forms of Meithei.
The influx of Brahmin men (the highest caste in the Hindu caste system),
from various parts of North India into Manipur and marriages between these
men and Meithei women formed a racially distinct minority. The caste system,
necessarily imported into Manipur as a part of Hinduism, assured the social
segregation of this community, which in turn resulted in the Brahmin Meithei
speaking a distinct dialect of the language. Maharajah Garibniwaj claimed
Kshatriya (warrior) status at the time of his conversion and allowed those
subjects who also converted to Hinduism to claim this status as well. The
lower castes of the Meithei caste system include the descendants of marriages
between Meithei women and lower-caste Indo-Aryan Hindus.
A second influence of the conversion to Hinduism was on literature and
orthography. (Details with examples of the writing systems in question are
given in Appendix 3.) Many works about the animistic religion and other
historical documents written in the original Meithei script, called Meithei
Mayek, were burnt at the time of the conversion. The Bengali script was a-
dopted for the writing of Meithei. Indigenous literary genres were all but
replaced by translations of Bengali religious and secular works. (See Appendix
2)
A third influence of conversion was on the structure and lexicon of Meithei.
Due to its status as a sacral language and its literary and cultural ascendance in
India during the 18th century, Bengali (and Sanskrit through Bengali) were
accorded high prestige in Manipur. The literate, comprised largely of Hindu
priests, presented renditions of Hindu epics such as the Mahabharata in
Meithei that was interspersed with Brajabuli, an artificial dialect based on
Bengali and Maithili. The illiterate were also exposed to Bengali in ballads
where the correct performance style called for occasional stringing together of
synonymous words from Meithei and Bengali and later Hindi (M. Kirti Singh
1993: 128). Thus, representations of the scripture and contact with migrating
Aryans led to the large-scale borrowing of lexical items into Meithei. This bor-
rowing led to structural changes in Meithei such as the addition of a voiced
and voiced aspirated (breathy) stop series in the phonemic inventory. It also
led to functional changes such as the simplification of kinship terminology and
changes in the structure of personal names (N. Promodini Devi 1990).
1.4 Political history
Between 1700 and 1800 there was war, either within Manipur between clans
vying for the status of the most powerful group in the state, or with Myanmar,
which sporadically occupied Manipur between 1758 to 1826. When the Anglo-

1.4 Political history 7
Burmese war ended in 1826, the British thought it expedient to allow Manipur
to function as a buffer between the British empire in India and Myanmar. In
1891 Manipur was made a princely state of the British empire. In 1949, two
years after India won independence from the British and the year that the
Constitution of India was framed, Manipur was integrated into the Indian
Union. In slow stages, Manipur evolved from being a province (administered
by a Chief Commissioner appointed by the President in 1950) to a territory
(administered by a council or elected and nominated officials in 1957) to a full-
fledged state (with a governor and legislative assembly in 1972).
It has been argued that statehood was achieved in large part by violence or
threat of violence by Marxist revolutionary groups such as the People's Libera-
tion Army (Hazarika 1994). One of the initial moves of this group was to
reject the Hindu faith and customs, but this became a subordinate interest to
the overthrow of the government in Delhi by Indian workers. The People's
Liberation Army was complemented by the People's Revolutionary Party of
Kangleipak whose interests were to propagate "Meitheism" traditional
Meithei values, language and religion. At the height of its power in the 1970s,
its foremost demand was that all foreigners (non-Meitheis) leave the state.
Another show of force against the Central Government was staged in Ukhrul,
an area in Manipur dominated by Tangkhul Nagas who have members in ano-
ther anti-Indian insurgency group, the Nationalist Socialist Council of
Nagaland.
Anti-Indian insurgent groups, which since the 1980s are said to be hiding and
training in Kachinland (Myanmar), have recently been active again. In 1993,
over 100 people were killed in the Muslim village of Leelong, located on the
outskirts of Imphal. The fighting began either because a Muslim arms smug-
gler refused to do business with insurgent groups or because residents of Lee-
long refused to pay tribute to insurgents (Hazarika 1993). Insurgent groups,
which are generally supported by the Meithei populace, have legitimate goals:
improvement of the standard of living for the average Meithei, rooting out of
corrupt government officials who pocket funds allocated by the Indian govern-
ment for the economic development of Manipur, and gainful employment.3
Unfortunately, these goals are often set aside to follow traditional feuds be-
tween tribes: for example, in 1994 Kuki and Tangkhul Naga groups fought in
Manipur, resulting in the death of scores of people (Hazarika 1994). A radical
goal of insurgent groups that does not seem to have much support is the crea-
tion of an independent nation state comprised either of Manipur or of the
entire Northeast Indian region. The political atmosphere in Imphal in the
1990s has been tense: there are paramilitary forces stationed throughout
Manipur and an informal curfew is constantly in effect. There were cases of
violence and fraud reported during the national elections held in 1990. When

I was in Imphal in 1989 and 1990, I had occasion to visit friends at the main
police station. It was always buzzing with activity; the walls covered with de-
tailed maps of hills hastily covered upon my presence, lest I make sense of the
many thumbtacks marking the location of the latest "agitation" or sighting of
insurgents.
1.5 Material culture
There is a great emphasis on cleanliness and decorous appearance. When in

Manipur, Meithei women dress traditionally in a phanek, which is a rectangular
piece of handloom cotton cloth, about 117 centimeters long and 170 centime-
ters wide. The length is sewn together to form a tube with 50 centimeters on
top left open to allow for the cloth to be pulled tight around the waist. The
phanek is worn with a short, tight blouse that ends at the midriff. A thin mus-
lin cloth is either draped around the shoulders like a shawl or worn around the
waist and over the shoulder like the top of the Indian sari. For everyday wear
a thinner solid color cotton phanek with a solid color cover-up cloth is used.
For special occasions a phanek made of heavier cotton or silk stripped cloth
with patterns commonly of green, maroon or purple with black and white
stripes is used. The bottom of the phanek has a large hand-embroidered bor-
der. The cover-up cloth is also fancier, usually a gauze cloth about 236 cen-
timeters long and 121 centimeters wide, with intricate embroidery. In rural
areas, women wear the phanek under the armpits without the blouse or ad-
ditional cover-up cloth.
Younger women wear their hair long, usually loose or braided, and older
women wear their hair tied back in a chignon. At weddings and official recep-
tions, women are adorned with heavy gold jewelry, necklaces, earrings and
rings. Meithei women do not pierce their noses or wear ankle bracelets or toe
rings. Meithei women outside of Manipur tend to dress in the local style.
Meithei men dress in a western-style clothes for everyday occasions. For
special occasions, the men wear the pan-Indian dhoti (a piece of cloth that is
tied around the waist with extra cloth being brought between the legs and
tucked in at the waist) and kurta (a loose thin cotton shirt). For ceremonial
occasions, men wear headgear known as pugree, an impressive turban of white
cotton cloth that has no catches or pins to hold it in place.
Traditional Meitheis follow a joint family system with male siblings and their
families living together in one compound. The main door of the houses within
the compound faces eastward and there is usually one other door at the end of
the house towards the northeast. A large open veranda at the entrance of the
house is used for entertaining and relaxing. The houses are not well ventilated

1.5 Material culture 9
or well lit as windows are uncommon. Many houses do not have running
water. There is usually one toilet per family, located outside of the main
house, for which water is carried in from a pond or well on the grounds. It is
common for compounds to have ponds which may be stocked with fish or used
to irrigate vegetable gardens. Modern houses are built with brick or concrete
while traditional houses have thatch roofs, wooden or bamboo posts and walls
made of straw and mud.
Houses are sparsely furnished and decorated. The kitchens that I saw were
usually stocked full of high quality aluminum utensils and earthenware cooking
dishes. Meals are served on banana leaves to family members who sit cross-
legged or squat in a row on the floor. Nowadays it is not uncommon to eat at
a table on plates. For festivals and special occasions such as marriage celebra-
tions, rice and other main dishes are placed on the banana leaf; while side
dishes and condiments are placed in tiny cups made of bamboo or banana leaf,
held together with twigs.
A Meithei meal is not complete without rice which is eaten steamed and
minimally accompanied by ametpa, a chutney made of dried fish paste and
green chilies. A popular variant is ironba, where a tuberous vegetable such as
potato is added to the basic ametpa recipe. Like most Hindus, Meitheis do not
eat beef, pork or lamb. Poultry, fish and eggs, however, are consumed. Vege-
tables are fried and heavily spiced. Yoghurt is expensive and hard to come by.
Fermented soybeans are an important condiment as are chilies, ginger and salt.
I have heard that businessmen from Japan have travelled to Manipur to study
the art of soybean fermentation from the Meithei.
Those Meitheis who closely follow the restrictions on food will drink milk,
but not tea or coffee. Although alcohol is prohibited by custom, it was legally
available till around 1992 when Manipur was made a "dry" state. Minority hill
groups home brew a wine called yu which is made by fermenting rice. Social
drinking is not accepted but the consumption of alcohol by Meithei men is not
unheard of.
Cigarette smoking is not common but older Meithei men might smoke tobac-
co in a hookah. Both Meithei men and women chew betel-nut and the pan
leaf. Heroin is transported from Myanmar to Bombay and other parts of India
via Manipur. Many Manipuris have gotten involved in the drug trade either as
middlemen between dealers from Myanmar and Bombay or as consumers. It
is now not unusual for a Meithei to know or know of a heroin addict. Addicts
are sent to prison but do not receive help in rehabilitation.
In Imphal most families own radios; upper middle class families own tele-
visions and tape recorders. A wide variety of music tapes are available: Hindi
film music, Hindi film music re-recorded with Meithei words, Country Western
music and Rock and Roll. Video machines are not uncommon as attested by

the number of stores which rent videos. Telephones in private residences are
still a rarity, as are privately owned automobiles. Men and women get around
town by two-wheel scooter, bicycle or city bus. For short distances, bicycle
rickshaws are available.
1.6 Performing arts and sports
Undoubtedly the best known and locally and internationally celebrated aspects
of Manipuri culture are its classical dance,, music and martial arts exhibitions.
The dance known throughout India as Manipuri dance is religious devotional
dancing called the Rasa Lila which emphasizes the desire of the soul to yield
to a supreme being manifested in Krishna, a reincarnation of the deity Vishnu.
These dances, which depict scenes of Krishna interacting with milkmaids (who
represent humankind), are performed with ornate costumes and a distinct style
of music. Another form of religious Manipuri dance that depicts expressions of
the deity Vishnu is based on the choreography of Guru Amubi Singh. The
conch, a symbol of good fortune, is an important accompanying instrument in
classical Manipuri dances. Conch music or Moibung ishei involves the simul-
taneous playing of two conch shells by one player to produce a booming yet
pleasing sound.
Pungcholom is a drum dance where a group of young men wearing pugrees,
dhotis and chadars (thin shoulder cloths), play cylindrical drums made of jack-
fruit and wang trees. The drummers wear these instruments on the torso with
a strap while executing intricate movements. A remarkable aspect of this
dance is the coordinated modulation of amplitude of drum playing from cres-
cendos to decrescendos. The Dhol Dholok Cholom, in which flat, round drums
are used, is a more acrobatic dance, requiring incredible stamina as dancers
play and twirl in the air. During the monsoon season the Meitheis have a
fifteen-day festival known as Lai Harnoba 'happiness of the gods', to atone for
sins that have been committed in the past year. The festivities of Lai Harnoba
take place in temples built to the gods and goddesses of the forest and are
celebrated by traditional priestesses known as mdibis who dramatize the crea-
tion of the world and the rise of civilization in their dances. Ancient forms of
martial arts such as sword fighting, spear fighting and wrestling were used for
self-defence in earlier times. These have now been adapted for the stage.
Women are said to possess mystical strength and are also participants in mar-
tial arts.
Notable games played in Manipur are khofj kdtydy (khoq 'foot'; k 'puck'
cay 'thrashing stick') or 'foot hockey' where opposing teams of nine players try
to score goals by hitting a small puck with a bamboo stick. Another popular

1.7 Dialects 11
game in Manipur is polo which some say was introduced in the state in the
1600s (Hodson 1908: 49), popular legend has it that polo originated in
Manipur. I have not had occasion to witness a Manipuri polo game; but Hod-
son, writing about them at the turn of the century says, 'To describe the game
is beyond the powers of any but an imaginative and practiced pen, for, in re-
spect of brilliance of play, constant excitement, rashness, courage, skill and
popular enthusiasm, there is no game to equal it." (1908: 30)
1.7 Dialects
This book is a study of the Imphal dialect of Meithei which is considered to be

the standard for Meithei. It is difficult to assess the exact number of Meithei
dialects in existence. The Lois and Yaithibis, who are segregated from the
Hindu Meitheis, speak a different dialect. The documented dialects are Sek-
mai spoken in Sekmai village 19 kilometers north of Imphal (H. Sarojkumar
Singh 1988), and Pheyeng spoken in Pheyeng village 2 kilometers south of
Imphal consisting of 4000 households (P. Rajkumari Devi 1988). The inhabi-
tants of Pheyeng and Sekmai are Lois. Additionally, there are Brahmin
Meithei and Muslim Meithei dialects which have not yet been documented.
Another dialect mentioned in the literature is the Kwatha dialect spoken in
Kwatha, a village situated on the Indo-Burmese border near Moreh. The
population of Kwatha is composed of descendants of a group which tried to
overthrow the Meithei monarch in the 14th century (W, Ragumani Singh
1989). Thoudam (1980) also lists the following dialect names: Kakching,
Thanga, Nongmaikhong, Ngaikhong, Moirang, Langthel, Palel and Tokcing. I
am unaware of any study which describes these dialects and it is difficult to say
if these are simply geographical terms or truly distinct dialects.
Currently the University Grants Commission of the Indian Government is
funding a project entitled Sociolinguistic Survey of Dialects spoken in Manipur,
directed by Professor P. C. Thoudam of Manipur University. There were to be
monthly reports published by the project; I am, however, aware of only one
publication resulting from this important work, a description of the Kabui
language (L. Mahabir Singh and L. Priyokumar Singh 1986).
1.8 Review of literature on the Meithei language
In general the inaccessibility of Northeast India to foreign and Indian scholars

has made the documentation of Tibeto-Burman languages spoken there diffi-

cult. This has not been the case with Meithei, about which much has been
written. Existing works can be divided into four categories.
The first is the practical grammars of British missionaries/ administrators, the
most important of which are Primrose (1887, 100 pages) and Pettigrew (1912,
111 pages), who provide useful word lists, conversational sentences and list of
idioms which cannot be found elsewhere. Pettigrew is especially insightful with
regards to the verb morphology. However, neither of these works is exhaus-
tive: much of the affixal morphology is not described, tones are not marked or
described in any detail, textual information is not used, and there is little to no
description of the syntax.
Second, there are a number of pedagogical works on Meithei written in
Meithei or English, and a new grammar comes out almost every year. Since
these are written on the model of Sanskrit grammar, certain grammatical rela-
tions such as evidentiality are ignored and other grammatical categories are
postulated where they do not exist. (Subjects are claimed to be marked by
nominative case, for example). These works are useful, however, in that they
provide lists of bound roots, sentences, compounds and the like, as well as
insights into language use. The reader should refer to the References section
for titles and authors of such pedagogical works.
Third, there is the body of literature by native speaking Meithei linguists
which, by 1990, consisted of 27 Master's theses and Ph.D. dissertations. Not-
able is Thoudam's 1980 Ph.D dissertation which provides a comprehensive
description of Meithei phonology. Sushila Ningthongjam's 1982 Master's thesis
on Meithei morphology includes a near exhaustive list of verbal and nominal
affixes in Meithei with examples. Nongthombam Nonigopal Singh's 1987 Ph.D.
dissertation on Meithei affixal morphology provides appendices with lists of
compounds, roots and examples of words that have from one to ten affixes.
Finally, there is the work of non-Meithei linguists or anthropologists writing
in Hindi and English, such as Grierson from the Linguistic Survey of India
(1903-1928), Hodson (1908) and more recently D.N.S. Bhat and his consultant
and co-author M.S. Ningomba. The work of Bhat and Ningomba (1986a,
1986b) and Bhat (1991) has been the most influential work on Meithei since
Thoudam's (1980) Ph.D. dissertation. The topics covered are word formation,
the case system, tense, and aspect and directionals. Tones are not marked or
described. Some of the data and resulting conclusions are unreliable since
elicited data have been used and results have not been checked with naturally
occurring speech (for more details, see Chapter 4).
During my trips to Manipur, I collected published and unpublished works on
Meithei from the Manipur University Linguistics Department and main library,
from research scholars working on Meithei dialects, and from book stores in
Imphal and Delhi. Works written in Meithei or Hindi were translated with the

1.9 Fieldwork 13
help of native speakers. I have included these works in the References section
of this book.
1.9 Fieldwork
Preliminary fieldwork on Meithei was conducted with N. Promodini Devi, in a

Field Methods class taught by K.V. Subharao at the University of Delhi in
1984.
In June of 1986, I spent three weeks at Manipur University, Canchipur,
Manipur, where I completed sixty hours of fieldwork with ten bilingual
Meithei-Hindi or Meithei-English speakers. The consultants were Naorem
Saratchandra Singh, a graduate student of Linguistics at Manipur University;
Sushila Ningthongjam, a Meithei language teacher; Radhe Sham Singh, the
Deputy-head librarian at the Manipur University Library, Thoidingjam Purnima
Devi, a library assistant; M.C. Sharma, the owner of a restaurant; Mangla
Ningomba, a high school student; and the gardener and the cook at the Uni-
versity Guest House. I also worked with a monolingual Meithei speaker,
Rasesowri, a village girl who worked as Radhe Sham Singh's maid.
In July of 1986, I completed 15 hours of fieldwork in New Delhi with two
trilingual speakers (Meithei, English, Hindi) from the University of Delhi,
Thongram Biijit Singh and Bishwajeet Sharma. During this trip to Manipur,
my research consisted mainly of the tape recording, transcription and transla-
tion of texts.
In 1989, I received a fellowship from the American Institute of Indian Stud-
ies to conduct further research on Meithei for my Ph.D. dissertation at the
University of Texas at Austin. I spent 8 months in Manipur and Delhi on this
fellowship. In Manipur, my main language consultant has been Thounaojam
Harimohon Singh, a student at the Linguistics Department at Manipur Univer-
sity. Other speakers that I worked with during this stay in Manipur were
Janatan Begum, Heisnam Ranjana Devi, Kakchingtabam Amita Devi and
Kshetrimayum Meena Devi. These consultants assisted my research in a num-
ber of ways: they provided me with raw data (in the form of conversations,
translations from English to Meithei of comic book stories and narration of
folk tales); they guided my efforts in reading the script; they procured copies of
traditional grammars and books on Meithei used at the college level in
Manipur; and they allowed me to practice speaking Meithei with them.
I also met with Laishram Shila Devi, Thongam Pishakmaha Devi and Khu-
rajam Meena Devi, who provided me with versions of folk tales and paraphras-
es of monologues on various topics previously recorded and analyzed by me.

In Delhi I worked with Thongram Birjit Singh, Takhellankam Geetarani Devi

and Pravabati Chingangbam.
Since my fieldwork in Manipur I have met with speakers sporadically in
India and in the United States. In 1991 and 1992, a troupe of Manipuri artists
performed in Arizona. During visits with them I was able to clarify questions
I had at the time about Meithei syntax. Finally, in 1995 I met with Th.
Harimohon Singh in New Delhi in order to check the data included in this
book.
I have collected a total of 35 texts from both male and female native spea-
kers, speakers of different dialects of Meithei and speakers of different social
classes and educational backgrounds. Of the 35 texts recorded, 30 were tran-
scribed; 17 were translated and 13 were studied in some detail and used to
provide illustrative sentences in this book. I provide a list of these thirteen
texts along with information on the speakers.
(1) amukt9 khanthasi (Let's at least A radio play about education in

think about it once) Manipur. The speakers are ac-
tors, names unknown
(2) Conversation between friends about Three females in their early 20's
visiting home during the school year
(3) Announcement about meeting con- Speaker unknown, recorded from
cerning national elections public address system
(4) Hdtjoy amasaq kay (Rabbit and Radhe Sham Singh, male, in his
Tiger) early 50's, University librarian
(5) Hanuba hanubi pan thaba (The plan- L. Kalachand Singh, 66 years old,
ting of pan by the old man and male
woman)
(6) Kekruhanjaba kaway (The one called N. Saratchandra Singh, male
black berry) University of Delhi lecturer in his
30
(7) Ldybakna tamba kh.atth.okpa yade L. Kalachand Singh
(It is impossible to change fate)
(8) Marup anikhak (The two friends) L. Kalachand Singh
(9) Shakuntala (retelling of a Bengali Ranjana Devi, female graduate
classic by Rabindranath Tagore) student in her 20's
(10) Sampenu Sawaynu (Girls named Rasesowri, a female teenage maid
(11) Soyba (Mistake) Geetarani, a female undergraduate
student in her 20's
(12) Tapta (The Boogie man) Radhe Sham Singh
(13) Conversation between a professor Male in his 20's with male in his
and student 50's

1.9 Fieldwork 15
Illustrative examples in this book are taken from texts collected, material elicit-
ed during fieldwork sessions and data from the published or unpublished works
collected. Illustrative examples may be presented in bundles of five to six lines,
where the first line represents a broad phonemic transcription of the utterance,
the second line gives a morphemic analysis of each word, the third line gives a
gloss of the individual morphemes and the fifth line gives a gloss of each word.
For sentences, a sixth line is provided with a free translation.4
1.10 Organization of this book
This grammar consists of nine chapters. Chapter 2 describes the sound system
and phonological rules of Meithei. Chapters 3 to 6 describes Meithei syntax:
the major lexical categories, grammatical relations, the structure of root sen-
tences and subordination. Chapters 7 and 8 describe Meithei verb and noun
morphology, the distribution and semantics of enclitics and patterns of com-
pounding and duplication. Chapter 9 deals with functional issues such as indi-
rect speech acts and evidentiality.
I have used a generative approach in presenting the data and in arguing
points of analysis. However, it is not the goal of this book to argue the merits
of any one theoretical framework or to point to data that might feed some
theoretical controversy. Rather, I hope to have provided accurately transcribed
and analyzed data that will serve as a resource for theoreticians, historical
linguists and those interested in language typology.

Chapter 2
Phonetics and phonology
This Chapter is a description of the consonant and vowel phonemes, syllable

structure, tone, and lexical and post-lexical phonological rules of Meithei.
2.1 The consonant phonemes
In this section I describe the consonant phonemes in Meithei. It is to be noted

that closely related languages, both in a geographical and a genetic sense, such
as Tangkhul Naga (Arokianathan 1980), do not exhibit the unaspirated and
aspirated voiced series that Meithei has. This feature of the Meithei consonant
system can be attributed to the impact of large scale borrowing of Indo-Aryan
words into Meithei.
2.1.1 Contrastive distribution
An inventory of the consonant phonemes in Meithei is given in Table 1.
Table 1. Chart of consonant phonemes
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Laryngeal

Stops h t k
p th kh
d g
b
bh dh gh
V
Affricates c
ch
Jh
j
Fricatives s h
Nasals m D
Lateral/Flap 1
Trill r
Semivowels w y
The phonemic status of the voiceless unaspirated stops and affricate /p, t, k,
c/ and the aspirated stops and affricate / p \ th, kh, ch/ is established through the
18 Chapter 2. Phonetics and phonology
minimal pairs in (1) taken from Thoudam (1989b). Note that roots may be
marked for high tone (indicated by an acute accent); unmarked roots have low
tone. The details of the tone system are described in section 2.4.
(1) a. kd- 'roast' khd 'south'

b. td- 'hear' thd- 'send'
c. pd- 'thin' phd- 'catch'
d. cd- 'eat' sd- (,Ichdf) 'dance'
The aspirated affricate /ch/ is phonetically realized as [s], [sh], [s] or [sh] in
native words. The argument for the existence of a /ch/ phoneme in Meithei
has been convincingly presented in Thoudam (1980: 57). He points out that
without the existence of /ch/ an awkward gap would be present in the aspirated
stop series. More importantly, the behavior of [s] or [s] in the morphopho-
nemic rule of Deaspiration (see section 2.5) parallels the behavior of the voice-
less aspirated stops. The statement and explanation for this rule is made evi-
dent if [s] or [s] is underlyingly /ch/.
In most phonemic spellings of Meithei native words, /ch/ is written as s rather
than ch since the most common phonetic realization of /ch/ is [s] (Bhat and
Ningomba 1986a, P. Madhubala Devi 1979 and N. Nonigopal Singh 1987, for
ex-ample). In borrowed words such as chana 'strainer', a ch is used although
these may also occasionally surface with [s]. In other phonemic transcription
systems (for example, Thoudam 1980), /ch/ is spelled as ch regardless of its
phonetic value. I follow the first convention here because this is the more
common phonemic spelling system used.
In native words, voiceless stops contrast with the voiced stops in word medial
position only. Illustrative examples are given in (2). Voiced unaspirated stops
occur in word initial position only in borrowed words and in ideophones (see
Chapter 8 for ideophones). The contrastive examples of voiced stops given in
(3) are from words borrowed from English in (a) and Hindi in (b). The voiced
unaspirated affricate does occur in native words in both initial and medial posi-
tion. A contrastive example is given in (4).
(2) a. /p/ apokpa 'swollen'

b. abok 'grandmother'
c. Idytaq 'basket holding about 12 kilos of grain'

d. /d/ laydrj 'only God'
e. /k/ laykm 'hard surface of earth'

f. /g/ laygm 'habitual buyer'

2.2 The consonant phonemes 19
(3) a. fbf bol 'ball'

/g/ gol 'goal'
b. /d/ dan 'verandah'

/g/ gari 'vehicle'
(4) /)/ 'rust'

**
9
/k/ 'enter'
Contrastive examples of the voiced aspirated stops and affricate are given in
(5) from words borrowed from Hindi. These phonemes appear only in words
borrowed from Indo-Aryan languages.
(5) a. /bh/ bhara 'fare'

/dh/ dhara 'descendants'
b. /gV ghzri 'watch'

/bh/ bhari 'heavy'
c. /j h / jhari 'drinking pot'

/ch/ churi 'knife'
The phonemic status of the fricatives /s/ and /h/ is established through the near
minimal pair (6). /s/ appears in borrowed words only; /h/ appears in both
native and borrowed words. The forms in (6) are borrowed from Hindi.
(6) /s/ sdkti 'power'

/h/ hdk 'right'
Finally, the phonemic status of the nasal stops, liquid and semi-vowels is es-
tablished through the near-minimal and minimal pairs in (7).
(7) a. /m/ m 'bed bug'

b. /n/ na 'ear'
c. // 'fish'
d. // 'banana leaf
e. /w/ w 'bamboo'
f. /y/ yd 'tooth'
The trill /r/ occurs in borrowed words: compare 'color' (borrowed from
Hindi), with the native word htj- 'cast, throw'.

2.1.2 Free variation
As noted above, the phoneme /ch/ has the unconditioned phonetic variants: [s],
[s], [sh] and [sh]. See section 2.1.3 for another conditioned variant of /ch/.
(8) a. [mscdsu] b. [m9sha]

ms- cs -chn m9 -ch
NM- small -ALSO 3P -face
'the small one also' 'his face'
c. /chon/ [son} 'weak'

d. /ch9n/ [Pm] 'cow'
The aspirated bilabial stop /ph/ varies freely with the labiodental fricative [fj:
thus Imphal (the capital of Manipur), may be pronounced [imfal] or [imphal]
and phba 'to catch' may be pronounced [phaba] or [faba]. The lateral / varies
freely with syllable finally: thus, [Ion] or [101] 'language'. /]/ alternates with
[z]: [oza] or [oja] 'teacher'.
2.1.3 Complementary distribution
f[f has two allophones: [1] and a flapped [r] which occurs in intervocalic posi-
tion by a postlexical rule of Flapping (see section 2.6); [1] and [r] are written as
such in the spelling used in this grammar. The unaspirated velar stop /k/ gemi-
nates between vowels and subsequently reduces to [ 9 ] (see section 2.6). /ch/ is
realized as an affricate [<t\ before /i/: [#n] 'hill'. The phonemes /p/, /t/ and /k/
each have a voiced and voiceless allophone. The voiced allophone is derived
in intervocalic position through the application of the Voice Assimilation Rule.
This and other lexical rules are described in section 2.5.

2.2 The vowel phonemes 21
2.2 The vowel phonemes
An inventory of the vowel phonemes in Meithei is given in Table 2.
Table 2. Chart of vowel phonemes
front central back
high u
mid
low
The minimal and near-minimal pairs in (9) establish the phonemic status of
these vowels.
(9) a. /a/ pha- 'good'

b. /a/ phd- 'catch'
c. /i/ pi" 'give'
d. // - 'rest by lying down'
e. /u/ - 'borrow'
f. /e/ pe- 'weep'
The vowels /u/, /of, and /e/ occur in final position as shown by the minimal
pairs in (10):
(10) a. paru b. paro

pa -lu -u pa -la -o
read -ADIR -IMP read -PROX -SOLCT
'read over there' 'go ahead and read, won't you'
c. can d. cre
1
c -la -e
ca -li
eat -PERF -ASRT
eat -PROG
'has eaten'
'eating'
There are no indigenous words beginning with /a/.5 Word final [a] may have
two origins: /a/ may occur in final position in words like ipa 'my father' or as
an allophone of /a/ since in open syllables /a/ lowers to [a].6 The vowel lei

occurs in initial position in a few words. N. Khelchandra Singh's dictionary

(1964a) lists only eight under this letter, and of these, five are clearly
borrowed. Y. Nungshitombi Devi (1989) claims that there are no native words
beginning with //. I assume that the words listed by N. Khelchandra Singh,
given in (11), are native but archaic or dialectal and that contrastiveness of /e/
in initial position has been lost. Th. Harimohon Singh (p.c.) notes that ( l i b )
is from a non-standard dialect and is in the Imphal dialect. As noted by Y.
Nungshitombi Devi (1989: 4), a occurs initially in borrowed words such as asa
'hope' (borrowed from Hindi) but is gradually being replaced by [a] in the
spoken language although it is still represented by the grapheme for a in the
written system.
(11) a. ek 'clan'
b. - 'look after, look at'
c. eniwm huyroy can- 'offer to deities with due rites to lessen evil
deeds done during war'
In open syllables, /o/ freely varies between [o] and [d]. In closed syllables,
when /o/ is followed by an obstruent, it is [o]; when it is followed by a sono-
rant, it is [o]. /i/ is [t] before stops and [i] before sonorants and in open syl-
lables. Phrase finally, /i/ lowers to [e]. /u/ is high, back and round; in phrase
final position /u/ is lower and more central []. In open syllables /e/ freely
varies between [e] and [e]; in closed syllables it is [e]; phrase finally [e] lowers
to [e]. In closed syllables, /a/ is [a] after /k/; it is back ([a]), after other conso-
nants and sonorants. In open syllables, /a/ is [a].
When a glide /y/ or /w/ occurs after the vowels //, /a/ or /o/, the following
diphthongs are formed:
(12) a. 9w tdW- 'dig'

b. ay tay- 'smear'
c. aw taw- 'float'
d. ay tdy- 'hears'
e. oy toy- 'is often'
2.3 Syllable structure
The Meithei syllable consists of a nucleus and an onset and may include a
coda. The nucleus consists of a vowel.7 Onsets may be simple or complex.
For native words, in word initial position, onsets may be: p, ph, t, th, c, ch, k,
kh, m, n, q, w, y, h, 1. Voiced stop onsets are possible word medially and word

2.3 Syllable structure 23
initially in ideophones (see Chapter 8). Vowel initial syllables of prefixes and
roots are always preceded by a glottal stop: dibd [ ^ i b s ] 'writer' from 9- 'attri-
butive' and ibd 'to write' or yaon- [yôn] 'move' from yd- 'yield' and on- 'turn'.
As the glottal stop is predictable, it is not written in the phonemic transcrip-
tion. Suffixes and enclitics which are vowel initial always occur either with a
copy of the coda of the preceding syllable (gemination) or form the second
member of a diphthong when the adjacent syllable has no coda. This is illus-
trated by examples (13a) and (13b) respectively.
(13) a. taw- 'do' + -e 'assertive' is tdwwe

b. - 'see' + 4 'nonhypothetical' is uy
Few complex onsets are allowed. As noted in Thoudam (1980: 48), unaspi-
rated stops and fricatives and voiceless aspirated stops can form clusters with
the glides /w/ or /y/. Clusters with /I/ are also possible: these are surface
realizations of intervocalic f\J which, as noted in 2.1.3, occur as [r] in this en-
vironment.
Table 3. Examples of complex onsets in native words
pr campra 'lemon'
pw mawpwa female address term for younger brother
phr phreq 'a way birds flap their wings'
br sambru 'freckle'
tr piktru 'small child'
thr tthrok 'earthworm'
thw mathway 'inheritance'
dr 'hockey puck'
V
jr /wy/ra// 'knife'
kr kruk 'resin'
kw kwak 'crow'
ky kyamhy 'a thorny tree'
khr pkhrd 'widower'
khw khw ay 'all, every'
khy Sdnskhya a surname
gr czgriq 'dry cooked rice'
sr Laysrdm a clan name
sw sway - 'vanish'
sy Syam male proper name
my myaw 'meowing of a cat'

Ousters with /l/ are the result of the tendency of to delete when it is fol-
lowed by a liquid in the onset of a following syllable (see 2.6.5). Thus 'lemon'
may be pronounced as campsra or campra.8 In native words, no other clus-
ters are possible. Possible complex onsets in native words are illustrated in
Table 3.
Onsets of borrowed words may consist of voiced unaspirated or aspirated
stops, affricates and fricatives in both word initial or medial position. Complex
onsets are also limited to consonant-liquid or consonant-glide sequences. N.
Khelchandra Singh (1964a: 326) also lists ks as in ksir 'custard' but this cluster
is not common. Examples of clusters in borrowed words are given in Table 4.
Table 4. Examples of complex onsets in borrowed words
Consonant with r
dhr dhrubd 'Polaris' (star)
sr Srabana nakisatra 'Aquilae' (constellation)
Consonant with a glide

by bydbahar 'conduct, usage'
ty satya 'truth'
dhy dhyan taw 'to meditate'
jy fyestha nakisatra 'Scorpio' (constellation)
gy gyan 'knowledge'
sw swamji 'spiritual teacher'; 'god'
Consonant with 1
si slet 'slate'
pi plet 'plate'
The coda in native words may consist of: p, t, k, m, n, q, 1. There are no com-
plex codas. This restriction on codas is upheld for borrowed words also. For
example, in (14a) to (14c), in words borrowed from English, complex codas are
simplified. Since a coda cannot consist of a voiced stop, syllable final stops are
devoiced as in (14d).
(14) a. distrik 'district'

b. projek 'project'
c. dnddrgrawn 'underground'
d. hetmasatdr 'headmaster'

2.4 Tone 25
2.4 Tone
Meithei exhibits a two-way contrast between low and high tone. Suffixes and
prefixes have no tone associated to them; instead, the pitch values observed for
these are derived through the spreading of lexically specified tone. Phonolog-
ical rules of Downstep and Upstep account for phonetic variations of under-
lying tone.
2.4.1 The data
The data for this study come primarily from the analysis of minimal tone pairs
recorded by Th. Harimohon Singh in a sound-proof booth. Each item of the
minimal pair was recorded in citation form, in a short phrase, and where
possible, as part of a compound. Data on compounds recorded from a female
speaker, Mutum Umarani Devi, were also used. A total of 320 tokens were
selected to be pitch-tracked and a trace of the fundamental frequency contour
of each token was obtained. Pitch tracking was accomplished originally
through Phonology Lab in a Box, a DOS-based system for A/D D/A conversion,
autocorrelation pitch-tracking and amplitude tracking designed by Kenneth
Whistler and based partly on pitch tracking routines originally supplied by
Mark Liberman. An additional set of words were pitch-tracked using Signafyze
(for pitch tracking with autocorrelation and FTP filters) and SoundEdit (for
digitization) for the Macintosh.9 Values for fundamental frequency and time
were entered into the spreadsheet program Quattro Pro to derive the graphs
provided in this section.
2.4.2 Roots
Minimal pairs, such as those listed in Table 5, establish the existence of high
and low tone roots. As can be seen by the fundamental frequency values for
initial pitch given in this table, the roots in column 1 consistently show a higher
initial pitch than the roots in column 2. This difference in initial pitch is the
most significant distinguishing characteristic of the roots. Initial pitch is affect-
ed by syllable shape and the actual segments. Thus a high vowel (as in the
root 'blood') has a higher fundamental frequency value than an aspirated
consonant or a lateral (such as the root khoy 'navel'). In words beginning with
aspirated consonants, the difference between the initial frequency of the high
and low root is somewhere between 0 to 15 hertz; it is typically much higher
for sonorant initial roots.

The absolute values given here are derived from a average value seen over
three tokens of each item and are meant to provide the reader with an approx-
imate view of the initial point of the fundamental frequency curve. Some
actual fundamental frequency values are presented in Figures 1 to 33.
Table 5. List of minimal tone pairs
Initial pitch with high roots Initial pitch with low roots
'blood' 140Hz. i 'thatch' 115Hz.

khoy 'navel' 110Hz. khoy 'bee' 100Hz.
'banana leaf 100Hz. la 'shallow basket' 90Hz.
sty 'firewood' 120Hz. sty 'ginger' 100Hz.
sim 'hair' 105Hz. sam 'basket' 90Hz.
High and low tone roots differ in other ways. The pitch for both types of
roots falls after the initial pitch and the lower pitch obtained after this fall is
sustained, forming a plateau, which is followed by a fall. The plateau is at a
higher fundamental frequency for high roots than for low roots, the final pitch
for both high and low tone roots is approximately the same.
These facts are illustrated by the fundamental frequency graphs provided in
Figures 1 - 5 where the x-axis refers to time in milliseconds and the y-axis refers
to fundamental frequency in Hz.
2.4.3 Suffixes
Words in Meithei can consist of stems or bound roots with suffixes (from one
to ten suffixes), prefixes (only one per word) and/or enclitics. Only roots and
enclitics are specified for tone in the Lexicon. Figures 6-13 show the funda-
mental frequency of some bimorphemic and polymorphemic words about
which the following observations can be made: (1) fundamental frequency falls
in both high and low roots which have one tone-bearing unit; (2) fundamental
frequency falls in words with a high root regardless of the number of tone-
bearing units and; (3) fundamental frequency rises in words with a low root
when there is more than one tone-bearing unit.
These fundamental frequency patterns are the result of tone spreading
(Leben 1978, Goldsmith 1990) and the rules of Downstep or Upstep. When
the root occurs in a word with more than one tone bearing unit, the root tone

2.4
Time (msec]
'blood' 'thatch' \
Figure 1. Fundamental frequency of 'blood' and i 'thatch'
Time [msec]
- - 'camel' 'ashes' I
Figure 2. Fundamental frequency of ut 'camel' and ut 'ashes'

Time [msec]
'firewood' 'ginger' |
Figure 3. Fundamental frequency of 5 'firewood' and 51 'ginger'
Time [msec]
- - 'navel' "bee1 ^
Figure 4. Fundamental frequency of khoy 'navel' and khoy 'bee'

2.4 Tone 29
Time [msec]
'foot' (m) 'ditch' (m) |
Figure 5. Fundamental frequency of 'foot' and 'ditch'
Time [msec]
'that hair' 'that basket'
Figure 6. Fundamental frequency of samdu 'that hair' and samdu 'that basket'
where the stem sam 'hair' and jam 'basket' occur with -tu 'distal determiner'

Time [msec]
- - 'to be ugly* 'to search'
Figure 7. Fundamental frequency of thibd 'to be ugly' and thiba 'to search'
where the stems thi- 'ugly' and thi- 'search' occur with -pa 'nominalizer'
Time [msec]
* 'to borrow' 'to cany' |
Figure 8. Fundamental frequency of piiba 'to borrow' and puba 'to carry'
where the stems pu- 'borrow' and pu- 'carry' occur with -pa 'nominalizer'

2.4 Tone 31
Time [msec]
-m- 'to be sick' 'to write' J
Figure 9. Fundamental frequency of ibd 'to be sick' and ibd 'to write' where
the stems U 'sick' and i- 'write' occur with -pa 'nominalizer'
Time [msec]
- - 'not sick' 'not writing'
Figure 10. Fundamental frequency of ide 'not sick' and ide 'not writing' where
the stems U 'sick' and i- 'write' occur with -ta 'negative'

Time [msec]
'is sick' 'is writing'
Figure 11. Fundamental frequency of irzmmi 'is sick' and irdmmi 'is writing'
where the stems U 'sick' and i- 'write' occur with -font 'indirect evidence' and -li
'progressive'
Time [msec]
- - 'certainly sick' 'certainly write'
Figure 12. Fundamental frequency of ikhirsmmi 'certainly sick' and ikhirdmmi

'certainly write' where the stems i- 'sick' and i- 'write' occur with -khi 'certain',
-fom 'indirect evidence' and -i 'non-hypothetical'

2.4 Tone 33
Time [msec]
'if sick' 'if written'
Figure 13. Fundamental frequency of irabadi 'if sick' and irabddi 'if written'
where the stems i- 'sick' and i- 'write' occur with, -h 'prospective', -pa 'nomina-
lizer' and -ft' 'delimitative'
is spread to every unit to the right of the root that does not already have a
tone. Adjacent high tones trigger Downstep as stated in (15a); adjacent low
tones trigger Upstep as stated in (15b).
(15) Tone rules

a. Downstep: When HI and H2 are on contiguous syllables, H2 is
downscaled.
b. Upstep: When LI and L2 are on contiguous syllables, L2 is aug-
mented.
The successively lower pitch exhibited by tone-bearing units from the left to the
right edge of words is "step-like" rather than a smooth curve, which could be
attributed to downtrend (or downdrift (Anderson 1978: 139)), or the natural
tendency for pitch to lower from the beginning to the end of an utterance.
These facts can be represented as in (16) where the minus sign signifies a
downscaled tone and the plus sign an augmented tone.

(16)
L
I
Lexical entry: s s m 'hair' s 9 m 'basket'
Concatenation: s a m -du s d m -du
Tone Spread: s 9 m -du 'that hair' s d m -du 'that basket'
H-
Downstep: | \
s 3 m -du 'that hair' not applicable
L L+
Upstep I \
not applicable s d m -du 'that basket'
The application of Downstep or Upstep derives the "crisscross" exhibited by

the low stem which has a rising contour and the high stem which has a falling
contour. See Figures 6-13.
2.4.4 Lexicalized suffix combinations
Meithei has a small set of clausal subordinators that are lexicalized combina-
tions of nominalizing suffixes. As will be shown below, these suffixes have
high-low tone and contrast with homophonous productive suffix sequences
which have no underlying tone. Minimal pairs are given in Table 6. Figures
14-17 illustrate the contrastive tone of a lexicalized suffix sequence compared
to a productive suffix sequence. In Figure 14 the pitch curve for the root thi
'ugly' is given for a root plus productive suffix sequence thi-dd-na 'not being
ugly' and for the root plus lexicalized suffix sequences thi-dmz 'due to being
ugly'. The root has the predicted initial high fundamental frequency, followed
by a reduction of pitch. Both the productive and lexicalized suffix sequences
have a falling pattern. The fundamental frequency of the lexicalized suffix
sequence, however, is higher than that of the productive sequence, both at the
initial and final point of the curve. The facts are represented in (17): in the
Lexicon, the suffix is listed with high tone; the root tone does not spread since
the suffix already has a tone associated to it. The second syllable of the suffix
2.4 Tone 35
gets high tone through spreading, this is followed by the application of Down-
step.
Table 6. Minimal Pairs of lexicalized suffixes and homophonous productive

suffix sequences10
Lexicalized combinations Productive suffix sequences

-tana 'by Ving', (composed of the V-ta-na 'due to not Ving' where -ta is
locative marker -ta and the instru- the negative marker and -na is the
mental marker -na) instrumental marker
-naiba 'in order to V', (composed of V-na-pa 'to V together' where -na is
the instrumental marker -na and the the reciprocal marker and -pa is the
nominalizer -pa) nominalizer
tuns 'Ving' (composed of the distal N-tu-na 'that out of all others'
determiner -tu and the instrumental (composed of the distal determiner
marker -na) -tu and the contrastive marker -na)
libs 'having Ved', (composed of the V-la-pa 'has Ved here' where -la
perfect marker -la and the nominal- marks an action which takes place
izer -pa) towards the speaker and -pa is the
nominalizer
140 t h
-
120
Irioo ,
*
" 7
t h
u a
I 3
u.
60 3
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 J . .1. _ 1 J 1 1 1
40 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 400 440

Time [msec]
- - d u e to b e i n g u g l y ' ' n o t u g l y '
Figure 14. Fundamental frequency of thidana 'due to being ugly' where the
stem thi- 'ugly' occurs with -tana 'due to Ving' and thidana 'not ugly' where the
same stem occurs with -ta 'negative' and -na 'instrumental'

Time [msec]
T>y searching' 'not searching'J
Figure 15. Fundamental frequency of thidma 'by searching' where the stem
thi- 'search' occurs with -tmd 'due to Ving' and thidana 'not searching' where
the same stem occurs with -ta 'negative' and -na 'instrumental'
Time [msec]
'in order to borrow' 'to borrow together'
Figure 16. Fundamental frequency of pitnabd 'in order to borrow' where the
stem - occurs with -tidbd 'in order to V' and punabs 'to borrow together'
where the same stem occurs with -nd 'reciprocal' and -pd 'nominalizer'

2.4 Tone 37
p
\
100
\
90 *y m
d n
80 / \ V
fI 70
P
ay
d V
60
50
40 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 1 I 1 1 1 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 1 I I 1 1 I I I !
0 100 200 300 400 500 600
Time [msec]
"by holding' "by flying' |
Figure 17. Fundamental frequency of paydunz 'by holding' and payduna 'by
flying' where the stems pay- 'hold' and pay- 'fly' occur with -tuna 'by Ving'
Concatenation:
I
1 1
thi -dBrid
Tone Spread:
1 - ^
thi -d* m
Downstep: H-
I I
1 I 1
thi -da 1X3
Additional examples of lexicalized suffixes are given in Figures 15-17.
2.4.5 Prefixes
Prefixes, like suffixes, do not have lexically assigned tone. Instead, they receive
their tone through the spreading of the root tone. As shown in (18) this will
result in adjacent high or low tones and the triggering of Downstep and Up-

step, respectively. The application of this rule is shown by a comparison of

Figures 8, 18 and 19. When a- 'attributive' is prefixed to a low tone root, the
pitch of the root is 20 Hz higher than when that root occurs without a prefix.
When the attributive prefix occurs with a high tone root, the pitch of the root
is 20 Hz lower than when that root is word initial. These facts are represented
as in (18).
(18) Concatenation: L
I I
9- pu -bd 9- pu -bd
Tone Spread: L
3- pu -ba d- pu -ba
Upstep: not applicable L L+ L+

I ! I
a- pu -bd
Downstep: - - not applicable

I I I
d- pu -bd
In conjunction with depression or raising of pitch due to segmental effects,
Upstep and Downstep with prefixing has dramatic effects on phonetic output.
For example, a high tone, consonant initial root followed by a semi-vowel has
a lower initial pitch than a high tone, vowel initial root because consonants
have lower pitch than vowels. If a prefix is attached to the consonant initial
root, a lowering of pitch due to Downstep occurs. The following semivowel
will cause a rise in pitch so that the overall curve will be rising, resembling
words with low tone roots. Thoudam (1980: 66) refers to this as a "kind of
shift in which the tone number one [rising] is heard as tone number two [fa-
lling] and vice-versa. This generally occurs whenever a prefix a- is added to the
form."
2.4.6 Compounds
Since roots can have either high or low tone, the potential combinations of
these tones in compounds is high-high, high-low, low-high, and low-low. As
shown above, adjacent tones cannot have the same value: Downstep and
Upstep are triggered with compounding of two high roots or two low roots,
2.4 Tone 39
respectively. The application of these rules explains why compounds with a

high second root consistently exhibit a lower pitch in this position as opposed
to in isolation. For instance, as shown in Figure 20, the initial frequency of cit
'go' is 205 Hz in isolation, but in Figure 21 it is 197 Hz in the compound
khotjcat; in Figure 22, the fundamental frequency of cak 'food' in isolation is
115 Hz but 111 Hz in the compound okck (Figure 23). Similarly, the second
root in low-low compounds consistently exhibits a higher pitch in this position
than in isolation. The difference between the fundamental frequency curves of
high-low and low-low roots is illustrated in Figure 24 which opposes khoqjaw
'big foot' and khoqjaw 'canal'. Examples of high-high compounds are given in
Figures 25-26; high-low compounds are given in Figures 27-29; low-high are
given in Figures 30-31; low-low is given in Figure 32.
2.4.7 Enclitics
Enclitics may be specified for tone. As shown in the minimal pairs contrasting
the locative suffix -t9 and the exclusive enclitic -ti\ ywnds 'to the house' versus
yumda 'only the house' where yum means 'house'.
As noted by native speakers and documented in Bhat and Ningomba
(1986b), there is a contrast between the forms in (19).
(19) a. cdrsmmi b. cdnmmi

ca -lam -Ii c -lam -i
eat -EVD -PROG eat -EVD -NHYP
'was eating' 'ate'
The nonhypothetical verbal marker -i acts like an enclitic in the phonology in

that it has high tone, even though from a morphological point of view it is an
inflectional element. These facts are illustrated in Figure 33, which gives the
pitch curve for the high tone root 'sick' with the nonhypothetical marker. Here
the predicted falling pattern for adjacent high tones occurs. The second pitch
curve on Figure 33 is of the low tone word 'written': here the usual rising
pitch for low tone roots does not occur as there is no trigger for Upstep.
Rather, the pitch levels out after a less than a 5 Hz rise for the suffix vowel.
2.4.8 Summary and conclusion
There are two lexical tones in Meithei: high and low. Roots, lexicalized suf-
fixes and enclitics have lexical tone, while suffixes and prefixes are assigned

tone by rule. Downstep applies to a sequence of two high tones in contiguous

syllables and Upstep applies to two low tones on contiguous syllables.
In the available literature there appears to be no consensus on how many or
what tones there are in Meithei. Pettigrew (1912) describes two tones, high
and low; N. Promodini Devi (1989a), Thoudam (1980) and L. Mahabir Singh
(1988) argue for two tones, falling and level; Inder Singh (1975) describes three
tones, falling, rising and level; and W. Tomchou Singh (1986) argues for three
tones described as light, medium, and heavy. If we look past the labels,
however, we can see that each investigator is in basic agreement with the facts
presented in this section.
Those investigators who describe two tones for Meithei use the same mini-
mal pairs to establish tones as I do here. For example, L. Mahabir Singh
(1988: 3)11, describes 'blood' as having a fall(ing) tone and i 'write' as having
a level tone, which correspond to my high and low tone, respectively. Given
the fundamental frequency contours occurring for high tone roots in isolation
(see the steep fll in fundamental frequency from initial pitch in Figure (1)), it
is obvious what prompted Mahabir Singh to label this a falling tone. Inder
Singh's (1975) description of a three tone system is influenced largely by the
traditional notion, recorded in pedagogical works such as W. Tomchou Singh
(1986: 102-111), that posits three stress distinctions: light, medium, and heavy.
Heavy and light correspond to what I label as high and low respectively: thus,
puba 'to borrow' is given as an example of a heavy root and pubs 'to carry' is
given as an example of a light root, medium tone refers to downscaled high or
upscaled low tone in prefixed forms.
Time [msec]
" borrowed'
Figure 18. Fundamental frequency of dpba 'borrowed' where the stem -

'borrow' occurs with d- 'attributive' and -pa 'nominalizer'

2.4 Tone 41
Time [msec]
'carried' |
Figure 19. Fundamental frequency of apuba 'carried' where the stem pu- 'ca-
ny' occurs with s- 'attributive' and -ps 'nominalizer'
Time [msec]
'logo7]
Figure 20. Fundamental frequency of catpa 'to go' where the car- 'go' occurs
with -pa 'nominalizer'
Time [msec]
- 'journey'
Figure 21. Fundamental frequency of 'journey' composed of khotj

'foot' and cat- 'go'
Time [msec]
food' I
Figure 22. Fundamental frequency of cdk 'food'

2.4 Tone 43
Time [msec]
-- 'pig food' I
Figure 23. Fundamental frequency of okcdk 'pig food' composed of ok 'pig'

and cdk 'food'
Time [msec]
'big foot' 'canal |
Figure 24. Fundamental frequency of khorfaw 'large foot' composed of

'foot' and caw- 'big' and khorfaw 'canal' composed of khoq 'ditch' and caw-
'big'

Time [msec]
- 'decorated hilt of sword'
Figure 25. Fundamental frequency of th 'decorated hilt of a sword' com-

posed of 'sword' and Ion- 'embroider'
Time [msec]
'shoe' I
Figure 26. Fundamental frequency of 'shoe' composed of 'foot'

and up- 'wear'
2.4 Tone 45
Time [msec]
- "stranger1
Figure 27. Fundamental frequency of mitop 'stranger' composed of mi 'man'

and top- 'other'
Time [msec]
'pillow11
Figure 28. Fundamental frequency of mondum 'pillow' composed of mon

'pillow' and tum- 'sleep'

Time [msec]
--'pigsty]
Figure 29. Fundamental frequency of okkon 'pig sty' composed of ok 'pig' and
kon- 'encircle'
Time [msec|
axe' I
Figure 30. Fundamental frequency of ukdk 'axe' composed of u 'wood' and

kak- 'cut'
2.4 Tone 47
Time [msec]
* Veil' I
Figure 31. Fundamental frequency of mdykhumphi 'veil' composed of may

'visage', khum- 'cover', phi 'cloth'
Time [msec]
"backbone'
Figure 32. Fundamental frequency of lujaw 'backbone' composed of lu 'head'

and caw- 'big'

48 Chapter 2. Phonetics and phonoloQt
Time [msec]
-- 'sick' 'written*
Figure 33. Fundamental frequency of the stems 'sick' and i- 'write' with the
nonhypothetical marker 4
2.5 Lexical rules
In this section, the phonological rules of Meithei are described along with
examples of application and specification of the morphological environments
where a rule applies or fails to apply. Rules are formalized using the nonlinear
phonological representations of feature geometry. The version of feature
geometry assumed here is Sagey (1986).12 I assume that there are two basic
types of phonological rules: lexical and postlexical (Pulleyblank 1986, Selkirk
1984, Booij and Rubach 1987). In Meithei the difference between these clas-
ses is that lexical rules apply only in particular morphological environments and
are structure-preserving (i.e. they do not introduce sounds that are not present
in the phonemic inventory of Meithei), whereas postlexical rules apply across
the board and are not necessarily structure-preserving.
2.5.1 Voice assimilation
Syllable-initial voiceless unaspirated stops are voiced between voiced seg-

ments.13 As illustrated in (20a), the Voice assimilation rule, applies on the
nominalizer -pa when it is suffixed to a root that ends in a voiced segment.

When the root ends with a voiceless segment, the initial stop of the suffix is
voiceless. Similar examples are given in (20b) to (20d) with the genitive, the
locative, and the associative markers, respectively.
(20) a. -pa 'nominative' cdba 'to eat' pikpa 'to be small'

b. -fd 'genitive' thagi 'of moon' phuritki 'of shirt'
C. -ta 'locative' ciqda 'on hill' khuttd 'in the hand'
d. -ka 'associative' miga 'with man' khutka 'with hand'
[voice] [-continuant]
Figure 34. The Voice assimilation rule
Voice assimilation fails to apply with prefixation. For example in (20e)

prefixation of i- 'first person pronominal' does not cause the initial consonant
of the root pa 'father' to voice. See also (20f-h).
(20) e. pa 'father' ipa 'my father'

f. pu 'grandfather' mapu 'his/her grandfather'
g. mapa h. atanba
ma -pa 9 -tan -pa
NM -read ATT -short -NOM
'method of reading' 'that which is short'
Voice assimilation also applies in compounds where the application of the

rule is contingent on the syllable shape of contiguous roots in the compound.
Voicing does not apply when contiguous syllables do not end in a sonorant or
when the first syllable does not have a coda. This is illustrated in (21a) to
(211). CVN stands for a syllable with a nasal in coda position and CVS stands
for a syllable with a semivowel in coda position.

(21) Voice assimilation in compounds
a. CVN-CVC
tdmpdk stretch out-broad 'valley'
tmpdk bread-broad 'bread'
tompok single-issue 'eldest son'
nutjpdk stone-broad 'slab'
b. CVS-CVC
hsypan fruit-hang 'fruit plants'
laykup disease-cover 'chicken pox'
laykut land-low 'pit'
laypok god-born 'genius'
laypot god-thing 'worship articles'
c. CVC-CVN
lake-border 'sides of a lake'
pkcum mind-desirable 'honest'
piikcen mind-run 'mind/motive'
d. CVC-CVS
pukcawba belly-big 'pot bellied'
yotcdy iron-beat 'implement for spiring'
e. CVC-CVC
lokicdp take from water-squeeze 'dell'
piikcst belly-go 'cholera'
f. CV-CVN
qaten fish-bow 'bow-shaped fish'
fish-top 'fish ( L a b e o pangusia)'
fish-fly 'fish ( N o t o p t e r u s chitala)'
g. CV-CVS
wakoy topic-take detour 'digression'
tjatoy fish-often 'fish (Barbus ticto)'
mikawron man-call-language 'art of being a medium'

h. CV-CVC
lukokpa clear-head-nom 'shave head completely'
luton head-top 'upper head'
mop man-distinct 'stranger'
natek ear-broken 'shallow nose bridged'
Bcdpot ATT-eat-thing 'sweets'
wacet bamboo-cut 'split bamboo'
wacap bamboo-cut 'splint'
wdcop word-insult 'obscene word'
wakok bamboo-head 'root part of bamboo'
waton bamboo-top 'top of bamboo'
laymakon land-mother-place 'female's palatial room'
i. cv-cv
stu body-hair 'body hair'
SV /
mica man-child 'other's child'
mika man-rise 'envious'
mita man-fall 'inhabited'
j. V-CVN
icen water-run 'water current'
ipun thatch-bind 'bundle of thatch'
ukon tree-embrace 'clump of trees'
upan tree-bear fruit 'growing tree'
utaqbi tree-depend 'parasitic plant'
ucdm tree-ordinary 'ordinary wood'
upum tree-rotten 'rotten tree'
k. V-CVC
icep thatch-rest on side 'roof holder'
ipak water-broad 'ocean'
ipot thatch-thing '2 thatch bundles'
ukak tree-cut 'log'
ukok tree-head 'tree trunk'
updk tree-broad 'plank'
utup tree-ready to fell 'log'
1. V-CV
ika thatch-rise 'single thatch'
ika water-rise 'flood water'

Voice assimilation in compounds does occur when contiguous syllables have

sonorants in coda position. This is shown in examples (21m) to (21o).
(21) m. CVN-CVN
stone-pointed 'stone'
pdndum arum-pointed 'the root of arum'
samdon hair-top 'hair ends'
stybun firewood-bind 'bundle of firewood'
lambdn path-arum 'wild pan'
timbdn path-border 'side of road'
path-mount 'a high land'
Ismjen path-run 'race'
lamjin path-in 'guide'
tmjinbi path-in-benefactive 'give advice'
lnbwfj war-drum 'war drum'
Idnjen war-run 'war evacuation'
mondum soft-sleep 'pad, pillow'
sdmbun hair-bind 'tuft of hair'
sendon money-owe 'debt'
styjm wood-enter 'axe'
yengon hen-place 'chicken coop'
yumbanlon house-rule-language 'household rules'
yumgom house-uncompact 'urinal'
kumjin year-border 'year's early part'
htyin shine-in 'clue'
mitym name-enter 'admission form'
ndmbon back-bulge 'hunchback'
sdfjgom cow-udder 'milk'
sdngon cow-place 'cow shed'
n. CVN-CVS
puijjaw drum-big 'big drum'
tmjay bow-arrow 'bow and arrow'
Idmboybi path-wander-feminine 'nun'
lamjaw path-big 'meadow'
Idnjaw war-big 'war'
nqgdy stone-sever 'gravel'
yoijjaw monkey-big 'ape'
yumjaw house-big 'big house'
pzngoy dam-fence 'encircle'

o. CVN-CV
forjj cast-eat 'vulture'
thread-stitch 'seam'
pdnda arum-fall 'ground arum branch'
ssnbii cow-man 'owner of cattle'
When the first syllable ends with a semi-vowel, it is impossible to predict whe-
ther or not voicing will occur. Voice assimilation tends to occur on CVS-CVS
sequences but tends not to occur on CVS-CVN sequences.
(21) p. CVS-CVS
hayjaw fruit-big 'a kind of fruit'
laybw god-news 'gospel'
layjaw disease-big 'small pox'
kayjaw tiger-big 'a species of tiger'
but:
wdytzy plaster-smear 'plaster the wall'
q. CVS-CVN
laybuy god-drum 'field for festival'
moyb expel-drum 'conch shell'
pdwjen news-run 'message'
kaybdn tiger-border 'gate to fence in hunted tiger'
tawjiq float-border 'fruit from marshy land'
but:
haykon fruit-place 'orchard'
huykon dog-place 'kennel'
laycm land-border 'cloud'
laykay land-dry 'land'
laytin god-together 'god'
laytm land-make pointed 'clod'
laycaq land-enter 'post portion'
laykon flower-place 'flower garden'
laypan flower-plant 'flowering plant'
hyton tongue-top 'tip of the tounge'
r. CVS-CV
laybu god-man 'temple guard'
but:
hwpii paddy-man 'paddy field owner'

A summary of the facts illustrated by (21) is given in Table 7 which opposes

five possible syllable shapes and shows in which combinations voicing occurs
and in which it does not. NF indicates that a representative form is not found
in my data.
Table 7. Voicing or lack of voicing in contiguous root syllables
Second root
First root CVN CVS CV CVC V
CVN + + -/+ NF
CVS -/+ +/- -/+ NF
CV - +/- -/+ NF
V - NF - NF
CVC - - NF NF
Voice assimilation can be characterized as a rule that has affected a limited

number of compounds and as a rule whose application will spread to eventual-
ly cover all applicable compounds. The changing status of Voice assimilation is
supported by the presence of doublets: that is, examples of the same form
where the rule has applied in one case and not applied in the other. A few
examples are given in (21s).
(21) s. CV-CVC khubk/khupk hand-broad 'palm'

CVS-CVC khoyjk/khoyck bee-food 'bait'
CVS-CVC hybdk/hypak land-broad 'country'
2.5.2 Deaspiration
A rule similar to Grassmann's Law deaspirates a consonant when it is preceded

by /h/ or an aspirated consonant. Deaspiration is illustrated in (22) with the
derivational suffixes -khdt 'V upward', -thok 'V outward' and -khay 'totally
affect' suffixed to roots. In examples (22a), (22c) and (22d), a consonant that
is deaspirated by this rule subsequently undergoes Voice assimilation.

(22) root root + derivational suffix
a. thin 'pierce' thingdt 'pierce upwards'

b. khik 'sprinkle' khik?9t 'sprinkle upwards'
c. hi 'trim' hidok 'trim outwards'
d. set 'tear' segayu 'tear up'
This long distance dissimilation is an effect of the Obligatory Contour Princi-

ple (McCarthy 1988), i.e. identical elements cannot be adjacent on a single
autosegmental tier. Deaspiration, which disallows adjacent aspirated conso-
nants within a word, is motivated by the Obligatory Contour Principle. A formal
representation of the rule is given in Figure 35.
I +
[spread glottis] ... [spread glottis]
Figure 35. The Deaspiration rule

Deaspiration also occurs in compounds but it is impossible to predict where
the rule will apply. For example, by comparing (23a) and (23b), it is seen that
application or lack of it is not determined by tone.
(23) a. Deaspiration does apply

tone compound gloss of roots gloss of compounds
HH phijet cloth-wear 'dress'
HL phijet cloth-cut 'torn cloth, costume'
LL s^fjgom cow-udder 'milk'
LH cumjit filter-blow 'broom'
b. Deaspiration does not apply

HH thupphsm conceal-place 'shelter'
HL foot-march 'marching'
LL transport-startle 'stumbling block'
LH thakhdy moon-substract 'fortnight'
The (non)application of Deaspiration is not determined by syllable shape. In

(23c) to (23m) where C stands for obstruent and S for sonorant, I have pro-

vided examples of where the rule fails to apply and where the rule does apply
for each possible syllable configuration and sequence.
(23) compound gloss of roots gloss of compound
c. CVS-CVN
khawjetj bag-constrict 'throat'
phsygan thigh-spread 'place on thigh'
hdyjdtj fruit-average 'an edible fruit'
d. CVC-CVS
phskkay tear-remove husk 'tear off
e. CVN-CVN
khamtheq stop-reach 'at last'
khonthdq voice-transport 'echo'
khonphm voice-place 'utterance'
khoqthay foot-carry 'footstep, transport'
khoqpham foot-place 'footing'
foot-long 'tall person'
thdqkhum knife-cover 'sheath'
thqsaq knife-long 'sword'
thuijphm arrive-place 'destination'
thampham place-place 'depository'
phampham seat-seat 'mode of sitting, to seat'
phankhoq stool-leg 'bench'
phzqphzm find-place 'address'
sdnthoq gold-door 'southwest'
sansen cow-look after 'look after cattle'
cattle
but:
khdijjeq shed-clear 'office, court'
khamgon stop-voice 'whirl wind'
khumjin cover-in 'cloak, hide'
khoijgun foot-hole 'foot print'
khomjin breast-in 'teat'
thoqjin door-in 'gate'
saqgom cow-udder 'milk'
szmban short-border 'fence'

f. CVN-CVC
khunthok village-out 'habitation'
khomthsk breast-drink 'suck'
khonthok voice-out 'utterance'
thdtyha transport-place 'bring down'
thintha beat drum-place 'strike'
but:
khoqgzklay leg-stop-disease 'rickets'
thdijgat ferry-up 'lift'
thaqdok subscribe-out 'pay one's share'
thuqbd arrive-get 'reach'
g. CVS-CVC
khoythit mind-mix 'enrage'
phawthok paddy-out 'product of paddy'
but:
phawdok famous-out 'famous'
h. CV-CVN
thathm moon-salt 'small cake of salt'
thdpham release-place 'where dead body is kept'
phithon cloth-supply 'supply with cloth'
phithon cloth-wear 'put on cloth'
but:
phisum cloth-wring 'wring water out of cloth'
khdjatyhaw under-need-duty 'prayer'
khuddq hand-help 'tray'
thaban moon-dance 'moonlight'
thigun dung-hole 'anus'
phigon cloth-fold 'roll of cloth'
phijum cloth-filter 'strainer made of cloth'
i. CV-CVS
thiphay ugly-thigh 'call of nature'
thibybot ugly-thigh-thing 'one who is passing excrem
but:
phujay beat-stick 'beat with a stick'
j. c v s - c v s
phawkhdy paddy-strip off 'take paddy from granary'
but:

phawdoy paddy-increase 'interest of paddy lent'

phawbay paddy-group 'stack paddy'
k. CVN-CVS
khomkhdy breast-split 'wean'
sdmphoy hair-tear 'tear one's hair'
but:
khangsy spread-cut 'half
thitjkay hinder-cut 'pierce'
sujgay firewood-winnow 'outhouse for fuel'
1. CV-CVC
phiset cloth-wear 'wear cloth'
but:
phidup cloth-fold 'Shrada cloth'
phiidst beat-obstruct 'beat'
phijol cloth-long 'length of trouser'
m. CV-CV
khusi hand-death 'defeat, freedom'
phisd cloth-body 'texture'
thasi moon-die 'new moon'
sdthi body-ugly 'ferocious'
but:
phigd cloth-under 'undergarment'
There are no cases of the rule applying in syllable sequences CVC-CV; CVN
CV; CVS-CV; CVC-CVN; CVC-CVN and CVC-CVC.
n. CVC-CV
khuttha hand-place 'lay hands on'
khutthd hand-release 'throw up hands (can't cure)'
khutthi hand-ugly 'fear'
khutsu hand-pound 'weapon, implement'
thdkkhd up-down 'up and down'
sikthi face-ugly 'ugly'
o. CVN-CV
khomkha collect-bitter 'severe bitterness'
khotyha foot-plant 'mode of stepping'
khoijsd foot-body 'toe'

thaqphd sword-arrest 'grab the opponents sword'

phamtha seat-place 'make bed'
phsmthddok seat-give up-out 'resign from post'
phmthi water weeds-ugly 'heap of floating water weeds'
saqsa shed-build 'building'
santhi cow-dung 'cow dung'
smphd hair-good 'hairy'
samphdbi hair-catch 'hair pin'
p. CVS-CV
khuytha wither-moon 'fade'
theythd shift-release 'hand down'
phamu paddy-pound 'pound paddy'
q. CVC-CVN
khutthityin hand-prevent-in 'interfere'
khutthdq hand-transport 'change hands'
khutthum hand-sweet 'expert gardener'
hand-length 'thievish'
sskkh^ face-know 'acquaint'
szkpham face-place 'countenance'
r. CVC-CVC
khutthok hand-out 'come to blows'
khutsokna hand-touch 'shake hands'
thdkthok up-out 'rebound'
Thus, deaspiration in compounding must be characterized as a lexicalized

process. However, it is a productive rule in relation to suffixation as illustrated
in (22).
2.5.3 Lateral deletion and Velar deletion
There are two lexical rules which affect kl clusters. First, kl clusters which are
formed through suffixation are reduced to k.
1 0/ k
Figure 36. The Lateral deletion rule

The application of Lateral deletion is illustrated in (24a)-(24c): in (24a) and

(24b) the / of the perfect marker -Id and in (24c) the / of the indirect evidential
marker -hm, delete. This is followed by the Gemination of k and the subse-
quent reduction of kk to k? (see sections 2.6.1 and 2.6.2).
(24) a. yok?db9
yok -la -pa
rear -PERF -NOM
'rear up'
b. khoktok?e
khok -thok -la -e
peel -OUT -PERF -ASRT
'peeled off
c. lak?3mmi
lak -lam -li
come -EVD -PROG
'came here'
In the second rule, Icl clusters which are formed through the suffocation of a
First (morphological) Level derivational verb suffix or the distal marker -fok to
a verb stem ending with k result in the deletion of that velar consonant.
k - 0 / 1
Figure 37. The Velar deletion rule
The Velar deletion rule is exemplified in (25a) and (25b) where the k of
-thok is deleted with the suffocation of the directional marker -hk. After the
application of Velar deletion rule, the Flapping rule applies so that the under-
lying / surfaces as r.
(25) a. thordkpd b. puthork?u

thok -lak -pa pu -thok -lak -u
out -DISTAL -NOM carry -OUT -DISTAL -IMP
'to come out' 'carry out!'
It is apparent that kl clusters are treated in opposite ways by Velar deletion

rule and Lateral deletion. It is equally apparent that the application of these
rules is restricted to specific morphological environments. For example in
(25c) there are two kl clusters: one formed through the suffocation of the
distal marker -tek and the second through the suffixation of participializer -IsgB.
Velar deletion applies in the first case and Lateral deletion in the second even
though the structural description of both rules is met in both cases.15
( 2 5 ) c. cotyhorak?3g9
coq -thok -tek -lags
jump -OUT -DISTAL -AFTER
'having jumped out'
Although the rules of Lateral deletion and Velar deletion do not apply on
compounds, and words such as those in (26) must be viewed as being listed in
the Lexicon, there is some evidence that the application of Velar deletion is
spreading to compounds since forms like cdklem 'leftover rice' also appear as
cdrem. However, this is not a common variant.16
(26) cdklem rice-remainder 'leftover rice'

pakldk get-power over 'snatch'
reed-kind of thatch 'wall'
phaklen reed-best 'mat'
phsklorj reed-kind of bamboo 'mat made of flat bamboo pieces'
The application of Lateral deletion and Velar deletion is irrelevant with

prefixation: since no prefix ends with k, the cluster kl never occurs at the
prefix-root boundary.
2.5.4 Total assimilation of I
The lateral / assimilates in place and manner of articulation with a preceding

nasal. The rule of Total assimilation of 1 applies when verbal derivational
affixes such as -hm 'indirect evidence' are suffixed to a verbal root or stem
ending in a nasal. This is illustrated (27a). Note that the progressive marker
-li also undergoes Total assimilation of 1. However as illustrated in (27b) to
(27d), Total assimilation of 1 does not apply on compounds.17
( 2 7 ) a . yeqqzmmi b. khoiytm c. khoqlim d. kzbokhy

yeq -tern -li khoq -lam khoq -lam kabok -lay
look -EVD -PROG foot -path ditch -path kabok -flower
'looking' 'footpath' 'canal' 'type of flower'

Furthermore, Total assimilation of I never applies to enclitics. Thus the

interrogative marker cannot assimilate to the preceding nasal.18
(27) e. ntfhilwayrdmld but **nii^hilwayr9mms

nuq -thin -way -lam -Is
sun -poke -thereabouts -EVD -INT
'Is it in the daytime?'
Total assimilation of 1 is formalized in Figure 38.
[consonantal] [consonantal]
I I
Place Place
I I
[nasal] [Coronal]
I
[lateral]
Figure 38. The Total assimilation of 1 rule
2.5.5 Summary
The facts described in this section are summarized in Table 8. I have shown
that there are phonological rules in Meithei which apply in certain morpho-
logical environments but fail to apply in others. Additionally, there are rules
which apply across-the-board with affixation but are semi-productive (an envi-
ronment can be specified for the Voice assimilation rule but the application of
rule is spreading to other environments) or lexicalized (a general statement
about the application of Deaspiration cannot be formulated) for compounds.
There are several possible theoretical frameworks that can be used to charac-
terize these rules as a system: in Chelliah (1992a), I used the framework of
Lexical Phonology and Morphology to show how morphological processes can
be paired with phonological rules to restrict the application of phonological
rules to particular morphological environments; in Chelliah (1995a), I used the
theory of Autolexical Syntax to show how an interactive module of phonology
and morphology and a system of constraints can account for the same facts.

Table 8. Lexical phonological rules and their interaction with the morphology.
Rule Productivity Phonological Morphological

environment environment
Voice assimi- productive syllable initial suffixation
lation obstruent which
occurs after a
sonorant
Voice assimi- semi-productive syllable initial compounding
lation in com- (environment of obstruent which
pounds application becom- occurs after a
ing unpredictable) sonorant
Deaspiration productive contiguous sylla- 1st level deri-
bles with aspirat- vational suf-
ed consonants in fixes
onset
Deaspiration not productive cannot specify compounds
in compounds
Lateral productive kl suffixation
deletion (not on -fok
1st level deri-
vational verb
suffix)
Velar deletion productive kl on -bk 1st
level deriva-
tional verb
suffix
Total assimi- productive syllable initial / suffixation
lation of I preceded by a
nasal
2.6 Post-lexical rules
As stated in the beginning of this section the application of a post-lexical rule

is not restricted to a particular morphological environment but takes place
wherever the environment is met. The post-lexical module of Meithei has as
its input lexical items on which lexical rules have applied. In this module pho-
nological rules apply automatically wherever the phonological environment is

available.
2.6.1 Diphthongization and Gemination
As noted in section 2.3, syllables in Meithei must have an onset. There are
two phonological rules which serve to uphold this restriction on syllable struc-
ture. When a root is concatenated with a suffix that begins with a vowel, as in
(28), a diphthong is formed.
(28) a. u- 'see' + -i 'nonhypothetical' iiy 'sees'

b. cd- 'eat' + -u 'imperative' - caw 'eat'
c. phsray d. pharuy
ph0 -19 -i pha -lu -i
good -PROX-NHYP good -TDIR -NHYP
'has been good here' 'has been good there'
Since there are six vowels in Meithei, potentially 36 vowel-vowel sequences

can occur. These are presented in Table 9. Since there are no suffixes which
begin with either a or , I have left these out of Table 9.
Table 9. Possible Vowel Sequences in Meithei
1 e 0 u
i i iye iyo iyu
e eyi e eyo eyu
ay sy 9W 9W
a ay ay aw aw
0 oy o9e Q ow
u uy u?e uô u
As indicated by the underlined segments in the chart, identical short vowels

that are juxtaposed through affixation coalesce. Vowel sequences where the
first vowel is [-round] and the second is [+high] result in a diphthong. This is
also true for sequences of [+back, -round] vowels (i.e. d and a) and [-high]
vowels (i.e. and e). It seems that these latter sequences (do, ao, de, and ae)
undergo a vowel heightening rule whereby the second vowel is raised (o u
and e -* i). I am assuming that [-I-high] is the default specification and will be
filled in later.

Thus do, ao, de, and ae would be su, au, di and . This rule then feeds the
Diphthongization rule (Figure 40).

I
I
[-round] [+high]
Figure 39. The Vowel heightening rule
V
I - ^
[round] [+high] [+consonantal]
Figure 40. The Diphthongization rule
In those cases where Diphthongization does not apply, the vowel sequence
may be broken up through
(i) the insertion of a glide when the first vowel is front and high. For ex-
ample, pi 'give' + -u 'imperative' results in pfyu 'Give!'.
(ii) the insertion of a glottal stop when the first vowel is back. For example,
pu 'carry' + -o 'solicitive' results in pu?o 'Won't you carry?!'.

The processes of Glide Insertion and Glottal stop insertion are formalized in
Figure 41.
V C V
[vocalic]
I
Place
I
[-back]
Figure 41. The Glide/Glottal Stop Insertion rule
The Glide/Glottal stop insertion rule spreads the features of the place node of
the vowel to the empty C slot only if the vowel is [-back]. If the vowel is not
[-back], there are no place features to spread and the consonant, which lacks
specification for place, surfaces as
Syllables without onsets also arise when stems ending in consonants are
concatenated by vowel initial suffixes. In such cases the final consonant is
copied and provides the required onset.
X _x
[consonantal] [vocalic]
Figure 42. The Gemination rule
The application of Gemination is illustrated in (29), with the nonhypothetical

suffix -i as in (29a-c); the experiential suffix -e as in (29d); and the imperative
suffix -u in (29e,f). There are no examples of Gemination applying with prefix-
ation since there are no prefixes which end with consonants.

(29) a. eel- 'run' celli 'runs'

*
b. caij- 'enter' catjtji 'enters'
c. lay- 'be' layyi 'is'
d. tham- 'keep' thamme 'keeps'
e. tham- 'keep' thammu 'keep!'
f. yerj- 'look' yerjqu 'look!'
When a stem final aw or ay occur adjacent to syllable initial -u (e.g. -u

'imperative' (29g)) or -i (e.g. 4 'nonhypothetical' (29h,i)), respectively, the
vowel deletes and the tone of deleted segment is absorbed by the root.
(29) g. haw- 'start' haw 'begin!'

h. ity- 'see' uy 'looks'
i. hay- 'proficient' hay 'is proficient'
2.6.2 Dissimilation and Debuccalization
In sequences of identical oral stops the second stop may be weakened. Thus
in forms like (30a) and (30d), the application of Gemination is followed either
by the dissimilation or the weakening of the second consonant. The sequence
tt surfaces as tl as in (30a). When the tt sequence is not the result of Gemina-
tion, it reduces to t? as in (30b,c). The sequence kk surfaces as k? as in (30d)
to (30e). The sequence pp surfaces as p? as in (30f).
( 3 0 ) a. cat 'go' catlu 'go!'
b. caf?oyba
cat -toy -pa
go -INTEND -NOM
'intending to go'
c. khitr">^
khit -tsq
little -explicit
'a particle, just a little'
d. thak 'drink' thakû 'drink!' thakê 'drank'

e. filhk7?i
hl -lak -i
return -DISTAL -NHYP
'returns'
f. kdp 'cry' kzp">i 'cries'
A stop changing to ? can be characterized as a case of Debuccalization (Mc-

Carthy 1988: 88): a consonant loses its place of articulation, it has no articula-
tion above the glottis and only the open glottis gesture is retained. This pro-
cess is formalized in Figure 43.
[vocalic] [consonantal] [vocalic]
Place
[dorsal]
Figure 43. Debuccalization
In fast speech, the second consonant in these stop sequences is unreleased:

thus lakkdni 'will come' surfaces as [lakâni],
2.6.3 Flapping
In intervocalic position, the lateral / becomes a flap r. This is illustrated in

example (31a) to (31g).
(31) a. hybak 'country' e. care

irdybak 'my mother land' c -1 -e
eat -PERF -ASRT
'has eaten'
b. li- 'ancient'
dribs wdri 'old story'

c. sardm t. waron
s -lam w -Ion
body -path word -language
'hunt' 'words'
d. Isyron g. layrel
lay -Ion lay -len
land -embroider snake -best
'layer of earth' 'python'
Flapping is formalized in Figure 44.
V C V
I
Place node
I
[Coronal]
[lateral]
Figure 44. The Flapping rule
2.6.4 Simplification of rC clusters
Consonant clusters of the form rC are broken up by the insertion of schwa

between the two consonants. Thus Msnipurda 'at Manipur' may be pro-
nounced as MsnipurBds. This is related to the fact that native Meithei words
do not end in liquids: final / surfaces as ; r never occurs word finally as it is
derived from underlying intervocalic /.
2.6.5 Schwa deletion
If the onset of a syllable is a liquid or a nasal and the vowel of the preceding
syllable is a a, then that a may delete. This is seen in (32) where Car and Cr
sequences freely vary with each other, a might delete in Car sequences where
the initial C is a stop.19

(32) a. kuntra b. carabra

kun -tara c -la -pa -la
twenty -ten eat -PERF -NOM -INT
'thirty' 'Have you eaten?'
2.6.6 Alternation of vowels with schwa
Vowels may alternate with a on the surface. This occurs most often in suffixes
(see (33a) and (33b)), but may also occur in roots (see (33c) and (33d)).
(33) a. oysinnu b. oysdnnu

oy -sin -u
be -IN -IMP
'may it be'
c. tdhb 'salary' d. tolob 'salary'
The writing system of Meithei encodes only the lexical rules that have been
described here. Thus neither the effects of Flapping or the k to ? rule show up
in written Meithei. Thus, although in normal conversation and in elicitation
situations speakers will implement all lexical and post-lexical rules, the more
educated speaker will be able to provide two variants of a word: forms where
post-lexical rules have applied and the equivalent forms where these rules have
not applied. Children who have not yet learned to read and write cannot
make these distinctions. Furthermore, according to Th. Harimohon Singh,
children often have to be taught the composition of morphemes that have been
obscured through fast speech phenomena.

Chapter 3
Grammatical preview
This chapter is an overview of the morphosyntax of Meithei; it introduces the

structures and key concepts that will be discussed in detail in Chapters 49. It
contains a discussion of phrase structure rules, phrasal categories, major and
minor lexical categories, and inflectional and derivational affixal categories.
3.1 Phrase structure of the main clause
There is no evidence in Meithei for a verb phrase constituent (see Chapter 4

for arguments); thus, the Meithei clause consists of a verb (V) and the argu-
ments (i.e. noun phrases) this verb subcategorizes for. (la, b) are the phrase
structure rules which derive root sentences in Meithei.
(1) a. S NP* V
b. NP* NP NP NP...
As reflected in phrase structure rule (lb), the asterisk which follows the noun
phrase indicates (following the convention used in Hale 1983) that the verb
may occur with any number of noun phrases. There is no particular order
imposed on the arguments; instead, word order is determined by pragmatic
factors (see Chapter 4 for details). The maximum number of noun phrases
that may occur with a verb is restricted by the subcategorization frame of that
verb (see section 4.2). Since Meithei allows for the omission of arguments, the
minimum number of noun phrases that may occur with a V is zero.
To be grammatical, a sentence must consist of an inflected verb, that is, a
verb root and an inflectional suffix. All inflectional suffixes are illocutionary
mood markers which indicate sentence type (e.g. declarative, optative, impera-
tive, etc., see Chapter 5 for details). As shown in Figure 1, the inflectional
marker may be preceded optionally by three derivational categories.
First level derivation consists of eight suffixes that describe the extent to
which an agent desires or intends to affect some object and the direction and
manner in which an action is performed. Second level derivation consists of
suffixes that have meanings such as 'comitative', 'reciprocal', 'V for someone
other than self, 'V for sake of self, 'causative', 'wish to V', 'V to excess', 'V
habitually or repeatedly', in the nick of time', 'V ahead or behind expected
time', 'indirect evidence', 'proximal', 'distal', 'action away from speaker',

72 Chapter 3. Grammatical preview
'negative' and 'prospective aspect'. Third level derivation consists of suffixes

that signal other kinds of modality and aspect, such as 'potential', 'non-potenti-
al', 'necessity', 'obligation, 'probability', 'intention', 'progressive', 'perfect.'
Details about the ordering and co-occurrence of these derivational markers is
provided in Chapter 7. Meithei verb morphology does not indicate number,
person, gender or pronominal agreement between the verb and its arguments.
There are two derivational prefixes: an attributive prefix which derives ad-
jectives from verbs and a nominalizing prefix which derives nouns from verbs.
(Derivational Root (1st level (2nd level (3rd level Inflection

prefixation) derivation) derivation) derivation)
Figure 1. Schematic representation of Meithei verb morphology
A noun may be optionally affixed by derivational morphemes indicating

gender, number and quantity. A noun may have one of 5 semantic roles:
agent, actor, patient, recipient/goal, theme. Actor and theme roles are not
indicated morphologically, while all other semantic roles are indicated by an
enclitic. For pragmatic effect, semantic role markers can be omitted or replac-
ed by enclitics which mark contrastiveness or definiteness. Peripheral argu-
ments may be suffixed by enclitics indicating ablative, genitive or associative
case. Finally, a noun may be prefixed by a pronominal prefix which indicates
its possessor. The Meithei noun has the structure given in Figure 2.
(pronominal prefix) Root (Gender) (Number) (Quantifier) (Case)
Figure 2. Schematic representation of Meithei noun morphology
An noun phrase may consist of a noun followed by derivational and inflectional

morphology or of a noun and adjectives, numerals and/or quantifiers. The
order of these constituents within the noun phrase is relatively free.
(2) a. NP -* (Adj*) (Num/Quant)
As reflected in phrase structure rule (2a), an noun phrase may consist of either
a numeral or quantifier, but not both. Also, a noun phrase may consist of one
or more than one adjective. P. Madhubala Devi (1979: 157) provides (2b) to
show that up to three adjectives can occur in a noun phrase. Although in
theory this number can be extended ad infinitum, in natural speech it is rare
for more than one adjective to occur in a given noun phrase.

3.1 Phrase structure of a main clause 73
(2) b . dpikps dmubd dsonbd

a -pik -pa 9 -mu -pa a -son -pa
ATT -small -NOM ATT -black -NOM att -weak -NOM
small dirty weak
Btjaqdu tdppi
aqq -tu kap -li
child -DDET cry -PROG
that child is crying
small, dirty, k boy is crying'
Adjectives which specify color, shape, quantity and ordinality may be moved
after the head noun. Thus in (2c) the ordinal can occur before and in (2d)
after the head noun; the specification of size can occur before the noun as in
(2e), or after the noun as in (2f).
(2) c. misuba macd nupidu

a -ni -su -pa ma -ca nu -pi -tu
ATT -two -ALSO -NOM NM -small person -FEM -DDET
second small female
'the second daughter'
d . m9c nupi misubddu
e . 9C3wb9 ucektu phajjy

a -caw -pa ucek -tu phaja -i
ATT -big -NOM bird -DDET beauty -NHYP
big that bird is beautiful
'That big bird is beautiful.'
f. ucek 9C3wbddu phsjdy
Thus when more than one adjective occurs, the adjectives may occur in a
sequence, as in (2g), or may occur on either side of the head noun.
(2) g. amuba ucek zczwba

a -mu -pa ucek a -caw -pa
ATT -black -NOM bird ATT -big -NOM
black bird big one

9md payri
a -ma pay -li
ATT -one fly -PROG
one if flying
big black bird is flying.'
The preferred order for possessive adjectives (which are formed by the suf-
fixation of the genitive marker on the possessor noun) is to the left edge of the
noun phrase. According to P. Madhubala Devi (1979: 153), the possessive
adjective may also be ordered freely with the other adjectives in the noun
phrase.
(2) h . Tombdgi misubd

Tomba -ki a -ni -su -pa
Tomba-GEN ATT -two -ALSO -NOM
Tomba's second
mdcd nupidu phzjay

ma -c nu -pi -tu phaja -i
nm -small person -FEM -DDET beauty -NHYP
small that female is beautiful
Tomba's second daughter is beautiful.'
i. dttisubd Tombdgi msc nupidu phajay
An adjective can be focused on by moving it out of the noun phrase alto-

gether and placing it at the end of the sentence. The extraposed adjectives are
preceded by a pause, here indicated by a comma.
(2) j. yensd khdra purdk?u,

yensq khara pu -lak -u
vegetables some carry -DISTAL -IMP
vegetables some bring here,
yumddgi zhdw dhdwba

yum -tagi a -haw a -haw -pa
house -ABL ATT -tasty ATT -tasty -NOM
from the house, tasty tasty
'Bring some vegetables from your house, the tasty tasty ones.'
Although ordinals may occur to the right or left of the head noun, numerals
may occur only to the right of the head noun.
3.2 Phrase structure of subordinated sentences 75
(2) k. phi tdrasi

phi tara -si
cloth ten -PDET
cloth this ten
'these ten (pieces of) cloth'
Quantifiers may occur to the left of the noun. Thus compare (2j) with (21).
(2) 1. khdrd isiqdu purdk?u

khara i -sig -tu pu -lak -u
some water -GPL -DDET cany -DISTAL -IMP
some water cany from there
'Bring me some water.'
When an adjective and quantifier occur before the noun, the quantifier must
precede the adjective.
(2) m. khdrd cawbddd maykroksmpyutdr

khara caw -pa -tu maykrokampyutar
some big -NOM -DDET microcomputer
some big that microcomputer
'some of those big microcomputers'
The following orders are not attested in my data: QUANT-N-ADJ; ADJ-

QUANT-N; and ADJ-N-QUANT.
3.2 Phrase structure of subordinated sentences
As will be shown in Chapter 6, there are three ways to subordinate a sentence.

First, a nominalized clause has the internal structure represented in (3a) and it
is formed through the suffixation of the nominalizer -pd to a non-inflected verb
as illustrated in (3b).
(3) a. Snom - (NP*) V-nominalizer
b . qadu phba
-tu ph -pa
fish -DDET catch -NOM
that fish to catch
'to catch fish'

The nominalized clause is used in relative clause formation: in a relative

clause, which is a type of noun phrase, the relativized argument occurs to the
right of a nominalized verb as in (4a). The phrase structure rule which gene-
rates relative clauses is given in (4b).
(4) a. kolom pyrdba nipa

kolom pay -la -pa ni -pa
pen hold -PROX -NOM person -MAS
pen one who held boy
'the boy who held the pen'
b. NP - Snom
Second, nominalized clauses are used to form complements. This is reflec-

ted in the phrase structure rules given in (5).
(5) a. S S' V
b. S' - Snom (COMP)
c. S' - S QUOT
As shown in (5b), a complement consists of a nominalized clause and a com-

plementizer. A quotative can be used as complementizer when a sentence is
subordinated, as shown in the phrase structure rule (5c). An example of a
complement with a suffixal complementizer is given in (5d). An example with
a quotative complementizer is given in (5e).
(5) d. thzkpadu
i -siq thak -padu
water -GPL drink -DCOMP
water that drinking
'from that drinking water'
e. mahdkna thoyre
ma -hk -na thoy -la -e
3P -here -CNTR win -PERF -ASRT
she had won
hybssi Tombind khaî

hay -pasi Tombi -na khaq -i
say -DCOMP Tombi -CNTR know -NHYP
that Tombi knew
Tombi knew that she had won.'
Finally, an adverbial clause can be derived through the suffixation of clausal

subordinators to a nominalized clause. The phrase structure rule which is used
to generate adverbial clauses is given in (6). An example is given in (7) where
the clausal subordinator is the locative marker -td.
(6) AdvP - S' CS
(7) aykhoyds lakpddd

ay -khoy -ta lak -pa -ta
I -hpl -LOC come -NOM- -LOC
to our place upon coming home
'when coming to our place'
The formal aspects of subordination are described in Chapter 6 and the

function of various types of subordinated clauses is described from a pragmatic
and epistemological perspective in Chapter 9.
3.3 Major lexical categories
In this section I will discuss the lexical categories which participate in the
phrase structure described so far. I distinguish between an "actual" and a
"potential" lexicon for Meithei.20 The actual lexicon consists of an unordered
list of underived roots and affixes and lexicalized forms. Each lexical entry in
the actual lexicon consists of specifications about the phonological shape of the
lexical item, what lexical category it belongs to and what its meaning is. On
the other hand, the output of the potential lexicon consists of words created
through productive morphological processes.
In the actual lexicon, roots may be bound (those that must be affixed by
further morphology to be free-standing forms) or free. Nouns and verbs from
the actual lexicon can be distinguished on formal grounds in that bound roots
are verbs and free roots are nouns. They can further be distinguished since
the inflectional and derivational possibilities for each of these classes come
from affixes that belong to mutually exclusive sets (see Chapter 7). In the
potential lexicon, adjectives, adverbs and nominal forms can be derived from
verb roots and stative verbs can be derived from noun roots.

3.3.1 Nouns
Nouns can be distinguished from other lexical categories on morphological

grounds. For example, nouns but not verbs can be suffixed by gender, number
or case markers. Proper nouns and common nouns are free standing forms. A
large number of nouns are borrowed from Assamese, Bengali, English and
Hindi. A sample of these is given in Appendix 1.
3.3.1.1 Pronouns: personal and possessive
The singular personal pronouns are ay , naq 'you' and md 'he/she'. Posses-
sive pronouns are formed through the suffixation of -ki 'genitive' on these
personal pronouns: aygi/natjgi/magi yum 'my/your/his or her house'. The
possessive pronominal prefixes -, na- and ma- are the first person, second
person and third person possessive prefixes, respectively. These may be affixed
to kinship terms or inalienably possessed nouns.
(8) a . imit 'my eye'

b. nakhoq 'your foot'
c. mapa 'his grandfather'
d. mayum 'his house'21
The first person possessive prefix is more restricted in use than the second
or third person possessive prefixes since it appears only with kinship terms: so,
*iyum for 'my house' is ungrammatical but must be expressed as aygi yum.
There are also certain taboos on the use of the second person possessive with
kinship terms. N. Promodini Devi (1989a) reports that naqgi namd 'your
mother' is impolite; the socially acceptable form is the idiomatic sequence
natjgi imd which literally means 'your my mother'.
The choice between the use of a prefixed noun, such as ipa 'my father', or
the genitive and the prefixed noun, such as aygi ipa 'my father', is determined
by discourse factors: ipa is used when the father being spoken about has al-
ready been the topic of the conversation, while aygi ipa is used at the first
mention of father. This use of the genitive and prefixed possessive is the only
evidence of pronominal agreement in Meithei.
(9) a . aygi iraybak

ay -ki i -lay -pk
I -GEN 1PP -land -width
'my country'

b. 9& ndca sykhoyd?

nag -ki na -ca ay -khoy -ta
you -GEN 2P -small I -hpl -LOC
your your younger sister to our home
lakpada ayna cak cdhankhi

lak -pa -ta ay -na cak c -han -khi -i
come -NOM -LOC I -AGN rice eat -CAUS -STILL -NHYP
upon visiting I food already caused to eat
'During the course of your younger sister's visit to our house I made
her eat.'
c. magi mapa laykhinrndre

m -ki ma -pa lay -khi -lam -ta -la -e
he -GEN 3P -father be -STILL -EVD -NEG -PERF -ASRT
his his father already not alive
'When I got there his father was already dead.'
As shown in Table 1, personal pronouns may be plural or dual. The plural

is indicated by khoy 'this and others like this'. The dual is -bani, which is a
frozen form composed of w, the root for 'two', and -ba, probably the nominal-
izer -pa. The pronouns dealt with in this section are summarized in Table 1.
Table 1. The singular, plural and dual pronouns
Singular Plural Dual
First aykhoy ibani

Person 'we' 'we two'
Second 9 ndkhoy ndbani

Person 'you' 'you all' 'you two'
Third ma mdkhoy mdbani

Person 'he/she' 'they' 'them two'

3.3.1.2 Pronouns: indefinite
Indefinite pronouns are also lexicalized forms composed of a question word

(see section 5.6) which may be followed by -su 'also' (as in 10a,b) or the se-
quence kumbd composed of -kum 'like, kind of and -pd 'nominalizer' (see 10c).
(10) a. karisu b. kdnasu c. kdngumba

kari -su kana -su kari -kum -pa
what -ALSO who -ALSO what -LIKE -NOM
'nothing' 'anything' 'something'22
A question word may also occur with the numeral m9 'one', which functions as
an indefinite article: this is seen in (lOd) with a verbal question word (i.e. a
question word suffixed by the inquisitive marker -no, see Chapter 6). (lOd)
can be opposed to (lOe): in (lOd) the pronoun refers to a specific person who
is seen but not identified, whereas (lOe) refers to an non-specific entity whose
presence can only be inferred (through the result of some action, for example).
(10) d. kananomd e. kdnagumbd ama

kana -no -ma kari -kum -pa a -ma
who -INQ -one what -LIKE -NOM ATT -one
'someone' 'someone'
The fact that indefinite pronouns are lexicalized forms is borne out by the mor-
phology that can follow indefinite pronouns: the question word-numeral or
question word-enclitic-numeral sequence may be suffixed by the verbal negative
marker -ta (see lOf, g). The resulting form is apparently a noun since it may
be further suffixed by a case marker (see 10h). The negative marker cannot
be affixed to other nouns.
(10) f. kdnamstd g. ksrimaPa h. kdnamsPadd

kana -ma -ta kari -ma -ta kana -ma -ta -ta
who -one -NEG what -one -NEG who -one -NEG -LOC
'nobody' 'nothing' 'to nobody'
3.3.1.3 Pronouns: relative
As noted in section 3.3 the strategy for creating relative clauses in Meithei is to
place the relativized noun directly after a nominalized clause; there is no rela-
tive pronoun to mark the relative clause. An additional but rarely exploited
strategy for creating a relative clause involves using a question word as a rela-
tive pronoun (in conjunction with a quotative) to head the relative clause. See
section 6.1.2.3 for description and examples.
3.3.1.4 Pronouns: demonstrative
The determiners -si 'proximate'23 and -tu 'distal' are stems that function as
enclitics, -si indicates that the object or person being spoken of is near or
currently seen or known to be near, even if not viewable by the speaker, or is
currently the topic of conversation; -tu signifies something or someone not
present at the time of speech or newly introduced in the conversation. There
are two pronouns based on these stems: sdu 'it (there)' and 3si 'it (here)'
where 3- is the attributive prefix. The determiner may occur either as an in-
dependent pronoun or encliticized on the noun phrase with no difference in
meaning (P. Madhubala Devi 1979: 158). Compare (11a) with ( l i b ) and (11c)
with (lid).
(11) a. nupidu aygi marupni

nu -pi -tu ay -ki marp -ni
person -FEM -DDET I -GEN friend -COP
that woman my friend is
'That woman is my friend.'
b . nupi sdu sygi marupni

nu -pi a -tu ay -ki marp -ni
person -FEM ATT -ddet I -GEN friend -COP
woman that my friend is
'That woman is my friend.'
c. lay aqaqbadu phdjy

lay a -qq -pa -tu phaja -
flower ATT -red -NOM -DDET beauty -NHYP
flower that red is beautiful
'The red flower is beautiful.'
d . lay aqdqbd adu phajsy

lay a -qq -pa a -tu phaja -i
flower ATT -red -NOM ATT -ddet beauty -NHYP
flower red that is beautiful
'The red flower is beautiful.'

Section 6.6.4 also discusses the use of the pronoun adu used as a conjunction.
Two other demonstrative pronouns based on si and tu are masi 'this' and
madu 'that' (see section 7.2.1.4 for further description of ma- which derives
nouns from verbs).
(12) a. madu ay thdjadeda

ms -tu ay th -ca -t9 -e -ta
NM -ddet I believe -SELF -NEG -ASRT -EX
that I self do not believe
do not believe it.'
b. masi karamba migino

ms -si ksrsmbd mi -ki -no
NM -pdet which man -GEN -INQ
this whose man's is it
'Whose is this?'
This set of demonstrative pronouns can be suffixed by case markers like other
nouns. However, the meaning signalled by the resulting forms is idiosyncratic:
the proximate and distal meanings are lost and madu and masi act like sen-
tence adverbs or conjunctions. Table 2 gives a list of the most common forms
of the demonstrative pronouns with ma- found in my corpus and the meanings
they signal. Chapter 6 provides a discussion of the function of these pronouns
as clausal subordinators.
Table 2. List of demonstrative pronouns with ma- and case markers
Pronoun With marker Gloss
madudd -ta 'locative' 'upon this/that, then'

mssidd -ta 'locative' 'regarding this/that'
msdugi -ki 'genitive' 'of this/that'
mosigi -ki 'genitive' 'for this/that'
msduna -na 'instrumental' 'because of that'
masidagi -tagi 'ablative' 'because of this'
msdubu -pu 'adversative' 'but'
The demonstrative pronouns can be used as resumptive pronouns. The func-

tional difference between madu and adu in these forms is not clear since they
are freely interchangeable.

( 1 3 ) a. layrik tizmbagi wphamdo

layrik nam -pa -ki w -pham -tu
book press -NOM -GEN topic -place -DDET
book for publishing that topic
madu hdnnd zmuktd khmnasi

ma -tu hn -na a -muk -ta khan -na -si
NM -ddet first -ADV ATT -once -LOC think -RECIP -SUP
that already once again discuss
'That plan to publish my book, let's get to that discussion once more.'
b. Asamdd cdtke hayna niqfombsni

Asam -ta cat -ke hay -na niq -lam -pa -ni
Assam -LOC go -OPT say -INST wish -EVD -NOM -COP
to Assam want to go that wanted
sdu yamdre
a -tu qam -ta -la -e
ATT -ddet able -NEG -PERF -ASRT
that was not able
'(I) wanted to go to Assam, but that didn't work out.'
Whereas 9du and mddu occur after the referenced noun phrase, the forms aw
and masi occur before the referenced noun phrase. Again, the functional
difference between an and masi is not clear since the pronouns are freely inter-
changeable (P. Madhubala Devi 1979: 149).
( 1 3 ) c. 9si teysi phfjay

a -si lay -si phaja -i
ATT -pdet flower -PDET beauty -NHYP
it this flower is beautiful
'This flower is beautiful.'
man d\yaqsi nuqsi

ma -si aqaq -si nuqsi -i
NM -pdet child -PDET love -NHYP
this this child is sweet
'This child is sweet.

3.3.1.5 Pronouns: emphatic
The possessive pronominal prefix may be affixed to the root s 'body' to form
pronouns emphasizing that the subject of the verb is a particular person or
thing and no one or nothing else: isdna 'by myself nasdnd 'by yourself and
mssdna 'by him/her/itself. The use of emphatic pronouns is illustrated in the
opposition between (14a) and (14b).
(14) a. ay ck thoijbs loypre

ay ck thoij -pa loy -cd -la -e
I rice cook -NOM finish -SELF -PERF -ASRT
I rice to cook finish for self
finished cooking.'
b. ay isna ck thoqbz
ay i -s -na ck thoq -pa
I IP -body -CNTR rice cook -NOM
I myself rice to cook
loypre
loy -ca -la -e
finish -SELF -PERF -ASRT
finish for self
did all the cooking by myself.'
When an emphatic pronoun is used with an inanimate subject, the verb is a

process verb.
(14) c. cesi mdsm thpbani

ce -si ma -s -na th -ca -pa -ni
paper -PDET 3P -body -CNTR thick -SELF -NOM -COP
this paper itself is thick
'The paper became thick by itself.'
Another emphatic pronoun of this sort is a lexicalized form consisting of

either the first or third person possessive prefix and thantd, from than 'lone,
single' and -ta 'exclusive'.

(14) d. ay ithantna cdk thorjba

ay i -than -ta -na ck thog -pa
I IP -lone -EX -CNTR rice cook -NOM
I myself food to cook
phdwba loyre
phw -pa loy -la -e
already -NOM finish -PERF -ASRT
already have finished
finished the cooking by myself (before you did).'
3.3.1.6 Numerals24
The numerals are nouns (with the possible exception of 1 - 3 which morpholo-
gically resemble adjectives). 1 to 8 are composed of a stem and a prefix, 9 and
10 are compounds.
Table 3. Manipuri numerals
ama 1 taramathoy 11 kuntra 30

ani 2 taranithoy 12 niphu 40
ahum 3 tarahumdoy 13 yaqkhay 50
mad 4 taramari 14 htimphu 60
ma 5 tarma 15 humphiitara 70
taruk 6 tarataruk 16 mariphu 80
taret 7 tarataret 17 mariphikara 90
nipan 8 taranipan 18 cama 100
mapan 9 taramapan 19 cani 200
tara 10 kun 20
The prefixes have an established Proto-Tibeto-Burman ancestry but not all of

these are used productively in the synchronic grammar of Meithei. The
numerals 1, 2 and 3 consist of the attributive prefix a- and the roots ma ' , ni
'2' and hum '3'; 4 and 5 consist ma 'one', and the root li '4' and '5'. 6 and
7 and 10 consist ta (of whose origin I am unsure), and luk '6', let '7' and '10'.
8 and 9 are signalled as 2 minus 10 and 1 minus 10 respectively, where pan
means 'subtract' and ma and ni are the roots for ' and '2' respectively. The
numerals 11, 12 and 13 consist of tarn '10' and thoy 'exceed, excel': thus eleven
is tara '10'+ ma and thoy 'excel'. The thoy is dropped for the numerals from

14 to 19. The even numbers 40, 60, and 80 are created through multiplication
of juxtaposed numbers, following a vigesimal system: thus niphu '40' is ni '2'
times phu '20'; humphu '60' is Mm '3' times '20' and mariphu '80' is man '4'
times '20'.
The odd numbers 30, 50, 70 and 90 are an addition or/and division of two
juxtaposed numerals. Thus kuntra '30' is kun '20' plus tara '10'; yatjkhay '50' is
'100' which is divided in half as signalled by khay 'divide'; hiimphutara '70'
which is hum '3' times one score plus tara '10' and mariphutara from mm '4'
times one score plus tara '10'.
In 20 through 90 the multiplier comes before the added number but in 200
and upwards the multiplier comes after the added number. Thus card '200'
from ca '100' and ni '2'.
Ordinal numerals are adjectives, derived through the affixation of the attribu-
tive prefix a- and the nominalizer -pa to any numeral with -su 'also': thus
anisuba 'second one'. The only exception to this is ahdnba 'first' with which -su
does not occur.
3.3.2 Verbs, adjectives, and adverbs
As was stated above, verb roots are listed in the actual lexicon and are bound
forms. A verb may be a free standing word if it is minimally suffixed by an
inflectional marker. Verb roots may also be used to form verbal nouns, adjec-
tives and adverbs. Verbal nouns are formed through the suffixation of the
nominalizer -pa to a verb root. Thus cat 'go' becomes catpa 'to go, going'.
3.3.2.1 Adjectives
An adjective is derived through the affixation of the attributive derivational

prefix a- to a verbal noun. For example, the adjective acawba 'big' is derived
from the stative verb caw 'be big': thus, acawba mi 'big man' where mi is
'man'.25 This prefix can be found in many of the languages of the Tibeto-
Burman family. For example, Lepcha has a stressed variant a- which is used
to derive adverbs from adjectives and Kachin, just as Meithei, has a a- prefix to
derive adjectives from verbs (Lehman 1976: 21).
Adjectives may appear before or after the nouns they modify, as seen in
(15a,b). See section 6.1.2.5 for further discussion of this point.

(15) a . awaqba nupa adu iroyri

9 -wag -pa nupa 9 -tu i -loy -li
ATT -tall -NOM man ATT -ddet water -bath -PROG
tall man that swimming
T h e tall man is swimming.'
b . nupa dwaqbz adu iroyri
Possessive adjectives are formed through the suffixation of the genitive mark-
er -fa to the possessor of a noun (see section 3.3.1.1).
3.3.2.2 Adverbs
Manner adverbs are formed through the suffixation of -na 'adverbial' to a verb
root: for example, loynd 'completely, all' from loy 'complete, finish'. A manner
adverb can be negated with the suffixation of the negative -ta before it is ad-
verbialized with -na: thus wana 'sadly' becomes wddana 'not sadly'. Locative
adverbs are derived through the prefixation of ma- 'noun marker' to noun or
verb roots.
Table 4. Derived locative adverbs in Meithei
Root gloss Adverb gloss
khd 'south' makhd 'below, underneath'

khoq 'foot' makhoq 'at the foot'
turj- 'be in back' matuq 'behind'
ton- 'be on top' maton 'at the tip'
ndk- 'be adjacent' mandk 'next to'
- 'be in' manuq 'inside'
thak- 'be up' mathakta 'on top of, above'
thaij- 'be next to' mathaq 'before, in front of
may 'tail' mamay 'at the end'
pan 'bank' mapdn 'outside'
The meaning of a verb root is metaphorically extended when used as a locative

adverb. For example, the root khd 'south' is used to mean 'below' or 'under-
neath' in the corresponding locative adverb makhd. A representative list of
locative adverbs along with the roots they are derived from is given in Table 4.

Temporal adverbs are frozen compounds. For example, 'today', 3

'yesterday' and hayeij 'tomorrow' are most likely bimorphemic although the
meaning of the individual roots is not clear. Similarly, although (16a) is not
considered bimorphemic by speakers, it is composed of recognizable Meithei
verb roots.
(16) a. hawjik
haw -cik
begin -sever
'now'
A limited number of verb roots undergo zero derivation to function as ad-

verbs and with this function appear as free forms. For example the verb hek
'pluck, pick' functions as an adverb to indicate 'just, precisely V\ In these
cases, I assume that there are two lexical listings in the actual lexicon for the
item hek, one as a verb and the other as an adverb.
(16) b. hek layrakpani

hek lay -lak -pa -ni
just buy -DISTAL -NOM -COP
'just bought from there'
Adverbs may occur in a sequence in sentences. In this case, the order of

adverbs determines their semantic scope. This sequence must occur to the left
of the verb but does not necessarily have to be adjacent to the verb.
(16) c. ay henna yamna cay

ay hen -na yam -na c -i
I more -ADV lot -ADV eat -NHYP
I more very ate
'(I've eaten) a bit more (than you).'
d. ay yamna henna cdk cay

ay yam -na hen -na ck c -i
I lot -ADV more -ADV rice eat -NHYP
I very more rice ate
'(I've eaten) a lot more rice (than you).'

3.4 Minor lexical categories
The three minor lexical categories of Meithei are quantifiers, numerals and
inteijections. These are considered minor categories because these lexical
items are closed sets which express meanings most often encoded by affixal
morphology.
3.4.1 Quantifiers
Most quantifiers in Meithei are lexicalized forms consisting of the unproductive

prefix khV-26 (where the vowel can be 9, i, or w). These are khdrs 'some'
which indicates an indeterminate amount as in (17a); khitaq21 'ever so little, a
particle' (composed of khit 'a little' and 'exclusive') of some tangible mate-
rial as in (17b); and khdjiktd which indicates a short amount of time as in (17c).
(17) a . satrs khardns

satra khara -na
student some -AGN
'by some students'
b . isi>j khitiq pur9?u

i -siq khit -tag pu -lak -u
water-GPL little -EX bring -DISTAL -IMP
water ever so little bring here
'Bring me a little bit of water.'
c. cdk khajiktd amukta

ck kha -cik -ta a -muk -ts
rice a while -sever -LOC ATT -once -LOC
rice for a while once again
cdhmkho
c -han -khi -o
eat -CAUS -STILL -SOLCT
cause to continue eat
'(Will you), wait a while so that he can eat.'
These quantifiers can be combined as in isiq khar khitaq pura?u 'Bring me just
a little bit of water' (see (17a,b) above for gloss) where khara and khiteq are
used to emphasize the minuscule amount of water to be brought.

The quantifier khara can also be used as an adverb as in (17d).
(17) d. ayna mdbu khara khaî

ay -na m -pu khara khsq -i
I -CNTR he -PAT some know -NHYP
I him some know
know him a little bit.'
A final quantifier with the khV- prefix is khudiy 'everyone' (17e).
(17) e. satra khudiqmak tawbadi natte

satra khudig -mak taw -pa -ti natte
student each -ONLY do -NOM -DLMT is not
student each and everyone that doing is not
'...it isn't that each and every student does it.'
Other quantifiers that consist of a verb root and the adverbial marker -na
are yamna 'very, a lot', loyna 'every', and pumna 'all'. When used as quantifi-
ers, loyna and pumna must be affixed by -mak 'only'. See section 7.3.4 for
examples and further discussion.
3.4.2 Postpositions
Two postpositions occur with singular pronouns: -hdk 'at', which indicates an
actor that is near the place of speech and -ijonda 'to' which refers to a goal
that is distant from the speech event or the source of action. The probable
source for is what DeLancey (1984: 62) calls a locative noun. He notes
that locative nouns often function as dative or locative postpositions; for exam-
ple, 'interior' in Tibetan, is used to mean 'inside'. This Tibetan form, natj,
as well as Hayu 'locative' and Nocte 'locative, dative/ accusative', are
obviously cognate with Meithei -ijonda, which is most likely a lexicalization of a
locative noun and the locative marker -ta. The origin of -hdk might be
hdk which is a productive stem in Meithei meaning 'body', as in hdkthaij 'co-
nfidant' where hdk is compounded with the stem thatj 'near', -hdk or -noqda
may be used with the first person singular pronoun to indicate the amount of
control the speaker has over the action expressed by the verb: when -hdk is
used the speaker is pointing out the inclusion of self in current activity; when
-ijonda is used the speaker indicates that he/she is undergoing some action that
is not under his/her control.

(18) a. dyhk cdtkhrege

ay -hak cat -khi -Is -e hay -ke
I -here go -STILL -PERF -ASRT say -OPT
I want to have gone
I will go now (lit: I want to say, I am gone).
b. layriktu aytjondd piramde

layrik -tu ay - -ta pi -lam -ta -e
book -DDET I -to -LOC give -EVD -NEG -ASRT
that book to me not give
'That book was not given to me.'
-hdk is commonly omitted in casual speech styles but is used in the written
language and in more formal speech styles (N. Promodini Devi 1989: 22). The
forms nahdk and mdhdk, rather than the bare pronouns, are considered 'more
polite' probably since they are associated with written and formal speech styles.
According to N. Promodini Devi, it is possible for a speaker to utilize the
choice between a bare pronoun form and a pronoun marked with -hdk, reflec-
ting a semantics for pronouns much like that described for French, German
and Italian in Brown and Gilman (1960). For example, nshdk may be used to
indicate the speaker's respect or social distance with the addressee whereas
9 may be used to indicate the speaker's disrespect or intimacy with the ad-
dressee. This accounts for why -hdk is often described as an honorific or a
marker of respect (Ch. Yashawanta Singh 1984 and P. Madhubala Devi 1979,
among others), however, I do not adopt this analysis since -hdk also occurs
with the first person pronoun.
3.4.3 Interjections
The lexical items in this category, which is defined on the semantic similarity of
its members, all express strong emotion. Some of these are composite forms
where one syllable is identifiable as the exasperative enclitic -he (see section
7.3 for further discussion) and the second syllable is not identifiable as a pro-
ductive affix or stem.

Table 5. Common interjections
Interjection Gloss
O h hell!'
ah, ho, um 'Well...'
ihe 'How unfortunate/awful!'
ihe 'By the way.../It's just that...'
is 'Wonder of wonders!'
> 'My, my!' (expresses disapproval)
e? 'Of course, sure it will!'
hayma 'How can that be!' (expresses surprise or sadness)
hera "That's dumb of you!'
ho 'Hey!'
se 'Hark!'
3.5 Enclitics
Verbs, nouns and noun phrases, subordinate sentences, and root sentences can
be affixed by enclitics. These enclitics, described in detail in section 7.3, signal
meanings such as interrogative mood, inclusiveness/exclusiveness, the attitude
of the speaker towards a proposition or place the constituent in a larger dis-
course context (such as marking a constituent as shared information). Inter-
rogative sentences are signalled by an interrogative enclitic that occurs with a
noun, noun phrase or nominalized clause. Other sentence types, such as the
imperative and declarative, are formed through suffixation of inflectional mark-
ers to verbs. Details are given in Chapter 5.

Chapter 4
Grammatical relations and information structure
In this chapter I discuss how grammatical relations are indicated in Meithei

and what the role of morphological case marking is in indicating these rela-
tions. As in many related languages, such as Lahu (Matisoff 1973b) and Lisu
(Hope 1974, Li and Thompson 1976), no reference is made in Meithei syntax
to the relations Subject, Agent and Object.28 Instead, Meithei is what Dixon
(1991, 1994) refers to as a "pure" language, where noun phrases are marked
according to their semantic role in a given instance of use of a verb. In terms
of Foley and Van Valin's (1984: 124) classification of inter-clausal syntax, Meit-
hei is not a "reference-dominated" language where distinctions between gram-
matical relations and semantic roles are significant, but a "role-dominated"
language, where such distinctions are not.
I provide evidence that notions such as subject and object are not necessary
in the description of Meithei clause structure. I show how verbs in Meithei
subcategorize for argument(s) with a specific semantic role indicated through
morphological marking. I also show how surface morphological marking is
often obscured through the overlay of a system of pragmatic marking which
deletes or replaces semantic role markers with pragmatic markers, and/or
manipulates word order for pragmatic effect. I will then describe how mor-
phological case markers indicate the case of peripheral noun phrases.
4.1 Phrase structure
The following section will demonstrate that there is no asymmetry between the
arguments of a predicate in Meithei. Unlike English where the subject is ex-
ternal to the verb phrase (immediately dominated by S) and the direct object is
internal to the verb phrase (immediately dominated by V), in Meithei all the
arguments of a verb are projections of S. In this section evidence will be given
to support this "flat" structure analysis of Meithei.
4.1.1 The verb phrase as a constituent
In languages that exhibit an asymmetry between the external argument and the
arguments in a verb phrase, there are syntactic rules or co-referential consti-
tuents that refer specifically to the verb phrase constituent. For example, in

94 Chapter 4. Grammatical relations and information structure
English did too refers to the entire verb phrase thought he would run in the
following sentence:
(1) a. John thought he would run and Bill did too.
Such verb phrase anaphors do not exist in Meithei. In sentences equivalent to

(la), the verb must be repeated in the second clause.
(1) b. Johnnd ndnthokndbd hotnarammi

John -na nan -thok -nabs hotna -lam -i
John -CNTR escape -OUT -IN ORDER TO try -EVD -NHYP
John to escape tried
amas// Bilsu hotndrammi

a -ma -suq Bil -su hotna -lam -i
ATT -one -ALSO Bill -ALSO try -EVD -NHYP
and also Bill too tried
'John tried to escape and Bill did too.'
As noted in Bhat (1991: 150), another piece of evidence against a verb

phrase constituent in Meithei is that there is no adjacency requirement bet-
ween the theme noun phrase and verb. For example, the theme is adjacent to
the verb in (lc), but the goal is adjacent to the verb in (Id).
(1) c. Ramnd Tombddd layriktu pfommi

Ram -na Tomba -ta layrik -tu pi -lam -i
Ram -CNTR Tomba -LOC book -DDET give -EVD -NHYP
Ram to Tomba that book gave
'Ram gave that book to Tomba
d. Ramnd layriktu Tombddd pirdmmi

Ram -na layrik -tu Tomba -ta pi -lam -1
Ram -CNTR book -DDET Tomba -LOC give -EVD -NHYP
Ram that book to Tomba gave
'Ram gave that book to Tomba.'
4.1.2 Subjects in complements
A characteristic of infinitival clauses is that they are subjectless. Thus in Eng-

lish the subject of the complement, John, is omitted in John wants to go. On
the other hand, a direct object cannot be omitted from a complement: so, in
John wanted can not be omitted. In Meithei, as in

to catch the lizard, the lizard
English, the argument of an infinitive complement may also be omitted as seen
in (2a).
(2) a . John ctpd pammi

John cat -P 9 pam -1
John go -NOM like -NHYP
John to go likes
'Johnj wants ej to go.
Additionally, and unlike English, patient arguments of complement clauses

may be deleted. In (2b) the recipient of 'beating' is omitted; in (2c) the recipi-
ent of 'teach' is omitted; and in (2d) the recipient of 'shoot' is omitted.
(2) b. phuroy hyduna thdok?e

phu -loy hy -tuna th -thok -Is -e
beat -NPOT say -ING release -OUT -PERF-ASRT
will not beat thus released
'Without giving (him) a beating (someone) let him go.'
c. 33 litjgwistiks tdmbibdda
nag -na liqgwistiks tam -pi -pa -ta
you -CNTR linguistics teach -RECIP -NOM -LOC
you linguistics to teach
ay
ay nqay -
I happy -NHYP
I am happy
'When you teach (me) linguistics I am happy.'
Tombma Raju notjmaynd

Tomba -na Raju noqmay -na
Tomba -CNTR Raju gun -INST
Tomba Raju with gun
kapcay hdyrdmmi
kap -ca -i hy -lam -i
shoot -SELF -NHYP say -EVD -NHYP
shoot said
'Tomba said that Raju shot himself with a gun.'

In fact, arguments may be freely deleted in Meithei: see (2e) and (2f) where
it is shown that a sentence may consist of just a verb.
(2) e. htkhre f. care

hat -khi -la -e c -la -e
kill -STILL -PERF -ASRT eat -PERF -ASRT
'He killed him.' 'I've eaten.'
Thus the actor argument of a subordinate clause, even when not coreferen-
tial with the argument of the main clause, can be omitted as in (2g-h).
(2) g. tewribdge haybsdu ay khaqtji

taw -li -pa -ke hay -padu ay khaqq -i
do -PROG -NOM -OPT say -DDET I know -NHYP
wanting to do that I know
know what you are doing right now.'
h. aydi catkhibma pammi

ay -ti cat -khi -pa -na pm -i
I -DLMT go -STILL -NOM -INST want -NHYP
I being already gone want
want you to be gone already.'
From examples (2a-h) we can conclude that arguments have equal status with
regard to whether or not they can be omitted in complement structures.
4.1.3 Subjects in nominalization
In nominal constructions, the external argument takes genitive marking in

English.
(3) a. It is good that John amused the children with his stones.
b. John's amusing the children with his stones is good.
In Meithei a nominalized clause is formed through morphological marking

on the verb which heads the clause to be nominalized; marking on the argu-
ments of the verb is the same whether the arguments occur in a sentence or a
nominalized construction.

(3) c. 99 layrik tamniqdribasi

aqq -siq -3 layrik tarn -niq -ta -Ii -pasi
child -GPL -CNTR book learn -WISH -NEG -PROG -DGOMP
the children book not wanting to study
'the children's not wanting to study'
Bhat (1991: 145) also points to nominal clauses formed through the deriva-
tional prefixes khu- (e.g. khutka 'manner of climbing' from ka 'climb' and ma
(e.g. msca 'small one' from ca- 'small' and macif 'method of walking' from cat
'walk'.29
(3) d. mdns ciijda kay

m -na ciq -ta k -
he -CNTR hill -LOC climb -NHYP
he to hill climbs
'He climbed the hill.'
e. magi ciqgi khuka phJJade

m -ki ciq -ki khu -ka phaja -ta -e
he -GEN hill -GEN NOM -climb good -NEG-ASRT
his of hill climbing not good
'His way of climbing the hill is not good.'
In these constructions as well, one argument is not singled out over another
for special treatment: both the agent and goal arguments are in the genitive
case.
4.1.4 Pronominal and anaphoric coreference
Consider the English sentences in (4a-c). These sentences show that a certain
structural relationship has to hold between himself and its antecedent. First,
the antecedent must precede the pronoun: (4a) is grammatical whereas (4b) is
not. Second, the pronoun must be "within reach" of the antecedent it is refe-
rentially linked to. Thus (4a), where the pronoun is in the same clause as its
antecedent, is grammatical but (4c), where the pronoun is in the complement,
is ungrammatical.
(4) a. John knows himself.

b. *Himself John knows.
c. *Johni thinks that Mary knows himself .

These facts are expressed in the theory of Government and Binding (Chom-
sky 1982: 188) by binding principles which state, in part, that an anaphor must
be bound in its governing category. The term 'anaphor' refers to noun phrases
like himself or each other. We can assume for the point being made here that
the governing category of the pronominal is the minimal clause containing
it.30. In a structure as shown in Figure 1, the subject position is said to "bind"
the object position because the antecedent and the pronominal are co-indexed
(referentially linked to each other) and because the subject position "c-com-
mands" the object position. C-command is defined by van Riemsdijk and Wil-
liams (1986: 142) as follows:
C-command: A c-commands if and only if the first branching node domi-

nating A also dominates and A does not itself dominate B.
IP
I VP
V NP
i (object)
Figure 1. NP(subject) binds the NP(objcct)
Significantly, the binding relationship is not symmetric since the subject posi-
tion c-commands the object position but the object position does not c-com-
mand the subject position. So (4a) is grammatical because the anaphor is
bound in its governing category; (4b) is ungrammatical because the anaphor
binds the antecedent not vice versa and (4c) is ungrammatical because there is
no antecedent in the governing category of the anaphor to bind it; that is, the
intended antecedent is too far away.
Consider also (4d) and (4e): (4d) shows that a pronominal noun phrase, in
this case the pronoun him, cannot be coreferential with a noun phrase in the
same clause. In Binding theory this is expressed as the principle that a prono-
minal must be free in its governing category. Thus (4e) is grammatical where-
as (4d) is not since in (4e) the pronominal is not co-indexed with a noun
phrase in the same clause.

(4) d . *Johni knows /um,.

e. Johni thinks that Mary knows himl.
If the Binding theory is valid for languages that exhibit an asymmetry be-
tween subject and object position, it follows that in languages that do not ex-
hibit this asymmetry, anaphors and pronominals will not necessarily have the
same structural relationship with their antecedents. Using examples (4f-i), I
will show that this is the case in Meithei.
In Meithei a pronominal may be co-indexed to a noun phrase in the same
clause. In (4f), just as in English, the pronoun mdbu 'him' must be free: it can
either refer to Tomba or have an arbitrary reference but it cannot refer to
Raju.
(4) f. Rajuna mdbu notjmayna kapkhi

Raju -na m -pu noqmay -na kap -khi -i
Raju -CNTR he -PAT gun -INST shoot -STILL -NHYP
Raju him with gun already shoot
hdyna Tomband hdykhi

hy -na Tomba -na hy -khi -i
say -INST Tomba -CNTR say -STILL -NHYP
that Tomba had said
Tombaj had said that Rajuj had shot him^ with a gun.'
This restriction, however, can be overcome: if the verbal affix -ca 'V for the
sake of self occurs with the verb of the subordinate clause, then Raju can
serve as the antecedent for the pronoun (see (4g)).
(4) g. Tomb ana Rajuna mdbu

Tomba -na Raju -na m -pu
Tomba -CNTR Raju -CNTR he -PAT
Tomba Raju him
notjmayna kapcaba pdmmi

noqmay -na kap -ca -pa pm -i
gun -INST shoot -SELF -NOM like -NHYP
with gun to shoot self wanted
Tombaj wanted Rajuj to (self-)shoot hinij with a gun.'
From examples (4a-g), I conclude that in Meithei a pronominal is not neces-

sarily 'free' in its governing category.

The Binding Theory states that anaphors are bound in their governing ca-
tegory. In Meithei there are three types of data where this is not the case: (1)
an antecedent can precede or follow the anaphor, (2) there are long distance
reflexives, and (3) emphatic reflexives are not bound.
The c-command relationship does not hold between the anaphor and its
antecedent in (5b), (6b) and (7b) since the anaphor occurs before the noun
phrase and it is the anaphor that binds the noun phrase it is co-indexed with.
(5) a. Johnns masdbu uprammi

John -na ma -s -pu -ca -lam -i
John -CNTR 3P -body -PAT see -SELF -EVD -NHYP
John himself saw self
'John (self-)saw himself.'
b. mdsbu jonna ujarammi

'John saw himself.'
(6) a. Tomband mathanta phuzay

Tomba -na ma -than -ta ph -ca -i
Tomba -CNTR 3P -lone -EX beat -SELF -NHYP
Tomba himself beats
'Tomba hit himself.'
b. mathanta Tombana phuzay

'Tomba hit himself.'
(7) a. John masdmak parikhya pas tawgani

John ma -s -mak parikhya pas taw -ka -ni
John 3P -body -ONLY test pass do -POT -COP
John self test pass will be doing
hdyna thdzay
hy -na thza -
that -INST believe -NHYP
that believes
'John thinks that he is going to pass the exam.'

b . mahkna layrik kanna py

ms -hak -na layrik kan -na pa -i
3P -here -CNTR book hard -ADV read -NHYP
he book intense read
'He studied very hard.'
maram duns masna

ma -lam a -tu -na ma -s -na
NM -path ATT -ddet -INST 3P -body -CNTR
reason then himself
parikhya pas tawgani hdyna thdzay

parikhya pas taw -ka -ni hy -na thaja -i
test pass do -POT -COP that -INST believe -NHYP
test pass doing that that believe
'For that reason (he) thinks that (he) himself will pass the exam.'
Note that (5b) and (6b) were elicited in isolation.31 However, my consultant
indicated (7b) would only be possible in extended discourse. To get a true
picture of the distribution of anaphors it is necessary to look at their distri-
bution both in discourse as well as in sentence grammar: in the sequence of
sentences presented in (7b) the anaphor has its antecedent in the previous
sentence, not in the clause in which it occurs.
The Binding theory is also challenged by the presence of long-distance reflex-
ives in Meithei where a reflexive is not bound in its governing category. In
(8a) the reflexive masamak 'himself does not have its antecedent in the mini-
mal clause in which it occurs, i.e. 'that himself won't pass the exam'.
(8) a. Johnna Tombagidamak nizarabasu

John -na Tomba -ki -tamak niza -laba -su
John -CNTR Tomba -GEN -PRECISE pray -HAVING -ALSO
John for Tomba even having prayed
masdmakn parikhya pas tawroy

ma -s -mak -ti parikhya pas taw -loy
3P -body -ONLY -DLMT test pass do -NPOT
self test pass will not
'As John; (spent all his time) praying for Tomba, he( won't pass the
exam.'

Meithei also exhibits 'emphatic' reflexives which violate the c-command

constraint since in these constructions the pronouns are free (8b) or have an
antecedent in another clause (8c).
(8) b . Johnny mdsdmzknz parikhya pas

John -9 ms -s -mak -na parikhya pas
John -CNTR 3P -body -ONLY -CNTR test pass
John himself test pass
tewhanbiyu hyna nizdy

taw -han -pi -u hay -na niza -i
do -CAUS -REC -IMP that -INST pray -NHYP
doing that prays
'John prays thus, "Please let me pass the exam".'
c. Johnna parikhya pas tewgsni hayna

John -na parikhya pas taw -ka -ni hay -na
John -CNTR test pass do -GEN -COP that -INST
John test pass will do that
masmdkna thzay
ma -s -mak thza -
3P -body -each believe -NHYP
himself believes
'John believes that (he) himself will pass the exam.'
Bhat (1991: 147) uses examples of long-distance reflexives (see his example
147: 114b) and emphatic reflexives (see his example 147: 112a-113) as part of
his argument that Meithei does not have an external argument. I am not sure
how this supports his thesis since the phenomenon of long-distance reflexives
also occurs in languages with subjects (e.g Dutch, German and Russian (Van
Riemsdijk and Williams 1986: 283).
To restate the point being made in this section: languages with a clause
structure similar to English exhibit restrictions concerning pronominals and
anaphors as stated by the Binding theory. Since Meithei does not have the
same clause structure as English, the Binding theory does not make the appro-
priate predictions for Meithei anaphora.

4.1.5 Extraction from subject
Subject position can be distinguished from object position in that the possibility
of extracting from subject position is more restricted than from object position.
Thus, as illustrated in the following English examples taken from Kiss (1988),
where it is possible to question an object from the complement (9a) but not
the subject (9b).
(9) a. WhOi did you say that they called in e{ first?

b. *Whoi did you say that et went in first?32
In Meithei, however, it is possible to question either argument of a subordi-

nate clause. Thus in (9c) the goal is questioned and in (9d) the theme is ques-
tioned.
(9) c. natjna puthorskkani

naq -na pu -thok -lak -ka -ni
you -CNTR bring -OUT -DISTAL -POT -COP
you will bring here
hdybadu kdrino
hay -padu kari -no
say -DCOMP what -INQ
said that what is it
'What is it that you will be bringing?'
d. dsuk the'qna lak?ibdsibu

a -suk theq -na lak -li -pasi -pu
ATT -all late -ADV come -PROG -DCOMP -ADVR
all late this coming
kananone
kana -no -ne
who -INQ -SI
who is it
'Who is (it) that has come so late?'

4.1.6 Subjects in imperative constructions
Typically imperative constructions require a 2nd person actor. Thus in the

English sentence Wash!, a second person actor is the understood subject. The
person of the patient argument, however, is not restricted. In this way, the
subject is given special status with regard to its semantic role and person in
imperative constructions.
In Meithei, a verb with imperative inflection may subcategorize for an actor
argument; in this case the actor must refer to second person. Thus, the actors
in (9e) are possible but the first person actors in (9f) are not.33
(9) e. n9 / ndkhoy cak cdnu

naq / -khoy ck c -nu
you 2P -hpl rice eat -PROBH
'You/ you all don't eat rice!'
f. *aykhoyl *3yl*mdl*m3khoy cdk cdnu

ay -khoy ay m ma-khoy cak c -nu
I -hpl I he/she 3P-hpl rice eat -PROBH
we I he/she/ they rice eat
'Don't eat rice'
Unlike English, however, the semantic role of the understood or omitted

argument is not restricted to actors. For example in (9g-i) the argument is a
patient.
(9) g. pdtlu
pat -u
ulcer -IMP
'May you suffer from scabies!'
h. khdllo
khal -o
wise -SOLCT
wish you to be wise!'
i. nyyu
-qay -u
in -like -IMP
'Be happy!'

Meithei has two other imperative like constructions: supplicatives, with which
a speaker pleads a course of action where the speaker will be participant (best
translated as 'Let us V'); and permissives, where the speaker grants permission
for some 2nd or 3rd person to carry out some action. First, there is no restric-
tion on the person of the actor argument in such constructions. For example,
although supplicatives usually have 1st person plural actors, a 1st person sin-
gular actor is also possible when the construction occurs as an embedded in-
direct question, with the meaning was wondering whether I should V'.
(9) j. ama cdsira ani casira

a -ms c -si -la a -ni c -si -Is
ATT -one eat -SUP -INT ATT -two eat -SUP -INT
one shall I eat two shall I eat
ahum cdsira taretmak

a -hum c -si -la taret -mak
ATT -three eat -SUP -INT seven -ONLY
three shall I eat each seven
loyna cdtho?age
loy -na ca -thok -la -ke
all -ADV eat -OUT -PRO -OPT
all want to eat up
'(Saying to himself), 'Shall I eat one, shall I eat two, shall I eat three,'
(he) ate all seven up.'
Also, as seen in example (9k), an unspecified second person argument can

be urged to allow some action, which is to be performed in conjunction with
the speaker, to occur. (91) is an example of the permissive construction. In
this instance, the argument that occurs with the verb marked by the permissive
is a theme; however, the required argument of a permissive is not restricted to
a single role. It may be a theme as in (91) or a patient as in (9m).
(9) k. ayga catsi

ay -ka cat -si
I -ASS go -SUP
I too let's go
'Let's go together!'

1. synd m phdmsdnu hay

ay -na m pham -sanu hy -
I -CNTR he place -PERMIT said -NHYP
I him let sit said
told him to sit down.'
m. md $9
m -gay -sanu
he in -like -PERMIT
he let be happy
'May he be happy!
4.1.7 Lack of passive
There are certain tests for subjecthood which cannot be carried out in Meithei.
In languages like English, the passive construction singles out the subject for
special treatment: the subject of an active sentence appears as an oblique
argument in the passive counterpart. Since there is no passive construction in
Meithei, this type of singling out of an argument is not available.34 In fact,
the lack of passive in Meithei can be seen as a consequence of the fact that
the semantic roles that a verb subcategorizes for are fixed and cannot be ma-
nipulated by the syntax. This is the same conclusion that Kiss (1988: 34) ar-
rives at to explain the lack of passive in Hungarian, which she says, "is a natu-
ral consequence of the fact that the target of nominative assignment is already
fixed ~ on a thematic basis ~ in the lexicon."
4.1.8 Lack of agreement
Many languages might exhibit person, number or gender agreement between

the verb and the subject, giving the subject noun phrase, as opposed to other
arguments of the verb, a special status. This test for subjecthood is also not
possible in Meithei since there are no person, number or gender agreement
phenomena between the verb and its arguments.

4.1.9 Conclusion
Thus arguments of a verb have equal status in Meithei. Evidence for this
claim is that: (1) there are no rules which specifically refer to the verb phrase
constituent, (2) there is no adjacency requirement between the verb and its
arguments, (3) there is no restriction on omission of arguments in comple-
ments, (4) arguments in nominalization are not singled out for special case
marking, (5) the semantic role of the understood argument of imperative and
imperative-like sentences is not restricted, and (6) the distribution of prono-
minals and anaphors shows that Meithei is structurally different from languages
where principles stated in Binding theory are applicable.
4.2 Case marking
Clauses in Meithei are constructed of a verb and its arguments. I will first de-
scribe case marking on the core arguments that a verb subcategorizes for.
Case marking on peripheral arguments is discussed in section 4.4.
As shown in Table 1, a verb may subcategorize for an agent, actor, experien-
cer/goal, patient, or theme argument. Table 1 also lists the enclitics used to
indicate a semantic role.
Table 1. Argument types
agent instigator of action -m

actor doer of action -0
experiencer/goal entity at/towards which action is expressed - t e
path location through which an entity moves -0

patient most affected by action -pu
theme affected/transferred by state or action 0
Predicates fall into classes where members of a class exhibit similar subcate-
gorization frames requiring arguments with the same semantic roles. This
analysis follows the general strategy proposed in Foley and Van Valin
(1984)35 for describing clause structure.
Predicates may be distinguished on the basis of whether they are states or
non-states. State predicates are either equational (be X) or locational (be on
X, be atX), and subcategorize for a theme (10a,b) or an experiencer/goal (10c)
or path (lOd).36

( 1 0 ) a. qawre
aqaq -si gaw -la -e
child -PDET white -PERF -ASRT
child became white
'The child became fair.'
b . cesidi fj^ppi
ce -si -ti -i
paper -PDET -DLMT rough -NYHP
this paper is rough
'This paper is rough.'
c. 3,3 dsawba yamrid lay

ma - -ta a -saw -pa yam -na lay -i
3P -to -LOC ATT -anger -NOM lot -ADV be -NHYP
to him anger a lot there is
'He is very angry.'
d. md kaba cirjdoldu yamna

m ka -pa ciq -thon -tu yam -na waq -i
he climb -NOM hill -name -DDET much -ADV tall -NHYP
he one climbed that hill very is tall
"The hills over which he climbed are veiy tall.'
A non-state verb may describe an activity or the instigation of an activity.

Activities may refer to unintentional actions (laugh, cry); a motional activity
(dance, fall); or an activity that is under the control of an actor (kiss, hit, give).
Verbs that signal an unintentional (11a) or motional activity ( l i b ) sub-
categorize for a single theme argument.
( 1 1 ) a . md kappi
m kap
he cry -NHYP
'He cried.'
b . m kaytheldagi hallammi
m kay -thel -tagi hal -lam -i
he grain -display -ABL return -EVD -NHYP
he from the market returned
'He returned from the market.'

Non-state verbs where an actor is in control of the action may subcategorize

for two or three arguments. Two argument predicates subcategorize for an
actor and theme argument as in (12a), an actor and patient as in (12b), or an
actor and experiencer/goal as in (12c).
(12) a. ay part Idyrukhini

ay part lay -lu -khi -ni
I parts buy -ADIR -STILL -COP
I spare parts will buy there
will buy spare parts there.'
b. 9 mdbu illi
aqq -si m -pu in -i
child -PDET he -PAT push -NHYP
this child him pushed
'This child pushed him.'
c. ay Ramdz
ay Ram -ta nuqsi -i
I Ram -LOC love -NHYP
I to Ram love
'Ram is loved by me.'
In (12a), the semantic role of the arguments, which are not morphologically
marked, is clarified through the animacy hierarchy given in (13). When a
sentence has a human and non-human argument, then the human argument is
the actor; when the arguments are animate non-human and inanimate, then
the animate one is the actor. Bossong (1985, 1991) has pointed out that the
closely related language Mikir also marks patients only when they are human
or animate. He notes that this pattern of marking, which he calls Differential
Object Marking, is present in many of the world's languages.
(13) humans > animate non-human > inanimate
Non-state, volitional-activity, three-argument predicates subcategorize for an

actor, patient and experiencer/goal (for example show X to Y (14a,b)) or actor,
theme and experiencer/goal (for example give XtoY (14c)).37

(14) a . zyn? Maridd nupa

ay -na Mari -ta nu -pa
I -CNTR Mary -LOC person -male
I to Mary boy
mdcddubu utpi
ma -c -tu -pu ut -pi -i
3P -small -DDET -PAT see -RECIP -NHYP
to the small one show
'The little boy was shown to Mary by me.'
b . mdrid Tombdbu Chawbsda tak?i

m -na Tomba -pu Chawba -t9 tak -i
he -CNTR Tomba -PAT Chaoba -LOC point -NHYP
he Tomba to Chaoba point
Tomba was pointed out to Chaoba by him.'
c. Tombddi layriktu Tombidd pi

Tomba -ti layrik -tu Tombi -ta pi -i
Tomba -DLMT book -DDET Tombi -LOC give -NHYP
Tomba that book to Tombi gave
'Tomba gave that book to Tombi.'
A final class of non-state verbs are causatives, which are composed of the
derivational marker -hdn 'causative' and a verb root: for example, chsnbd
'cause to eat' where cd- means 'eat'. Causative verbs have a characteristic
argument structure since they are the only ones which subcategorize for an
agent and a patient.38
(15) a . mdhknd 3 kaphalli

ma -hak -na aqq -pu kap -han -la -i
3P -here -AGN you -PAT cry -CAUS -PERF -NHYP
he child cause to cry
'He made the child cry.'
b . dynd Meribu nokhdlhmmi

ay -na Meri -pu nok -han -lam -i
I -AGN Mary -PAT laugh -CAUS -EVD -NHYP
I Mary cause to laugh
caused Mary to laugh.'

c. Tomband mdhdkpu cdthdnkhre

Tombs -na ms -hak -pu cat -han -khi -la -e
Tomba -AGN 3P -here -PAT go -CAUS -STILL -PERF -ASRT
Tomba to him already caused to go
'Tomba has already caused him to go.'
Three-argument causative verbs subcategorize for an agent, a patient and a

theme (16a-c) or an agent, a patient and an experiencer/goal (16d). With
causative verbs, patients are most affected and themes are secondarily affected
by the action.
( 1 6 ) a . synd Tombdbu hybdktd marbdldu

ay -na Tomba -pu lay -pk -ta marbal-tu
I -AGN Tomba -PAT land -broad -LOC marble-DDET
I Tomba on the ground the marble
thdddthdlbmmi
th -that -han -lam -i
release -PARTAF -CAUS -EVD -NHYP
caused to drop
made Tomba drop the marble on the ground.'
b . dynd Tombdbu sdgol ^halhmmi

ay -na Tomba -pu sagol tog -han -lam -i
I -AGN Tomba -PAT horse ride -CAUS -EVD-NHYP
I Tomba horse cause to ride
made Tomba ride the horse.'
c. mapans daktdrbu mdgi

ma -pa -na daktar -pu m -ki
3P -male -AGN doctor -PAT he -GEN
his father to doctor his
rnaca nupidu
ma -c nu -pi -tu
3P -small person -FEM -DDET
small that female

layyeijtolli
lay -ye -han -i
disease -look -CAS -NHYP
treated
'His father makes the doctor treat his daughter.'
If an agent intends to affect an entity by causing that entity to perform some

action, then that entity is a patient. Thus in John caused Harry to kiss Sally,
Harry is a patient. The agent, however, might be more concerned about the
effect that the instigated action will have on the entity which will be affected by
the action. In this case, Harry is only a vehicle through which Sally is acted
upon, i.e. Harry is an experiencer/goal and Sally is a patient.39 Compare the
morphological marking in (16c) with that in (16d).
(16) d. mapan9 Tombdds mdgi

ma -pa -na Tomba -ta m -ki
3P -male -AGN Tomba -LOC he -GEN
father through Tomba his
mdc nupibu
ma -c nu -pi -pu
3P -small person -FEM-PAT
small that person

lay -yeq -han -la -i
disease -look -CAUS -PERF -NHYP
treated
'Her father caused his daughter to be treated by Tomba.'
Four-argument causative verbs such as cause to give subcategorize for an

agent, patient, theme and goal. In the case of this verb the four arguments
would be: the one who instigates the giving, the one is made to do the giving,
the entity transferred, and the person who receives the entity.
(17) a. 3yn9 Rambu Shyamdz

ay -na Ram -pu Shyam -ta
I -AGN Ram -PAT Shyam -LOC
I Ram to Shyam

paysa pihzlfommi
paysa pi -han -lam -i
paysa give -CAUS -EVD -NHYP
money cause to give
made Ram give the money to Shyam.'
In (17b) the patient in omitted; in (17c) the patient and theme are omitted.
Table 2. Classification of argument structure of Meithei verbs
states: equational or loca- be small or be on top (theme) or (experie-

tional see (lOa-d) ncer/goal) or (path)
activities not under the con - laugh, cry (theme)
trol of the actor see (11a)
activities under the control return, climb (theme)
of the actor: motional see (lib)
activities under the control of push, hit, buy (actor, patient) or
the actor (two-argument) see (12a-c) (actor, theme) or
(actor, goal)
activities under the control of show X, give X (actor, patient, re-
actor (three-argument) see (14a-c) cipient/ goal) or
(actor, theme, recip-
ient/goal)
causative (two-argument) make X cry (agent, patient)
see (15a-c)
causative (three-argument) make X break Y (agent, patient,
see (16a-d) theme) or (agent,
experiencer/goal,
patient)
causative (four-argument) make X give Y to (agent, patient, goal,
see (17a-c) theme)

( 1 7 ) b . mdpand macdd layrik pahslli

ma -pa -na ma -c -to layrik pa -han -i
3P -male -AGN 3P -small -LOC book read -CAUS -NHYP
father to son book cause to read
'The father had the book read through his son (to someone).'
c. Ramns Shyamdd lihdlhmmi

Ram -na Shyam -ta li -han -lam -i
Ram -AGN Shyam -LOC narrate -CAUS -EVD -NHYP
Ram to Shyam caused to narrate
'Ram had (a story) narrated through Shyam.'
4.3 Information structure
Table 2 summarizes the arguments that classes of verbs subcategorize for and
the default morphological marking that appears with these arguments. When
pragmatic information is signalled, morphologically-encoded grammatical infor-
mation is often obscured: a system of pragmatic marking may delete an existing
semantic role marker, delete and replace the semantic role marker with one of
the enclitics listed in (18), add one of the enclitics listed in (18) to-a semantic
role marker, and/or change canonical word order. In this section I will identify
the pragmatic values and the formal devices used to indicate those values on
an argument.
(18) -td exclusive

-ti delimitative
-tu distal
-rid contrastive
-pu adversative
-si proximate
-su inclusive
4.3.1 Contrastiveness
A noun phrase may receive one of three types of contrastive focus depending
on whether the enclitic -na 'contrastive', -ti 'delimitative' or -td 'exclusive' is
used.40 Examples (19a-c) contrast an unmarked actor argument with actors
marked by one of these three markers. Although the unmarked ay does not

contribute additional pragmatic information, aydi opposes the actor's action

with possible action of others; syna indicates that out of a group of people no
one else but the actor is a candidate in doing V; and aydd indicates that al-
though others might be expected to do V, they do not (only the actor chooses
to do V).
(19) a . dy cstkdni
ay cat -ka -ni
I go -POT -COP
will go.'
(Used, for example, as a reply to a inquiry as to who wants to partici-
pate in an outing).
b . ayna cdtkdni
'It's going to be I who goes (and not the others).'
c. sydi Cdtkdni
'I'm going (in spite of the fact that you won't accompany me).'
d . aykhdkta Rambu nuqsi

ay -khak -ta Ram -pu nuqsi -i
I -UPTO -EX Ram -PAT love -NHYP
only I Ram love
Only I love Ram (the others do not love him).'
Since the enclitics exemplified in (19b-d) are not semantic role markers, they
can occur on arguments other than actors. Thus a patient argument, whose
semantic role is indicated by the marker -pu, may be marked by a pragmatic
information marker:
(20) aybuna Ramns

ay -pu -na Ram -na
I -PAT -CNTR Ram -CNTR
I Ram
nuqsirabadi phsgsdawni
nuqsi -la -pa -ti pha -ka -taw -ni
love -PRO -NOM -DLMT good -POT -OBLG -COP
if love would be good
'If Ram (not Chaoba) loved me (and not Sita), it would be good.'

Additionally, it is possible for the patient marker to be omitted, as in (21),

where only pragmatic markers occur on arguments.
( 2 1 ) a. ayns Ramdi nutjsi

ay -na Ram -ta nuqsi A
I -CNTR Ram -EX love -NHYP
I only Ram love
(as opposed to you) love only Ram.'
b . aydi Ramna nuqsi

ay -ti Ram -na nuqsi -i
I -DLMT Ram -CNTR love -NHYP
I Ram love
'Ram loves me (over all possibilities).'41
c. atjaqsi huy cik?i

aqaq -si huy cik -i
child -PDET dog bite -NHYP
child dog bite
'The child bit the dog.'
d . aykhakt Ramsi nutjsi

ay -khak -ta Ram -si nuqsi -i
I -UPTO -EX Ram -PDET love -NHYP
only I this Ram love
am the only one who loves this man Ram.'
4.3.2 Definiteness
When the speaker assumes that the referent of an argument can be identified
by the listener, the argument can be marked for definiteness. Definiteness is
indicated by either the proximate or distal determiner (see section 3.5), as in
(22a) where the actor is definite and (22b)-(22d) where the patient is
definite.42
( 2 2 ) a . Tombzdu layriktu Tombida pide

Tomba -tu layrik -tu Tombi -ta pi -ta -e
Tomba -DDET book -DDET Tombi -LOC give -NEG-ASRT
that Tomba that book to Tombi did not give
Tomba did not give that book to Tombi.'

b. ay Ramsi nujjsine
ay Ram -si nuqsi -ne
I Ram -PDET love -SI
I this Ram love
'You know, I love this man Ram.'
c. aysi Ramna nuqsi

ay -si Ram -na nuqsi -i
I -PDET Ram -CNTR love -NHYP
I Ram love
am loved by Ram (not by anyone else).'
d. Jonna Tombadu phtirammi

Jon -na Tomba -tu phu -lam -i
John -CNTR Tomba -DDET beat -EVD -NHYP
John that Tomba seems to have beaten
'It is John who beat Tomba.'
It is possible for a contrastive or delimitative marker to co-occur with a marker

of definiteness. For example, in (23a,b), the speaker is viewing an array of
pictures, and points to a picture of Ram and says that he/she loves this Ram
and no other.
(23) a. aydi Ramsina nuqsi

ay -ti Ram -si -na nuqsi -i
I -DLMT Ram -PDET -CNTR love -NHYP
I this Ram love
'(Out of all of them) I (am the one who) loves this Ram.'
b. aysi Ramsina nuqsi

ay -si Ram -si -na nuqsi -i
I -PDET Ram -PDET -CNTR love -NHYP
I this Ram love
'This man Ram (not Chaoba or Tomba) loves me.'
4.3.3 The adversative marker -pu
The adversative marker, homonymous with the patient marker, signals that the
-pu marked noun phrase is ill-fated in being acted upon or that the verb is
unexpected, unanticipated, or unfortunate. Thus in (24a), if I were expected to

row a boat, I could answer that contrary to the requester's information, I did
not know how to row a boat.
(24) a. sybu hi honbd hsytene

ay -pu hi hon -pa hay -ta -e -ne
I -ADVR boat row -NOM proficient -NEG -ASRT -SI
I boat to row am not proficient
'(But unfortunately), I don't know how to row boats.'
b . dybu Ramsi kdmdswsige

ay -pu Ram -si nuqsi -ne kamdaw -si hay -ke
I -ADVR Ram -PDET love -SI how -PDET say -OPT
I this Ram love how this want to say
'(Woe to me that) I love Ram, how can I want this!'
c. dyndbu Ramsi nuijsirabadi

ay -na -pu Ram -si nugsi -la -pa -ti
I -CNTR -ADVR Ram -PDET love -PRO -NOISA -DLMT
I this Ram if love
phdgBddwni
pha -ka -taw -ni
good -POT -OBLG -COP
it would be good
'(If only) I loved Ram, that would be convenient.'
I assume that -pu is not the patient case marker in (24). Of course, there are
languages where both the case or semantic role and the pragmatic value of an
argument is signalled by the same marker (for example, the Japanese accu-
sative doubles up as an emphatic marker (Bloch 1969: 52)). Although it is
most probably the case in Meithei that the adversative marker -pu is derived
from the patient marker -pu, there are two pieces of evidence that in synchro-
nic grammar these are two distinct homophonous markers. First, adversative -
pu may be attached to a nonpatient noun phrase as in (24a-d); second, -pu can
occur twice in a noun phrase, once as the patient marker, and once as a prag-
matic marker as in (24e).43

( 2 4 ) d . matjondabu kanana kari hygani

ms - -ts -pu ksna -ns ksri hy -ks -ni
3P -to -LOC -ADVR who -CNTR what say -POT -COP
to him who what will say
T o him, who will say what? (implies that nobody will say anything to
him)'
e. aybunabu Sekmay catlu hy

ay -pu -9 -pu Sekmay cat -u hy -
I -PAT -CNTR -ADVR Sekmay go -IMP say -NHYP
I Sekmay go! said
'(Too bad), he ordered me (not you) to go to Sekmay.'44
Similarly, the adversative marker may be attached to peripheral arguments

that are already case marked. Thus in (24f), adversative -pu occurs with the
genitive marker and in (24g) with the associative marker. See section 4.4 for
case marking with peripheral arguments.
f. magibu soydarabadi
m -ki -pu soy -ta -1 -pa -ti
he -GEN -ADVR mistake -NEG -PRO -NOM -DLMT
for him if not wrong
phare
pha -la -e
good -PRO -ASRT
is good
'With him, if nothing goes wrong it is good (implies that something will
probably go wrong with him).'
g. mgabu kanana catkani

m -k9 -pu kana -na C9t -ka -ni
he -POT -ADVR who -CNTR go -POT -COP
with him who will go
'With him, who would like to go?' (implies that no one wants to go
with him.)

4.3.4 Word order and ambiguity
Word order also encodes pragmatic information in Meithei. Arguments may

be moved to post-verbal position (reminiscent of right dislocation in French,
English and elsewhere, sometimes called an afterthought) in order to reintro-
duce given information that has not been talked about for a while. This is
illustrated in (25a).
( 2 5 ) a . haybzday kappe Sakuntdlase

hay - -tsgi kap -e Sakuntala -si
say -NOM -ABL cry -ASRT Shakuntala -PDET
as a result of that cried this Shakuntala
'As a result of that (she) started crying, that Shakuntala.'
Bhat (1991) states that sentence initial position in Meithei is grammatical-

ized45 so that if there is no morphological marking to indicate which argument
is actor, the sentence initial argument will be interpreted as actor. This is cer-
tainly the preferred interpretation of arguments in sentence initial position (see
(14c) and (23a,b)). The argument in sentence initial position, however, even
when morphological marking is not present to disambiguate the role of the
arguments, does not have to be actor. Thus (25b-d) are ambiguous.
( 2 5 ) b. aydi Ramna phitniqqi

ay -ti Ram -na phu -nig -i
I -DLMT Ram -CNTR beat -WISH -NHYP
I Ram wish to beat
'It is Ram (not Chaoba) who wants to beat me (over all of you).' or
'It is Ram (not Chaoba) that I (over all of you) want to beat.
c. 9 Tomb9sind phuy
sqaq -ti Tombs -si -na ph -
child -DLMT Tomba -PDET -CNTR beat -NHYP
child Tomba beat
This Tomba (out of all the others) beats children.' or
'This child beats this Tomba (and no one else).'

d . sydi Ram
'Ram loves me (over all others).' or
(over all others) love Ram.' (see (21) for gloss)
Furthermore, ambiguity may arise from the homophony of the contrastive

and agentive markers. For example, since arguments may be freely dropped, it
is unclear if the agent or recipient has been omitted in (25e), so that Tomba
may be the goal or the agent as explained in (i) and (ii).
(25) e . Tombxiund layriktu nupase

Tomba -tu -na layrik -tu nu -pa -si
Tomba -DDET -i/ii book -DDET person -male -PDET
that Tomba that book the man
puhalli
pu -han -i
cany -CAUS -NHYP
cause to carry
(i) If -9 is the agentive marker the interpretation is: Tomba caused

that book to be carried to the man (through somebody)'.
(ii) If -na is the contrastive marker the interpretation is: '(Someone)

caused the man to carry that book to Tomba (and not anyone else).'
Thus, discourse factors ~ such as the saliency of the first argument - favor
interpretation of the first argument as subject; however, this is not a categorical
rule in Meithei syntax.
The disambiguation of the role of an argument is not a primary concern in
related languages either. In Burmese, marking of arguments follows similar
principles as in Meithei; for example, the semantic role or contrastive value of
a noun phrase determines what marking occurs on it (Johnson 1995, DeLancey
1995). Arguments can occur without any marking, but Johnson notes that the
idea of "ambiguity avoidance" is not the primary principle determining the use
or non-use of case markers. Rather, discourse factors like new topic (which
occurs with marking) or continuing topic (which is unmarked) are significant to
optionality of marking. See also Johnson (1992) and Wheatley (1982).

4.3.5 Restrictions on pragmatic marking
Semantic role markers can be replaced by pragmatic markers with all predicate
types. Examples of where this occurs with state and two-argument predicates
are given in (19)-(25). Examples with three-argument predicates and causative
verbs are given in (26) and (27) respectively.
(26) a. Tombadi layriktu nupasina

Tombs -ti layrik -tu nu -pa -si -na
Tomba -DLMT book -DDET person -male -PDET-CNTR
Tomba that book the man
pirammi
pi -Ism -i
give -EVD -NHYP
gave
'The man gave that book to (this, rather than the other man named)
Tomba.'
b. Tombadi layriktu Tombisind

Tomba -ti layrik -tu Tombi -si -na
Tomba -DLMT book -DDET Tomba -PDET -CNTR
Tomba that book this Tombi
pikhrabadi ydy
pi -khi -la -pa -ti y -
give -STILL -PRO -NOM -DLMT agree -NHYP
if give agree
'Tomba (opposed to the rest) hi no objection to giving this (opposed
to others named Tombi) Tombi hat book.'
c. Ramna Tombidd lay thdrammi

Ram -na Tombi -ta by th -lam -i
Ram -CNTR Tombi -LOC flower send -EVD -NHYP
Ram to Tombi flower sent
'Ram sent the flowers to Tombi.
d. Tombidi layriktu Ramsu pi46

Tombi -ti layrik -tu Ram -su pi -i
Tombi -DLMT book -DDET Ram -ALSO give -NHYP
Tombi that book Ram also gave
Tombi also gave the book to Ram.'
When two or more arguments of a verb are human, they must be marked by
either semantic or pragmatic marking. Such a restriction, determined by num-
ber of and humanness of arguments, cannot be motivated by a grammatical
marking system where one would expect structurally determined rules, but is
well motivated when viewed in terms of interpretation. To facilitate interpreta-
tion the pragmatics require a minimum amount of information to differentiate
the status of arguments.
In sentences with causative verbs, non-agent arguments may occur without
semantic role marking but must minimally be marked with pragmatic markers
(26e,f). Agent marking is usually not manipulated by the pragmatic marking
system, and if an agent is not omitted it will occur with its semantic role mark-
er. Sentences like (26g), however, are marignally acceptable if enough context
is provided: in this case, there might be a photo album open with a picture of
the agent being pointed out by the speaker.
(26) e. Cawbana 3 rjawhalhmmi

Chaoba -na aqq -tu qaw -han -lam -i
Chaoba -AGN child -DDET white -CAUS -EVD -NHYP
Chaoba the child caused to become white
'Chaoba caused that child to appear fair (by powdering her face).'
f. Tombdnd layriktu nupadund

Tomba -na layrik -tu nu -pa -tu -na
Tomba -CNTR book -DDET person -male -DDET -AGN
this Tomba that book the man
pahdlhmmi
pa -han -lam -i
read -CAUS -EVD -NHYP
made to read
T h e man made Tomba here read that book.'

(26) g. nupasi layriktu Tombddu

nu -pa -si layrik -tu Tombs -tu
person -male -PDET book -DDET Tomba -DDET
that man that book that Tomba
pihdlldmmi
pi -han -lam -i
give -CAUS -EVD -NHYP
caused to give
'This man made that Tomba give that book (to someone).'
4.3.6 Volitionality
A final fact needs to be addressed: all descriptions of Meithei postulate a

nominative case -na, obliterating the important distinction between the agentive
-na, which does mark case, and the homophonous contrastive marker -nd which
does not. The reason for this is that traditional grammars, which are written
either on the pattern of Sanskrit or Latin, expect a predictable case paradigm.
Educated native speakers consistently insert the purported nominative case
marker -nd on actor arguments in elicitation. This is an artifact of traditional
grammars since -nd does not occur in texts with more frequency than any of
the other pragmatic markers discussed in this section.
Recent descriptions such as Bhat and Ningomba (1986b), building on native
scholars' interpretation of Meithei grammar rather than on textual material,
also believe that there is a nominative case marker in Meithei, simply noting
that -nd is optional in sentences with noncausative verbs and that it can be
used on non-actor arguments. Bhat (1991) does address the optionality issue
by saying that -nd is used only when the action of the actor is volitional; how-
ever, it is easy to find sentences where this is not true. For example, in (27),
the -na marked actor refers to a daughter-in-law drowning (quite unintentional-
ly) in a pond. It is also possible to find sentences where the subject does exer-
cise control over an activity but is not marked by -nd (see (26d) above).
(27) mdnw nupind ptikhndd

ma -nw nu -pi -n9 pukhri -ta
NM -small person -FEM -CNTR pond -LOC
sister-in-law in the pond

imknaraga
i -lak -na -laga
water -power over -INST -AFTER
while drowning
matzyna una una

ma -tay -na -na -na
3P -relative of opposite sex -CNTR see -INST see -INST
brother-in-law upon seeing
upay laytana yeqduna lay

upay lay -ta -na yeq -tuna lay i
means be -NEG -INST see -ING be -NHYP
means not having see is
'While the sister-in-law was drowning in the pond with only the
brother-in-law to see it, there would be no means for her to be saved
(since he could not touch her).'
4.4 Case marking on peripheral noun phrases
Noun phrases that are not needed to fulfill the argument structure of a verb
may appear with one of the following case markers: locative -ta, instrumental
-na, associative -ka and ablative -tagi. In this section, I will describe and exem-
plify these case markers.
4.4.1 Locative case
The locative marker may be used to express direction, quantity, or duration.
(28) a. tha amada

tha a -ma -ta
month ATT -one -LOC
'for one month'
b. 51% khakta
51% khak -ta
51% upto -LOC
'up to 51%'

c. yumdd mi man lay

yum -ta mi men lay -i
house -LOC men four be -NHYP
in house people four be
Tour people live in this house.'
d. kuntaretta th0rak?9ni
kun -tsret -t9 thok -lsk -b -ni
twenty -seven -LOC out -DISTAL -PROX -COP
on the 27th will come out
'will return on the 27th'
4.4.2 Ablative case
The ablative marker is used to express direction of movement from a point in

space.
(29) a . mam Nuyarktagi Jaipurds cdtkhi

m -n9 Nuyark -tsgi Jaipur -t9 cat -khi -i
he -CNTR New York -ABL Jaipur -LOC go -STILL -NHYP
he from New York to Jaipur already went
'He went from New York to Jaipur.'
The ablative may also indicate the source of transfer of material objects or
ideas.
(29) b. dyna mssi Bildagi tdre

9y -9 ma -si Bil -tggi t -19 -e
I -CNTR nm -PDET Bill -ABL hear -PERF -ASRT
I it from Bill heard
heard it from Bill.'

c. Johnnd ok ama Bilddgi

Jon -na ok a -ma Bil -tagi
John -CNTR Pig ATT -one Bill -ABL
John Pig a from Bill
ldyrdk?dmmi
lay -lak -lam -i
buy -DISTAL -EVD -NHYP
seems to have bought
'It seems that John bought a pig from Bill.'
4.4.3 Genitive case
The genitive case indicates possession on the possessor.
(30) a. m a n dygi yumrti

ma -si ay -ki yum -ni
nm -PDET I -GEN house -COP
this my house is
'This is my house.'
b . 9$ sids thsmge
aqaq -ki -si si -ta tham -ke
child -GEN -PDET pdet -LOC place -OPT
for this child here will keep
will keep the child's (food) here.'
Note that a noun phrase marked by the genitive case may be further marked
by the locative or the associative. In these instances, the meaning of the case
markers is compositional.
(30) c. migigd sygigB manatee

mi -ki -ka ay -ki -ka man -natte
man -GEN -ASS I -GEN -ASS agree -not
between these men's and between my do not agree
T h e r e are differences in opinion between these men and myself.'

d . aykhoy qaraq Tombagidd cathmmi

ay -khoy qaraq Tomba -ki -ta cat -lam -i
I -hp] yesterday Tomba -GEN -LOC go -EVD -NHYP
we yesterday to Tomba's went
'Yesterday we went to Tomba's (house).'
4.4.4 Associative case
The associative marker is used to indicate that the action has been performed
in conjunction with another person (31a). When more than one argument is
marked with the associative, the action is reciprocal (31b).
(31) a. m9hdk Tombagd skul cstkhdre

ma -hak Tomba -ka skul cat -khi -la -e
3P -here Tomba -ASS school go -STILL -PERF -ASRT
he with Tomba school has gone
'He has gone to school with Tomba.'
b. Ramgd Sitaga khdtnarammi

Ram -ga Sita -ga khat -na -lam
Ram -ASS Sita -ASS fight -RECIP -EVD -NHYP
Ram with Sita with fought with each other
'Ram and Sita fought each other.'
4.4.5 Instrumental case
The instrumental marker, indicates the noun phrase with which (32a) or
through which (32b,c) some action is performed. LaPolla (1994) points out
that in many Tibeto-Burman languages the instrumental and agentive markers
are homophonous. In his view, this may point to the instrumental marker
being used as an agentive marker through a metaphorical extension of its
primary meaning (a concept developed in DeLancey 1989a), leading to a dis-
tinct marker through grammaticalization of the extended use as an agentive.
( 3 2 ) a. dyna dmand haydu khy

ay -na thq a -ma -na hay -tu khy -
I -CNTR knife ATT -one -INST fruit -DDET cut -NHYP
I knife with a that fruit cut
cut the fruit with a knife.'

4.5 Conclusion 129
b. cithise mdkhutna pirammu

cithi -si m9 -khut -na pi -lam -u
letter -PDET nm -hand -INST give -EVD -IMP
this letter by hand give
'Hand deliver this letter!'
c. Question: Answer:
ksrina eroplennd
ksri -na eroplen -ns
what -INST aeroplane -INST
'By what means (did you travel here)?' 'By aeroplane.'
4.5 Conclusion
In this chapter I have shown that Meithei exhibits a flat phrase structure. The
grammatical status of the arguments that a predicate subcategorizes for is
indicated through semantic role markers which can be manipulated through a
system of pragmatic marking. In the default case the correct interpretation of
the status of arguments in a Meithei sentence can be read off of semantic role
markers and the observance of an animacy hierarchy. Since, however, the
pragmatics can delete and/or replace these markers, interpretation involves a
knowledge of the pragmatic marking system (meaning of overt pragmatic mar-
kers, conditions under which semantic role markers can be deleted, word order
and stress). To some extent the pragmatic system makes recovery of grammat-
ical relations difficult so that sentences may often have more than one inter-
pretation. In these cases the larger discourse context must be used to recover
the intended meaning.

Chapter 5
Root sentences
Chapter 4 described how the grammatical role of a noun phrase is signalled in

Meithei. Chapters 5 and 6 provide a description of Meithei sentence types and
patterns of subordination.
Basic sentence types in Meithei are determined through illocutionary mood
markers, all of which are verbal inflectional suffixes, with the exception of the
interrogative which is an enclitic. The morphemes and the sentence types they
signal are listed in Table 1. The basic word order is the same for all root
sentence types (see phrase structure rules in Chapter 3).
Table 1. Sentence Types in Meithei
Sentence type Morpheme
nonhypothetical declarative 4
assertive declarative -e
imperative -u
prohibitive -nu
optative -ke
supplicative -si
permissive -sanu
interrogative -h
A declarative sentence makes a statement or assertion. An imperative sen-

tence issues a command and a prohibitive sentence is used to forbid the per-
formance of an action. The optative is used to express a desire or intention.
The supplicative is used to plead an action in which the speaker will par-
ticipate. The permissive is used to grant permission for some action to be
performed. Finally, the interrogative is used to elicit information. The use of
these sentence types to perform speech acts other than the ones listed here is
discussed in section 9.1. All sentences, except for question-word questions
described in section 5.6.4, end with one of these mood markers, which may or
may not be followed by an enclitic (see section 7.3).

132 Chapter 5. Root sentences
5.1 Declarative
Declarative sentences can be characterized as those which are marked either

by 4 'nonhypothetical' or -e 'assertive'. A pragmatically neutral sentence is
marked by the nonhypothetical marker 4 which indicates a mild assertion; the
speaker does not support the statement by providing evidence for it, but simply
presents it as fact. The nonhypothetical declarative has a perfect or imper-
fective aspectual reference since an action so encoded refers to either a habitu-
al or constant truth (as in (la,b)) or to a past action which has some current
relevance (as in (lc,d)).
(1) a. ay cdk cdy

ay ck c -i
I rice eat -NHYP
I rice eat
eat rice.'
b . afar gulab phazay

star gulab pha -ca -i
atar gulab good -SELF -NHYP
rose is good
'Roses are beautiful.'
c. mshk apzl cdrammi

ma -hak apal c -lam -i
3P -here apple eat -EVD -NHYP
he apple ate
'He just ate an apple.'
d . Ramdi Ravanbu hdtkhirdmmi

Ram -ti Ravan -pu hat -khi -lam -i
Ram -DLMT Ravan -PAT kill -STILL -EVD -NHYP
Ram Ravan killed
'Ram killed Ravan.'
An assertive declarative sentence is signalled through -e 'assertive'. Strong

assertion declaratives have a perfective reference. Example (2) illustrates the
difference between the nonhypothetical and strong assertive declarative. Com-
pare the first and second response given by Ram to a question by Sita about
whether or not the woman they are talking about has been studying diligently
for her examination: in the first response Ram uses a nonhypothetical declara-

5.1 Declarative 133
tive to indicate that she is a hard worker (a continuing state); in the second
attempt to get his point across, Ram uses the strong-assertive declara-tive,
directing attention to a single display of hard work in the past (a com-pleted
action which does not have current relevance).
(2) Ram: tdwwi

taw -i
do -NHYP
does
'(She) does.'
Sita: ha
ha
intj
what's that
'Really?'
Ram: tdwwe
t9w -e
do -ASRT
does
'(Yes, she) has.'
5.2 Optative
As illustrated in (3a), an optative sentence is indicated by -ke and expresses the

speaker's desire or intention to perform some action. Optatives frequently
signal future tense. As seen in (3b,c), an embedded optative clause may also
refer to a desire or intention in the past.
(3) a. ay layrik page

ay layrik pa -ke
I book read -OPT
I book want to read
want to read the book.'

b . tjdratj polisnd phage hccyrd?i

garaq polis -na ph -ke hay -lak -i
yesterday police -CNTR catch -OPT say -DISTAL -NHYP
yesterday police want to arrest said
'Yesterday the police said they wanted to arrest me.'
c. thoiysi longe hyns

thoq -si Ion -ke hay -na
door -PDET lock -OPT say -INST
this door wish to be locked that
fchdlhmbdnine
khan -lam -pa -ni -ne
think -EVD -NOM -COP -SI
think
hope I locked the door.'
5.3 Imperative and prohibitive
The basic way to express a command in Meithei is to suffix -u 'imperative' to a

verb stem.
(4) a . nupa oyyu nupi macd

nu -pa oy -u nu -pi ms -c
person -male be -IMP person -FEM one -small
man you be female small
nag -su -ko

you -ALSO -TAG
you also, o.k.
'Hey girl, you too be like (one of those) men, O.K. (at least they have
a job)!'
b. katlu
kat -u
offer -IMP
Offer!'

5.4 Supplicative 135
c. phu.
ph -u
beat -IMP
'Beat!'
d. paw
pa -u
read -IMP
'Read!'
A negative command (i.e. a prohibition) can be issued with the use of the
prohibitive marker -nu, which is not morphologically complex but is a- distinct
imperative form.47
(5) a . 3
3 layrik pakhinu
9 layrik pa -khi -nu
you book read -STILL -PROBH
you book do not read
'Don't read!'
b . 3 sinema adu yetjnu

nsq sinema -du yeq -nu
you cinema ATT -ddet look -PROBH
you movie that don't see
'You don't see that movie.'
5.4 Supplicative
Supplicatives, indicated by the morpheme -si, allow the speaker to propose or

urge some course of action where the speaker will be a participant in the ac-
tion.
(6) a . dykhoy mayam caksi loyna casansi

ay -khoy ms -yam cak -si loy -na ca -sin -si
I -hpl NM -much rice -PDET all -ADV eat -IN -SUP
we a lot this rice all let's eat up
'Let's all eat up all of this rice!'

b. sykhoy loytid sinema yetjba Cdtsi

ay -khoy loy -na sinema yeg -pa cat -si
I -hpl all -ADV cinema look -NOM go -SUP
we all movies to look let's go
'Let's all go to the movies.'
As noted by N. Nonigopal Singh (1987: 85), the supplicative marker can be

used with stative verbs only if the verb takes the derivational suffix sequence -
sinnd 'pretend' (from -sin 'pretend'; -na 'reciprocal'), where V-sinnasi means 'let
us pretend that V is\(
(6) c. paqsinnasi
paq -sin -na -si
fool -IN -RECIP -SUP
'Let us pretend to be foolish!'
The negative marker -ta can only be used with past events and thus cannot
be used productively with supplicatives: so, *noktasi for 'Let's not laugh' is
impossible.48 Three ways to phrase a negative supplicative are to create a
compound with the root kum 'refuse' (6d), to suffix a root with -loy
'nonpotential' (6e), or -nu 'prohibitive' (6f). Consultants say that while (6f) is
understandable, it sounds archaic.
(6) d. nokkumsi
nok -kum -si
laugh -refuse -SUP
'Let's not laugh!'
e. nok?oysi
nok -loy -si
laugh -NPOT -SUP
'Let's not laugh!'
f. noknusi
nok -nu -si
laugh -PROBH -SUP
'Let's not laugh!'

5.5 Permissive 137
5.5 Permissive
The permissive marker -ssnu is used to grant permission to a 2nd or 3rd per-
son to carry out some action.
(7) masa masdgi budhi dduna

ms -s ms -s -ki budhi -tu -n9
NM -body 3P -body -GEN wisdom ATT -ddet -INST
his body of his self wisdom then
hotnajaduna parikhya pas tdwpssnu

hotna -C9 -tne psrikhya pas tsw -C9 -sanu
try -SELF -ING exam pass do -SELF -PERMIT
try themselves exam pass do for self
'Let them pass the exams by each using their intelligence!'
5.6 Interrogative
This section will provide a description of yes-no, question-word, echo, alter-

native and tag questions. Indirect questions are discussed in Chapter 9.
5.6.1 Yes-no questions
Yes-no questions are formed by the suffixation of the interrogative enclitic -h

to a nominal construction. This can be a noun root as in (8a); a noun phrase
as in (8b) where the noun is followed by a determiner; a noun root followed by
a case marker as in (8c-e); a relative clause as in (8f); or a subordinate clause
such as the adverbial purpose clause in (8g).
(8) a . hayeij cutila

hayeq cuti -la
tomorrow holiday -INT
tomorow is it a holiday
'Is tomorrow a holiday?'
b. yennawsira
yen -naw -si -Is
hen -new -PDET -INT
"This is the chick?'

ciqdara
ciq -ta -la
hill -LOC -INT
'It's in the hills?'
d. kjythendagira
kay -then -tagi -la
grain -display -ABL -INT
'You're returning from market?
e . phurit sdu Tombsgira

phurit a -tu Tomba -ki -la
shirt ATT -ddet Tomba -GEN -INT
shirt that is it Tomba's
"That's Tomba's shirt?'
f. Tomba u Ukpz mtra

Tomba u kak -pa mi -la
Tomba u cut -NOM man -INT
Tomba tree to cut is it man
'Is Tomba the man who is a wood cutter?'
g. cdndbdgira
c -nabs -ki -la
eat -IN ORDER TO -GEN -INT
'Is this for eating?'
Verbs do not form interrogatives unless they are first nominalized as in (9a,b)
or are in the potential mood. As discussed in section 6.1, -I& 'potential', -loy
'nonpotential', -taw 'certain future', and -td 'strong possibility/obligation' act as
nominalizers. Evidence for this is seen in forms like cgdtii 'will eat' (from c
'eat', -lea 'potential', and -ni 'copula') where the copula, which can only be suf-
fixed to nominals, occurs on the inflected verb.49 In (9c), -h is suffixed direct-
ly to the mood marker -te 'should'; in (9d), -h is suffixed directly to the non-
potential marker -loy.

(9) a. ayna cithi iraktabagi

ay -na cithi i -lak -ta -pa -ki
I -CNTR letter write -DISTAL -NEG -NOM -GEN
I letter from not writing
9 sawbra
nag saw -pa -la
you angry -NOM -INT
you angry
'Are you angry that I have not written you a letter?'
b . C9t?dbra
cat -ta -pa -la
go -NEG -NOM -INT
'(Am I right in thinking that) you didn't go?'
c. skutar maniijda
skutar ma -nig -ta tog -nig -pa
scooter NM -back -LOC ride -wish -NOM
scooter at the back the one wishing to ride
matam lak?oydro
ma -tam lak -loy -ta -la -o
NM -time come -NPOT -NES -INT -SOLCT
time won't it come
'Won't there be a time when (you too) wish to ride on the back of a
scooter?'
d. mahdk catloyra
ma -hak cat -loy -la
3P -here go -NPOT -INT
he will he not go
'He said he wouldn't go?'
The interrogative marker may also be suffixed to the nominalized form of a

verb with the potential mood markers. There is no apparent change in mean-
ing between suffixation to the nominalized form and suffixation to the non-
nominalized form.

(9) e. semdoksbro
sem -thok -la -pa -Is -o
correct -OUT -PERF -NOM -INT -SOLCT
'Did they complete the corrections?'
f. ctkzdra
cat -ka -ta -la
go -POT -NES -INT
'Must you go?'
In colloquial speech it is common for subordinating quotatives (see section 6.2)

to be deleted and for the morphology on the subordinator to be suffixed on
the verb of the subordinated sentence. This results in the apparent suffixation
of the interrogative marker to the non-nominalized form of the verb with impe-
rative morphology: see (10a) where the interrogative is suffixed to cstlukho
'You go!'.
( 1 0 ) a . makhoydd hdntid
3P -khoy -LOC hn -na
ma -hpl -ta first -ADV
with them first
Cdtlukhora50
cat -lu -khi -o hay -pa -la
go -ADIR -STILL -SOLCT say -NOM -INT
will you go is it
'Do you say that (you want me) to go to their place first?'
As noted by Thoudam (1980: 8485), however, a sentence like (10a) is actually

derived from a sentence like (10b):
( 1 0 ) b . makhoyda hdnna catlukho

ma -khoy -ta hn -na cat -lu -khi -o
3P -hpl -LOC first -ADV go -ADIR -STILL -SOLCT
to them first go there do you say that
hdybra
hay -pa -la
say -NOM -INT
that
'Did you say that you wanted me to go with them?'

Such an analysis could also be used to explain interrogative marking with

the optative in (10c), where the form with the quotative complementizer
should be tge haybra 'Did you say you would like to hear (it)?'.
(10) c. nakhoy isay adu tger

na -khoy isgy 9 -tu t -ke hy - -19
2P -hpl song ATT -ddet hear -OPT say -NOM -INT
you all song that do you want to listen
'Will you listen to the song?'
5.6.2 Alternative questions
An alternative question can be posed with the interrogative marker on both

alternatives, which may both be positive as in (11a) or positive and negative as
in (llb,c). 5 1 In (11a) and in following examples the enclitic -o 'solicitive' is
used as a performative marker of asking, best translated as ask you please...'.
It softens the force of the question, making it a polite request rather than a de-
mand for information. 52
(11) a. caka amara aniro?

C9ka 9 -m9 -la 9 -ni -19 -o
tire ATT -one -INT ATT -two -INT -SOLCT
tire is it one is it two
'Was it one tire or two?'
b. natj catrabra catlaroydra

C9t -t9 -19 - -19 est -19 -Joy -t9 -19
you go -NES -PRO -NOM -INT go -PRO -NPOT -NES -INT
you will go will not go
'Are you going or not?'
c. taw hdybro tawnu

t9w hy -p9 -19 -o t9w -nu
do say -NOM -INT -SOLCT do -PROBH
do did they say don't do

hdybroba
hay -pa -19 -o hay -pa
say -NOM -INT -SOLCT say -NOM
did they say, tell (me)
'(Tell me) did they tell you to do it or not?'
Although no overt conjunction appears in informal speech, the alternatives can

be conjoined with nBttrdgd 'or' in more formal speech.
( 1 1 ) d. thdkkadra nzttrdgs
thak -ka -ta -19 na -ta -la -ka
drink -POT -NES -INT be -NES -PERF -ASS
will you drink or
thsk?oydra
thak -loy -ta -la
drink -NPOT -NES -INT
will you not drink
'Will you drink or not?'
The alternative question may also consist of just the first alternative and the
disjunction, with the second alternative unspecified but understood.
( 1 1 ) e . mdhkki Isypham
naq ma -hak -ki lay -pham
you 3P -here -GEN be -place
you his living place
]3 nattngd
khaq -pa -la na -ta -la -ka
know -NOM -INT be -NES -PERF -ASS
do you know or
'Do you know where he lives or not?'
As noted by Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1984: 190-195), there are two restrictions
on the conjuncts: both alternatives must have the same aspect and if one of
the alternatives is positive and the other negative, the positive alternative must
precede the negative one. Ch. Yashawanta Singh provides no negative data to
support the first restriction, but no counterexamples to his claim are found in
my data. The second restriction is supported by (1 If).

(11) f. *n9f/ layrik sdu padaribra

nag layrik a -tu pa -ta -li -pa -la
you book ATT -ddet read -NEG -PROG -NOM -INT
you book that have you failed to read
nattrdgd paribra
na -ta -Is -ka pa -li -pa -la
na -NES -PERF -ASS read -PROG -NOM -INT
or have you read
'Have you read that book or not?'
The alternative question can be used as a dependent question as seen in

(llg) and (llh).
(11) g. phaqqamgadra phdW9mmaydr9

phaq -qam -ka -ta -la phaq -qam -loy -ta -la
get -able -POT -NES -INT get -able -NPOT -NES -INT
will she find will she not find
don't know whether or not she will be able to find it. (Literally:
Will she or won't she be able to find (it)?'
h. thkhibrz thdkhidzbrd
th -khi -pa -la th -khi -ta -pa -la
send -STILL -NOM -INT send -STILL -NEG -NOM -INT
did you send did you not send
hdynd thdkhre
hy -na th -khi -la -e
say -INST send -STILL -PRO -ASRT
that have sent
'...whether or not it is ready he will send it...' (Literally: Will it be
ready, will it not be ready, he will send it.)'
5.6.3 Tag questions
There are a number of ways to form tag questions in Meithei. One way is to
use the negative form of a positive verb or the positive form of a negative verb
as the tag. The tag is suffixed by the interrogative marker. This is illustrated
in (12a).

(12) a. ucek paybd qzmde mbra

ucek pay -pa qam -ta -e gam -pa -to
bird fly -NOM able -NEG -ASRT able -NOM -INT
bird to fly not able are they able
'Birds cannot fly, can they?'
A second way to form a tag question is to use an invariant tag marker

(which has only one form regardless of whether the questioned clause is
negative or positive). There are two invariant tags: the lexical item nattra 'is it
not so?' which requires a verbal response, and the enclitic -ko 'right, don't you
agree?' which can be answered by gesturally expressed agreement or dissent.
(12) b. John dsidd lakkdni

John 3 -si -ts lak -ks -ni
John ATT -pdet -LOC come -POT -COP
John here will come
haybs ndttra
hay -pa na -ts -to
say -NOM be -NEG -INT
that is it not
'John said that he would come here, didn't he?'
c. se se 2y wa hyge troko
se se ay w hy -ke t -to -o -ko
hark hark I word say -OPT hear -PRO -SOLCT -TAG
intj intj I word want to say listen, o.k?
'Hey, hey, I'd like to say something, go ahead and listen, o.k.?'
5.6A The morphology of question-word questions
The Meithei question-word system is rich: there are 6 basic forms all of which
begin with kd- (from the Proto-Sino-Tibetan interrogative *ka (Benedict
1984a). The basic forms are morphologically frozen 53 nominals and can be
inflected like nouns. A list of question words found in my data, P. Madhubala
Devi (1979: 213-234) and Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1984: 172) are given in
Table 2. The most common ones are given in sentences in (13).

(13) a. kana kaythelda catli

kana kay -thel -ta cat -li
who grain -display -LOC go -PROG
who to the market going
'Who goes to the market?'
b . kanadagi kamdawna layrunba

kana -tagi kamdawna lay -lu -la -i hay -pa
who -ABL how buy -ADER -PERF -NHYP say -NOM
from whom how did go and buy, tell (me)
'How and from whom did he buy the certificate?'
c. Johnna cdkka kariga hdyba

John -na ck -ka kari -ka thoq -i hay -pa
John -CNTR rice -ASS what -ASS cook -NHYP say -NCM
John with rice with what cooked that
'What is it that John cooked rice with?'
d. naqna aygi maramda adum

naq -na ay -ki ma -lam -ta a -sum
you -CNTR I -GEN NM -way -LOC ATT -so
you my towards thus
hdyna karigi hdyrino

hay -na kari -ki hay -li -no
say -INST what -GEN say -PROG -INQ
that why do you say that
'Why do you talk about me like that?'
5.6.5 Nominal and verbalized question words
There are three ways to form a question-word question in Meithei. First, as

shown in (13a), a nominal form of the question word occurs with an inflected
verb. Second, as in (14a,b), the question word occurs in a sentence that ends
with -no 'inquisitive'.54 Questions are marked with -no when the speaker

Table 2. Question words
1. kaday 'where' (approximately)

kzdaydz 'where'
kzdaydsgi 'from where'
kddayns 'which one'
kadaywaydd 'from around where'
2. kddomdd 'which way'
kadomdagi 'from which side'
3. kana 'who'
kdnagz 'with who'
kznagi 'whose'
kdnadd 'to whom'
kmadzgi 'from who'
kman.9 'who'
kanabu 'who'
4. kdya 'how many' (for count nouns)
ksyada 'for how much' (price)
kayand 'how much' (is needed to V)
kayam 'how much' (for mass nouns)
kdyarak 'how many times'
kayasubd 'of what number' (ordinal)
5. karam/kam 'how, in what way'
kdrvmkandd 'at what time'55
kdrsmdawna/kamdawnd 'how, by what means'
kdramns 'how, in what way'
kdrdmba 'which'
6. kdri 'what'
kdrigd 'with what'
kdrigi 'why' (V for what reason)
karids 'on what, for what reason'
kdriddgi 'from what'
karina 'by what means, with what instrument'
ksydaw < karidzw 'doing what'
kaydawqay < karidawqay 'when '

requests the hearer to provide additional information about some topic/thing

and can be translated as 'tell me please?'.
(14) a. kanagi yenawno

kana -ki yen -naw -no
who -GEN chicken -new -INQ
whose is this chick, tell me
'Whose chicken is this?'
b. naqna layrakpa phuriPu

nag -na lay -lak -pa phurit -tu
you -CNTR buy -DISTAL -NOM shirt -DDET
you which was bought that shirt
karamba makhangino
karamba ma -khan -ki -no
which NM -type -GEN -INQ
which kind is it
'That shirt that you bought, what type is it?'
The third way of forming a question-word question is for -no to be affixed

directly on the question word. In this case, the question word acts as the pred-
icate for the sentence, taking either a simple noun phrase argument as in
(14c,d) or a full complement as in (14e).
(14) c. kanagino
kana -ki -no
who -GEN -INQ
whose is it
'Whose is (it)?'
d. naq kdnano
naq kana -no
you who -INQ
you who is it
'Who are you?'

e. 3 puthordkksni
nag -na pu -thok -lak -ka -ni
you -CNTR carry -OUT -DISTAL -POT -COP
you will bring it
hdybddu kdrino
hay -padu kari -no
say -DCOMP what -INQ
that what is it
'What is it that you said you would bring?'
5.6.6 Position of the question word
As discussed in section 5.6.5 there are three types of question word questions:
(1) question word-inflected verb (2) question word-main verb+inquisitive; (3)
question word+inquisitive. In the first type of question -- the questioning of
the actor, patient, goal, theme and other oblique arguments in simple senten-
ces the question word appears in situ (following the canonical argument and
verb order).
(15) a. kana hyri

kana lay -li
who be -PROG
'Who is there?'
b. mdna phidu kdnadd utli

m -na phi -tu kana -ta ut -i
he -CNTR cloth -DDET who -LOC show -NHYP
he that cloth to whom has shown
'To whom has he shown the cloth?'
c. naqgi yum ksdaydd Idy

nag -ki yum kaday -ta lay -1
you -GEN house where -LOC is -NHYP
your house where at is
'Where is your house?'
Additionally, a question word may occur in a noncanonical position as shown

in Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1984: 190) and repeated here in (16a-c).

(16) a. 3 foydawqay yumdd cdtkdni

nag kaydawgay yum -ta cat -ka -ni
you when house -LOC go -POT-COP
you when to house will go
'When will you go home?'
b. ti9tj yumda fcaycfowây cdtkani
c. ksydawtjay na yumdd catksni
General word order constraints hold here. The verb must be sentence final.
The constituents within a question word phrase can be repositioned as in
(16e,f), as long as the question word constituent is not broken up as in (16d).
( 1 6 ) d. *ti9i7 txnna karambs cikkhre

naq tin -n9 karamba cik -khi -la -e
you insect -CNTR which bite -STILL -PERF-ASRT
you by insect which has bitten
'Which insect bit you?'
e. karamba tinna natj cikkhre
f. 3 tin kdrambma cikkhre

tin karambs -na cik -khi -la -e
you insect which -INST bit -STILL -PERF -ASRT
you insect by which bit
'Which insect has bitten you?'
Part of a conjunct may be questioned in situ only when the question is an

echo question as in (13c). Th. Harimohon Singh (p.c.) notes that such a
sentence might be used when a speaker has not heard the declarative
counterpart clearly or as a written exam question.
A constituent of a subordinate clause (as in (17a)) or a relative clause (as in
(17b)) is questioned in situ.
( 1 7 ) a. dy kzri wd hdysige hdybadu khilli

ay kari wa hay -si -ke hay -pa -tu khan -li
I what word say -SUP -OPT say -NOM -DDET think -WOG
I what word let me say that am thinking
am thinking about what I should say.'

b . ndf} kdna 3 pammi

nag kana lu -hog -pa pam -i
you who head -initiate -NOM want -NHYP
you who to marry like
'Who do you want to marry?'
In type 3 questions, the question word+inquisitive sequence must occur at the

edge of a clause. If the question word occurs at the right edge of the clause, a
neutral reading is obtained.
( 1 8 ) a. 99 puthorakidu kdnno
naq -na pu -thok -lak -Ii -tu kari -no
you -CNTR carry -OUT -DISTAL -PROG -DDET what -INQ
you that you carry what is it
'That (which) you brought, what is it?'
If the question word occurs at the left edge of the clause, the clause which
follows the question word is an afterthought.
( 1 8 ) b . karino, n^nd puthordkidu

'What is it, that thing you brought?'
5 . 6 . 7 Multiple question words
Multiple question words within a clause may appear in situ or may order freely
with other constituents within the sentence as in (19a-e). In keeping with
general word order constraints, neither of the question words may occur after
the verb.
( 1 9 ) a . mahkti kanadagi
ma -hak -ti kana -tagi
he -here -DLMT who -ABL
he from who
ksmdawnd Uwrunbd
kamdaw -na law -lu -li hay -pa
how -ADV get -ADIR -PROG say -NOM
how having got from, tell (me)
'How and from where did he get it?'

b. kdnaddgi mdhkti kdmddwm Idwruribd

from who he how buy
c. kdmdawnd mshakti kmadsgi Idwrunbd

how he from who buy
d. kanadagi kamddwnd mahdkti Idwruribd

from who how he buy
e. kdmdswnB kdnaddgi mdhkti Idwruribd

how from who he buy
Predictably, sequences of question word+inquisitive cannot be separated since

the rest of the sentence is an afterthought. For example, kdrinone 'what is it'
cannot occur after 99 'you' in (19f).
(19) f. kanano kdrinone, 39

kana -no kari -no -ne nag -na
who -INQ what -INQ -SI you -CNTR
who is it what is it you
khdtjde hyribadubo mdm

khag -ta -e hy -li -padu -pu ma -ma
know -NEG -ASRT say -PROG -DCOMP -PAT 3P -mother
not know that you are saying their mother
'Mother, what or who do you say that you don't know?'
5.6.8 Phrase final rising intonation
Questions with interrogative morphology do not have a characteristic intona-

tion associated to them; however, with adequate pragmatic grounding, phrase
final rising intonation can signal an interrogative. Ch. Yashawanta Singh
(1984: 185) provides (20a) as an example where intonation alone allows for
this declarative sentence to be interpreted as an interrogative.
( 2 0 ) a . n9tj hdwjik phwbs isay ssk?i

nag hawjik phw -pa isay sak -li
you now up to -NOM song sing -PROG
you now up to song singing
'You are still singing?'

I have found examples of this use of intonation in plays and conversations that
I have recorded. For example, in (20b) a character asks why Nimay, who is
known to be a kind and gentle man, is being arrested by the police.
(20) b. Nimaybudi
Nimay -pu -ti
Nimay -ADVR -DLMT
'It is Nimay?'
5.6.9 Use of question words as discourse markers
Question words are used as discourse markers. For example, the question
word karino (or kayno in fast speech) is used as a hesitation marker, where the
speaker is indicating a momentary lapse in memory, translating roughly in
English as 'Now, what was I was going to say?'
(21) a. Rajan nakhoygi a: oja oyramba kayno

Rajan na -khoy -ki a: oja oy -lam -pa kayno
Rajan 2P -hpl -GEN um teacher be -EVD -NOM what is it
Rajan your um teacher who is what is it
daktdr Cdndel kaydawtjay lakkani hyge

daktar Candel kaydawqay lak -ka -ni hay -ke
doctor Chandel when come -POT -COP say -OPT
doctor Chandel when will come want to say
'Rajan, on which day did your teacher, what's his name, Dr. Chandel
say he would come?'
b. add kaynodi kaday

a -tu -ta kayno -ti kaday
ATT -ddet -LOC what is it -DLMT where
then what is it where
catkhige Sushiladi
cat -khi -ke Sushila -ti
go -STILL -OPT Sushila -DLMT
wants to go that Sushila
'All right then, what's her name, where has she gone, that Shushila?'
kayno can also be used to indicate the beginning of a new topic:

(21) c. kaynona aykhoy mana

kayno -na ay -khoy m -na
what is it -ADV I -hpl mother -CNTR
well then our mother
'Well, our mother...'
The question word kayno also occurs in the idiomatic phrase kayno tawre 'so,
anyway' (Literally: what is done), where it is used by the speaker to indicate
the transition of the conversation from one topic to another.
(21) d. md skop yamna laybani magi

m skop yam -na lay -pa -ni m -ki
her scope lot -ADV have -NOM -COP her -GEN
her scope a lot is her's
kayno-tawre aduday
kayno -taw -la -e a -tu -tagi
what is it -do -PERF -ASRT ATT -ddet -ABL
so anyway from that
naijnasida th^yabna
naq -na -si -ta thug -la -pa -na
you -CNTR -PDET -LOC reach -PRO -NOM -INST
you here for reaching
kaydawqay thuqrjaba
kaydawqay thuq -la -pa
when reach -PERF -NOM
when reached, you say
'She has a lot of potential, her (...incompleted thought), so anyway,
then, in order to reach here (changes line of questioning), when did
you say you reached here?'
The question word karam 'how', or its variant /cam, also appears in two idio-
matic phrases with the verb taw 'do'. The first is (21e), which is used as a com-
mon greeting between friends who have not seen each other for a while. (21f)
is a conventionalized preamble to the telling of an event that has taken place
in the remote past. It is found frequently in traditional narratives.

(21) e. kdmddwre
karam -taw -la -e
how -do -PERF -ASRT
how are you doing
'How do you do?'
f. kamdawwi56
-ma -ti karam -taw -li
day -one -DLMT how -do -PROG
'What happened one day...'
The question word karigi 'why', can be used to introduce a direct quote as in
(21g), where the speaker sets up the situation in which the speech act that he
is about to report occurred.
(21) g. phsjdnd hdyrdbani

phaja -na hay -laba -ni
beauty -ADV say -HAVING -COP
beautifully said that
kariginobu ph3t?abd
karigi -no -pu pha -ta -pa
why -INQ -ADVR good -NEG -NOM
since that bad
khmjinle moydu pumme

khan -sin -la -e ma -khoy -tu pum -la -e
think -IN -PERF -ASRT 3P -hpl -DDET rot -PERF -ASRT
chosen they are rotten
'...I put it to them beautifully, (I said), "since they made a bad selec-
tion, (the ones selected), they will be rotten...1"

Chapter 6
Subordination
There are three basic forms of clausal subordination in Meithei: subordinate

clauses formed by suffixing a nominalizer to a noninflected verb; complements
formed by suffixing complementizers to the nominalized clause; and adverbial
clauses formed by suffixing subordinators on either nominalized clauses or
complements.
6.1 Nominalization
Verbs can be nominalized in a number of ways and can function as relative

clauses, adjectives, or nominalized complements. In this section, I will describe
the morphology of nominalization and the constructions in which nominalized
verbs occur. The phrase structure of nominalized clauses is represented in (1).
(1) Snom - (NP*) Vnom

V nonj -* V-(derivational morphology)-nominalizer
6.1.1. Nominalizers
There are three nominalizers in Meithei. First, verbs are nominalized by suf-
fixation of -.
(2) a . nupidi phba pammi

nu -pi -ti q -tu ph -pa pam -
person -FEM -DLMT fish -DDET catch -NOM like -NHYP
that woman that fish to catch like
'The woman wants to catch fish.'
Second, as argued in section 5.6.1, mood markers (-/ 'potential', -loy 'nonpo-
tential', ~tdw 'obligation/probability', and -to 'necessity') also act as nominalizers.
Evidence for this is that verbs inflected with a mood marker can be suffixed by
h 'interrogative' or the copula -ni both of which occur only on nominals. The
mood markers may occur independently as nominalizers (as in (2b)) or may
occur in conjunction with the nominalizer (as in (2c)).

156 Chapter 6. Subordination
(2) b. ydwgsdro
yaw -ka -ta -la -o
reach -POT -NES -INT -SOLCT
will she be able to attain
'Will she be able to make it?'
c. cdtkzdzbra
cat -ka -ta -pa -Is
go -POT -NES -NOM -INT
'Must you go ?'
Third, there are lexical nominalizers, the most common of which is jat 'type'
(borrowed from the Hindi jat 'caste'; see Chapter 9 for further discussion).
(2) d. md sygi kadd thdkPamzjath

m ay -ki ka -ta thak -lam -la -jat -la
he I -GEN room -LOC smoke -EVD -PERF -TYPE -INT
he my to room is it that (he) smoke
'Could it be that he smoked in my room?'
Evidence that jat is nominalizing comes from the fact that verbs suffixed with
jat can take the interrogative marker. This follows the generalization stated in
section 5.6.1 that only nominalized forms can take the interrogative.
The noun pot 'thing' is also used as a nominalizer to delimit the action or
state described in the verb as being from a group of similar actions or states.
(2) e . semgatpd mdtjhanba nat?ene

sem -khat -pa mq -han -pa qam -pot natte -ne
make -UP -NOM lose -CAUS -NOM able -thing not -SI
make cause to lose possible thing not all
'...it is not the kind of thing where I will hurt or help (the students
myself)...'
Evidence that pot is a nominalizer comes from the fact that the copula -ni can
be suffixed to a verbal noun of the form V-pot. This is illustrated in (2f).
(2) f. szmkhrapotni
sam -khi -la -pot -ni
short -STILL -PRO -THING -COP
'it was going to be a type of shortcut'

6.1.2 Relative clauses
Relative clauses are based on nominalized clauses. Meithei exhibits externally

headed relative clauses where the relativized noun occurs to the right of the
clause and is marked with the nominalizer -pd. The relativized position is left
unmarked. Relative clauses are generated through the phrase structure rule
given in (3a). An example is given in (3b).
(3) a. NP - SnomN
b. //a C9tpa nupadudi

ijasi cat -pa nu -pa -tu -ti
today go -NOM person -MAS -DDET -DLMT
today one who goes that boy
masd phdy
ma -s pha -i
NM -body good -NHYP
body is good
'The boy who is going today is handsome.'
The following arguments can be relativized: Actor (3c), Patient (3d), Theme
(3e), Recipient/Goal (3f), Instrument (3g), Ablative (3h), and Path (3i).
(3) c. Actor:
kolom pdyrzba nipa
kolom pay -la -pa ni -pa
pen hold -PROX -NOM person -MAS
pen one who held boy
macddo sygi marupni

ma -c -tu ay -ki marp -ni
NM -small -DDET I -GEN friend -COP
that small one my friend is
'That small boy who held the pen is my friend.'

Chapter 6. Subordination
d. Patient:
Ramtid phba Tombddu solli
Ram -9 ph -pa Tombs -tu son -i
Ram -CNTR beat -NOM Tomba -DDET weak -NHYP
Ram to beat that Tomba is weak
Tomba who was beaten by Ram is weak.'
e. Theme:
aynd Idyrskps layriktu phdy
ay -na lay -lak -pa layrik -tu pha -i
I -CNTR buy -DISTAL -NOM book -DDET good -NHYP
I which was bought that book is good
The book which I bought is good.'
f. Experiencer/Goal:
Bhan oyraba nupadwid
a -han oy -laba nu -pa -tu -na
ATT -old be -HAVING person -MAS -DDET -CNTR
old become that man
ijdrubdk pirdmbd
q -lu -pk pi -lam -pa
fish -trap -broad give -EVD -NOM
basket of fish to the one given
nupidu aygi nupini

nu -pi -tu ay -ki nu -pi -ni
person -FEM -DDET I -GEN person -FEM -COP
that woman my friend is
The woman to whom the basket of fish was given by the man who is
old is my wife.'
g. Instrument:
Tomband phdkhibd
Tomba -na qa ph -khi -pa
Tomba -CNTR fish catch -STILL -NOM
Tomba fish to have caught

larjdu sini
lag -tu si -ni
net -DDET pdet -COP
that net is this
'This is the net that Tomba caught the fish with.'
h. Ablative:
tebal mathakts Isyriba
tebal ma -thak -ta lay -li -pa
table NM -top -LOC be -PROG -NOM
table on top of being
layriktagi whaypareqsiqdu iyu

layrik -tagi whaypareq -siq -tu i -u
book -ABL sentence -GPL -DDET write -IMP
from the book those sentences write
'Write out the sentences in the book that is on the table.'
i. Path:
Tombana Sitaga loynana plen
Tomba -na Sita -ka loyna -na plen
Tomba -CNTR Sita -ASS together -ADV plane
Tomba with Sita together plane
paykhiba ciqdoldu yamna warjiji

pay -khi -pa ciq -thon -tu yam -na waq -i
fly -STILL -NOM hill -name -DDET much -ADV tall ÎHYP
one who flew that hill very is tall
'The mountains over which Tomba flew the plane with Sita are very
tall.'
6.1.2.1 Semantic role and pragmatic marking on the relativized noun
The relativized noun, following the principles outlined in Chapter 4, may be

marked by a semantic role or pragmatic marker. For example, the delimitative
enclitic marks the relativized noun in (4a).

(4) a. htXy hdtpa nupadi aygi marupni

huy hat -pa nu -pa -ti ay -ki marup -ni
dog kill -NOM person -MAS -DLMT I -GEN friend -COP
dog to kill those men my friend is
Only the men who kill dogs are my friends.'
Unless a relativized noun is marked by the determiner -si or -tu, it gets an

indefinite reading as in (4a,b).
(4) b. layrik yamna kanna paba nupa

layrik yam -na kan -na pa -pa nu -pa
book lot -ADV hard -ADV read -NOM person -MAS
book very hard one who studies boy
macna aphaba thabak

ms -c -na a -pha -pa thabak phaq -ni
NM -small -CNTR ATT -good -NOM work find -COP
small which is good work will find
'Boys who study hard get good jobs.'
When marked by the distance determiner a relativized human noun is either a

physically or conversationally distant topic as in (4c). Use of the proximate
determiner with the relativized noun phrase to refer to a current topic of con-
versation or a person visible to the speaker is stylistically marked but possible,
see (4d). The use of the proximate determiner with relativized inanimate
nouns is not stylistically marked.
(4) c. nupa phiiba nupidu

nu -pa phu -pa nu -pi -tu
person -MAS beat -NOM person -FEM -DDET
the man one who beat that girl
ay kizay
ay ki -ca -i
I fear -SELF -NHYP
I fears
'I'm afraid of the girl who beat the man.'
d. nupa phuba nupisi ay kizay

'I'm afraid of this girl here who beat the man.'

6.1.2.2 Internally headed relative clauses
Relative clauses may be internally headed. In this case, the relativized noun
appears within the relative clause and a determiner referring to the relativized
noun functions as the nominalizer of the clause. Example (5a) illustrates the
externally headed relative clause construction and (5b-d) illustrate the corre-
sponding internally headed construction.
(5) a. hswna qdqbd nupa ddo

haw -na qq -pa nu -pa a -tu
loud -ADV speak -NOM person -MAS ATT -ddet
loudly to speak man that one
aygi mdrupni
ay -ki marp -ni
I -GEN friend -COP
my friend is
'The boy that spoke loudly is my friend.'
b. nupa hawn? qdqbddo

nu -pa haw -na qq -padu
person -MAS loud -ADV speak -DCOMP
boy loudly that speaking
zygi marupni
ay -ki marup -ni
I -GEN friend -COP
my friend is
"The loudly speaking boy is my friend.'
nupa awaqbasi aygi mznipni

nu -pa a -waq -pasi ay -ki marup -ni
person -MAS ATT -tall -DCOMP I -GEN friend -OC
man this one that is tall my friend is
T h e tall man is my friend.'
d. nupa phubssi aygi marupni

nu -pa phu -pasi ay -ki marup -ni
person -MAS beat -DCOMP I -GEN friend -COP
man this beater my friend is
'The beater of men, this one, is my friend.'

Complements (as discussed in section 6.2), which are structurally similar con-
structions to internally headed relative clauses, have the modified noun occur-
ring to the right of the subordinate clause as in (5e).
(5) e . saqgom thakpasi 3

sen -khom thak -pasi aqq -ta -ti
cow -udder drink -DCOMP child -EX -DLMT
milk this drinking child
mds folli
m9 -s kan -i
NM -body hard -NHYP
body strong
'Drinking milk has made the boy strong.'
6.1.2.3 Question words as relative pronouns
Although there are no relative pronouns in Meithei, question words can be

used as relative pronouns to head indirect questions. This feature has probably
developed under Indo-Aryan influence as in Kathmandu Newari, Kanauri and
Ladakhi Tibetan (Delancey 1989a: 1-2). In the constructions under consider-
ation, an optative clause, containing a question word, functioning as an indirect
question, is subordinated by a complementizer. In examples (6a-c), the com-
plementizer is a quotative, while in (6a) the question word is fori 'what', in
(6b) fona 'who' and in (6c) foramna 'how'.
(6) a . ayna upudu fori ydwbage

ay -na u -pu -tu kari yaw -pa -ke
I -CNTR wood -carry -DDET what include -NOM-OPT
I that box what it wants to include
hdybado khatjtji
hay -padu khaq -i
say -DCOMP know -NHYP
that know
know what that box should have in it.'

b . kdnads pdysa pigadsge

kana -ta paysa pi -ka -t9 -ke
who -LOC money give -POT -NES -OPT
to whom money we should give
hyna zykhoy
hy -na ay -khoy qq -na -Ism -
that -INST I -hpl speak -RECIP -EVD -NHYP
that we spoke together
'We talked about who we should give money to.'
c. teramnm? ironbdge51 hybadu utlu

karamna -na ironba -ke hy -padu t -la -u
how -ADV ironba -OPT say -DCOMP show -PRO -IMP
how want ironba that show
'Please show me how to cook ironba.'
6.1.2.4 Quotatives used to signal relative clauses
When the relative clause refers to a future state a quotative must be used to
subordinate the clause (see Chapter 9 for details on the interaction of tense
and subordination).
(7) a . kolom paykhragani hdyba

kolom pay -khi -Is -ka -ni hy -pa
pen hold -STILL -PRO -POT -COP say -NOM
pen will hold that
nupa mscddo aygi marupni

nu -pa ma -c -tu ay -ki marup -ni
person -MAS NM -small -DDET I -GEN friend -COP
boy that young one my friend is
'The boy that is going to hold the pen is my friend.'
Note that (7a) cannot mean, 'The boy who said that he would hold the pen'.
Examples (7a,b) are structurally distinct from complements (see section 6.2),
since the relativized actor occurs outside the subordinated clause. The rela-
tivizing function of the quotative also occurs with non-future events or states as
in (7b).

(7) b . kolom pdykhre hdybd

kolom pay -khi -la -e hay -pa
pen hold -STILL-PERF -ASRT say -NOM
pen held that
nupa mdcddo aygi marupni

nu -pa ma -c -tu ay -ki mariip-ni
person -MAS NM -small -DDET I -GEN friend -COP
man small one my friend is
'The boy that held the pen is my friend.'
6.1.2.5 Adjectives
Independent adjectives are formed through the prefixation of a- 'attributive' to

the nominalized forms of state verbs.58 Adjectives and relative clauses have
the same function (i.e. to modify a noun) but are formally and distributionally
distinct. A nominalized verb in a relative clause can refer to a state (8a) or an
action (8b). Adjectives, on the other hand, can describe only states.
(8) a. dygi yamns sawgmba marup

ay -ki yam -na saw -kan -pa marup
I -GEN lot -ADV anger -REPEAT -NOM friend
my very always angry friend
daktsrdo hzwjiktd catkhre

doctar -tu hawjik -ta cat -khi -la -e
doctor -DDET now -LOC go -STILL -PERF -ASRT
that doctor at this moment has gone
'My friend who is a doctor who is very angry has just left.'
b . hy hdtpa nupadi
huy hat -pa nu -pa -ti
dog kill -NOM person -MAS -DLMT
dog to kill the men
'the men who kill dogs...'
Second, relative clauses appear either before the relativized noun or are
internally headed relative clauses which contain the relativized noun. Relative
clauses, however, never occur after the relativized noun. Adjectives may be
postnominal as in (8c) or prenominal as in (8d).

(8) c. sadhdbiget dsabd pdyrdgd

sadhabiget a -sa -pa pay -laga
certificate ATT -hot -NOM hold -AFTER
certificate false after securing
'...after securing a false certificate...'
Speakers recognize a slight semantic difference between postnominal and

prenominal adjectives. Postnominal adjectives are simply descriptive but pre-
nominal adjectives identify the modified noun as belonging to a class of similar
things.59
The similarity between adjectives and relative clauses allows for the ambigu-
ity illustrated in (8d) which can mean 'the shop that sells old books' and has
the structure in (8e); or 'the old shop that sells books' and has the structure in
().60
(8) d. Bmanbs layrik yonbs dukandu

a -man -pa layrik yon -pa dukan -tu
ATT -old -NOM book sell -NOM shop -DDET
old book selling that shop
aygini
ay -ki -ni
I -GEN-COP
is mine
e. [[[amanba layrik^] yonba sno J dukandunp]

'the shop that sells old books'
f. [[amanba][[layrik yonbasnoni] dukandunp]]

'the old shop that sells books'
6.1.2.6 Combining relative clauses and coreference
When two relative clauses refer to the same relativized noun phrase, the clau-
ses can be juxtaposed to indicate that they are conjoined. In this case the
relativized noun phrase appears once in the sentence.

(9) a. dy shal dma qdsi yamnd paysa

ay a -han a -ma qasi yam -na paysa
I ATT -old ATT -one today lot -ADV money
I parent one today very money
paybd inakkhunbB sound oybd kaqbu ndtte

pay -pg inakkhun -pa sound oy -pa kaqbu natte
hold -NOM rich -NOM sound be -NOM group is not
holding being rich sound being type is not
'My parent (father) is not the type who has a lot of money, who is
rich, who is reliable...'
If an overt conjunction appears between the two relative clauses, however,

these cannot refer to the same noun phrase. For example, (9b) refers to two
separate groups of girls, those who dance and those who drink; in (9c), how-
ever, the two relative clauses refer to the same group of girls.
(9) b . satjgom th?k?ibd amasutj

san -khom thak -li -pa a -ma -su
cow -udder drink -PROG -NOM ATT -one -ALSO
milk who is drinking and
hayeq jagoy sdgddawribd

hayeq jagoy s -ka -taw -li -pa
tomorrow dance dance -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM
tomorrow dance who will be dancing
nupi mdcas^du zygi manXpni

nu -pi ma -c -si -tu ay -ki marup -ni
person -FEM NM -small -GPL -DDET I -GEN friend -OOP
female those small ones my friends are
'The girls who drink milk and the girls who will be dancing tomorrow
are my friends.'
c. hdyerj jagoy sdgadawribs sdqgom thtkPibd nupi macdsiqdu aygi marupni

Those girls who will be dancing tomorrow and are drinking milk are
my friends.'

A relative clause may be embedded within another.
(9) d. Merins sabs kek cdkhibd

Men -9 sa -pa kek c -khi -pa
Mary -CNTR hot -NOM cake eat -STILL -NOM
Mary baking cake eating
nipado 3ygi msrupni

ni -pa -tu ay -ki marup -ni
person -MAS -DDET I -GEN friend -COP
that man my friend is
'The man who ate the cake that Mary baked is my friend.'
e . Manipur universitigi gesthawski

Manipur universiti -ki gesthaws -ki
Manipur university -GEN guest house -GEN
of Manipur University of the guest house
rum nambar taraddgi purdkpa

rum nambar tara -tagi pu -lak -pa
room number ten -ABL carry -DISTAL -NOM
room number ten from which was brought
layriktu 3 Izyrakpa tebal

layrik -tu qaraq lay -lak -pa tebal
book -DDET yesterday buy -DISTAL -NOM table
that book yesterday which was bought table
m9thkt3 thammdmba tjasi ayuk

ma -thak -ta tham -lam -pa qasi a -yk
NM -top -LOC place -EVD -NOM today ATT -early
on top of which was placed today morning
lak?3mbd nupado
lak -lam -pa nu -pa -tu
come -EVD -NOM person-MAS -DDET
who came that boy

aygi inawnupagi marupni

ay -ki i -nw nu -pa -ki marup -ni
I -GEN IP -new person -MAS -GEN friend -COP
my younger brother's friend is
'The boy who brought this book from room number 10 of the Manipur
University Guest House, who kept that book which was bought
yesterday on the table, and who came this morning is my younger
brother's friend.'
6.1.3 Verbs which subcategorize for nominalized clauses
A nominalized clause fills the argument structure of certain verbs that con-
tribute aspectual or modal meaning to that clause. For example, the verb
hdwba 'to start' indicates the initiation of an action.
( 1 0 ) a. ay cdba hawre
ay c -pa haw -la -e
I eat -NOM start -PRO -ASRT
I to eat started
have started eating an apple.'
Other verbs that have aspectual meaning and require nominalized clauses are
ydij 'fast', tap 'slow', and mon 'too slow'. As shown in (10b,c) the verb loy 'to
finish' indicates the end of some action that has been carried on for some time
or is carried out habitually.
( 1 0 ) b . md Dili catpd loyre

m Delhi cat -pa loy -la -e
he Delhi go -NOM finish -PRO -ASRT
he Delhi to go going to be finished
'His trips to Delhi are going to be over.'
c. md Dili cstpd loydri

m Delhi cat -pa loy -ta -li
he Delhi go -NOM finish -NEG -PROG
he Delhi to go is not finished
'He will go more and more often to Delhi.'
In some instances, the verb has taken on extended aspectual meanings; for
example, phdbd 'to arrest/to catch/to tie' is used to signify the completion of an
action or the full attainment of a state as in (lOd). Similarly, the verb kaba
'roast to a burn' can indicate that an action has been performed to excess as in
(lOe).
(10) d. laysbi phre

lay -s -pi ph -Is -e
god -body -FEM catch -PERF -ASRT
virgin completed
61
'She has grown up.'
e. lakpd kare
lak -pa k -la -e
come -NOM roast -PERF-ASRT
to come roasted
'He overstayed his welcome.'
Such verbs may also function to indicate modality. For example, the verb
tdba 'to fall' can indicate an action is compelled to come about.
(10) f. //a' m phuba tare

qasi m phu -pa ta -la -e
today he beat -NOM fall -PRO -ASRT
today he to beat will fall out
'Today he is going to be beaten.'
The verb yd 'possible' indicates the mild possibility of an event or state having
taken or going to take place or being attained.
qasi Dili C3tp3 yay

v y
qasi m Dili cat -pa y -
today he Delhi go -NOM possible -NHYP
today he Delhi to go is possible
'Today it is possible that he go to Delhi.'
The verb 9 'can' indicates the extent of the ability of the theme to perform
some action.

( 1 0 ) h . mahdk Hindi pabd

ms -hak Hindi pa -pa gam -i
3P -here Hindi read -NOM able -NHYP
he Hindi to read is able
'He can read Hindi.'
The verb ay 'to be' can indicate a desire for some verb or state to come about.
It also occurs with dsrkar 'duty' (a loan word from Hindi) in the lexicalized
form darkar oy 'to need to, to be responsible for'.62
( 1 0 ) i. isoma narjbu thdwjdn

isor -na nag -pu thaw -can
god -CNTR you -PAT duty -let
god you please
piba oysannu
pi -pa oy -sin -u
give -NOM be -IN -IMP
to give may it be
'May God bless you.'
n9ij citps dsrkar oy

naq cat -pa darkar oy
you go -NOM duty is
you to go necessity is
'It is necessary for you to do.'
The verb ph 'good' can indicate a preference for a future action.
( 1 0 ) k. sykhoy misu catpa phsy

ay -khoy a -ni -su cat -pa pha -i
I -hpl ATT -two -ALSO go -NOM good -NHYP
we two also to go is good
'It is better if the two of us go.'
6.2 Complementation
As reflected in the phrase structure rules in (11a), the argument of a verb may
be a subordinated sentence which may consist of a nominalized clause followed
by a complementizer or a sentence (an inflected verb and its arguments) fol-

6.2 Complementation 171
lowed by a quotative. The choice between the use of a quotative or comple-

mentizer depends on the evidential value that a speaker wishes to place on a
complement. These distributional facts are discussed in Chapter 9. This sec-
tion will deal with the formal characteristics of complements.
(11) a. S S' V
S' - Snom (COMP)
S' * S quotative
Complementizers may either be -pd 'nominalizer' or a sequence of nominalizer

and determiner, -pssi -padu (hereafter determiner-complementizer) as illustr-
ated in ( l i b ) and (11c), respectively. Further examples are given in section
9.2.
( 1 1 ) b . ayna cenbd tippi

* '
ay -na cen -pa
tap -
I -CNTR run -NOM
slow -NHYP
I to run
slow
run slowly.'
c. mdns isiq thskpadu

m -na i -siq thak -padu
he -CNTR water -GPL drink -DCOMP
him water that drinking
sytid khammi
ay -na kham -la -i
I -CNTR stop -PERF -NHYP
I stopped
stopped him from drinking water.'
Quotatives are based on hay 'say' and occur with the nominalizer (hyba), or
with the determiner-complementizer (haybssi or hdybadu), as well as other
subordinating morphology. A list of quotatives with illustrative examples is
given in section 6.4.
As seen in ( l i d ) -- which is not a direct quote - the complement //asi lakkani
is not headed by an overt complementizer. The "zero" complementizer is
present only with verbs of saying and is discussed further in section 9.2.

(11) d. mahdk lakkmi hay

ms -hak qasi lak -ks -ni hay -i
3P -here today come -POT -COP say -NHYP
he today will come said
'He said that he would come today.'
6.3 Adverbial clauses
As represented in phrase structure rule in (11a), sentences may be modified by

adverbial clauses which occur in sentence initial position. Adverbial clauses
are subordinated sentences further suffixed by clausal subordinators (e.g. case
markers or lexical subordinators).
(12) a. S (AdvP) NP* V

AdvP S' CS
AdvP S quotative
6.3.1 Case markers as clausal subordinators
Clausal subordinators are derived from the locative, genitive, associative and
ablative case markers, following a pattern that is common in Tibeto-Burman
languages, as noted by Konow (1909: 9) and discussed in detail for 26 langua-
ges of the family in Genetti (1988).
Table 1. Case markers and their subordinating function
Case marker Meaning
-kd 'associative' at the same time as Ving

-ki 'genitive' for the purpose of Ving
-t? 'locative' after Ving
-tBgi 'ablative' resulting from Ving
-na 'instrumental' by Ving, because of Ving
The associative marker -kd is used to form an adverbial clause which signals
a temporal sequence of events either where the subordinated clause is the first
event and the main clause, the second (as in (12b)) or where both events occur
simultaneously (as in (12c,d)). A cause and effect relationship between the

first and second events is not strongly implied. The V-pdgd sequence is trans-
lated as 'when V'.
(12) b. baji tolop ph^bdga law caPoyba

baji tolop phaq -pa -ka law cat -toy -pa
father salary find -NOM -ASS take go -NES -NOM
father salary when gets take intend to go
'...when my father gets his salary then I'll need to take the money
(over there).'
c. syn9 layriktu hek pdybdga md

ay -na layrik -tu hek pay -pa -ka m
I -CNTR book -DDET just hold -NOM -ASS he
I that book just when carrying he
lak?i
lak -i
come -NHYP
came
'He came when I held that book.'
d. md cithi irsbdgd hyrdmmi

m cithi i -la -pa -ka lay -lam -li
he letter write -PRO -NOM -ASS is -EVD -PROG
he letter about to write then was there
'He was there, about to write a letter.'
The genitive marker -ki can be suffixed to a nominalized verb to indicate a

clause meaning 'for the purpose of Ving'. The nominalized phrase suffixed by
-ki can also have the meaning 'from that Ving, concerning Ving' as in (12e).
(12) e. thabdktu tewbzgi lupa lisitj man

thabak -tu taw -pa -ki lupa lisiq ma -li
work -DDET do -NOM -GEN rupees 1000 NM -four
the work for those who do money 1000 four
amdsu pikhi hdybani

a -ma -su pi -khi hy -pa -ni
ATT -one -ALSO give -STIL say -NOM -COP
also one gave that
'...I have heard that he also paid Rs. 4000 to get his job...'

f. nafj ck crdbagi
nag ck c -la -pa -ki
you rice eat -PROX -NOM -GEN
you rice from having eaten
caybidrabsni
cay -pi -ta -la -pa -ni
scold -REC -NEG -PRO -NOM -COP
have not yet scolded
didn't scold you for coming here to eat.'
The locative marker -ta may be suffixed to a nominalized verb to indicate a

time clause with the meaning 'when Ving, upon Ving'.
(12) g. *& ridca dykhoydd lakpsdd

nag -ki na -ca ay -khoy -ta lak -pa -ta
you -GEN 2P -small I -hpl -LOC come -NOM -LOC
your sister to our place when coming
synd ck cdhsnkhi
ay -na ck c -han -khi -1
I -CNTR rice eat -cause -STILL -NHYP
I rice
lcc already
a n c a u y caused
uauscu to
eat
'When your sister came to our place I fed her.'
The ablative marker -tsgi is used to form a subordinate clause which gives an
explanation for a current state that has just come into being. It can be trans-
lated as 'resulting from V'.
( 1 2 ) h . narjna pdybdddgi layriksi

naq -na py -pa -tagi layrik -si
you -CNTR hold -NOM -ABL book -PDET
you from carrying this book
segayba hdwre
set -khay -pa haw -la -e
tear -TOTAF -NOM start -PRO -ASRT
to tear will start
This book will start tearing from your carrying it.'
As noted by P. Madhubala Devi (1979: 196), -tagi may also be used to compare
two clauses.
(12) i. mna catpasi ayna cenbddagi

m -na cat -pasi ay -na cen -pa -tagi
he -CNTR go -DCOMP I -CNTR run -NOM-ABL
he that going I from running
henna thy
hen -na thu -i
more -ADV fast -NHYP
more is fast
'His walking is faster than my running.'
Adverbial clauses may also be formed by suffixing -na 'instrumental' to a no-

minalized clause to signal a cause clause.
(12) j. hotnadabana
hotna -ta -pa -na
try -NEG -NOM -INST
'due to not trying'
k. m cenbana phay
m cen -pa -na pha
he run -NOM -INST good -NHYP
he due to running is good
'He is doing himself good by running.'
6.3.2 Adverbial Participials
Adverbial clauses can be opposed to adverbial participials which are suffixed to

non-nominalized verbs. The participializers are morphologically complex,
lexicalized units.
Table 2. The morphological composition and meaning of adverbial participials
Participial Composed of Glossed as Meaning
-tma locative-instrumental 'by' by Ving

-tuna determiner-instrumental '-ING' Ving
-naba instrumental-nominalizer 'in order to' for Ving
-laga perfect-associative 'after' after Ving
-laba perfect-nominalizer 'having' having Ved

The participializer -tins, which is composed -ta 'locative' and -na 'instrumen-
tal', can be affixed directly to a verb to mean, 'as a consequence of Ving, by
Ving'. The proposition in the main clause is seen as the result of action descri-
bed in the subordinated clause.
( 1 3 ) a . kdramna namdana
karam -na nam -tana
how -ADV force -BY
how by force
tamhangadawribano
tam -han -ka -taw -li -pa -no
learn -CAUS -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -INQ
should cause to learn, do you know
'How can (the teachers) force the students (who don't want to study)
to learn?'
b . cdk caradana sawba phare

ck c -la -tana saw -pa pha -la -e
rice eat -PERF -BY anger -NOM good -PRO -ASRT
rice since eating to be angry is better
'Since I've eaten, I am not going to be angry anymore.'
V-tana can be opposed to V-tuna which is composed -tu 'distal determiner' and
-na 'instrumental' and indicates that the occurrence of the action described in
the participial and in the main verb, partially or fully overlap in time. The par-
ticipials -tana and -tuna must be glossed as a single unit since neither *V-tu or
*V-ta are possible.
( 1 3 ) c. ay magi matuq induna ?

ay m -ki ma -tuq in -tuna lak -i
I he -GEN NM -behind follow -ING come -NHYP
I his behind following came
followed him.'
Native speakers feel that V-tana and V-tuna are interchangeable because the
meaning indicated by V-tuna, the simultaneity of action in the subordinate and
main verb, is included in the meaning indicated by V-tana. That is, in addition
to the two events occurring at the same time, the action described in the main
verb may also be a consequence of the action described in the subordinated
verb. An example of this is (13d).

(13) d. sanna waydna iure

m son -na way -tna tu -la -e
he cow -CNTR gore -ING fall -PERF -ASRT
he by the cow having been gored had fallen
'Having been gored by the cow, he had fallen.'
Here the action of the cow not only occurs simultaneously with the falling of
the man but is the cause for the man's falling.
The aspect marker -la 'perfect' and -ks 'associative' combine to form the
participalizer -laga 'after Ving'. This lexicalized sequence should be distinguish-
ed from the productive sequence V-la-ka (V-prospective-associative) 'when/if
V', illustrated in (12c).
(13) e. mahk sei khara puraga

ma -hak sei khara -laga
3P -here money some borrow -AFTER
he money some having borrowed
catkhre
cat -khi -la -e
go -STILL -PERF -ASRT
left
'He left after borrowing some money.'
The sequence -laba, composed of -la 'perfect' and -pa 'nominalizer', must be
distinguished from the productive sequence -la-pa which is composed of the
prospective aspect and the nominalizer as in (3c) and (15f). -laba is treated as
a participial since unlike other subordinators it has high tone.
(13) f. mi ataynane hanna

mi a -tay -na -ne hn -na
man ATT -other -CNTR -SI first -ADV
man others already
phoqkhraba layriksiqdagi
phoq -khi -laba layrik -siq -tagi
publish -STILL -HAVING book -GPL -ABL
having published from the books
'...from the books already published by other men...'

The participalizer -nabs, composed of -na 'instrumental' and -pa

'nominalizer', is suffixed to verbs to indicate a purpose clause.
( 1 3 ) g. ay drama yerjnaba catlamme

ay drama yeq -naba cat -lam -la -e
I drama see -IN ORDER TO go -EVD -PERF-ASRT
I drama to see had gone
had gone there to see the drama.'
h . ay tumnaba sem sare

ay tum -naba sem sa -la -e
I sleep -IN ORDER TO prepare make -PERF-ASRT
I to sleep preparations made
made the preparations for sleeping.'
6.3.3 Lexical subordinators
An adverbial clause can be indicated by an independent lexical item. For

example, in (14a) phdwba 'up to' is used to mark a concessive clause.
( 1 4 ) a. ck cw hyraba
ck c -u hy -laba
rice eat -IMP say -HAVING
rice eat having said
phdwba cajadaba
phw -pa c -ca -ta -pa
till -NOM eat -SELF -NEG -NOM
up to that not eating
ayyonda karigi cdy hayribano

ay -qon -ta kari -ki cy hy -Ii -pa -no
I -to -LOC what -GEN ate say -PROG -NOM -INQ
to me why ate you are saying
'Even though every one said that I should eat, I did not eat, so why
are you going around saying that I ate?'

Kan 'time' (borrowed from Hindi kal 'era') with -is 'locative' means 'at the
time of V'.
(14) b . hswgsthkp kands

haw -khat -lak -pa kan -ta
start -UP -DISTAL -NOM time -LOC
getting up at that time
'at the time of getting up'
The suffix -3 'during' (derived from the stem rjay 'wait') can be suffixed to
a verb to mean 'when V'.
(14) c. 2ykhoyti9 satrz oyritjsy matamgd

ay -khoy -na satra oy -li -qay ma -tam -ka
I -hpl -CNTR student be -PROG -DURING NM -time -ASS
our student being time also
'...between the time when we were students (and now)...'
6.3.4 -ti 'delimitative' and -su 'also' as subordinators
When -ti 'delimitative' is affixed to a nominalized verb in the prospective

aspect, a hypothetical conditional clause meaning 'if this V' is signalled.
(15) a . hdwayjr kaynbddi aygisu

hawyjr kay -la -pa -ti ay -ki -su
hawyjr unwrap -PRO -NOM -DLMT I -GEN -ALSO
soybean if unwrap for me too
pird?u
pi -lak -u
give -DISTAL -IMP
give
'If you unwrap the jar of fermented soybean, give me some too.'
-su 'also' marks a concessive subordinate clause when suffixed to a nominalized

clause.

(15) b. pankhya pas tawrabasu

parikhya pas taw -la -pa -su
test pass do -PRO -NOM -ALSO
test pass even doing
layrikti haytredana
layrik -ti hay -ta -la -e -tana
book -DLMT proficient -NEG -PRO -ASRT -BY
book at that time are not proficient
'So even if they pass their exams they will not be proficient in (the
content of) any book...'
6.3.5 Combinations of subordinators
Possible combinations of subordinators are given in Table 3.
Table 3. Examples of multiple levels of subordination
sequence compostion
padu-ta complementizer-locative
padu-tagi complementizer-ablative
padu-na complementizer-instrumental
pa-ta-na nominalizer-locative-instrumental
la-ka-na nominalizer-associative-instrumental
li-na progressive-instrumental
pa-ni-na nominalizer-copula-instrumental
naba-ki participial-genitive
laga-na participial-instrumental
qay-da lexical subordinator-locative
A complementizer can be followed by a clausal subordinator. In (16a) the

complementizer-locative case marker sequence signals 'at the time that V\ In
(16b) the complementizer-ablative case marker sequence signals 'from the fact
that V'. In (16c) the complementizer-instrumental sequence signals 'because of
that V'.
(16) a. ndkhoynd cztpzduda

na -ichoy -na cat -padu -ta
2P -hpl -CNTR go -DCOMP -LOC
you all at that going
dysu yawge
ay -su yaw -ke
I -ALSO participate -OPT
I too will participate
'When you go, let me go too. (Literally: At that going of yours...)'
b . kloj tawrambadudagi Dimapurds

kloj taw -lam -padu -tagi Dimapur -ta
close do -EVD -DCOMP -ABL Dimapur -LOC
close from that fact to Dimapur
sit khsrd haijtje

sit khara hq -la -e
seat some empty -PERF -ASRT
seat some were empty
'From the fact that (the shop) was closed, there were some seats emp-
ty at Dimapur.'
c. taramakhydagi leppakpddun9
tara -ma -khy -tagi lep -lak -padu -na
hour ten -one -half -ABL stop -DISTAL -DCOMP -INST
hour from 10:30 onwards because of that stopping
'Because of stopping from 10:30 o'clock onwards...'
The instrumental can be suffixed to other subordinating case markers. In

(16d), the locative-instrumental sequence signals 'upon Ving, then'. In (16e)
the associative-instrumental sequence signals 'when Ving, then'.

(16) d . skul kabddsnd

skul ka -pa -ta -na
school attend -NOM -LOC -INST
school when attending
dynd layrik pity

ay -n9 layrik pu -i
I -CNTR book cany -NHYP
I book carry
'When I go to school I carry my books.'
e . md cthgana ^ Isyhawro
m est -la -ka -na naq lay -haw -la -o
she go -PRO -ASS -INST you be -START -INT -SOLCT
she when goes then you will you remain, tell me
'When she goes, will you please stay?'
As illustrated by (16f-h), the instrumental marker can be suffixed to non-subor-

dinated clauses as well to signal 'because of Ving'.
(16) f. psysa lyytrina pidri

paysa lay -ta -Ii -na pi -ta -Ii
money be -NEG -PROG -INST give -NEG -PROG
money because (I) do not have did not give
'They haven't given (you) any money because they don't have any.'
g. layriktu Tombms pubsninz

layrik -tu Tomba -na pu -pa -ni -na
book -DDET Tomba -CNTR cany -NOM -COP -INST
that book Tomba because (he) is having it
forisu
kari -su mq -loy
what -ALSO lose -NPOT
whatever will not be lost
'Since that book is with Tomba there is no fear of it being misplaced.'
h . mahdk sonbanina63 thoyba

ma -hak son -pa -ni -na thoy -pa
3P -here weak -NOM -COP -INST first -NOM
she since being weak to win

tpmdre
gam -ts -la -e
can -NEG -PERF -ASRT
could not
'Since she is weak, she couldn't win (the beauty contest).'
As illustrated in (16i,j), participials can be followed by clausal subordinators.
(16) i. cdrunabagini
c -lu -naba -ki -ni
eat -ADIR -IN ORDER TO -GEN -COP
am going there to eat. (Literally: I am going there in order to eat.)'
j . psrikhya maya yswrakPgsnd

parikhya ma -y yaw -lak -laga -na
test NM -near reach -DISTAL -AFTER -INST
test near after the time has already come
'When the time of the exams have already drawn near, then...'
Lexical subordinators may be followed by clausal subordinators as in (16k).
(16) k. tewriqayda
taw -li -qay -ta
do -PROG -DURING -LOC
'at the time of doing'
6.4 The quotative subordinator
The quotative is used to subordinate a clause that presents statements made by

someone other than the speaker or statements about the desires, wishes, or
intentions of someone other than the speaker. The morphology on the quota-
tive determines the exact clausal relationship between the clause subordinated
by the quotative and the main clause. Table 4 lists the forms of the quotative
attested in my data.

Table 4. Quotatives
Quotative Gloss of suffixes Meaning of quotative
hdydmd BY by saying so, then

hdydutid ING having said so, then subject Ved
hdyna INST that
hdyba NOM that
hdybagi NOM-GEN regarding that which was said
hdybada NOM-LOC according to what subject (rightly) say/says
hybaddgi NOM-ABL as a result of that which was said
hybddu NOM-DDET that
hybdtid NOM-INST because of that being said
hdybanind NOM-COP-INST because it is thus said
hdybabu NOM-ADVR although that is
hdybdsi NOM-PDET that
hdyragd AFTER after saying that
Note that the quotatives translated as 'that' in Table 4 are distinguished by the
evidential value placed on a subordinated clause (not fully confirmed, hearsay,
or a report of the intentions or desires of a person other than the speaker).
Details about these quotatives are given in Chapter 9.
As illustrated in (17a-c), case markers in their subordinating function can
occur with the quotative.
( 1 7 ) a. haybaddy kappe Sakuntalase

hay -ps -tsgi kap -e Sakuntala -si
say -NOM -ABL cry -ASRT Sakuntala -PDET
from that cried this Shakuntala
'As a result (she) started crying, that Shakuntala.'
b . kdnndhawsi hdybBgi wdni

kanna -haw -si hy -ps -ki w -ni
utility -START -SUP say -NOM -GEN word -COP
let us make use regarding that that is it
'What I am proposing is: let (us also) get something out of it.'

c. phdhdwge kdnndhawge
pha -haw -ke kanna -haw -ke
good -START -OPT utility -START -OPT
to want good to want to make useful
haybagi wdniba
hay -pa -ki w -ni -pa
say -NOM -GEN topic -COP -NOM
regarding that word is
'... Regarding what you say, you want to so something good and use-
ful.'
Adverbial participializers also occur with quotatives: see for example hdydmd
in (17d,e), hydiind in (17g,f) and hyragd in (17h,i). In narratives, haydmd and
haydiina link a direct quote with the narrator's description of subsequent action
or comment on the quote whereas hyrigz links together two pieces of a direct
quote.
(17) d. aykhoygi ofiste hzwjik nawna

ay -khoy -ki ofis -ta hawjik naw -na
I -hpl -GEN office -LOC now new -ADV
of our at the office now newly
czqfokps mskhoy keranini

c6i) -lak -pa ma -khoy kerani -ni
enter -DISTAL -NOM 3P -hpl clerk -COP
those who have joined they being a clerk
hdydmz shixm msrikhak layse

hay -tana a -hum ma -li -khak lay -si
say -BY ATT -three one -four -UPTO be -PDET
by saying so then three up to four be this
'The three or four new hires in our office have joined as clerks (but
they really don't know anything about this job).'

e. hentakpu purak?e
hentk -pu pu -lak -e
dried fish -ADVR cany -DISTAL -ASRT
dried fish of have brought
hawnabro haydana
hawna -pa -la -o hay -tans
initiate -NOM -INT -SOLCT say -BY
is it tasty by saying so then
matay-manaw asi
ma -tay ma -naw a -si
NM -relative of opposite sex NM -young ATT -pdet
husband and wife this
patjkhat-khatnare
paq -khat khat -na -la -e
foolish -quarrel quarrel -RECIP -PERF -ASRT
argued with each other crazily
"'Where on earth did you get this dried fish from?" and in this way
they quarreled for some time.'
f. naqbu yot makok asi pallu

naq -pu yot ma -kok a -si pan -la -u
you -PAT hoe NM -head ATT -pdet rule -PRO -IMP
you hoe head this put
hdyduna hukum piye

hy -tna hukum pi -ye
say -ING command give -CONFM
thus order gave
'He directs you to put a handle in that hoe. (Literally: He gave an
order by saying this: you go ahead and put the handle in that hoe.)'
g. mapti asi pumme hdyduna

ma - a -si pum -la -e hy -tna
3P -man ATT -pdet rotten -PERF -ASRT say -ING
his grandfather this is rotten thus

mayam kaydna cenkhare

yoq ma -yam kay -tuns cen -khi -Is -e
monkey NM -very take out -ING run -STILL -PERF -ASRT
monkey many taking out ran away
'(They said), This grandpa is rotten,' so saying, these many monkeys
ran away.'
h. khetle hayraga caphu amada

khet -la -e hay -lags caphu 9 -ma -ta
cut -PERF -ASRT say -AFTER pot ATT -one -LOC
cut after saying in that pot in that
phajana qanthokpiro
pha -ca -na qan -thok -pi -la -o
good -SELF -ADV boil -OUT -REC -PRO -SOLCT
nicely will you boil
"'Cut (the pan)"; after saying that (he said), "Boil them well in a pot."'
The quotative may also occur with the instrumental marker, as in (17h,i), to
indicate a causal relationship between a statement or an opinion held and
some resulting action.
(17) i. cithi ado parubaduda sen

cithi 9 -tu pa -lu -pgdu -t9 sen
letter ATT -ddet read -ADIR -DCOMP -LOC money
letter that upon that reading money
pannaba nupa aduna

panna -pa nu -pa a -tU -9
oversee -NOM person -male ATT -ddet -CNTR
the one who oversees man that
cithi purak?iba
cithi pu -lak -li -pa
letter bring -DISTAL -PROG -NOM
letter bringing
nupa aduda sen pikho

nu -pa 9 -tu -ta sen pi -khi -o
person -MAS ATT -ddet -LOC money give -STILL -SOLCT
man that money won't you give

hybanina mdraybdk-phdbd
hy -pa -ni -na ma -lay -pak pha -pa
say -NOM -COP -INST 3P -god -get good -NOM
because it is said his good fortune
dolaypabddu aduda
dolay -pa -pa -tu a -tu -ta
chariot -keep -NOM -DDET ATT -ddet -LOC
that gate keeper that
sen pikhdre
sen pi -khi -la -e
money gave -STILL -PERF -ASRT
money gave
pubs ijmbz makhay

pu -pa gam -pa ma -khay
bring -NOM possible -NOM NM -share
bring being able largest amount
O n reading the letter, the man who kept the money as he was inst-
ructed in the letter to do so, gave the man that carried the letter, the
fortunate gate keeper, money, all that he could carry.'
j. msdu l9\vdm3 hekta

ma -tu law -tana hek -ta
NM -ddet take -BY just -EX
that having taken no explication
hdybdtisdi yaroy
hy -pa -na -ti y -loy
say -NOM -INST -DLMT agree -NPOT
because of that being said will not agree
'They would not agree (to a resolution) because they had taken an
undocumented case.'
The adversative marker -pu is used with the quotative to create a concessive
clause, subordinating a report and is used to link-up two mentions of the same
constituent in an extended discourse.

(17) k. mana hybdbu garidu ydmnd

m -ns hy -p9bu gari -tu yarn -ns
he -CNTR say -ALTHOUGH vehicle -DDET lot -ADV
he although that car very
phm hy
ph9 -li hy -1
good -PROG say -NHYP
good said
'But about what he said, he told me that the car is in good condition.'
1. Ramsi atjtjnidi hybabu

Ram -si sqaq -ni -ti hy -pabu
Ram -PDET child -COP -DLMT say -ALTHOUGH
this Ram is a child although
yamnd
yam -na siq -i
lot -ADV wise -NHYP
very is wise
'Although (they say that) Ram is a small boy he is very wise.'
m. u awaybsdagidi toy
u s -waq - -t9gi -ti ta -i
tree ATT -tall -NOM -ABL -DLMT fall -NHYP
tree from a tall one fell
hybabu m side
hy -psbu m si -t9 -e
say -ALTHOUGH he die -NEG -ASRT
although he did not die
'Although (it is said that) he fell from a high tree, he was not killed.'
6.5 The ordering of clauses in the sentence
In summary, there are six formally distinct clause types in Meithei: finite
clauses, nominalized complements, determiner complements, quotative comple-
ments, participials and subordinate adverbial clauses. These clauses can be
combined and ordered within sentences in a variety of ways. The most com-
mon orders for determiner-complementizer complement constructions are

given in (18a,b). The complement may be sentence initial, maybe followed by

the main clause, or maybe embedded between the verb of the main clause and
its arguments. As seen in (18c), it is not possible for the determiner
complement to occur sentence finally.
(18) a. Complement NP V
Tombibu cdddbdsi Ramnd pammi
Tombi -bu c -ts -pssi Ram -ns pam -i
Tombi -ADVR eat -NEG -DCOMP Ram -CNTR like -NHYP
Tombi this not eating Ram likes
'Ram likes Tombi's not eating.'
b. NP Complement V
Ramnd Tombibu cdddbdsi pammi
NP V Complement
c. *Ramnd pammi Tombibu cddabasi
Complements headed by quotative complementizers show more flexibility in

word order. Such complements may be embedded between the main verb and
its arguments in the main clause as in (18d), occur sentence initially as (18e),
or sentence finally as in (18f).
( 1 8 ) d . Johnnz Tomba citkhre

John -ns Tombs cot -khi -la -e
John -CNTR Tomba go -STILL -PERF -ASRT
John Tomba had gone
hdybdsi niqsiqfommi
hay -pssi niq -siq -Ism -i
say -DCOMP wish -wise -EVD -NHYP
that remembered
'John remembered that Tomba had gone.'
e . Tombs catkhre hybasi Johnna niqsujlammi

f. 2>y khzqde mdhdk skul

ay khaq -to -e ma -hak skul
I know -NEG -ASRT 3P -here school
I not know he school
cdtkhre hybd
cat -khi -Is -e hay -pa
go -STILL -PERF -ASRT say -NOM
had gone that
didn't know that he had gone to school.'
Both (18d) and (18e) are common orders with quotative-complementizer com-
plements in texts; (18f) appears in elicited data and is most likely a direct
translation from English.
An adverbial clause can also be extraposed to the right of the main verb in
order to put it in focus.
(18) g. bas pythoktana sirzmdawrabni

bas pay -thok -tana si -Ism -taw -19 -pa -ni
bus carry -OUT -BY die -EVD -OBLG -PRO -NOM -COP
bus by taking may have been killed
cskaniiy loyna pdythokkhidmd

caka - loy -na pay -thok -khi -tana
tire -in all -ADV carry-OUT-STILL -BY
inner tube all by taking
'...when (I) took the bus, (we) might have died, since all the tires bur-
st...'
6.5.1 Embedding
A clause can be embedded within another. In (19a) an adverbial participial is

embedded within an complement, in (19b) the complement is embedded within
an adverbial clause, and in (19c) the complement is embedded within another
complement.
(19) a. madu bddd nityhawna

ma -tu -pa -ta niqthaw -na
NM -ddet see -NOM -LOC king -CNTR
that upon seeing king

khalli dygumbd niqthaw dma

khan -li ay -kum -pa niqthaw a -ma
think -PROG I -LIKE -NOM king ATT -one
thinking like me king a
aygumbd nityhdw dma hyriqdyda

ay -kum -pa niqthaw a -ma lay -li -qay -ta
I -LIKE -NOM king ATT -one be -PROG -during -LOC
like me king a at the time of being
aygi inaytid ndqbdsi

ay -ki i -nay -na nag -pasi
I -GEN IP -servant -CNTR poor -DCOMP
my my servant that being poor
nuyqayte
nuqqay -ta -e
happy -NEG -ASRT
not happy
O n seeing that the king thought, "At the time when there is a king
like me, the fact that I have a poor subject is not a happy thing."'
b . nuqijayhznge haynd khallddmd

nuqqay -han -ke hay -na khan -la -tana
happy -CAUS -OPT say -INST think -PERF -BY
want to cause to be rich that from thinking thus
'...thinking that (he) will make him rich...'
c. mana mejdd layrik pdybadu

m -na mej -ta layrik pay -padu
he -CNTR table -LOC book hold -DCOMP
he on the table book that piling
yeqba nuqqayte
yeq -pa nuqqay -ta -e
see -NOM happy -NEG -ASRT
to look is not nice
'His piling books on the table is not nice to look at.'

6.5.2 Ellipsis
In naturally occurring speech, it is possible to use a subordinated clause with-

out a following finite verb.
(20) a . ck chzwdmd
ck c -haw -tans
rice eat -START -BY
meal having eaten
'First eat your meal...'
b. catkzdabd Idyrsbadi
cat -ka -ta -pa lay -la -pa -ti
go -POT -NES -NOM be -PRO -NOM -DLMT
you have to go if it is
kok kok catthokurodmd

kok kok cat -thok -u -la - hy -la -tana
head head go -OUT -IMP -INT -SOLCT say -PERF -BY
go ahead as you have been told to go
'If you have been told to go, then why not (go) without making a fuss.'
pihanniqmankhdraduna
pi -han -niq -man -khi -la -tuna
give -CAUS -WISH -EXCESS -STILL -PRO -ING
'(I wish) very much that you are going to give (it to her, I ask you to
do so).'
6.5.3 Clause chaining
Subordinate clauses can be combined, exhibiting the clause-chaining discourse

structure that is commonly noted for Tibeto-Burman languages (DeLancey
1989a: 2). Participials can occur in a sequence to indicate a sequence of ac-
tivities or a list of states.

(21) a. imuqdd cddatid thsktma hytho?e

i -mug -ta ca -tana thak -tans lay -thok -e
IP -in -LOC eat -BY drink -BY be -OUT -ASRT
at my house eating drinking turned out to be
'... it turned out that he remained, at his friend's house eating and
drinking.'
b. tjasi ayiXk ay irupraga samjet

qasi a -yuk ay i -lu -ca -lags sam-cet
today ATT -early I water -bath -SELF -AFTER hair-cut
today morning I after bathing comb
halldga phi setlga skul csthmmi

han -laga phi set -laga skul cat -lam -i
repeat -AFTER cloth wear -AFTER school go -EVD -NHYP
after doing again cloth after wearing school went
'This morning I bathed, combed my hair, dressed and went to school.'
c. sinema holdd khara hoteldd khara

sinema hoi -ta khara hotel -ta khara
cinema hall -LOC some hotel -LOC some
cinema to the hall some to the hotel some
phamdund koydunz hythokti

pham -tuna koy -tuna lay -thok -ti
place -ING roam -ING be -OUT -DLMT
lounging around roaming around be this way
'...some go to the cinema hall, some around the hotel lounging, and
roaming around...'
Two contiguous nominalized complements may be conjoined complements.
(21) d. khubak msyi yeqba kuthi yeqbd

khut -pk ma -yi yeq -pa kuthi yeq -pa
hand -broad NM -line look -NOM horoscope look -NOM
palm lines to read horoscope to look
'...looking at people's palms and reading their horoscopes...'
Finite clauses can also be placed in sequence to each other to indicate a

sequence of events.

(21) e . na>] hawjik cay yaqkhay phuba tare

nag hawjik cay yag -khay phu -pa ta -la -e
you now stick 100 -cut beat -NOM fall -PRO -ASRT
you now stick 50 turn out that you will be beaten
tha taruk jel piba tare

tha taruk jel pi -pa ta -la -e
month six jail give -NOM fall -PRO -ASRT
month six jail to be given will turn out
hayna hukum pathok?e

hay -na hukum pa -thok -la -e
say -INST command read -OUT -PERF -ASRT
that command read out
am commanded thus: you will be given 50 lashes and sent to jail for
six months.'
f. //ayz ayiik ay irupre

qasi 9 -yuk ay i -lu -ca -la -e
today I -early I water -bath -SELF -PERF -ASRT
today morning I bathed
sam jet handokPe phi

sam -cet han -thok -la -e phi
hair -cut repeat -OUT -PERF -ASRT cloth
comb did over clothes
setsille aduga skulda cathmmi

set -sin -la -e aduga skul -ta cat-lam -i
wear -IN -PERF -ASRT and then school -LOC go -EVD -NHYP
got into and then to school went
'This morning I bathed, combed my hair, dressed and went to school.'
A sentence without ellipsis can consist of several adverbial clauses, with the
restriction that it must contain one finite verb. An example is (17i), repeated
as (21g) where each clause is provided with a free translation and marked with
an ampersand.

(21) g. & cithi ado parubaduda 'on reading that letter'
& senpannaba nupa aduna 'the treasurer then'
& cithi purak?iba nupa aduda sen piJcho 'give money to that person
who brought the letter'
& haybanina 'since (he) was told to do so'
& maraybakphaba dolaypabado aduda sen pikhare 'to that fortunate

gate keeper (he) gave the money'
& mdna puba ^mba makhay 'as much as he could carry'
'On reading the letter, the man who kept the money as he was inst-
ructed in the letter to do so, gave the man that carried the letter, the
fortunate gate keeper, money, all that he could carry.'
6.5.4 Clausal coordination
Finite clauses can be related to each other through the use of coordinators
which are based on the pronoun adu 'that' and one of the oblique case mark-
ers. Corresponding forms with the proximate determiner -si do not appear as
coordinators. Each coordinator of the form determiner-case marker has a
specialized function.
The coordinator aduda 'at that, because of that', composed of adu 'that' and
-ta 'locative', indicates a cause clause as in (22a).
(22) a. niqthawgi hdkthfy haydu oyramme

niqthaw -ki hak -thq hy -padu oy -lam -e
king -GEN near -help say -COMP be -EVD -ASRT
of the king confidant that was
aduda mana wdradana

a -tu -ta m -na w -la -tana
ATT -ddet -LOC he -CNTR tired -PERF -BY
that he since (he) became tired
'since he was the king's confidant, he became tired, and...'

adugi 'instead of that', composed of the determiner and -ki 'genitive', marks
a substitutive clause where one event (as expressed in the first clause) is re-
placed by another (expressed in the second clause).
(22) b. catlubay karisu

cat -lu -pa -1 kari -su
go -ADIR -NOM -NHYP what -ALSO
going over anything
kdnnaroy adugi
kanna -loy a -tu -ki
utility -NPOT ATT -ddet -GEN
will not be any use of that
caruk aygi layrik nambagi wdphamdo

caruk ay -ki layrik nam -pa -ki w -pham-tu
share I -GEN book press -NOM -GEN topic -place-DDET
share my book for publishing that topic
madu hanna amukta khannasi

ma -tu han -na a -muk -ta khan -na -si
NM -ddet return -ADV ATT -once -LOC think -RECIP -SUP
that already once again discuss
'There is no use is going over it again; instead, let's discuss first, once
again, that plan to publish my book.'
aduga, 'and then, additionally', composed of the determiner and -kd 'associa-
tive', indicates an additive clause with the implication that the second clause
occurs after the first.
(22) c. mantri makok hdpcillo aduga

mantri ma -kok hp -sin -la -u a -tu -ka
minister NM -head put -IN -PRO -IMP ATT -ddet -ASS
minister head put in here then
aygi ica nupi ama

ay -ki i -ca nu -pi a -ma
I -GEN IP -child person -FEM ATT -one
my my child female one

laybddo matjondd
lay -pa -tu ma - -ta
be -NOM -DDET NM -to -LOC
the one living there to him
bibahkdrma tdwro
bibah karma taw -la -o
marriage ceremony do -PRO -IMP
marriage ceremony do
'...make the man who has come the chief minister of your land and
also, marry him to my daughter who is living there.'
adudagi 'after that', composed of the determiner and -tagi 'ablative', indicates
a temporal sequence of events where the second clause occurs after the first
and is a consequence of the first.
( 2 2 ) d . bay hciybdduddne bay en

bay hay -padu -ta -ne bay en
by say -DCOMP -LOC -SI by an
by at the place where it says by an
eksdpirians ticar kokthani sdudagi

eksapirians ticar kok -tha -ni a -tu -tagi
experienced teacher head -write -COP ATT -ddet -ABL
experienced teacher will be the heading after that
msnipurdd phoqliba khabzrsitjds

manipur-ta phoq -li -pa khabar -siq -ta
Manipur-LOC publish -PROG -NOM news -GPL-LOC
at Manipur publishing at that news
edvartais ksnna tawrani

edvartais kan -na taw -la -ni
advertize hard -ADV do -PRO -COP
advertize intensely will do
'...we will publish 'by an experienced teacher' at the top; after that, we
will advertize aggressively in the newspapers published in Manipur...'

e. adudagine nokniqba
a -tu -tagi -ne nok -niq -pa
A T T -ddet -ABL -SI laugh -WISH -NOM
from that, you see a loving thing
dmdgd tdmge
a -ma -ka tarn -ke
A T T -one -ASS learn -OPT
another would like to teach
'Then (hearing you speak so), let me relate an amusing thing.'
ddu can occur with -na 'instrumental' to indicate that the first clause is the
purpose or reason for the second clause, zduna can be translated as 'then,
therefore or thus'.
(22) f. dygi inaysi Bwdbd

ay -ki i -nay -si a -w -pa
I -GEN 1PP -serve -PDET A T T -tired -NOM
my my servant unhappy
tarSbmi
ta -laba -ni
fall - H A V I N G -COP
fell out
sduna hukumdo
a -tu -na hukum -tu
A T T -ddet -INST command -DDET
then the command
'...it turned out that my servant was unhappy and so (I gave) the com-
mand...'
An adversative relationship between two clauses is signalled through the

suffixation of the adversative marker -pu to the determiner 9du.
(22) g. khaqdeda adubu makha

khaq -ta -e -ta a -tu -pu ma -kha
know -LOC -ASRT -CTE A T T -ddet -ADVR NM -south
happen not to know but southern

dukangi Bduwayda lay

dukan -ki a -tu -way -ta by -i
shop -GEN ATT -ddet -thereabouts -LOC be -NHYP
of the shop around there somewhere is
hdybra karino
hay -pa -la kari -no
say -NOM -INT what -INQ
what is said what is it
'It happens that the exact place is not known by your mother but ac-
cording to what I've heard, it is somewhere around the southern shop.'
h . hdtpa tarammi adubu

hat -pa ta -lam -i a -tu -pu
kill -NOM fall -EVD -NHYP ATT -ddet -ADVR
to kill fallen but
hdtle
hat -ta -e
kill -NEG -ASRT
did not kill
'I was supposed to kill (it) but I didn't.'

Chapter 7
Affixal morphology
Chapters 7 and 8 describe the morphology of Meithei. Chapter 7 describes the

derivational and inflectional morphology of verbs and nouns. Chapter 8 de-
scribes compounding and patterns of lexical collocations where rhyming words
are juxtaposed. Chapter 7 is divided into three sections: 7.1 describes verb
morphology, 7.2 noun morphology and 7.3 cliticization.
7.1 The verb morphology
A Meithei verb must minimally consist of a verb root and an inflectional suffix
(chosen out of a set of illocutionary mood markers which make up the sole
inflectional category in the verb). A verb may further be followed by one of
the enclitics described in section 7.3.
Three derivational categories may optionally precede the final inflectional
suffix:64 the first level derivational suffixes which signal adverbial meanings;
the second level derivational suffixes which indicate evidentiality, the deictic
reference of a verb, or the number of persons an action is performed by; and
the third level derivational suffixes which signal aspect and mood.
These three levels of derivational morphology are determined by the distri-
bution and ordering of morphemes within each category. With first level deri-
vational suffixes, only one suffix may appear in a verb and this suffix must
occur directly to the left of the verb root. Up to ten second level derivational
suffixes may occur in a verb; these suffixes must occur directly after the first
level derivational suffixes. The order of suffixes at this level is controlled solely
by scope. Opposed to this, the order of third level derivational suffixes (there
may be up to 3 of these and they occur directly after second level derivational
suffixes), is fixed and not controlled by scope.
The Meithei verb can be derived through the word structure rules given in
Table 1 and has the structure given in Figure l. 65 The subscripts in (g) refer
to grammatical categories discussed in section 7.1.2. Possible terminal ele-
ments of each derivational and inflectional category are described in section
7.1.1 to 7.1.3.

202 Chapter 7. Affixal morphology
Table 1. List of word structure rules for verbs
a. Verb STEM INFL

b. STEM - Stem (3rd LD)
c. Stem
stem (2nd LD)
d. stem ROOT (1st LD)
e. ROOT > root (root)
f. 3rd LD (mood 1) (mood 2) (aspect)
g 2nd LD (2ndLDi), (2ndLD2), (2ndLD3)...
h. IstLD
IstLD
VERB
STEM INFL
Stem 3rd LD
moodj mood ^ aspect

stem 2nd LD
RODT
/ XIstLD
root root
Figure 1. Structure of the Meithei verb
Three criteria are used to distinguish derivational and inflectional morpholo-

gy in Meithei. It is argued that inflectional morphology is more productive
than derivational morphology; that in the linear order inflectional morphology
occurs further out from the root than derivational morphology; that the mor-
phophonology of inflectional morphology is more general than that of deriva-
tional morphology. Each of these criteria are discussed below.
Inflectional morphology is more productive than derivational morphology.
First, inflectional morphology is "paradigmatic", in the sense meant by Aronoff

7.1. The verb moTphology 203
(1976: 2). That is, every Meithei verb exhibits a paradigm with each of the
inflectional markers as illustrated in Table 2.
Table 2. Partial inflectional paradigm of the verbs cd 'eat' and tum 'sleep'
inflectional affix verb
ca- 'eat'
*
4 'nonhypothetical' cay 'eats'
-u 'imperative' cdw 'eat!'
-ke 'optative' edge 'would like to eat'
tum- 'sleep'
-i 'nonhypothetical' tummi 'sleeps'
-u 'imperative' tummu 'sleep!'
ke 'optative' tumge 'would like to sleep'
This is not the case with derivational morphology: as described in the section
7.1.1 to 7.1.3, there are selectional restrictions on the verb roots that deriva-
tional morphemes can be affixed to. The characterization of inflectional mor-
phology as productive is correct if we consider the productivity of the category
as a whole. Of course, certain inflectional paradigms may be "defective" (Aro-
noff 1976: 2), so that a particular inflectional morpheme may be unproductive
whereas the category it belongs to is productive. For example, the following
English data evidently argue against productivity as a defining characteristic of
inflection: the inflectional plural suffix -en in oxen is unproductive (does not
occur with all nouns), whereas the derivational agentive suffix -er as in baker is
highly productive. This does not mean that the category of plural is not fully
productive in English. We know that it is, since nearly all singular nouns have
a plural equivalent, but not all verbs can form a noun with -er.
In Meithei, the formal productivity of inflectional morphology is complemen-
ted by its semantic productivity: the meanings signalled by the inflectional
morphology are regular, easier to predict than the meanings signalled by the
derivational morphemes which are often idiosyncratic.
It is generally also expected (Greenberg 1966) that derivational morphology
occurs encompassed within inflectional morphology, so that derivational mor-
phology occurs closer to the root than inflectional morphology. Corresponding
to this in Meithei, the three categories which occur closest to the root have
been called derivational, and the fourth category farther out from the root,
inflectional.

Finally, it has been noted that the phonology closer to the root (the phonolo-
gy of derivational morphology) is less regular than the phonology further out
from the root (the phonology of inflectional morphology) (Sapir 1921). More
specifically, it has been observed that the phonological rules which apply on
derivational morphology have a more restricted environment of application
than phonological rules that apply on the inflectional morphology (Kiparsky
1982). This is certainly true in Meithei where the categories of first, second
and third level derivational suffixes undergo lexical phonological rules and the
affixes in the inflectional category undergo only post-lexical rules (see Chapter
2 for details).
It has been noted that derivational morphology has a tendency to consist of
borrowed or lexicalized forms (Bybee 1985). In Meithei, suffixes from first,
second and third level derivation have a diachronic relationship with a stem in
the language; that is, the suffix has been derived from the stem (see the right
hand column in Table 3). In this process of grammaticalization, the stem loses
its stem tone and the vowel of the stem may appear as s.
All first level derivational suffixes are transparently related to stems; out of
the 16 second level derivational suffixes, 10 are related to stems, and out of 7
third level derivational suffixes, 3 are related to stems. Thus there is a cline,
where morphemes closer to the root are historically grammaticalized forms;
farther from the root there are fewer morphemes which are transparently
lexicalized equivalents of stems; and in the inflectional morphology there are
no morphemes derived from stems.
The distinction between inflectional and derivational morphology is possible
and useful in describing the Meithei verb.66 Note, however, that derivational
morphology, defined as category changing morphology, is useful in charac-
terizing only a subset of all derivational morphemes. The category changing
morphemes are: the nominalizers -pd (see section 6.1), ma- and khu- (see
section 4.1.3), which derive nouns from verbs, and -ns which derives adverbs
from verbs (see section 3.3.2.2).
7.1.1 First level derivation
The first level derivational category consists of 8 suffixes; as mentioned above,

a verb may be affixed by only one of these suffixes and this suffix must occur
directly after the root. Suffixes of the first level derivational category fall into
two semantic classes: those which describe to what extent an agent or actor
desires/intends to affect some object and those which describe the direction
and manner in which an action is performed. The first semantic class consists

7.1. The verb morpholofy 205
of four markers: -khay 'totally affect', -that 'partially affect', -thek 'affect with
pressure', -hat 'affect with undue psychological or physical influence'.
Table 3. First and second level derivational suffixes and related roots
First level derivational suffixes

-khay 'totally affect' khy- 'cut with a knife'
-that 'partially affect' that- 'break by pulling, to
pluck'
-thek 'affect with pressure' thak- 'break with the hands'
-hat 'affect with undue psychologi- hdt- 'kill'
cal/physical influence'
-sin inward' sin- 'be in'
-thok outward' thok- 'be out'
-tha 'V downward' tha- 'be down'
-khat 'V upward' khat- 'be up'
Second level derivational suffixes

-min 'comitative' min- 'be together'
-pi 'V to or for someone other pi- 'give'
than self
-ca 'V for sake of self sd- 'body'
-han 'causative' hdn- 'advance/push ahead'
-nit} 'desire to V' - 'dream, wish'
-man 'V in excess' man- 'greedy'
-lean 'V repeatedly, habitually kan- 'save'
haw 'inceptive' haw- 'begin, grow'
-hm 'indirect evidence' lam- 'path'
-lak 'distal' lak- 'come'
The suffix -khay 'totally affect' signifies an action that completely destroys
the integrity of an object.
(1) a. phakldq asi soydana

phak -lag -si soy -tg -na
reed mat -thatch ATT -pdet sure -NEG -ADV
this wall certainly

206 Chapter 7. Affixal morpholep
cekhayrakkdni
cek -khay -lak -ka -ni
crack -TOTAF -DISTAL -POT -COP
will crack up
"This wall will surely crack (at some point, due to faulty construction).'
b. 9 mzcindu semmu hctyramldga

ma -qoq -ta macin -tu sem -u hay -Ism -laga
3P -to -LOC machine -DDET repair -IMP say -EVD -AFTER
to him the machine repair even though said
mdtid loyna phugayrsmle

m -na loy -na ph -khay -lam -la -e
he -CNTR all -ADV beat -TOTAF -EVD -PERF -ASRT
he all destroyed
told him to repair the machine instead of destroying it.'
When the action is performed willfully, the use of this marker signifies mali-
cious or deadly intent on the part of the actor or agent. Thus compare (lc)
with (Id) and (le) with (If).
(1) c. phiibd d. phugayba

ph -pa ph -khay -pa
beat -NOM beat -TOTAF -NOM
'to beat' 'to beat till bones are broken'
foqbd f. teqkhaybs
lag -pa lag -khay -pa
throw -NOM throw -TOTAF -NOM
'to throw' 'to throw out (with intent to harm)'
-thdt signifies an action that partially affects an object by piercing, tearing or

breaking off a piece, or otherwise damaging its integrity. The examples given
by Th. Harimohon Singh are the breaking off of an attached object like the
cover of a tape recorder or tearing off of the sole of a shoe. See also (lg,h).
(1) g. dygi layrik phdktdtpd

ay -ki layrik phak -that -pa
I -GEN book tear -PARTAF -NOM
my book tear apart

7.1. The verb morphology 207
midu masdk khstfe

mi -tu ma -sak khaq -la -e
men -DDET 3P -face know -PERF -ASRT
that man his face know
discovered the man who tore up my book.'
h. phidu 33 thindatpB ydroy

phi -tu nag -na thin -that -pa y -loy
cloth -DDET you -CNTR pierce -PARTAF -NOM agree
that cloth you pierce through cannot
'You cannot go through the cloth (with a pointed object like a nee-
dle).'
The suffix -thek signifies an action that disturbs the integrity of an ob-
ject/being by exerting pressure on the object/being that is being destroyed or
ravaged.
(1) i. tjaraqgi noyniiqsittuna ucek

qaraq -ki -nuq -sit -tu -na ucek
yesterday -GEN rain -in -blow -DDET -INST bird
yesterday's by that storm bird
yamnd phudek pirsmle

yam -na phu -thek pi -lam -la -e
much -ADV beat -PRESAF give -EVD -PERF -ASRT
very beaten were given
'In yesterday's storm many birds were given a beating.'
j. thoqsi lanano phaktek?ibano

thoq -si kana -no phak -thek -li -pa -no
door -PDET who -INQ tear -PRESAF -PROG -NOM -INQ
this door who is it who has torn down
'Who is it that had torn down this door?'
The suffix -hat 'to make a killing at V', (derived from hdt- 'kill', similar to the
idiomatic use of kill in English), is used to signify an action that is accomplish-
ed through exerting undue or intense physical or psychological influence over
someone.

208 Chapter 7. Afpxal morphology
(1) k. lawhdtpd
law -hat -pa
shout -INFLAF -NOM
'to shout down'
1. aynd kmabusu tuhdtpd

ay -na kana -pu -su tu -hat -pa
I -CNTR who -PAT -ALSO fall -INFLAF -NOM
I anybody torture
pamde
pam -ta -e
like -NEG -ASRT
do not like
do not like to torture anybody.'
m . thdmbdlgi hynsmna mipum

tham -pal -ki lay -nam -na mi -pum
place -flower -GEN flower -smell -ADV man -all
of the lotus flowery smell all men
n. khuditjmakpu sumhdtpd ndmmi

khudii] -mak -pu sum -hat -pa nam -i
each -EACH -PAT thus -INFLAF-NOM smell -NHYP
each and every one totally has had a smell
'The smell of lotus charmed everyone.'
o. mdgi mamaydu n^sana

m -ki ma -may -tu nuq -sa -na
3P -GEN 3P -face -DDET sun -hot -INST
his that face by the heat of the sun
kdhatpa malle
k -hat -pa mal -la -e
roast -INFLAF -NOM seem -PERF -ASRT
to be burnt it seemed
'His face seems to have been sunburned.'
The second subcategory of the first level derivational suffixes consists of four
suffixes that when used with motion verbs signify the direction in which an
action is done. These are -sin in an inward motion', -thok in an outward

motion, -tha 'V in a downward motion', and -khst 'V in an upward motion'.
The use of -sin is illustrated in (lp).
(1) p . mdhdknd layrik pusilli

ma -hak -na layrik pu -sin -i
3P -here -CNTR book bring -IN -NHYP
he book bring in
'He carried the book in.'
By metaphoric extension -sin may signify that the action performed in conjunc-
tion with others as in (lq), where an entity gets "in" on an action being per-
formed by a group of people.
(1) q. kJpsinbd
kap -sin -pa
cry -IN -NOM
'join others in weeping'
The use of -thok 'V in an outward motion' is illustrated in (lr). As illustrat-

ed in (ls,t), -thok may be used idiomatically to mean 'to V carelessly, to V with
abandon'.
(1) r. ayna inkholdzgi yen tanthok?i

ay -na inkhon -tagi yen tan -thok -i
I -CNTR garden -ABL hen drive -OUT -NHYP
I from the garden hen drove out
drove away the hen from the garden.'
s. thandokps
than -thok -pa
light -OUT -NOM
'to light more lamps than necessary'
t. kapthokpd
kap -thok -pa
cry -OUT -NOM
'to weep openly'

210 Chapter 7. Ajfixal morphology
The use of -thd 'V in a downward motion' is illustrated in (lu).
(1) u. onthdkhradawni
on -tha -khi -la -taw -ni
turn -DOWN-STILL -PRO -OBLG -COP
'(Had the road been a little narrower, we) were going to fall down
(the hill).'
The use of -khdt 'V in an upward motion' is illustrated in (lv) and in (lw)
where it is used metaphorically to mean 'grow, get bigger'.
(1) v. nutjsit sithkpadd hsiq

-sit sit -lak -pa -ta lasig
in -blow blow-DISTAL-NOM -LOC cotton
wind when it blew cotton
pumnsmdk paykhathmmi
pum -na -mak pay -khat -lam -i
all -ADV -EACH fly -UP -EVD -NHYP
absolutely all flew up
'When the wind came, all the cotton flew up.'
w. cawkhdtkaddwHbani
caw -khat -ka -taw -li -pa -m
big -UP -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -COP
'(Their character) will have developed.'
Bhat and Ningomba (1986b: 5) point to semantic restrictions on the use of

directional markers. Directional suffixes cannot be used with verbs such as eat,
cry, or die, with which it is either odd or impossible to specify the direction of
action. Verbs that inherently refer to a particular direction of action such as
thd- 'plant', which occurs with an inward/downward movement, can occur with
the suffix -sin 'in' but not with the suffix -thok 'out'. Similarly, phoy- 'uproot by
hand' can occur with the suffix -thok 'out' but cannot suffix -sin 'in'. Finally,
verbs that do not inherently imply some direction of action, such as jump or fly,
can refer to an action that is performed in an upward, downward, inward or
outward direction and thus may occur with any directional suffix.
As illustrated in (lx-z), the suffixes -thok, -khst and -thd have an extended
aspectual reading. As seen in (lx), -thok is used to mean 'to V with abandon,
completely V, finish Ving'; as seen in (ly) -khat signifies 'to begin to V' and in
(lz) -thd means 'to continue to V'.

(1) x. cdthokkhdre
c -thok -khi -la e
eat -OUT -STILL -PERF -ASRT
'ate up all (of it)'
y. pakhatlo
pa -khat -la -o
read -UP -PRO -SOLCT
'start reading (read ahead)'
z. ijaythaba
qay -tha -pa
wait -DOWN-NOM
'continue to wait'
7.1.2 Second level derivation
The second level derivational suffixes consist of 19 morphemes which belong to

one of 10 categories listed in Table 4.
Table 4. Second level derivational suffixes
Category 1: -min 'comitative'

-n9 'reciprocal'
Category 2: -pi 'V for someone other than self
V
-C9 'V for sake of self
Category 3: hm 'causative'
Category 4: nitj 'wish to V'
Category 5: man 'V to excess'
-ksn 'V habitually, repeatedly'
Category 6: -h9W 'V in the nick of time'
khi 'V ahead or behind expected time'
Category 7: -hm 'indirect evidence'
Category 8: Directionals:
-Id 'proximal'
-hk 'distal'
-lu 'action away from speaker'
Category 9: -t3 'negative'
Category 10: -h 'prospective aspect'

These semantically defined categories predict co-occurrence restrictions be-

tween members of the same category since morphemes that signal analogous
meanings never co-occur. For example, a verb will never be suffixed by two
markers from the 'direction' category: if a verb is marked by -Id 'proximal'
(which indicates that an action takes place near the speaker), it would be se-
mantically anomalous for that same verb to be marked by -hk 'distal' (which
indicates that an action was performed at a distance from the speaker).
The order of categories given in Table 4 is the most common orders in which
the markers appear in the stem. Indeed, these numbered positions do not
represent position classes since the order of second level derivational suffixes is
free.
In sections 7.1.2.1 to 7.1.2.10 each of the second level derivational suffixes
morphemes is described.
7.1.2.1 Category 1: Reciprocal and comitative
Category 1 consists of -min 'comitative' which indicates that actors or agents

perform the same action at the same time in a group and of -na 'reciprocal'
which indicates that two or more people are doing some action in conjunction
with each other or one person is joining in to perform an action with
another. 67 For example, compare (2a) with (2b).
(2) a. khaqnay
khaq -na -i
know -RECIP -NHYP
'know each other'
b. tummintjdydz
tum -min -qay -ta
sleep -TOGETHER -DURING -LOC
'when sleeping together'
Collective verbs, which encode activities that are typically performed in con-
junction with at least one other person, are formed from the combination of a
lexical base and the reciprocal suffix.
(2) c. cd- 'eat' ctia- 'feast'

f /. < 1
cat- go cdttid- 'culturally customary'
they- 'touch' thetjna- 'meet'
san- 'canter' sanna- 'play'

The reciprocal marker may be used in a sentence with -sen 'self to provide a
distributive reading to the sentence:
(2) d. makhoy masen paysa pinarammi

ma -khoy ma -sen paysa pi -na -lam -i
3P -hpl 3P -self money give -RECIP -EVD -NHYP
they themself money gave each other
'They each gave money to the other.'
7.1.2.2 Category 2: V for the sake of self/other
-pi signifies that an action is performed to or for someone other than the actor
or agent. This action may be advantageous, as in (3a), or detrimental, as in
(3b), to the recipient of the action.
(3) a. yeqsinbirabadi
yeq -sin -pi -la -pa -ti
look -IN -REC -PRO -NOM -DLMT
'If the (parents) look into these things (for the children's sake)...'
b. natpia mbu yamna

naq -na m -pu yam -na
you -CNTR he -PAT lot -ADV
you him much
cayhatpire
cay -hat -pi -la -e
beat -INFLAF -REC -PERF -ASRT
abused
'You gave him a lot of abuse.'
As indicated in Table 3, -pi is derived from the verb pi- 'give'. Matisoff (1989:
40-45) reports that 'give' undergoes a common grammaticalization process in
Tibeto-Burman languages such as Lahu to form a benefactive or causative
marker. 68 In Meithei, the lexicalized meaning for -pi falls somewhere bet-
ween a benefactive (since the action performed may be detrimental and not
beneficial to the recipient) and a causative (since the actor causes something to
happen to the recipient).69
The suffix -ca indicates that an action is performed for the sake of the actor
or agent.

(3) c. 9 thabdk tdwriqaydd

nag thabak taw -li -gay -ta
you work do -PROG -DURING -LOC
you work at the time of doing
tumjarunu
tum -ca -lu -nu
sleep -SELF -PRO -PROBH
don't sleep
'(For your own sake) don't go to sleep while you are on duty.'
-cd works secondarily as an emphatic reflexive marker in the sense that the
action is performed with no initiation other than the initiative of the actors, as
in (3d) where a group of children relate that they have performed a required
action without parental guidance.
(3) d. cdsdnminndjsrakkhi
ca -sin -min -na -ca -lak -khi -i
eat -IN -TOGETHER -RECIP -SELF -DISTAL -STILL -NHYP
'We ate up by ourselves when we were over there.'
There are a number of verbs which are frozen forms containing the suffix -C9.
A few examples are given in (3e).
(3) e. thd 'give up, send' thp- 'believe'

/ f /r
ca- 'eat' cap- 'serve food'
phi- 'be good' phdjd 'be beautiful'
ptoge 'like to give' pprdge 'like to serve food'
hzfj- 'ask' - 'self doubt'
si 'die' sip- 'commit suicide'
It is clear that these are lexicalized forms since they can be further suffixed by
-cd 'self.
(3) f. cajahznjahmtege
caja -han -ca -lam -la -ke
serve food -CAUS -SELF -EVD -PRO -OPT
'(I) am going to serve (him) food myself.'

g. 3 cawrdga mdsna
a -rji] -si caw -laga ma -s -na
ATT -child -PDET big -AFTER 3P -body -CNTR
this child after growing big her face
phazaprskkani
phaja -ca -lak -ka -ni
beauty-SELF -DISTAL -POT -COP
will become beautiful
'When this one grows up she will be beautiful.'
7.1.2.3 Category 3: Causative
The causative marker -hsn indicates that some action is initiated by one person
and carried out by another. Thus compare (4a) and (4b).
(4) a. tewbani
taw -pa -ni
do -NOM -COP
'(We) did the work.'
b. tswhanbani
taw -han -pa -ni
do -CAUS -NOM -COP
'(We) caused the work to be done.'
As discussed in section 7.1.4, the scope of the causative marker is determin-

ed by its position.
7.1.2.4 Category 4: Desire to V
- 'wish' indicates a desire on the part of the speaker to have performed

some action either at some past instance or in the future.
(5) ayna toqsi

ay -na toq -si Ion -nig -i
I -CNTR lock -PDET lock -wish -NHYP
I this lock wish to lock
wish to lock this door.'

7.1.2.5 Category 5: Speaker's attitude towards what extent V is performed
The suffix -man 'in excess' describes an action that is performed to excess.
(6) a. ay cdk cdmalle

ay ck c -mal -Is -e
I rice eat -EXCESS -PERF -ASRT
I rice eaten too much
'I've eaten too much rice.'
The suffix -lean indicates that an action is performed repeatedly where such
repetition is not called for (see (6b)). As seen in (6c), the suffix may also
indicate habitual action.
(6) b. nokkanba
nok -kan -pa
laugh -REPEAT -NOM
'someone who laughs all the time whether or not there is a joke,
laughs as a habit.'
aydi yamna piganba mini

ay -ti yam -na pi -kan -pa mi -ni
I -DLMT lot -ADV give -REPEAT -NOM man -COP
I a lot always giving man am
am a very generous man.'
7.1.2.6 Category 6: Speaker's attitude towards time taken to perform V
The root haw- 'start' is used as the inceptive suffix -haw.10 The use of -haw
implies that theire is a limited window of opportunity within which the action
may have been/ may be initiated. Thus in (7a), the speaker is unable to begin
eating at the required time.
(7) a. makhoy mayamna cdbada aydi

ma -khoy ma -yam -na c -pa -ta ay -ti
3P -hpl 3P -much -ADV eat -NOM -LOC I -DLMT
they all of them at eating I

chawdre
c -haw -ta -Is -e
eat -START -NEG -PERF -ASRT
did not begin to eat
didn't get to eat when they were all eating.'
When an action is succesfully carried out within the window of opportunity,

the meaning 'having initiated Ving successfully' or 'having managed to V' is
obtained.
(7) b. thugayhawrabmi
thu -khay -haw -laba -ni
break -TOTAF -START -HAVING -COP
'It is a good thing that it was broken (when it was).'
c. aynd phstjhdwrib^dudi
ay -na phaq -haw -li -padu -ti
I -CNTR get -START -PROG -DCOMP -DLMT
I managed to get
'the one that I (managed to) have...'
When the action is to be carried out in the future, it signifies the suitability or
desirability of doing the action. For example in (7d), which is an indirect com-
mand, the use of -hdw is an encouragement to initiate the action at a propi-
tious moment.
(7) d . ndhdk cdk cdhdwddko

na -hak ck c -haw -ta -ko
2P -here rice eat -START -NES -TAG
you food must start to eat, O.K.
'You must eat (now), all right?'
-khi 'still, already, yet' indicates the speaker's attitude or expectation about
the time frame within which an action is performed or a state is attained.
Thus the speaker can indicate that an action continues to be performed past
the expected state ('still Ving, continue Ving'), completed before the expected
state ('already Ved') or not begun at the appropriate time ('is yet to V').
Exactly which of these meanings is signalled by -khi is determined by the tense
of a sentence.
When the sentence is in the past tense, the suffix indicates that the action
was performed before the expected time as indicated by the gloss 'already
Ved'. Compare (7e) and (7f).
(7) e . mahdk layriksi parammi

'He read this book.'
f. mdhdkna layriksi pakhirammi

ma -hak -na layrik -si pa -khi -lam -i
3P -here -CNTR book -PDET read -STILL -EVD -NHYP
he this book already read
'He has read this book already.'
Whereas (7f) implies that the speaker tried to stop the actor from reading
the book but failed, (7e) does not have this implication. This reading is also
obtained in the uncertain past (signalled here with the use of 'indirect evi- - t e r n
dence').
(7) g. 3 soydma hdpkhirdmgani

naq soy -ta -na hp -khi -lam -ka -ni
you certain -NEG -ADV put -STILL -EVD -POT -COP
you surely already must have given
'You must surely already have given him (the money).'
When a sentence in the past tense has negative or nonpotential marking, the
meaning obtained is 'not already Ved, not yet Ved, still not Ved' where the
speaker expects the action to have been completed by the time of speech but
it was not.71
(7) h. cdkhirvmdre
c -khi -lam -ta -la -e
eat -STILL -EVD -NEG-PERF -ASRT
'He still had not eaten.'
When the sentence has a future tense reading, the meaning signalled by the
suffix is that the action, which has not been performed yet, should be perform-
ed before some other action.
(7) i. 3y cdk cdkhini

ay cak c -khi -ni
I rice eat -STILL -COP
I food will eat
still have to eat.'

Similarly, with imperative sentences, -khi indicates that the verb should be
performed before any other.
(7) j. khars wtli thdwkho

khara wt -li thaw -khi -o
some lack -PROG drive -STILL -SOLCT
some lacking won't you still drive
'You need to go a little further, keep driving.'
If the verb contains the nonpotential marker (the primary way of marking
negation in the future tense), the meaning 'should not yet V' is obtained. As
seen in (71) the same meaning is obtained with the prohibitive marker.
(7) k. makhoy laktri phwbd ay

ma -khoy lak -ta -Ii phw -pa ay
3P -hpl come -NEG -PROG till -NOM I
they not coming till I
ck cdkhiroy
ck c -khi -loy
rice eat -STILL -NPOT
food not eat yet
should not eat yet, (I should wait) till they come.'
1. 3 ck ckhinu
naq ck c -khi -nu
you rice eat -STILL -PROBH
you rice don't yet eat
'Don't eat yet (wait till I get home).'
In a sentence with a present tense reading, -khi indicates 'still Ving' where
the speaker expects or wishes that the action has ended or is surprised that it
continues.72
(7) m. ckhidrsne
c -khi -ta -la -ne
eat -STILL -NES -INT -SI
'They're still eating, right?'
It is not possible to use -khi with first person actors or agents in the past
tense without first setting up the temporal limits of the activity. Thus (7n,p)

are ungrammatical unless part of a narrative of what the actor did on a par-
ticular occasion as in (7o,q).
(7) n. *dy layriksi pakhi

ay layrik -si pa -khi
I book -PDET read -STILL -NHYP
I this book already read
read the book.'
ay mdphdm dsidd layrik pakhi

ay ma -pham a -si -ta layrik pa -khi -i
I NM -place ATT -pdet -LOC book read -STILL -NHYP
I place that book still read
read that book (the whole time I was) at that place.'
*aynd turendz irupkhi

ay -na tu -len -ta i -lu -ca -khi -i
I -CNTR stream -best -LOC water -bath -SELF -STILL-NHYP
I to the river bathed
'I've gone to the river to bathe.'
dynd 3.say trendd

ay -na qasay tu -len -ta
I -CNTR ago stream -best -LOC
I while back to river
irupkhi
i -lu -ca -khi -i
water -deep -SELF -STILL -NHYP
bathed
went to the river to bathe some time ago.'
Since -khi does not deal with the internal temporal constituency of a situa-
tion, I do not consider it to be an aspect marker. Although it does not signal
the usual types of meanings expected from deontic or epistemic mood markers,
it does fall under the realm of epistemic modality in that the speaker must
believe that the stated action has or will occur before being able to comment
on its timeliness. This is reflected in translations given by native speakers like
'certainly will V/should V' for sentences with -khi in the future tense. In the
past tense, -khi is used when the speaker has some visual or auditory evidence
to support the proposition. Thus compare (7r) and (7s).

(7) r. ckhre73
c -khi -la -e
eat -STILL -PERF -ASRT
'It could be seen that he had already eaten.'
s. care
c -la -e
eat -PERF -ASRT
'(He told me he) has eaten.'
khi may also be considered to signal deontic mood since the speaker is signal-
ling a desire that the world conform to his/her word.
7.1.2.7 Category 7: Indirect evidence
hm 'indirect evidence' indicates that the speaker has indirect evidence, knowl-
edge gained through inference based on indisputable external data, to support
the truth of a proposition. For example, in (8a,b) the speaker has/sees evi-
dence that the relevant action has occurred. The speaker is not an eyewitness
to the actual action but only to the result, conclusion or final stages of the
action.
(8) a. Byna cdtkhibdd9 m ck crsrnmi

ay -na cat -khi -pa -ta m ck c -lam -Ii
I -CNTR go -STILL -NOM -LOC he rice eat -EVD -PROG
I upon going he food eating
'When I arrived there he was obviously eating dinner.'
b . mdhk cramkhre
ma -hak c -lam -khi -la -e
3P -here eat -EVD -STILL -PERF -ASRT
he already eaten
'He has obviously eaten already.'
hm can be used to oppose the speaker's knowledge, which is based on evi-

dence no longer available, with the hearer's ignorance concerning the content
of the proposition.

222 Chapter 7. Affixal morpholep
(8) c. mM3tn amadB mahk yamna

matam a -ma -t9 ma -hak yam -na
time ATT -one -LOC 3P -here lot -ADV
time at one she much
phazarammi
phaza -lam -i
pretty -EVD -NHYP
was beautiful
'(You can't see it but) Once upon, a time she was very beautiful.'
With present and future tense, the speaker infers that the action/situation in
the verb must be or will come into being. This inference is based on past
experience that allows the speaker to predict a trend in behavior.
(8) d . manekhoydd catkhibadu

ma -ne -khoy -ta cat -khi -padu
3P -paternal aunt -hpl -LOC go -STILL -DCOMP
at aunt's and their place when goes will cause to eat
cdhslhmgdni
c -hal -lam -ka -ni
eat -CAUS -EVD-POT -COP
will cause to eat
O n going to her aunt's house (she) is forced to eat.'
-fom may appear with first person actors or agents in past or present tense
where it indicates that whereas the speaker has evidence about the truth of a
proposition, the hearer does not. That is, the speaker directly experiences the
action but evidence of the action is not present at the time of speech. Senten-
ces with a first person actors, agents or themes and -hm marking in the verb
are common in personal narratives. Tony Woodbury (p.c.) has pointed out
that this use of the indirect marker is reminiscent of 'perspective' questions in
Sherpa where the speaker takes the perspective of the hearer in order to es-
tablish empathy with the hearer. Under such an interpretation, (8e) is accep-
table. However, if the speaker is not taking the perspective of the hearer, (8e)
would be ungrammatical since it would be anomalous for a speaker to claim
indirect evidence for an action and at the same time be a participant in that
action.

(8) e . ay ck cramme
ay ck c -lam -la -e
I rice eat -EVD -PERF -ASRT
I food have eaten
have eaten.'
In a sentence with a first person actor, agent or theme in the future tense,
the speaker predicts the performance of an action or attainment of state.
These predictions are inferences of the speaker based on currently available
information. The hearer does not now, and will not in the future, see evidence
of the action. Thus in (8f) the speaker predicts that the hearer will arrive after
the initiation of the action and will not be a direct witness to it.
(8) f. ay ck caramgani
ay ck c -lam -ka -ni
I rice eat -EVD -POT -COP
I food will eat
will be eating (when you come to see me).'
In combinations of -hm with -u 'imperative' or -han 'causative', the person

giving the command expects the order to be carried out when he or she is not
present. So in (8g), the speaker will not see the action being performed.
(8) g. apal cdrammu

apal c -lam -u
apple eat -EVD -IMP
apple eat
'Eat this apple (when I have gone).'
nay ay laktriba ljayrammu

naq ay lak -ta -li -pa qay -lam -u
you I come -NEG -PROG -NOM wait -EVD -IMP
you I haven't yet come wait
'Wait till I come.'
In (8i), the speaker is the instigator of an action, the result of which is seen
by both the speaker and hearer (becuase there is a man lying on the ground).

(8) i. mdbu ayna smns

m -pu ay -na san -na
he -PAT I -AGN cow -CNTR
him I the cow
wayhdnhmme
way -hsn -Ism -Is -e
gore -CAUS -EVD -PERF -ASRT
caused to gore
ordered the cow to gore him.'
hm has been analyzed as a marker of direction or sequentiality (Pettigrew

1912). It is true that directionality is implied by -hm since it indicates that the
speaker arrives at the scene of the action (by moving towards it) after it has
been initiated. A similar relationship between deixis and evidentiality is de-
scribed by Silverstein (1978: 241) in Wasco-Wishram, where the marker that
derives noun phrases of adverbial value (e.g. 'outside' from 'out') and locates
actions with respect to a place (e.g. 'to go down into') develops into the mark-
er of the 'passive of evidence' construction (e.g. 'As can be surmised based on
evidence, X has been Ved'). Silverstein believes that "the passives of evidence
originally entered Wasco-Wishram idiomatic speech as forms pointing out
where such-and-such an action took place, as a conversational equivalent to
referring to the evidence for that action." A similar scenario might be sketched
for Meithei where a directional suffix -hm with a neutral directional meaning
acquires an added evidential reading.74
Since -hm indicates that the initiation of an action is complete at the time
when the speaker becomes cognizant of the action, it is commonly used for the
narration of past events. For this reason it is often analyzed as a past tense
marker (Bhat and Ningomba 1986a: 4), a perfect marker (S. Gourababu Singh
1988: 22) or a perfective marker (N. Nonigopal Singh 1987: 165). As has been
discussed above, however, -hm may also be used with future tense.
Furthermore, a simple aspect label for -hm would lead one to believe that no
additional pragmatic information is provided by it, which would certainly be a
misleading characterization of -hm.
7.1.2.8 Category 8: Directionals
Three markers indicate the position of an entity with regard to the position of
the speaker. The proximal marker -h indicates that the entity performs an
action at the place of the speech event.

7.1. The verb morpholog/ 225
(9) a. mdnd nuqtigi aygidd

m -na nqti -ki ay -ki -ta
he -CNTR day -GEN I -GEN -LOC
75
he everyday to my place
laktur19 cdk cdrdn

lak -tna ck c -la -Ii -!
come -ING food eat -TDIR -PROG -NHYP
coming food eats here
'He comes here everyday to my place and eats.'
The distal marker -hk (derived from the verb lak 'go') indicates that an action
takes place (as in (9b)) or is initiated at some location other than where the
speech event occurs (as in (9c)).
(9) b . mdna apsl cdrskri

ma -na apal c -lak
3P -CNTR apple eat -DISTAL-NHYP
he apple ate
'He ate an apple over there.'
c. mdnd apdl cdrdk?i

m -na apal c -lak -Ii
3P -CNTR apple eat -DISTAL -PROG
he apple came eating
'When he came here he was eating an apple.'
While -hk implies that an entity performs (or is still performing) an action and
then approaches the place of the speech event, -lu 'action away from place of
speech' signifies that an entity moves away from place of the speech event to
perform some action.
(9) d . migidd cattunz kdrigi

mi -ki -ta cat -tuna kari -ki
man -GEN -LOC go -ING what -GEN
to the man's going for what reason
cdk cdruri
ck c -lu -Ii
rice eat -ADIR -PROG
food there to eat
'Why do you go to his place to eat?'
e. aydi Kalkata catlure

9y -ti Kdlkdta est -lu -I9 -e
I -DLMT Calcutta go -ADIR -PERF -ASRT
I Calcutta have gone
'(After our last conversation), I went to Calcutta.'
As in other Tibeto-Burman languages the directional markers can signal

aspectual meanings. (For a discussion of similar facts in Lahu, see Matisoff
(1973b: 320), and in Jinghpaw and Burmese see DeLancey (1980: 163)). The
extension of meanings of directional markers to cover aspectual oppositions
follows a pattern observed for locative expressions in non-Tibeto-Burman lan-
guages as well. Comrie (1976: 106) points out that in English the motion to-
wards serves as "the model for prospective meaning", so that in I'm going to
write a letter, the speaker is moving in time towards an action that is to come
about. Furthermore, Comrie argues that the motion "from serves as the model
for perfect meaning," as in the English sentence I have just written a letter,
where speaker is seen as physically emerging from an activity.
Similarly in Meithei, -h 'proximal' indicates prospective aspect. This use of
this directional marker as a marker of aspect is lexicalized in Meithei. The
result is two distinct, homophonous markers -h where one is the proximal
marker and the other is the prospective. This is evidenced by forms such as
(9f) where both markers appear.
(9) f. makhoy lak?dgd sida tumhrani

ms -khoy lak -10g9 si -t9 tum -19 -I9 -ni
3P -hpl come -AFTER pdet -LOC sleep -PROX -PRO -COP
they after coming here going to sleep here
'After coming they are going to sleep here.'
Further discussion of the prospective marker is given in section 7.1.2.10.

The directional marker -hk which indicates the emergence of an entity to-
wards the place of speech after the completion (or successful instigation) of an
action implies perfect aspect. Thus (9g) implies that Chawba has completed
cutting the rope.
(9) g. Chawbana thaw adu

Chawbg -n9 thw -li 9 -tu
Chaoba -CNTR oil -string ATT -ddet
Chaoba rope that

kdkthatldkpdtii
kak -that -lak -pa -ni
cut -PARTAF -DISTAL -NOM -COP
completed cutting there
'Chaoba cut up the rope and came here.'
Meithei also signals inchoative aspect with the directional marker -lu. Recall
that -lu indicates that an act has been performed away from the speech event,
with the emphasis on the movement of an entity from the place where the
speech event occurs to where the action occurred. This emphasis on the ori-
ginating position of the entity is metaphorically extended to indicate the cause
of an action. In sentences such as (9h) and (9i), the directional marker can be
translated as 'developing out of V'.
(9) h. parubsdsgi
pa -lu -pa -tagi
read -ADIR -NOM *ABL
'from reading'
i. aykhoy
ay -khoy qq -na -lu -tana
I -hpl talk -RECIP -ADIR -BY
we of our talking together
'(What's) to come of our talking like this...'
The aspectual meanings signalled by directional markers are summarized in

Table 5. Recall that the aspectual use of the distal marker -hk and -lu 'away
from speaker' represent an extension in the meaning of the directional marker,
whereas the aspectual use of -h 'proximal' is presently lexicalized so that there
are two distinct markers, one of which is the directional marker and the other
the aspect marker.
Table 5. Aspectual oppositions signalled through directional markers
Direction Aspect
-hk distal perfect

-lu away from speaker inchoative
-h proximal prospective

7.1.2.9 Category 9: Negative
The negative marker -ta can be used to describe an action or state that was not
or has not up to the time of speech been performed or realized.76
(10) a. ay fotostat tawde

ay fotostat taw -ta -e
I photostat do -NEG -ASRT
I photostat haven't made
haven't made copies.'
The negative marker occurs with -e 'assertive' as in (10a), but never with -i
'nonhypothetical'. Whereas a constant situation or action that does take place
is expressed with 4 'nonhypothetical' which refers to general or constant truths,
a particular nonoccurrence of an event or state is expressed with -e 'assertive'
which refers to particular events.
(10) b. manipurda un tade

Manipur -ta un ta -ta -e
Manipur-LOC snowfall -NEG -ASRT
in Manipur snow does not fall
'It hasn't snowed in Manipur.'
The past or present nonexistence of situations or states are expressed in

nominalized form as in (10c) or with the independent sentential negator natte.
(10) c. Johndi yamna cddabani

John -ti q yam -na c -ta -pa -ni
John -DLMT fish lot -ADV eat -NEG -NOM -COP
John fish much does not eat
'John doesn't eat a lot of fish.'
d. parikhyadu satra yamna pas

parikhya -tu satra yam -na pas
test -DDET student lot -ADV pass
the test student many pass

tawba natte
taw -pa na -ta -e
do -NOM be -NEG -ASRT
to do is not
'The people who administer these exams don't pass many people.'
A double negative construction, where both the sentential negator and the
negative marker -ta appear, can be used to assert a fact that is contrary to
what the hearer has asserted or expects to be the case.
(10) e. mahdk Moirangda cattaba natte

ma -hak Moirang -t9 cat -ta -pa na -ta -e
3P -here Moirang -LOC go -NEG -NOM be -NEG -ASRT
he to Moirang not going is not
'It is not the case that he isn't going to Moirang.'
7.1.2.10 Category 10: Prospective aspect -la
The prospective aspect -la indicates an action viewed from the point of its
initiation. It can be translated as 'was/is/will be going to V.'
(11) a. mahdk aybu rjayduna layrammagani

ma -hak ay -pu qay -tuna lay -lam -la -ka -ni
3P -here I -PAT wait -ING be -EVD -PRO -POT -COP
he for me waiting probably is
'He is probably going to be waiting for me.'
b. tumluraba maturjda mfyamdu

tum -lu -la -pa ma -tug -ta mi -yam -tu
sleep -ADIR -PRO -NOM NM -back -LOC man -much -DDET
gone to sleep later the group of men
hawgatnarakkhi
haw -khat -na -lak -khi
start -UP -RECIP -DISTAL -STILL
we woke up
'We were just going to sleep when they all those men got here.'
As noted in section 7.1.2.10, the prospective marker is historically derived

from the proximal marker -la. The aspectual meaning of the marker is influ-
enced by its orginal meaning as a directional which states that an action is
oriented towards or takes place where the speaker is situated. As described in

section 9.2.2, when the prospective marker is used in the future tense, it im-
plies that the speaker is certain that the action described in the verb is going to
occur. Some speakers may to duplicate the prospective marker -h to empha-
size the certainty of Ving so that it may be used as a warning:77
( 1 1 ) c. lak?9bddi amuk
m lak -la -pa -ti 9 -muk
he come -PERF -NOM -DLMT ATT -once
he at this coming once
sawrdrarstii
saw -la -la -la -ni
angry -PROX -PRO -PRO -COP
is certainly going to be angry
'(You better watch it), when he comes here he is going to be angrier
(than we are).'
d . lak?9gd aykhoydd cak

m lak -laga ay -khoy -ta cak
he come -AFTER I -hpl -LOC rice
he after coming to us food
cardrvrmi hayrammi
c -la -la -la -ni hay -lam -i
eat -PROX -PRO -PRO -COP say -EVD -NHYP
is certainly going to eat said
'(You had better believe it) He told me that he was certainly going to
come and eat at our house.'
7.1.3 Third level derivation
The third level derivational suffixes can be distinguished from second level
ones in that they do not exhibit variable ordering. As shown in Table 6, there
are 7 third level derivational suffixes markers belonging to 3 categories. There
can be only one instantiation of each category and each instantiation must
occur in the order specified (i.e., category 11 before category 12 and category
12 before 13). The possible combinations of mood and aspect markers are
discussed in sections 7.1.3.1 to 7.1.3.3.

Table 6. Third level derivational morphemes
Category 11:
Mood 1 -ka 'potential'
-loy 'nonpotential'
Category 12:
Mood 2 -td 'necessity'
-tdw 'obligation, probability'
-toy 'intention'
Category 13:
Aspect -li 'progressive'
-h 'perfect'
7.1.3.1 Category 11: Potential and nonpotential mood
Category 11 consists of -te 'potential' and -loy 'nonpotential' which indicate the
potential (non)occurrence of an action or attainment of state. These may
occur individually as in (12a-c) or in combination with one of Category 12
markers (Category 11 must occur before Category 12).
(12) a. sksneye
sit -ka -ne -ye
sell -POT -SI -CONFM
'Someone says that it will sell.'
b. curoy
cu -loy
rain fall -NPOT
rain will not fall
'It will not rain.'
The potential marker appears with the copula -ni in the sequence -t&ni to
indicate future tense.
(12) c. cugmi
cu -ks -ni
rain fall -POT -COP
rain will fall
'It will rain (today).'

Future tense indicated by the sequence -ksni can be opposed to future tense
indicated by the suffixation of the copula directly on a verb root. Whereas the
-kani sequence indicates the possibility for future action, the copula alone
indicates that the action will certainly take place in the future.
(12) d. ay apal ama cdni

ay apal a -ma c -ni
I apple ATT -one eat -COP
I apple one will eat
will eat an apple.'
e. aykhoy Ukhrul catkhrani

ay -khoy Ukhrul cat -khi -la -ni
I -hpl Ukhrul go -STILL -PRO -COP
we Ukhrul will go
'We will be going to Ukhrul.'
The potential and nonpotential mood markers may also refer to potentially
realizable/unrealizable actions or states in the past. See (7g) for the use of -
kani in a sentence with past tense reading.
(12) f. Johndi yamna caroy

John -ti . yam -na c -loy
John -DLMT fish lot -ADV eat -NPOT
John fish much would not eat
'John wouldn't eat more fish (even though we begged him to).'
7.1.3.2 Category 12: Necessity, obligation and intention
Category 12 may indicate epistemic or deontic modality, -taw 'obligation, pro-

bability' (derived from taw- 'do') does double duty as an epistemic and a deon-
tic marker, -taw indicates a strong probability that an action will take place.
(13) a. mahak cattawre

ma -hak cat -taw -la -e
3P -here go -OBLG -PERF -ASRT
he must be gone
'He must have gone.'

It is impossible to use epistemic -taw with first person actors, agents and
themes for an event that occurred in the past. This is expected since a speaker
knows what he/she has done, so it would be peculiar to express this in terms of
a probability. However, epistemic -tdw may be used with first person actors,
agent or theme to express an unrealized past event.
(13) b. onthakhradawni
on -tha -khi -la -taw -ni
fall -DOWN -STILL -PRO -OBLG -COP
'(Had the road been a little narrower, we) could have fallen down (the
hill).'
-tsw is deontic when it indicates an obligation on the part of an entity to per-

form some action.
( 1 3 ) c. ay Dili cattawri
ay Dili cat -taw -li
I Delhi go -OBLG -PROG
I Delhi should go
should go to Delhi.'
is a contraction of ddrkar oy-. The lexical item darkar is borrowed from

toy
Hindi darkar 'necessary, needed' (Pathak 1946) and oy means 'be'. The full
form darkar oy- means 'have the responsibility to V'. The contracted form -toy,
however, has shifted in meaning to signify an action that the actor or agent
intends to perform in the immediate future.
( 1 3 ) d . aygi phidu hanna

ay -ki phi -tu hn -na
I -GEN cloth -DDET first -ADV
for me the cloth first
layhawdoyniko
lay -haw -toy -ni -ko
buy -START -INTEND-COP -TAG
intend to buy, O.K.
intend to buy some cloth for myself, O.K.?'

e. naq kdrdm matamdz tumdoyba

nag karam ma -tam -ta tum -toy hay -pa
you how 3P -time -LOC sleep -INTEND say -NOM
you how at time will sleep
'When do you say you intend to sleep?'
toyindicates an intention of the speaker to perform some action, so it can

appear with first but not second or third person actors or agents, since the
speaker cannot be sure of someone else's intention.
( 1 3 ) f. ay cak cadoyni
ay ck c -toy -ni
I rice eat -INTEND -COP
I food will eat
will eat.'
-toy can be used with second or third person themes when the marker is used
to indicate encouragement or to prompt someone to fulfill their duty. In such
constructions the theme must be suffixed -su 'also'.
( 1 3 ) g. masu cittoyni
m -su cat -toy -ni
he -ALSO go -INTEND -COP
he also wants to go
'He should go.'
toy is also utilized to make the recipient of an action seem more in control of
that action. For example in (13h) the addressee is to receive a salary. The
speaker questions the amount of salary to be received by asking how much the
addressee intends to receive. Even though the addressee is not in control of
the amount of money that is to be received, it is made to seem as if he/she is.
( 1 3 ) h . nahak paysa kayam !9

na -hak paysa kayam phaq -toy hay -pa
2P -here money how much find -INTEND say -NOM
you money how much intend to get
'How much money did you say you will get?'

-t3 'must, necessary' is an epistemic marker indicating a certainty.
( 1 3 ) i. ckhidrdne
ca -khi -t3 -la -ne
eat-STILL -NES -INT -SI
suppose he is eating.'
-ta also has a deontic use where it indicates a necessary course of action for
an entity. Epistemic -ta is always preceded by -ka 'potential'.
( 1 3 ) j . nzhk hidk 9si

na -hak hidk a -si
2P -here medicine ATT -pdet
you medicine this
cagddabaniko
c -ka -ta -pa -ni -ko
eat-POT -NES -NOM -COP -TAG
must eat
'You must take the medicine, O.K.?'
k. ndfj mdphm asids

naq ma -pham a -si -ta
you 3P -place ATT -pdet -LOC
you place here
tumgddsbBni
tum -ka -ta -pa -ni
sleep -POT -NES -NOM -COP
must sleep
'You must sleep here (if our plans for the morning are to be properly
carried out).'
It is impossible for a speaker to state the necessity for self to do some action
(as seen in (13d)), unless this action is contrasted with the action of others.
( 1 3 ) 1. syns dinardu mskhoygs

ay -na dinar -tu ma -khoy -ka
I -CNTR dinner -DDET 3P -hpl -ASS
I the dinner with them

loynana catkadabani
loyna -na cat -ka -ta -pa -ni
together -ADV go -POT -NES -NOM -COP
with them must go
must go to the dinner with them (even if you don't).'
m. *ay catkadabani
7.1.3.3 Combination of Category 11 and 12 mood markers
The potential and negative potential marker -ks and -lay can be suffixed by
either -taw, -toy or -ta. The distinction between -taw, -toy and -ta and -kadaw,
-kadoy, -kdda is subtle enough that native speakers give them as variants of
each other. The form with the potential marker seems to refer to a more
distant future, or to a more hypothetical or possible but unrealized past, than
the Category 12 marker by itself. Compare the use of -taw and -kadaw in
(14a): hdygadawni refers to an obligation concerning a possible future event
whereas hdydawni refers to obligation once that event has begun to take place.
(14) a. aykhoy si hdygadawni fas step

ay -khoy si hay -kg -taw -ni fas step
I -hpl pdet say -ASS -OBLG -COP first step
we this should say first step
seken stepsi hdydawni thard

seken step -si hay -taw -ni thard
second step -PDET say -SHOULD -COP third
second the step should say third
stepsi hdydawnina
step -si hay -taw -ni hay -na
step -PDET say -SHOULD -COP say -INST
step this that should say
'We should say thus (if we make a chart): we should say this step is
the first step, this is the second step, this is the third step
(14b) is an example of the sequence -kadoy. (14c) is an example of the se-

quence of -kada with epistemic -ta.

(14) b. igadoyba
i -ka -toy -pa
write -POT -INTEND -NOM
'the one that you intend to write'
onthakhragddabani
on -tha -khi -la -ka -ta -pa -ni
fall -DOWN -STILL -PRO -POT -NES -NOM -COP
'is going to fall down'
When one of the Category 12 markers is suffixed to the nonpotential marker

-lay, the meaning signalled is a necessity, obligation or certainty of the nonre-
alization of the action expressed in the verb.
( 1 4 ) d. piroydawbmi
pi -loy -taw -pa -ni
give -NPOT -OBLG -NOM -COP
'should not be by giving'
e. phimmoydoyno
pham -loy -toy -no
sit -NPOT -INTEND -INQ
'Why won't you sit here?
f. John hdyeq cstloyddbani

John hayeq cat -loy -ta -pa -ni
John tomorrow go -NPOT -NES -NOM -COP
John tomorrow must not go
'John must not go tomorrow.'
7.1.3.4 Combination category 11 and 12 with other verbal affixes
When the indirect evidence marker -hm is combined with Category 11 mood
markers, it indicates a possible but unconfirmed action or state for the future.
On the other hand, when -hm appears with a Category 11 - Category 12 se-
quence, a past unrealized state is indicated. Thus compare (14g) with (14h)
and (14i) with (14j).

(14) g. CdtfomgBtii
est -lam -ka -ni
go -EVD -POT -COP
'(he) has probably gone'
h. purakhzlhmgadabanida
pu -lak -hal -lam -ka -ta -pa -ni -ta
carry -DISTAL -CAUS -EVD -POT -NES -NOM -COP -CTE
'should have caused to bring'
i. catfommoy
cat -lam -loy
go -EVD -NPOT
'probably has not gone'
j. ay catlammoydabani
ay cat -lam -loy -ta -pa -ni
I go -EVD -NPOT -NES -NOM -COP
I would not have gone
'(If I had known this would happen) I would not have gone.'
Category 11 markers cannot be directly suffixed by progressive or perfect

aspect markers; they must be suffixed by either -taw or -toy first. (In (14k) and
(141) you can't have -ta.)
(14) k. phugadawribani
ph -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
beat -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -COP
'you should undergo his beating'
1. phgadawrabani
ph -ka -taw -la -pa -ni
beat -POT -OBLG -PRO -NOM -COP
'(you) should be beaten'
A possible semantic explanation for this restriction of aspectual marking with

potential and nonpotential markers is that before a statement can be made
about the internal temporal make-up of an event or action, that event or ac-
tion must be located in a particular time.
Since Category 11 markers do not have a time reference (they refer to a
potential state in the past, present or future) while Category 12 mood markers

7.1. The verb morpholep 239
do (they refer to the desire or prediction of the speaker from his/her present
perspective of how the past or future world conforms to the world stated in the
proposition), aspect marking can appear with Category 12 but not with Cate-
gory 11 markers.
7.1.3.5 Category 13: Aspect
Category 13 consists of -li 'progressive' and -h 'perfect'. The progressive can

indicate that an action is being carried out in the past (15a), present (15b), or
future (15c).
( 1 5 ) a . aygi phammuqdd
ay -ki pham -muq -ta
I -GEN seat -family -LOC
my on bed
tummibsdu kanano
tum -li -padu kana -no
sleep -PROG -DCOMP who -INQ
that is sleeping who is it
'Who was it that was sleeping in my bed?'
b . zqdrjdu cak can

aqq -tu ck c -li
child -DDET rice eat -PROG
the child food eating
'The child is eating.'
c. satrBsiqnB ingadawribdni
satra -siq -ns in -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
student -GPL -CNTR follow -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -OOP
the students should follow
'the students should be following the teachers'
The progressive marker may also refer to an existing or continuous state.
(15) d. ayn? cdtniqlibadi Delidani

ay -na cat -niq -li -pa -ti Deli -ta -ni
I -CNTR go -wish -PROG -NOM -DLMT Delhi -LOC -COP
I wishing to go it is to Delhi
'The place that I'd like to go to is Delhi.'
e. mahk mssdk ddurn phdzari

ms -hak ma -sak a -sum phaza -li
3P -here 3P -face ATT -so beauty -PROG
she her face thus is beautiful
'(Even though she is old), she continues to be beautiful.'
The perfect indicates a completed action which has relevance at the time of
speech. It can be differentiated from the homophonous prospective aspect
marker in that the prospective aspect marker occurs before the mood markers
whereas the perfect marker appears after the mood markers. The use of the
perfect marker in the future tense is seen in (15b). The primary way to ex-
press past tense is -le which is composed of -te 'perfect' and -e 'assertive'.
(15) f. mahk lak?e

ma -hak lak -la -e
3P -here come -PERF -ASRT
he has come
'He came.'
g. Isyte
lay -ta -e
be -NEG -ASRT
'did not/does not exist'
7.1.4 Scope differences
-tern 'indirect evidence' and -han 'causative' and the suffixes in Category 6 and
7 can appear in different positions (with regard to other derivational mor-
phemes). This variation in order corresponds to scope differences, the right-
most marker having scope over everything to its left. For example, (16a) can
be opposed to (16b) where -lam 'indirect evidence' occurs with -khi 'still': in
the sequence -khiram where -tem has scope over -khi, the meaning obtained is
'probably still V', in the sequence -ramkhi, -khi has scope over -tem, and the
meaning obtained is 'still seems V'.
(16) a. mahk ck ckhirammoy

ma -hak ck c -khi -lam -loy
3P -here rice eat -STILL -EVD -NPOT
he food not seem to still eat
'He probably has not eaten yet.'

b . mahdk catlamkhiroy
ma -hak cat -lam -khi -loy
3P -here go -EVD -STILL -NPOT
he still seems to not have left
'It still seems that he has not left.'
-khi 'still' has scope over the directional marker -lak in (16c) but in (16d)
-lak has scope over -khi.
( 1 6 ) c. purakmanlchre
pu -lak -man -khi -la -e
carry -DISTAL -EXCESS -STILL -PERF -ASRT
'has carried too much from a distance'
d. paythokpihankhira?ammi
pay -thok -pi -han -khi -lak -lam -i
fly -OUT -REC -CAUS -STILL -DISTAL -EVD -NHYP
'Someone set it free/let it fly (before I could get there to make that
happen myself).'
Similarly, in (16e) -han 'causative' has scope over - 'wish' signalling 'wish
to cause to V', as opposed to (16f) where the meaning 'cause to wish to V' is
expressed.
( 1 6 ) e . mahdkna aybu cdniqhalli

ma -hak -na ay -pu c -niq -han -i
3P -here -CNTR I -PAT eat -wish -CAUS -NHYP
he I cause to want to eat
'He made me feel like eating.'
f.
pa -han -niq -i
read -CAUS -WISH -NHYP
'wished to cause to read'
Also compare (16g) with (16h): in (16g) -han 'causative' has scope over the
directional -hk whereas in (16h) -hk has scope over -han. In (16h) the action
is instigated at a distance and continues to the location of locution, whereas in
(16g), the action is instigated and completed at a distance after which the
speaker moves towards location of locution.

(16) g. cahdlhk?e
c -hal -tek -e
eat -CAUS -DISTAL -ASRT
'made to eat when (I was) there.'
h. cithi ddu purskhmkhre

cithi 9 -tu pu -bk -hsn -khi -la -e
letter ATT -ddet carry -DISTAL -CAUS -STILL -PERF -ASRT
letter that caused to carry
'caused (him when over there) to bring the letter here (at an earlier
time).'
7.1.5 Inflectional moqjhology
The inflectional morphology of the verb, which was described in detail in

Chapter 5, consists of eight illocutionary mood markers: the nonhypothetical -
; the assertive -e; the optative -ke; the imperative -u; the prohibitive -nu; the
solicitive -o; the supplicative -si; and the permissive -smu. Only one inflec-
tional morpheme may appear with a given verb root and the inflectional
marker will appear after all derivational morphology and before all enclitics.
7.2 The noun morphology
The noun in Meithei is composed minimally of a root. Suffixal categories are

derivational (gender and number) or inflectional (case). There is a prefixal
category which is non-category changing (possessive prefixes). Markers from
the same category cannot co-occur. Figure 2, a representation of the Meithei
noun, can be derived through the word structure rules in Table 7. Phrase
structure rules for nouns derived from verbs are given in section 6.1.
Table 7. List of word structure rules for nouns
STEM INFL (ENC)

Stem stem (2nd LD)
stem ROOT (1st LD)
ROOT * (prefix) root (root)

NOUN
Stem INFL
stem
ROOT IstLD
/ \ root
root
Figure 2. The structure of the Meithei noun
Note that the word structure rules for verbs and nouns are identical except
for the category of the word level node, the possible terminal elements of the
derivational and inflectional categories and the lack of third level nominal
derivation.78 The rules in Table 1 and Table 7 can be collapsed so that the
word level node is W for word. The subcategorization frames of affixes will
restrict the rewriting of a particular rule so that only nominal affixes occur with
a noun and verbal affixes occur with a verb root.
7.2.1 Inflectional morphology
The sole nominal inflectional category is case marking. The category is highly
productive formally and semantically. Table 8 shows the paradigmatic nature
of case marking.79
Table 8. Inflectional paradigm of 'male child'
inflectional affix root
-na 'agentive/instrumental' nupana 'by the boy'

pu 'accusative' nupabu 'the boy (patient)'
-td 'locative' nupada 'at/to the boy'
tegi 'ablative' nupadagi 'from the boy'
-ki 'genitive' nupagi 'of the boy'
- t o 'associative' nupaga 'with the boy'

Although case markers are functionally inflectional, they exhibit the clitic-like
characteristic of docking at the edge of a phrase. Compare for example (19a-
c).
(17) a. nupigine 'of the female, you know'

b. nupi snigine 'of the two females, you know'
c. nupi mdc dnigine

nu -pi ma -c a -ni -ki -ne
person -FEM NM -small ATT -two -GEN -SI
female small of two, you know
'of the two girls, you know'
In (17a) the genitive is suffixed directly on the noun but in (17b,c), where a
numeral and adjective are added to the noun phrase, the case marker must be
suffixed at the right edge of the phrase and not to the noun. Like clitics, case
markers are promiscuous with regard to the lexical category with which they
can occur: in Chapter 4 and 6, examples of case markers with nouns, noun
phrases, relative clauses and adverbial clauses were discussed. Thus case
markers function as inflectional endings but operate formally as clitics.
7.2.2 Derivational morphology
Derivational morphology is not productive in that there are apparently arbi-

trary restrictions on which suffixes may occur with which nouns. Thus, -lom
'approximate' may be used with human but not nonhuman nouns. Plurals are
indicated with -siy but this suffix cannot occur with pronouns or proper names
(as in English The Flintstones are here which refers to Mrs. Flintstone and her
family).
7.2.2.1 Category 2: Gender
Nouns are not marked for grammatical gender. Semantic gender may be
indicated for animate beings by -pi 'female' and -pa 'male'.80 Thus in (18a)
the stem nu 'human' is suffixed by -pi to indicate a female human and -pa to
indicate a male human. (18b,c) are further examples.
(18) a. nupi 'female human' nupa 'male human'

b. hanubi 'old woman' hznuba 'old man'
c. phisabi 'female weaver' phisaba 'male weaver'

7.2. The noun morphology 245
The feminine and masculine suffixes appear in traditional proper names which
are based on adjectives used in naming a child. Thus the eldest male child is
named Tomba and the eldest female child is named Tombi from ton 'top' and
one of the gender suffixes.
Occupational titles of professions traditionally held by men do not have
female equivalents (18d). Where men are the predominant workers in a given
profession, the masculine professional title can refer to male or female workers
in that occupation. Thus (18e-g) may refer to a male or female potter, gold-
smith or story teller, respectively. (18h) is a special case in that, although wea-
vers are predominantly female, the occupational title used is the masculine
form.
(18) d. usuba 'carpenter'

e. czphusaba 'potter'
f. ssnsaba 'goldsmith'
g. wdriliba 'story teller'
h. phisaba 'weaver'
7.2.2.2 Category 3: Number and quantification
Although nouns are not obligatorily marked for number they may occur with
such specification. Singular nouns can be indicated by the numeral srrid 'one'
as in (19a).
(19) a. fjdratj mi ami lak?i

93 mi 9 -ma lak -i
yesterday man ATT -one come -NHYP
yesterday man one came
'Yesterday a man came.'
Plurality is indicated with the numerals higher than one or by -sirj (layriksiij
'books', 'children'). First, second and third person plural pronouns are
signalled with khoy 'this and other like this' (see section 3.3.1.1), which is also
used with human nouns to signify the inclusion of those physically surrounding
or closely associated to the suffixed noun, - cannot be used with pronouns
or proper nouns and khoy cannot be used with nonhuman nouns.81

( 1 9 ) b . garisi Tombdkhoygini
gari -si Tomba -khoy -ki -ni
vehicle -PDET Tomba -hpl -GEN -COP
this vehicle Tomba and his family's
This car belongs to Tomba and his family.'
c. ipakhoy
i -pa -khoy
IP -father -hpl
'elders'
-lom 'subset' may be suffixed to numerals to indicate an approximation of

the number specified. Thus ma//a 'five' can be maqarom 'about five', -lom
may also be suffixed to proper nouns or pronouns. Thus in (19f), the proper
noun Tomba is suffixed by khoy to indicate 'Tomba and his family'; with the
additional suffixation of -lom the construction can be translated as 'Tomba and
some of his family and friends'.
( 1 9 ) d . Tombakhoyromgi phdwdi
Tombs -khoy -lom -ki phw -ti
Tomba -hpl -SSET -GEN up to -DLMT
Tomba, some family and friends including
temdawre
kamdaw -la -e
how -PERF -ASRT
that how are
'How is Tomba (and his family and friends) now?'
However, -lom cannot be used with nonhuman nouns: *phirom where phi
means 'cloth' and *huyrom where huy means 'dog'.
-hk 'multiplicative' can be suffixed to numerals to the indicate the number of
times that some action is performed. The resulting form is a noun since a
numeral suffixed by -hk may be further suffixed by case markers.
( 1 9 ) e . tidhk hazard marirdktagi

na -hak bazar -ta ma -ri -lak -tagi
2P -here bazzar -LOC NM -four -MULT -ABL
you at the market from four times

7.2. The noun morphology 247
henna Cdtps mgzdra

hen -na cat -pa qam -ka -ta -la
more -ADV go -NOM possible -POT -NES -INT
more to go is it possible
'Can you go to the market more than four times?'
f. 9humhk?i manuqda
a -hum -lak -ki ma -nuq -ta
ATT -three -MULT -GEN NM -in -LOC
of three times inside
'within three tries'
-su 'also' 82 may be suffixed to a noun, noun phrase or nominalized verb to

signal the inclusion of an entity in an action or state (see also section 6.3.4).
( 1 9 ) g. lupa man amasu ptkhi

lupa lisiq ma -li a -ma -su pi -khi -i
rupee thousand NM -four ATT -one -ALSO give -STILL -NHYP
rupee thousand four also one gave
'(He) also paid Rs. 4000.'
The suffix -khsk 'up to, to the extent o f is derived from khak 'stop, halt'.
( 1 9 ) h. ahum marikhak
a -hum ma -ri -khak
ATT -three NM -four -UPTO
three up to four
'up to three or four'
i. ayna layrikkhaktd pirzmmi

ay -na layrik -khak -ta naq - -ta pi -lam -i
I -CNTR book -UPTO -EX you -to -LOC give -EVD -NHYP
I a book to you gave
gave a book (and nothing else) to you.'
Verbs can be derived from nouns with -kum 'similar to, like' (related to faun-
'like'). In (19j), the verb root tvw- is nominalized with the prefibcation of ms-,
then verbalized with the suffixation of -kum and followed by a participializer
that characteristically occurs with verbs. The verbalizing nature of -kum is
shown in (19k) where it is followed by -p9 'nominalizer' which also characteris-
tically occurs with verbs.

(19) j. mztawgumdma
ma -taw -kum -tana
NM -do -LIKE -BY
'doing in the same way'
k. layriksigumbd
layrik -si -kum -pa
book -PDET -LIKE -NOM
'books which are like this'
7.2.2.3 Prefixal categories
Noncategory changing derivational prefixes are the possessive pronominal

prefixes i-, nz- and ma-, the first, second, and third person possessive prefixes,
respectively. These were discussed in section 3.3.1.1.
7.3 Enclitics
Enclitics are distinguished from other affixes following standard criteria estab-
lished in the literature. First, whereas affixes subcategorize for lexical catego-
ries, clitics subcategorize for phrasal or lexical categories (Klavans 1979, 1983,
1985 and Borjars 1992). Clitics show a low degree of selectivity in that the
category of the host may be lexical or phrasal (Zwicky and Pullum 1983 and
Sadock 1991). Furthermore, clitics exhibit different phonological behavior
from other affixes (Zwicky and Pullum 1983 and Sadock 1991). In Meithei,
most affixes are toneless but clitics are phonologically special since they may be
lexically marked for tone. 83 Also, category 7 clitics do not undergo lexical
phonological rules (for example, -ko 'invariant tag' does not undergo the Voice
assimilation rule). Finally, in the linear order of affixes, enclitics always occur
at the right edge of a word or phrase; they do not interdigitate with inflectional
or derivational morphology (Klavans 1979, 1983, 1985; Zwicky and Pullum
1983, Zwicky 1985, and Sadock 1991).
Enclitics in Meithei fall into six categories: determiners, case markers, the
copula, mood markers, inclusive/exclusive and pragmatic peak markers and
attitude markers. The members of each category are listed in Table 9. The
categories are determined on the basis of position in the word (category 1
occurs before category 2, category 2 before category 3, and so on).

7.2. Enclitics 249
Co-occurrence in the mood marker category is restricted to combinations of

the -la 'interrogative' and -o 'solicitive' enclitics.84 The enclitics in the exclu-
sive/inclusive categories may not co-occur.
Some co-occurrence is possible in the attitude marker category, -tie, which
indicates shared information (and so implying accepted or expected infor-
mation), combines with all attitude markers that are semantically compatible
with it: thus while -ne never co-occurs with the contrary to expectation marker
-ta, the combinations -nehe, -neye and -neko (see (24q,p,t) respectively), are
possible. In the linear order, -ne always occurs before other attitude markers.
-ta 'contrary to expectation' may combine with -ho 'invariant tag' as in (24u).
The remaining attitude markers, -ye 'confirmative', -he 'exasperative' and -ko
'invariant tag', do not combine with each other. Thus the maximum number of
attitude markers attested on a constituent is two.
The occurrence of an attitude marker or a combination of attitude markers
precludes the use of an inclusive/exculsive marker. The attested combination
of inclusive/exclusive markers is restricted to -ta 'exclusive' combining with -mak
'only' as in (23h,i) or with -khak 'to the extent' as in (231).
7.3.1 Determiners, semantic role and case markers
As discussed in section 3.3.1.4, the determiners si 'proximate' and tu 'distal' are

stems that function as enclitics. They exhibit the clitic-like characteristic of
docking at the edge of a phrase.
(20) a. nupi maca anisi

nu -pi ms -c 9ni -si
person -FEM NM -small two - P D E T
girl young these two
'these two young girls'
b. nupi macasi 'this young girl'

c. nupisi 'this girl'
Relevant information about semantic role and case markers is given in sec-
tion 7.2.2.2. Case markers occur only to the left of determiners: nupiduda 'to
that girl' but not *nupidadu.
7.3.2 The copula
The copula -ni which indicates a declarative sentence has a special status in
that it has a category-changing function. In (lw) the copula derives verbs from
nouns: the verb cawkh9tk9d9\vri is nominalised and then further suffixed by

the copula, resulting in cawkhatfoddwribani 'will have developed.' The copula
Table 9. Chart of enclitics
Category 1
Determiners: -si 'proximate determiner'
-tu 'distal determiner'
Category 2
Semantic role -n9 'agent'
and case markers: -pu 'patient'
-td 'locative'
-t9gi 'ablative'
-9 'instrumental'
-k 'associative'
-ki 'genitive'
Category 3
Copula: -ni 'copula'
Category 4
Mood: -no 'inquisitive'
-h 'interrogative'
-0 'solicitive'
Category 5
Pragmatic peak: -nd 'contrastive'
-pu 'adversative'
Inclusive/exclusive: -ft 'delimitative'
mak 'only'
t9 'exclusive'
Category 6
Attitude: -ne 'shared information'
-t9 'contrary to expectation'
-ye 'confirmative'
-he 'exasperative'
-ko 'invariant tag'
may also be suffixed to a noun as in 9 'it is a child' where 9 is

'child'.85 -ni may not be followed by either nominal or verbal derivational or
inflectional morphology but only by other enclitics. The copula has phrasal
scope so that it attaches phonologically to the rightmost constituent in a sen-
tence regardless of which constituent is at that edge (21a,b).86

7.2. Enclitics 251
(21) a . phurittu aqawbani

phurit -tu a -qaw -pa -ni
shirt -DDET ATT -white -NOM -COP
that shirt be white
'That shirt is the white one.'
b . sijdwbs phurittuni
'That shirt is white.'
7.3.3 Mood markers
See Chapter 5 for the functions of -h 'interrogative', -o 'solicitive' and -no

'inquisitive'. All three markers have phrasal scope and they attach to the right
edge of a phrase regardless of the particular constituent that occurs at that
edge. For example, in (22a,b), the meanings of the sentences are the same
even though 'chicken' attaches to -no in (22a) and to the whole phrase in
(22b).
(22) a. kdnagi yenawno 'Whose chicken is it?'87

b. yenaw fonagino 'Whose chicken is it?'
7.3.4 Pragmatic markers
The delimitative marker -ti is used to indicate that a noun, noun phrase, nomi-
nalized verb or verb is chosen out of a range of possibilities (see examples
(2h), (10b) and (20) in Chapter 4 and (9g) in Chapter 8, respectively).
The exclusive enclitic -ta can be suffixed to nouns or verbs to single out a
noun or verb from a set of eligible ones as being the most representative or
topmost in the set.88
(23) a. zmatta
a -ma -ta
ATT -one -EX
'exactly one'

b . masigi makhal
ma -si -ki qa ma -khan
3P -PDET -GEN fish NM -shape
of this fish type
aw Moiraqdada phaqtji
a -si Moiraq -ta -ta phaq -i
ATT -pdet Moiraq -LOC -EX find -NHYP
this only in Moirang is found
"This type of fish is found only in Moirang.'
c. madi Tombaga
m -ti Tombs -ka
he -DLMT Tomba -ASS
he with Tomba
catminnadanada lay
cat -min -na -tana -ta lay -i
go -TOGETHER -RECIP -BY -EX be -NHYP
going together with only is
'He only roams around with Tomba.'
The enclitic -mak 'only' singles out an eligible participant with the implication
that the situation does not normally warrant this restriction.
( 2 3 ) d . layriksi Tombagimak oyramba

layrik -si Tomba -ki -mak oy -lam -pa
book -PDET Tomba -GEN -ONLY be -EVD -NOM
this book only for Tomba being
tarabadi ayna segayramloy

ta -la -pa -ti ay -na set -khay -lam -loy
fall -PRO -NOM -DLMT I -CNTR tear -TOTAF -EVD -NPOT
if it falls I will not tear
'If it turns out that this book is just for Tomba, I will not tear it.'
To emphasize the quantity referred to, -mak may be suffixed to a noun as in

(23e,f), a verb as in (23g), or to an adverb as in (23h).

7.2. Enclitics 253
(23) e. thabaktu Tombamakna tawramba

thabak -tu Tomba -mak -na taw -lam -pa
work -DDET Tomba -ONLY -CNTR do -EVD -NOM
the work by only Tomba to work if
oyrabadi
oy -la -pa -ti
be -PRO -NOM -DLMT
to work if
'If Tomba himself (with no other help) does the work...'
f. pankhadu Rajudamak pas tawre

parikha -tu Raju -ta -mak pas taw -la -e
test -DDET Raju -EX -ONLY pass do -PERF -ASRT
the exam just Raju pass did
'Raju (and no one else) passed the exam.'
g. ayna mdbu phudamak phuy

ay -na m -pu phu -ta -mak phu -i
I -CNTR he -PAT beat -EX -ONLY beat -NHYP
I him only beat beat
only hit him (I didn't kill him).'
h. layrik loynamak Tombada pikhirammi

layrik loy -na -mak Tomba -ta pi -khi -lam -i
book all -ADV -ONLY Tomba -LOC give -STILL -EVD -NHYP
book all to Tomba given
'(He) gave every single book to Tomba.'
The pragmatic markers -na 'contrastive' and -pu 'adversative' were discussed
in Chapter 4.
7.3.5 Attitude markers
Attitude markers indicate the attitude of a speaker towards a proposition,

signalling: a desire for agreement, an expression of doubt about the truth of a
proposition, surprise, etc. These are: -ne 'shared information', -ye 'confirma-
tive', and -he 'exasperative', -ta 'contrary to expectation' and -ko 'invariant tag'.
The shared information marker -ne -- which means 'as you know...' - sug-
gests that a proposition contains shared information known to be true by both
the speaker and hearer. The use of -ne is illustrated in (24a) which is an
254 Chapter 7. Affixal morpholofy
answer to the question 'Where are you going?' (24b) is a possible answer to
the same question but, where (24b) simply asserts that the speaker is going to
Kakching, (24a) implies that the question is pointless since the hearer is al-
ready privy to the information. (24c) provides an additional example of the
use of -ne.
(24) a. Kakciqdsnine
Kakciq -ta -ni -ne
Kakching -LOC -COP -SI
'(As I'm sure you know), it is to Kakching (that I am going).'
b. Kakciijdani
Kakciq -LOC -COP
'It is to Kakching (that I'm going).'
c. 9dudi pnparesdn kJnnd

a -tu -ti priparesan kan -na
ATT -ddet -DLMT preparation hard -ADV
that preparation intensely
tdwdd ypontene89
taw -ta y -pot -ns -ta -e -ne
do -EX agree -thing -be -NEG -ASRT -SI
to do a thing to agree about
'...in that case (you know that) we should prepare very well.'
The shared information marker can also be used by the speaker to prompt
the addressee to agree with the content of a proposition.
(24) d. Susil adu noy ojasiqduna

Susil a -tu ns -khoy oja -siq -tu -na
Sushila ATT -ddet 2P -hpl teacher -GPL -DDET -CNTR
Sushila that you all teachers
impresan yam phdttene

impresan yam pha -ta -e -ne
impression lot good -NEG -ASRT -SI
impression lot it is not good, right
'Your teacher's impression of Sushila is not good, is it?'

7.2. Enclitics 255
e . bajina ibd hayte

baji - i -pa hay -ts -e
father -CNTR write -NOM proficient -NEG -ASRT
father to write not able
hdyribddudi Iqrajine
hy -Ii -padu -ti Iqraji -ne
say -PROG -DCOMP -DLMT English -SI
that you are saying it is English, isn't it
'Father, what you said about their not being able to write applications,
that refers to English, right?'
When a speaker must provide information to someone who ought to be

aware of it already but is not, -ne can be used to soften the force of the sen-
tence; since -ne implies a shared knowledge, its use obfuscates the ignorance of
the hearer.
The function of -ne as a tag marker allows a question interpretation of (24a)
as given in (24f). In this case, there is nothing in the discourse which forces a
declarative interpretation of the sentence: that is, when a sentence like (24a)
is not a reply to a question, it is itself interpreted as a question.
( 2 4 ) f. 3 catlisi Kakcitjddnine
naq -na cat -li -si Kakciq -ta -ni -ne
you -CNTR go -PROG -PDET Kakching -LOC -COP -SI
you that are going it is to Kakching, right
'You are going to Kakching, right?'
If -ne occurs in a question-word question, the sentence translates like an

echo question in English, where the speaker asks for repetition of information
just provided. (24g) is repeated from section 5.6.5, example (12e).
( 2 4 ) g. natjnz karino puthorak?i hdybadayne

'What is it that you said you would bring?'
(24g) might also indicate that the speaker has a hard time believing that the
information just heard is true.

256 Chapter 7. Afltxal morphology
(24) h . kdrambd layrikna phaijdagene

karamba layrik -na phaq -ta -ke -ne
which book -CNTR find -NEG -OPT -SI
which book did not find that (you) wanted to
'Which of the books could you not get at the library?'
The question may also be interpreted as a rhetorical one, where the speaker
thinks (and expects the hearer to concur) that no appropriate answer exists for
the question.
(24) i. kdnano hunjinlunigene

kana -no hun -sin -lu -ni hay -ke -ne
who -INQ slander -IN -ADIR -COP say -OPT -SI
who is it that wants to slander him
'Who will slander him (i.e. there is no one)?'
-ne expresses disbelief when used with yes-no questions.
j . sibu noqnarvne
si -pu -na -la -ne
this -PAT rain -INST -INT -SI
this here because of the rain
'Was it really because of the rain!?'
k . nay phiron settribrane

naq phi -Ion set -ta -li -pa -la -ne
you cloth -weave wear -NEG -PROG -NOM -INT -SI
you dress are not wearing, are you
'Can it be that you aren't dressed yet!?'
Thus, the same marker has a different communicative force (all revolving
around the idea of shared knowledge) depending on whether it is used with a
declarative or an interrogative sentence.
The 'contrary to expectation marker' -ta tags a proposition as being true
even in the face of overwhelming evidence or all expectations that it is not
true.

7.2. Enclitics 257
( 2 4 ) 1. add liribasi yumnidd

a -t9 -Ii -pasi yum -ni -ta
there -LOC see -PROG -DCOMP house -COP -CTE
over there that seeing it is a house
'From what I can see that thing way over there is a house (not a
temple or anything).'
m . ^ aykhoy cdk
hayeq -ti ay -khoy ck
tomorrow -DLMT I -hpl rice
tomorrow we rice
soydsna cnidd
soy -tans c -ni -ta
certain -BY eat -COP -CTE
certainly will eat
'Tomorrow we will surely eat with you (although you have invited us
many times and we have put it off for so long).'
n. hswjikpu kddaydagi cdknodd

hawjik -pu kaday -tagi ck -no -ta
now -ADVR where -ABL rice -INQ -CTE
just now from where will actually get anything to eat
'From where are we going to get anything to eat right now? (We
came to this wedding feast with the intention of eating but it looks like
all the food is gone.)'
The confirmative marker -ye indicates that a proposition has been stated
before and might be used to ask confirmation about something that the speak-
er believes was said to the hearer or to repeat what has already been said.
Both these uses are illustrated in the following conversational exchange where
Speaker 1 asks for a repetition of what Speaker 2 has just said. Speaker 2
then responds by repeating the relevant part of his statement (indicating that it
is a repetition with the suffixation of -ye.)
(24) o. Speaker 1:
thor9k?9niye
thok -lak -ka -ni -ye
out -DISTAL -POT -COP -CONFM
returning, you say?
'So, she's returning?'
Speaker 2:
dw Niqgol cak?awba
aw Niqgol ck -kaw -pa
yes woman (of a clan) food -call -NOM
yes Festival (where woman returns to father's home for feast)
ywniye
yw -ni -ye
participate -COP -CONFM
to participate, I say
'Yes, as I said, she will participate in the festival of Ningol Cakkawba.'
The confirmative marker may be used in conjunction with the shared informa-
tion marker.
(24) p . sitkmneye
sit -kan -ne -ye
sell -force -SI -CONFM
'You see, I was told it would sell well.'
The exasperative marker -he is used to respond to repeated questioning or

repeated requests to perform some action. It indicates that the speaker has
already responded at least once to the hearer and is irritated at having to
respond again. It can be translated as, already told you..' Because of its
strong communicative force, it is impolite to use this marker with elders or
strangers.
(24) q. tawdehe
taw -t3 -e -he
do -NEG -ASRT -EXASP
didn't do it, o.k.!'
r. dydi udehe
ay -ti -ta -e -he
I -DLMT see -NEG -ASRT -EXASP
I didn't see it, o.k.!
'No, I didn't see!'

7.2. Enclitics 259
s. ydenehe
y -ta -e -ne -he
agree -NEG -ASRT -SI -EXASP
'(You know) I don't agree to that!'
As described in section 5.6.3, the invariant tag marker can be used to form a
tag question which elicits agreement from the hearer. This is illustrated in
(24t,q).
(24) t. paysinminnabirukhi-
pay -sin -min -na -pi -lu -khi
fly -IN -TOGETHER -RECIP -REC -ADIR -STILL
-nuneko
-nu -ne -ko
-PROBH -SI -TAG
'Don't fly with him into that spot even if you want to, O.K.?'
u. puminnahmpramgd-
pu -min -na -han -ca -lam -ka
cany -TOGETHER -RECIP -CAUS -SELF -EVD -POT
-dabdniddko
-ta -pa -ni -ta -ko
-NEG -NOM -COP -CTE -TAG
should just have caused it to be carried with someone else, right?'

Chapter 8
Compounding and duplication
8.1 Compounding
Compounds are derived through the word structure rules given in (1) and
illustrated through the examples given in sections 2.5 and 8.1.
(1) a. - [N+V]
b. - [V+N]
c. - [N+N]
d. V - [V+V]
The following subsections are organized on semantic90 and formal grounds.

A compound is considered semantically productive if its meaning is recoverable
from the meaning of the sum of its parts, but nonproductive if the meaning is
unpredictable or interpretable only through meanings associated through con-
vention (i.e. the metaphorical extension of core meaning or figurative interpre-
tation) to the roots in the compound.
Nominal compounds can be categorized formally as endocentric, either right-
or left-headed, or exocentric. The head of a compound is that root which
determines the category of, or is the main referent of, the compound. The
only verbal compounds found are exocentric.
8.1.1 Productive combinations
Nominal compounds such as the noun+noun and verb-I-noun compounds given

in (2a-g) are right-headed. In these cases the first root modifies the second
root. In (2e-g), the final root is modified by a noun+verb compound.
(2) a. khotjtem foot-way 'footpath'

b. phiruk cloth-basket 'clothes basket'
c. yengon hen-place 'chicken coop'
d. thakpham drink-place 'drinking place'
e. maykhumphi face-cover-cloth 'veil'
f. phiyonphm cloth-sell-place 'cloth shop'
g- unbdntha ice-rule-month 'winter'

262 Chapter 8. Compounding and duplication
Nominal compounds of the form noun+verb may be left-headed as in (2h-j)

where the head is modified by a state verb.
(2) h. phigd cloth-under 'under garment'

i. }aw hill-big 'mountain'
j. yumgom house-collect 'outhouse, urinal'
Examples of exocentric nominal compounds, where neither root is the head, as

in English deaf-mute, are given in (2k-m).
(2) k. mitna eye-nose 'organs'

1. / stream-ditch 'marshy land'
m. cdkisiij rice-water 'meal'
Exocentric noun+verb compounds are deverbal synthetic compounds (Hoe-

ksema 1985: 142) where the first root is the patient of the second. In Meithei
such compounds are most often occupational titles as shown in (2n,o) (where
the gender marker has scope over the entire compound), or a definition of
what an entity is because of some action performed or accomplished by that
entity (2p,q).
(2) n. phisabi cloth-weave-FEM 'female cloth weaver'

o. cdphusaba pot-make-MAS 'male potter'
p. wood-enter 'axe'
q. phijet dress-wear 'dress'
(2r) is a rare example of exocentric verbal compounds in Meithei.
(2) r. cdthak- eat-drink 'dine'
There are no left-headed verb+verb compounds in the synchronic grammar of

Meithei since these have been reinterpreted as verb+derivational morphemes
(see section 7.1).91
8.1.2 Nonproductive combinations
In some instances the meaning of the compound can only be obtained through
a figurative interpretation of the relationship between the roots. Thus in (3a)
the mother of the land is 'queen', in (3b) a death on the road is an 'accidental
death', and in (3c) the voice of noisy news is 'rumor'.

8.1 Compounding 263
(3) a. foym land-mother 'queen, goddess'

b. timsi path-die 'accidental death'
c. pawninkhon news-noisy-voice 'rumor'
Some compounds have a specialized meaning. For example, the stative verb
lei- 'best', for example, can be compounded to a noun to indicate the best or
most representative noun of its kind as in (3d,e). In (3f,g), however, the mean-
ing of the compound is narrowed to a specific example: layrel means python
and phtrel is the starter cloth in a weaving loom. Similarly in (3h), 'cloth-fold'
does not refer to any folded cloth but to a garment used in a specific ritual.
(3) d. turel stream-best 'river'

e. hirel boat-best 'best boat'
f. layrel snake-best 'python'
g phirel cloth-best 'topmost cloth'
h. phidup cloth-fold 'cloth for Shrada ceremony'
The examples in (3i-m) illustrate more idiomatic compounds where the

meaning is not recoverable from the meaning of the roots.
i. gurummtra mentor-chant 'absolutely correct'

j. niqthaw wish-soul 'king'
k. matikcba NM-fit-eat 'be fit'
1. khudoqcbd hand-bridge-eat 'opportunity'
m. khoqgoynzre
khoq -khoy -na -te -e
foot -rough -INST -PERF -ASRT
'insulted' (Literally: by roughing up the leg)
8.1.3 Affixation within compounds
It is also possible for derived or inflected forms to be members of compounds.

A noun root is compounded to verb stem in (4a) and to an inflected noun in
(4b).
(4) a. caynarol
cgy -na -Ion
beat -RECIP -language
'rules for fighting'

b. intidphi
in " - 9 -phi
wrap -INST -cloth
'wrapper, shawl'
In (4c,d), the attributive prefix has scope over the first root and not the whole
compound. In this sense, prefixation is affixation within the compound.
(4) c. 9thenpot
a -then -pot
ATT -display -thing
'gift'
d. dtiiman
a -tu -man
ATT -sew -price
'sewing charge'
8.2 Duplication
Section 8.2 describes the creation of lexical collocations by partially or fully

duplicating a constituent or part of a constituent or by pairing a constituent or
part of a constituent with a rhyming word. Often referred to as echo-word
formation or reduplication (Abbi 1992), this word formation process is com-
mon in Tibeto-Burman languages and across language families in Southeast
Asia.92 Ch. Nandakumari Devi (1985), Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1988), Th.
Harimohon Singh (1989b) and N. Khelchandra Singh (1964) discuss the various
methods of duplication which exist in Meithei, and I will present a formal and
functional analysis of these in this section.
8.2.1 Repetition
In repetition two instances of the same morphological constituent occur con-

tiguously. There are two types of repetition: stem repetition and word repeti-
tion.

8.2 Duplication 265
8.2.1.1 Word repetition
In word repetition, a word (a free standing form like a free root or a root with
additional derivational or inflectional affixes) occurs twice. Each word-word
sequence is treated as a single constituent by the syntax and is structurally a
compound. The resulting constituent can be combined in phrases in the same
way that other lexical items of the same category are combined.
The duplicated word may be a simple noun root as in (5a), a derived noun
as in (5b), or an inflected noun as in (5c).
(5) a. yum yum catjdun bot khommi

yum yum caq -tuna bot khom -i
house house enter -ING vote collect -NHYP
house house entering vote campaigned
'They canvassed house to house for votes.'
b. m9pay mspsy phaqba

ma -pay ma -pay phaq -pa
NM -group NM -group find -NOM
heap heap to find
'to find several heaps (of something)'
c. ayna dynd tjambd tdwndsi

ay -na ay -na qam -pa taw -na -si
I -CNTR I -CNTR possible -NOM do -RECIP -SUP
I I be possible let us do together
'Let us each (rather than the members of the other group) do what-
ever we can do.'
If an inflected word is repeated, inflection shows up on both constituents as in

(5c). If an uninflected word undergoes repetition, inflection will have scope
over the duplicated form. Thus the process of duplication is available before
as well as after inflectional morphology is concatenated to nouns.
(5) d . makhoy yum yumds cdtkhre

ma -khoy yum yum -ta cat -khi -la -e
3P -hpl house house -LOC go -still -PERF -ASRT
they house house to have gone
They have gone to their respective houses.'

Question words can be duplicated to get a distributional reading as in (5e,f) or

a plural reading as in (5g): the basic question word is first duplicated, and
further modification of the question word form (for example, the suffixation of
a case marker) follows the duplicated form.
nay kana fona loynarak?i

naq kana kana loyna -lak -i
you who who together -DISTAL -NHYP
you who who are with
'Who all are you associated with?'
f. nay mahdkpu foday fodayda thi

naq ma -hak -pu kaday kaday -ta thi -i
you 3P -here -PAT where where -LOC search -NHYP
you him where where search
'Where all (in which places) do you seek for him?'
g. nakhoy fori fori laybdk eitle

na -khoy kari kari lay -pk cat -la -e
2P -hpl what what land -width go -PERF -ASRT
you all what all countries gone
Adverbs may also undergo word repetition to signal that an action is per-
formed with great intensity or occurs more than once. When an adverb is
duplicated, the entire verb + -na 'adverbial' is duplicated.
(5) h. V how often

mahdkna hanna Hanns
ma -hak -na han -na han -na
3P -here -CNTR return -ADV return -ADV
he again again
thabaktu tawwi
thabak -tu taw -i
work -DDET do -NHYP
that work does
'He does the work again and again.'

8.2 Duplication 267
V in what manner
mahak tapna tapna catli
raa -hak tap -na tap -na cat -li
he -here slow -ADV slow -ADV go -PROG
he slowly slowy walks
'He walks slowly.'
j. V in what quantity
mdhdk yu yamns yamns thdk?i
ma -hak yu yam -na yam -na thak -i
he -here wine lot -ADV lot -ADV drink -NHYP
he liquor a lot a lot drinks
'He's a heavy drinker.'
k. V while doing what

mahdk kwd yonna yonns
ma -hak kw yon -na yon -na
3P -here betel nut sell -ADV sell -ADV
he betel nut selling selling
wd ijdtjtjammi
w qaq -lam -li
word speak -EVD -PROG
word said
'He spoke while selling betel nut.'
The same pattern of repetition is found with adverbs derived from the com-
pounding of to 'abundantly. V (in an agreeable sense)' with a verb root. t9 is
no longer productive in Meithei and occurs only in duplicated forms.
(5) 1. tdnaw tenawbs

ta -naw ta -naw -pa
abundant -soft abundant -soft -NOM
'very soft'
m. tznoy tanoyba
ta -noy ta -noy -pa
abundant -fat abundant -fat -NOM
'pleasingly plump'

n . tdset] tase/jba
ta -seq ta -seq -pa
abundant -clear abundant -clear -NOM
'crystal clear, absolutely correct'
Verbs can also undergo word repetition and are used as responses to ques-
tions or requests. When the response is affirmative, its force is strengthened or
made more immediate.
(5) o . khaqiye catlo

khaq -e khaq -e cat -o
know -ASRT know -ASRT go -SOLCT
know know go!
know that very well, just you go!'
Permission is most appropriately granted in a duplicated form.
(5) p . catlo catlo

cat -o cat -o
go -SOLCT go -SOLCT
'Why don't you go, go!'
When the speaker responds in the negative with a duplicated verb, impatience
and anger are conveyed.
(5) q . layte layte

lay -ta -e lay -ta -e
be -NEG -ASRT be -NEG -ASRT
is not is not
'There isn't any!'
r. pampde pamjade
pam -ca -ta -e pam -ca -ta -e
like -SELF -NEG -ASRT like -SELF -NEG -ASRT
don't like don't like
pibirakkanu
pi -pi -lak -ka -nu
give -REC -DISTAL -POT -PROBH
please don't give me
'Please don't give me any, I don't like it!'

8.2 Duplication 269
The choice of inflection can be significant. Thus in (5s), when the root and the
nonhypothetical word are duplicated, a positive meaning is signalled. However,
in (5t) when the root is followed by the perfect aspect marker, the duplicated
form is sarcastic.
(5) s. phsy phsy

ph - phs -i
good -NHYP good -NHYP
good good
'Excellent.'
t. phre phre
phs -to -e phs -to -e
good -PERF -ASRT good -PERF -ASRT
is good is good
O h , great!'
When a verb in the progressive aspect is duplicated, it acts as an adverb in-

dicating in what manner the action described is performed. Such constructions
are used in conjunction with the verb tdw- 'do'. The implication is that the
action described by the duplicated verb is being performed apathetically or
partially (not to the extent intended or expected).
(5) u . tumli tumli tawba

tum -Ii tum -Ii taw -ps
sleep -PROG sleep -PROG do -NOM
sleeping sleeping to do
'not quite asleep'
v. catli catli tawbd

est -Ii est -li taw -pa
go -PROG go -PROG do -NOM
'moving along very slowly, not quite stopped' (used of inanimate ob-
jects)'
Verbs can be duplicated when accompanied by a member of a set of roots

which appear only in duplication: trik, drit, throk, throq, srok, rok or tru. Trik
has a possible cognate in Tibetan t'rik 'precise, sure' (Jaeschke 1881) but I'm
unsure of the origin of the other roots, some of which may be nonsense syl-
lables. There is also no obvious factor that determines the choice of which root
will appear in a given duplicated form. This pattern of verb duplication is used

to indicate that some quality or action exists or is performed to an excessive or

unexpected amount.
(5) w. qswrok tjawrok pot

qaw -rok qaw -rok pot
white -rok white -rok thing
too white too white thing
'excessively white items'
x. sdqtrik saqtrik pot

saq -trik saq -trik pot
green -trik green -trik thing
too green too green thing
'excessively green items'
satjdroq saqdroq pot

saq -droq saq -droq pot
long -droq long -droq thing
too long too long thing
'excessively long items'
z. mdkhoy waqthroq watyhroq

ma -khoy waq -throq waq -throq waq -i
3P -hpl tall -throq tall -throq tall -NHYP
they too tall too tall are tall
'They are all very tall.'
Right-headed and left-headed verbal compounds are possible with duplicated

verbs. Such constructions often indicate a lesser quantity or quality.
(5) a a . piklak piktek semmu

pik -lak pik -tak sem -u
small -type small -type make -IMP
small type small type make
'Make it of a smaller size.'
b b . kmm kmm tewre

k -lum k -lum taw -la -e
roast -heavy roast -heavy do -PERF -ASRT
very roasted very roasted has been done
'It is somewhat overroasted.'

8.2 Duplication 271
cc. khaybok khaybok yellu

khy -pok khy -pok yel -u
split -birth split -birth divide -IMP
half half divide
'Divide this into equal shares.'
8.2.1.2 Stem repetition
Stem repetition, which refers to the repetition of a stem rather than the whole
word, applies only to adjectives. In (6), the attributive-verb sequence, which is
not a free form, is repeated. Such collocations are written as separate words
because there is a pause between the forms.
(6) a. haw ahawba

s -haw a -haw -p9
ATT -taste ATT -taste -NOM
'very tasty'
b. acdbd cstkhro
/
-ca 9 -c -p9 C9t -khi -19 -o
ATT -eat ATT -eat -NOM go -STILL -INT -SOLCT
all the ones eaten why don't you go
'All of those who have eaten, go!'
c. 9tum Btmba uyuq

9 -tum 9 -tm -p9 U -yuq
ATT -point ATT -point -NOM wood -erect
the sharp ones sticks
'the extremely pointed sticks'
d. Bkhat] khaqdaba
9 -kh9Q kh9r) -t9 -p9
ATT -know know -NEG -NOM
'known and unknown'
Verbs of motion or process cannot undergo this pattern of duplication: tum-

'sleep', for example, cannot be duplicated as in *9tum dtwnba to mean 'very
sleepy'.
In one type of stem repetition, a verb may be duplicated and the copy com-
pounded with another verb, resulting in the structure [[verbj-verbJiverbj]].

(6) e . cenkw kdwbd

cen -kw kw -pa
run -kick kick -NOM
'to kick while running'
f. ndmthm/ thatjba
nam -thq thai] -pa
force -carry carry -NOM
'to carry with force'
The [verbj-verbJ sequence, which occurs only in stem repetition, modifies the
following verb. Characteristically, the first root93 in this sequence is semanti-
cally bleached and brings a predictable meaning to the duplicated form: khiij
'startle' is consistently used to mean 'suddenly' (6g,h); ? 'idiot' to mean 'to V
foolishly or carelessly' as in (6i); pum 'all' to mean 'to V thoroughly' as in (6j,k)
or extended to signify 'to V with abandon, recklessly or excessively' as in (61)
and pun 'dense' to mean 'to V in large amounts'.
g. khfycdt catnfybd
khaq -cat cat -niq -pa
startle -go go -WISH -NOM
'to suddenly want to go.'
h . khjqni?] niqsiqhki
khaq -niq niq -siq -lak -i
startle -WISH wish -GPL -DISTAL -NHYP
'suddenly remember'
i. paqcat cdtpd j. pumgaw kawbd

paq -cat cat -pa pum -kaw kaw -pa
fool -go fool -NOM all -forget forget -NOM
'to go carelessly' 'to forget completely'
k. pumkaw kdwbd 1. tjdmbz

pum -kw kw -pa -qam qam -pa
all -kick kick -NOM dense -possible possible-NOM
'to kick without aim' 'to be all powerful'
The structure [[verb^verbjJfverbJ] is attested with the following set of roots:

pek- 'touch' which is consistently used to mean 'suddenly' as in (6m); suk- 'all'
to mean 'completely' as in (6n); thit 'mix' to mean 'heavily' as in (6o).

8.2 Duplication ITS
(6) mkhdtjpek khatjba

khaq -pek khaq -pa
know -touch know -NOM
'sudden knowledge'
n. musuk muba
mu -suk mu -pa
black -all black -NOM
'completely black'
o. noqsi phudit phtina suy

noq -si phu -thit phu -na s -
rain -PDET beat -mix beat -ADV wash -NHYP
this rain like beating rained
'It rained heavily last night.'
The root i 'full' signals 'to be completely V, totally V, V without reserve' as

in (6p) and can also indicate a superlative quality or quantity as in (6q) or a
usual or persistently existing state as in (6t). 94
(6) p. icsm csmba

-cam cam -pa
full -direct direct -NOM
'absolutely true, simple'
q. ay ica cay

ay i -c ca -
*
I full -eat eat -NHYP

eat everything.'
r. usind iwaij waqqi

u -si -na i -waq waq -1
wood -PDET -CNTR full -tall tall -NHYP
this tree is the tallest
'This tree is the tallest one.'
s. mshkki mssdm ipha phsy

ma -hak -ki ma -sam i -pha pha -i
3P -here -GEN 3P -hair full -dry dry -NHYP
his hair is completely dry
'His hair is very dry.'

The roots rok, trik and throij are involved in duplication in stem repetition
serving the same function as in word repetition (see (5w-y)).
(6) t. mshak ijswrok yswwi

ma -hak qaw -rok qaw -
3P -here white -rok white -NHYP
he is too white
'He is completely white.'
u . S9tjtrik sdijbs
ssq -trik sag -P9
green -trik green -NOM
'too green'
8.2.2 Echo collocations
I use the term echo collocation to refer to a constituent whose members are
prosodically matched. I distinguish between the juxtaposition of echo words
where the constituents in the collocation are created (1) through regular inflec-
tional or derivational processes and (ii) echo words that involve a combination
of a free standing form with a nonsense syllable. Echo forms function syntac-
tically as single constituents.
8.2.2.1 Echo collocations with free forms
Echo collocations with free-standing forms can be of three types: (1) two
nonidentical stems with identical affixes; (2) two identical stems with noninden-
tical affixes and (3) two stems (choice prosodically determined), with identical
affixes. Each of these types is discussed below.
8.2.2.1.1 Nonidentical stems with identical affixes
It is possible to juxtapose two different roots/stems95 with the same deriva-

tional morphology where the roots/stems (a) refer to two (often widely diver-
gent) members of the same set of actions, properties or qualities, and (b) have
the same number of syllables. In such collocations the first and second consti-
tuents are prosodically balanced, the second root/stem echoing the first in its
rhythm. The meaning signalled by such a juxtaposition of stems is 'this
verb/noun and others like it or this verb/noun, that verb/noun, etc.'
8.2 Duplication 275
(7) a. setC9nirjb9 cpniybs

set -es -niq -pa c -eg -nil) -pa
wear -SELF -WISH -NOM eat -SELF -WISH -NOM
wishing to wear wishing to eat
'wishing to wear and eat'
(7b) is an interesting example: the monomorphemic form haway is misan-

alyzed as being bimorphemic; the second syllable is considered to be way-
'thereabouts'. haway is juxtaposed with the complex word cerjway which
consists of the stem cey 'rice' and way- which is used here to mean 'stuff like
rice'.
(7) b . hsway cetjway

haway ceq -way
lentils rice -thereabouts
'lentils and rice and such'
This type of echo word formation is also possible with matching inflectional
morphology on juxtaposed stems as in (7c) with -pa 'nominalizer' and in (7d)
with -ni 'copula' where the affix or enclitic occurs on both words in the echo
word.
(7) c. gykhoydi tumba cabs

ay -khoy -ti tum -pa c -pa
I -hpl -DLMT sleep -NOM eat -NOM
our to sleep eating
cfyfokte
caq -tek -ts -e
enter -DISTAL -NEG -ASRT
enter
'Our basic comforts were not a consideration.'
d . koyni hijni
koy -ni laq -ni
roam -COP cast -COP
'to roam about'

8.2.2.1.2 Nonidentical stems with identical morphology
The same type of echo collocation illustrated in (7) is illustrated in (8) with
compounds where the initial stem in both compounds of the collocation has
the same number of syllables and both compounds have the same second
root/stem. Also, the first root/stem in both compounds of the collocation refer
to two members of the same set of actions, properties or qualities.
(8) a . cdkyon phiyon b. Cdtpham lakpham

ck -yon phi -yon cat -pham lak -pham
rice -sell cloth -sell go -place come -place
'distribution of rice 'place of goings and comings'
and clothes'
c. phisa lonsa d. hsyndm laymm

phi -sa Ion -sa hay -nam lay -nam
cloth -weave embroider -weave fruit -smell flower -smell
'weaving, embroidery and the like' 'the smell of fruit and flowers
and the like'
There are also some idiomatic phrases which are composed of a collocation of
two compounds where the original meaning of one of the roots in each com-
pound is bleached: in (8e,f) poy- 'wander' is used to mean 'to sort of V'; in
(8g) hum- 'like' is used to mean 'to do part of V'; and in (8h,i) lak-'come' is
used to mean 'V in this manner'.96
(8) e. cdboy lakpoy

c -poy lak -poy
eat -wander come -wander
sort of eat sort of come
'to eat just a little (not hungry but eating a little to satisfy someone's
request that you eat)'
f. tumboy lakpoy
tum -poy lak -poy
sleep -wander come -wander
sort of sleep sort of come
'sort of sleeping'

8.2 Duplication 277
g. khdqgum lak?um
khgq -kum lak -kum
know -like come -like
similar to knowing similar to coming
'to know something but not the whole story'
h . khutthdm lakthm
khut -thsm lak -tham
class -keep come -keep
method of keeping things like coming
'method of keeping, and the like'
i. khutyeq lakyeq
khut -yeq lak -yeq
class -look come -look
method of looking things like looking
'manner of looking and the like'
Lexical collocations may consist of a constituent with a monosyllabic root fol-

lowed by a constituent with a bisyllabic root, where both roots are followed by
an identical morphology. The meaning signalled is a collection of like objects.
(8) j . phisu phaneksu

phi -su phanek -su
cloth -ALSO phsnek -ALSO
97
'clothes and phanek also'
k . caksu yensdtjsu
ck -su yensg -su
rice -ALSO curry -ALSO
'rice and curry too'
1. kwne mznane
kw -ne ms -na -ne
betel nut -SI NM -leaf -SI
'betel nut and leaves'

8.2.2.1.3 Identical stems with nonidentical morphology
Echo collocations may consist of identical roots with nonidentical, semantically

polarized derivational, inflectional or enclitic morphology. In (9a,b) for ex-
ample, a positive form of the verb is opposed to the negative form of the verb.
(9) a. oybd oyddbd b. oyni oyroy

oy -pa oy -ta -pa oy -ni oy -loy
be -NOM be -NEG -NOM be -COP be -NPOT
to be to not be will be will not be
'to be or not to be' 'will be or will not be'
Similarly, the derivational morphemes -thok 'to V outwards' and -sin 'to V
inwards' form a frame -thok -sin, with slots which can be filled by
verbs of motion (eg. going, coming) or those that involve movement (eg. pull-
ing, carrying). The resulting meaning is that the action is carried out repeated-
ly and with no perceivable end (back and forth, to and fro, in and out).
(9) c. cdtthok cdtsin d . puthok pusin

cat -thok cat -sin pu -thok pu -sin
go -OUT go -IN carry -OUT carry -IN
'to walk back and forth' 'to carry in and out'
Other common "frames" are -khdt -ths 'to V upwards' with 'to V
downwards' as in (9e) and -tma -fobddi 'by Ving' with 'if Ving' as in
(9f).
(9) e . hangdt hands

han -khat han -tha
advance -UP advance -DOWN
'to go to and fro'
naptmd napldbadi khars \3 nappu

nap -tana nap -labadi khara waq -na nap -u
paste -BY paste -IF some high -ADV paste -IMP
pasting if pasting somewhat higher paste it
'If you (genuinely) intend to paste it here you should paste it a little
higher.'
As in other South Asian languages, following an apparent principle of icon-

icity, imperatives are often repeated to denote a sense of urgency, sarcasm, etc.
8.2 Duplication 279
For example, when the enclitic following the first verb stem is the delimitative
marker -ft', the meaning of the full duplicated form can be translated as 'make
sure that you do/don't do this V'.
(9) g. cadi cw
c -ti c -u
eat -DMLT eat -IMP
eating eat
'Please be sure to eat these (I see you haven't eaten them yet)!'
h . kdpti kdpkdnu
kap -ti kap -ka -nu
cry -DLMT cry -POT -PROBH
crying don't ciy
'(Do anything but) don't cry!'
When the enclitic following the first verb stem is the -fa' 'exclusive', the
meaning of the full duplicated form can be translated as 'stop all other action
and do just this V'.
(9) i. cddd cw
ca -ta c -u
eat -EX eat -IMP
just eat eat
'(Stop messing around) and eat!'
j . qayyu m
qay -ta qay -u m
wait -EX wait -IMP he
just wait wait he
soydma lak?dni
soy -tana lak -ka -ni
certain -BY come -POT -COP
certainly will come
'(Stop bothering me with inquiries and) wait for him, he will surely
come.'
Examples (9k,m) can be used as warnings when said with emphatic in-
tonation, which entails an increase in amplitude and speed of utterance. It
signals meanings such as, 'Just do that V and see what happens (you will be

punished).' This pattern of duplication is also possible with kum- 'like', with
the meaning, 'Don't just kind of V, (really) do V.
(9) k. cddum caw 1. noktum nok?u

c -kum c -u nok -kum nok -u
eat -like eat -IMP laugh -like laugh -IMP
like eating eat like laughing laugh
'Just eat (instead of asking '(Don't fake happiness, by kind
questions about the food)!' of laughing), just laugh!'
8.2.2.2 Echo word formation
Echo word formation occurs with bisyllabic stems where such stems are
either loan words or morphologically complex words whose composition is not
obvious to the native speaker. Three patterns can be distinguished. In the
first pattern, the initial syllable of a bisyllabic noun is duplicated and combined
with nay 'and all like things' to form a pseudo-word.
( 1 0 ) a . caphu cmay b . csru canay c. C9]ik canay

caphu cs -nay caru Cd -nay cajik Cd -nay
pot copy -etc straw copy -etc cold rice copy -etc
'pots and such' straw etc.' 'old rice etc.'
In the second pattern, the second syllable of a bisyllabic noun may be dupli-
cated and combined with nut], which also means 'and all like things, etc,' to
form a pseudo-word.98
( 1 0 ) d . upu , e. phmek n^nek

u -pu nuq -pu phanek nuq -nek
wood -carry etc -copy female garment etc -copy
'boxes and such' 'female garment and such'
f. cini nuqni g. komla nuijla

cini nuq -ni komla nuq -la
sugar etc -copy orange etc -copy
'sugar and such' 'oranges and such'
Compounds may occur in similar echo words. Here the right-hand stem of a
nominal compound is compounded with luk 'and all like things, etc.' as in (10h)
or reij 'etc' as in (lOi), where the position of the copied syllable is reversed.

8.2 Duplication 281
(10) h. khoqbal lukpal

khog -pan luk -pan
canal -bank etc -bank
'drainage an such'
i. saqgay khayreq
sag -khay khay -reg
edifice -share share -etc
'buildings, etc.'
Following a third pattern, a derived adjective (from a verb root with the
affixation of the attributive prefix a-) or derived nominal (from a verb root with
affixation of the prefix ma-) is echoed by a pseudo-word that consists of the
prefix of the first constituent of the echo collocation and the stem lak 'V in this
manner', which may be derived from 'to come'.
( 1 0 ) j . dcu zrak k. amu zrak

9 -su a -lak a -mu -lak
ATT -stain ATT -etc ATT -black ATT-etc
'stained, etc.' 'black, etc.'
1. ?9 srak m. mzcu maraq

a -lag a -lak ma -su ma -rag
ATT -bright ATT -etc NM -color NM -etc
'bright, etc.' 'color, etc.'
Although it is clear that the choice of nay, , lak, luk and retj is dependent
on the structure of the echo word, it is not clear what the differing functions of
each form is.
8.2.3 Ideophones
This is list of ideophones compiled from my data and the Manipuri to Manipuri
and English Dictionary (N. Khelchandra Singh: 1964). Additional forms can be
found in Abbi (1992: 16). The verb root typically following the ideophone is
given in this list, then the ideophones are given under it.

(11)
Sounds made by humans, objects or natural forces
khoq- low (as a cow), chirp'

groq groq make the sound made by rainfall'
- talk'
pretj prey qqba to prattle'
1J9W- fry'
jo jo qawba
to make this sound when frying fish'
tak-
rub'
krik krik takpa
to make this sound when rubbing on a grinding stone'
ta-
fall'
tap tdp taba the way water falls'
thin- beat, knock'
t9k tk thinb9 to knock repeatedly'
r
C9t- go'
gdm gam catpa to make this sound when walking briskly'
jari Jari catpa for clothes to make a gliding sound when walking'
phadat phddat cstp to make this sound while walking'
cak- burn'
cakp sound of fire burning'
cik- scratch, bite'
krsk krdk cikp9 to make this sound when gnashing teeth'
cen- run'
oro oro cenb9 roaring sound of running water'
pum- rotten'
bri bripumb9 to be rotten enough to make this sound when handled'
law- shout'
gray graq lawbs to rumble'
groy groij lawb9 to rumble'
cdp cap lawba to make this sound when smacking the lips'
crik crik lawba to make a cracking sound'
mi mi lawba to sing in a low tone'
lawba to jingle'
yaw y9w lawba to be noisy for a duration'
say- chew'
gaw gaw sayba to make this sound when chewing something soft'
graw graw sayba to make this sound when chewing something crunchy'
son- utter'
murum murum sonba to mutter'
ku ku 'sound made to ask babies to drink water'

8.2 Duplication 283
kuk kuk 'sound made when asking babies to drink something

other than water'
tek tek 'sound made by watch'
troq 'sound running water makes'
pat pat 'sound made to ask an elephant to sit down'
Sounds made by animals and birds
- 'chirp, low'
ko ko khoqbB 'to make a barking sound'
cek cek khoqba 'to make a chirping sound'
hambe hambe khoqba 'sound made by lowing cattle'
law- 'shout'
phan phan lawba 'to chirp'
kukru kukru 'a pigeon's cry'
graw graw 'barking of a dog'
ijararj 'roaring of a tiger (or thunder)'
nyaw nyaw 'meowing of a cat'
mo mo 'mooing of a cow'
Manner in which an action is performed
tense
pfiuq kabd 'to puff up (as steam)'
t9W- 'do'
uron uron tawbs 'to make this sound when falling asleep'
kuphet kuphet tawba 'to twinkle (as do stars or fire flies)'
phet phet tawbd 'to pounce on'
thok- 'be out'
prdp prap thokpa 'coming out or go in quickly'
ndn- 'be slimy'
srit srit nnbd 'manner of being slippery'
nok- 'laugh'
hayrsp hayrap nokpa 'for a smile comes over a face in this way'
thik thik nokpa 'to titter'
- 'speak'
cabeq cabeq qdqba 'to speak incessantly'
so so b^ 'to flare up in a temper'
ctysin- 'shudder'
tar tar ciqsinba 'to shudder in this way'

cotj- 'jump'
thuk thuk coqba 'to palpitate'
coqba 'to beat at the rhythm of a pulse'
phan phan coqba 'to jump jerkily'
pharaij pharatj cotjba 'to take jumps in quick succession'
phraq phratj cotjba 'to jump in a bouncing fashion'
- 'soft'
ndp nap Idwba 'to be supple'
haw- 'start'
gruq gruij hawba 'to be a tumultuous start'
harj- 'open'
sat sat hatjba 'to open in quick succession'
hk- 'eat'
kok kok hukpa 'to put into the mouth in quick succession'
sa- 'hot'
photj saba to get so hot that steam appears'
lumbu lumbu saba 'to be lukewarm'
S- 'blow'
liri liri sitpa 'for the wind to blow softly'

Chapter 9
Functional and pragmatic aspects
This chapter describes the encoding of epistemic modality and pragmatics by

the formal categories covered in Chapters 3-7, concentrating on how the force
of direct speech acts are attenuated through particular lexical or affixal mor-
phology and through indirect speech acts. I also discuss how the formal cate-
gories discussed in Chapters 5, 6 and 7 are used to encode evidentiality.
9.1 Indirect speech acts
In chapter 5, I showed how sentence types are signalled in Meithei and I de-
scribed what speech acts these sentence types perform. The default mapping
between a sentence type and the speech act it conveys can be utilized through
unconventional mappings to modify the communicative force of a particular
sentence. In many cases it is culturally more appropriate to use an indirect
speech act or in some other way attenuate the force of a direct speech act.
9.1.1 Commanding
The force of a command issued through the use of -u 'imperative' and -nu
'prohibitive' can be attenuated either through particular words or affixes or
through the use of interrogative or supplicative sentences.
9.1.1.1 Attenuating commands with words or affixes
A command can take the shape of a request through the use of the words can-
biduna 'please', thawjdnbiduna 'kindly', or nujsibiduna 'affectionately' (Ch.
Yashawanta Singh 1984 and B. Premavati Devi 1988).
(1) a. canbidunz 5 ddu thtkpiyu

can -pi -tuna isiq 9 -tu thk -pi -u
let -REC -ING water ATT -ddet drink -REC -IMP
please water that please drink
'Please drink the water!'

286 Chapter 9. Functional and pragmatic aspects
b. thdwjnbidnd ayna
99
thaw -jn -pi -tna ay -na
duty -let -REC -ING I -CNTR
kindly I
hdypribssi ydbiyu
hy -ca -li -pasi y -pi -u
say -SELF -PROG -DCOMP agree -REC -IMP
saying that for youself please accept
'Kindly accept my request!'
c. rwjsibiduna layrik dsi

niq -si -pi -tuns layrik a -si
desire -PDET -REC -ING book ATT -pdet
please book this
ayijonda pibiro
ay - -ta pi -pi -la -o
-J
I -to -LOC give -REC -INT -SOLCT

to me won't you please give
'Please give this book to me!'
The force of a command can also be reduced by placing an easily attainable

upper limit to the task that the addressee will have to perform in order to
fulfill the conditions of the imperative. This limit is indicated by use of khara
'some' as in (Id) or 9mukt9 'just once' as in (le).
(1) d. Tombdgi nabs khsrs hatjbiru

Tomba -ki na -pa khara haq -pi -lu -u
Tomba -GEN sick -NOM some ask -REC -ADIR-IMP
Tomba's to be sick some please go and ask
'Please go and inquire about Tomba's illness.'
e . nahknd Tombdda zygi

na -hak -na Tomba -ta ay -ki
2P -here -CNTR Tomba -LOC I -GEN
you to Tomba my
psysadugi mdrdmdd
paysa -tu -ki ma -lam -ta
money -DDET -GEN NM -way -LOC
of that money toward cause
amukta ntystykho
a -muk -ts nlq -siq -khi -o
ATT -once -LOC desire -wise -STILL -SOLCT
once again inform
'Please (just do this and) inform Tomba about my money.'
When the two adverbs are used in conjunction the task is made to seem easier
still.
(1) f. aygi dse fchara

zy -ki w 9 -si khars
I -GEN word ATT -pdet some
my word this some
smukta tdbiyu
a -muk -t9 t -pi -u
ATT -once -LOC listen -REC -IMP
once again please listen
'Please listen to me!'
The force of a command can also be reduced with suffixes that urge the
hearer to do some action for the sake of the speaker, for the hearer's own
sake, or because the doing of the action is the right thing to do. These are -pi
'V for someone other than self as in (lg); -ca 'reflexive', which urges the hear-
er to perform the relevant action for his/her own sake as in (lh,i); and -haw
'inceptive' which indicates an objective evaluation that it would be beneficial
for V to be performed as in (lj,k).
(1) g. thakpiranu
thk -pi -la -nu
drink -REC -PRO -PROBH
'Please don't smoke!'
thuna hanlakcaw
thu -na han -lsk -C9 -u
quick -ADV return -DISTAL -SELF -IMP
quickly return
'...please return soon.'

naqnd lakpddd cak cdrdkcdw

nag -na lak -pa -ta ck c -lak -ca -u
you -CNTR come -NOM-LOC rice eat -DISTAL -SELF-IMP
you upon coming food eat
'Eat before you come (or you won't feel good).'
ndtj 9sidd layhzw

naq a -si -ta lay -haw -u
you ATT -pdet -LOC be -START -IMP
you here sleep
'You sleep here (that will be best).'
k. tacawnd phdhdwge
tacaw -na pha -haw -ke
elder brother -CNTR good -START -OPT
by elder brother to want it to be good
kdnndhawge
kanna -haw -ke
use -START -OPT
to want to be useful
'Elder brother, you want it to be good, you want to make it useful.'
9.1.1.2 Attenuating the force of commands through indirect speech
Declarative, interrogative, solicitive and supplicative sentences can be used to

issue a command or request. A suggestion for some course of action may be
expressed in a declarative sentence as in (2a).
naq maphdm dduda

naq ma ' -pham a -tu -ta
you NM -place ATT -ddet -LOC
you place that
catpa phzy
V / ,
cat -pa pha -i
go -NOM good -NHYP
to go is good
'You had better give this shirt to Tomba.'

The force of a command can be softened by framing it indirectly in the form

of a solicitive as in (2b). Additional weakening of imperative force can be ac-
complished with -pi 'action done for others' as in (2c).
(2) b. phmmo
pham -Is -o
sit -INT -SOLCT
'(Won't you) go ahead and sit!'
c. oza oza letjbiro

oja oja leg -pi -Is -o
teacher teacher go ahead -REC -INT -SOLCT
'Teacher, teacher, won't you go ahead and go!'
Expressing a command with -u 'imperative' or an interrogative with -o 'solici-

tive' are functionally distinct.100 An imperative is used to command a strang-
er or someone of the same age as the speaker, while an interrogative with -o
'solicitive' is used for commands to younger familiars or between familiars that
have an intimate or well-established relationship (husband to wife, son to
mother, student to teacher). The interrogative with - 'solicative' is an unac-
ceptable form for a command to a stranger (Ch. Yashawanta Singh 1984: 224).
Such conventional appropriateness guidelines can be utilized creatively by a
speaker to negotiate the social distance he/she would like to place between
himself/herself and the hearer. For example in (2d), the speaker uses both an
-u 'imperative' and -o 'solicitive' with the same addressee, establishing first a
distant relationship and then moving to a more intimate one.
(2) d. yune mskha laykaygi

yeq -pi -u -ne ms -kha lay -kay -ki
see -REC IMP -SI NM -south be -roost -GEN
please look southern our neighborhood
Pebdmgi Ibotombina
Pebam -ki Ibotombi -na
Pebam -GEN Ibotombi -CNTR
family Pebam Ibotombi of

tdwribase yeijbiyo
taw -Ii -pasi ye -pi -o
do -PROG -DCOMP see -REC -SOLCT
what is doing please see, will you
'...see what that Ibotombi Pebam from the south side of our neighbor-
hood is doing, please look at that.'
When an imperative is used unconventionally between familiars, the sentence

has a sarcastic interpretation (Ch. Yashawanta Singh 1984: 224).
(2) e . habiyu habiyu

ha -pi -u ha -pi -u
have -REC -IMP have -REC -IMP
'Please have it, please have it.'
There are certain situations where a choice of ways to issue a command do

not exist. When one is asked permission to V, for example, the appropriate
way to give permission is to use an -o 'solicative'.101
(2) f. Request: cdtge Response: cdtlo

cat -ke cat -la -o
go -OPT go -INT -SOLCT
I'd like to go.' 'Why not go!'
Interrogatives express commands by asking whether the addressee wants to

perform a required action as in (2g,h), what the intent of the addressee is
about the action that needs to be performed as in (2i), and what the best
course to follow would be as in (2j).
(2) g. phurit asi Tombsdd pigerd

phurit a -si Tomba -ta pi -ke hay -pa -la
shirt ATT -pdet Tomba -LOC give -OPT say -NOM -INT
shirt this to Tomba do you want to give
'Will you give this shirt to Tomba?' (Literally: 'Do you say you want
to give...')
h . natj issy sdu sdku

nag isay a -tu sak -u
you song ATT -ddet sing -IMP
you song that sing

s?kkerd
sak -ke hay -pa -la
sing -OPT say -NOM -INT
do you want to sing
'Sing that song, will you?'
i. fijol ama hoqgadra

phi -con a -ma hoq -ka -ta -la
cloth -weave ATT -one change -POT -NES -INT
dress one will you change
'Will you (kindly) change into another dress?'
j . phijol Bma
phi -con a -ma hoq -pa -na
cloth -long ATT -one change -NOM -INST
dress one for changing
phzgzdra
pha -ka -ta -la
good -POT -NES -INT
will it be good
'Wouldn't it be better to change into another dress?'
A supplicative is used to urge the listener to join in some action with the
speaker; therefore, when it is used to issue a command, the speaker is implying
that both the speaker and hearer will be performing the action. This indirect
method of issuing a request helps the hearer save face since he/she does not
have to follow a command but is invited to participate in an action. Ch.
Yashawanta Singh (1984: 281) illustrates that the request can be made extrem-
ely polite by suggesting that the invitation is issued by the hearer as in (2k).
(2) k. fijol 9ms hoiykhisird

phi -con a -ma hoq -khi -si hay -pa -la
cloth -long ATT -one change -STILL -SUP say -NOM -INT
dress one shall we change
'Would you kindly change into another dress? (Literally: 'Are you
saying that we should change into another dress?')

9.1.2 Requesting permission
A polite and respectful way to ask for permission is with -ke 'optative' which
expresses the desire of the speaker to perform some action as in (3a). The
request is extra polite with -ca 'V for the sake of self as in (3b). A less idiom-
atic but acceptable way of asking for permission is to make the optative clause
a subordinate clause as in (3c).
(3) a. ay apsl edge

I apal c -ke
I apple eat -OPT
'May I eat this apple?' (Literally: intend/wish to eat this apple.')
b. C3tC9ge
cat -ca -ke
go -SELF -OPT
'May I go?' (Literally: wish for myself to go.')
c. ay uceksi phage ydgddra

ay ucek -si ph -ke y -ka -ta -la
I bird -PDET catch -OPT agree -POT -NES -INT
I this bird want to catch will you agree
'May I catch this bird?' (Literally: intend to catch this bird, do you
agree?')
9.1.3 Warning
In the default case, warnings and admonishments are issued through imperative
or prohibitive constructions. A warning may also be given through a permis-
sive where a speaker knows that a state is undesirable but feigns indifference
as to whether or not it is attained (N. Nonigopal Singh 1987: 84). Examples
such as (4a,b) can be used as a kind of warning, translating roughly as 'Just let
V happen, see if I care'.
(4) a. sasmu b. ma padasmu

sa -sanu m pa -ta -sanu
hot -PERMIT he read -NEG -PERMIT
'Let him suffer from the heat!' he don't let him read
'Let him not read (see if I care)!'

9.1.4 Persuading
Exhortations can be expressed through causative constructions; for example, in

(5a) someone (2nd person) can be urged to allow the speaker to perform an
action. The person who is to perform the action may be a third party as in
(5b).
(5) a . Bybu thabak adu tswhallu

sy -pu thabak a -tu taw -hal -u
I -PAT work ATT -ddet do -CAUS -IMP
I work that cause to do
'Let me do the work.' (Literally: 'Cause me to do the work.')
b. phdmhmganu
pham -han -ka -nu
sit -CAUS -POT -PROBH
'Don't let him sit!'
9.1.5 Blessing or cursing
Blessings or curses can be expressed through imperatives as in (6a,b) or with

the solicative as in (6c).
(6) a . pdtlu b . nuayyu c. khdllo

pat -u nuqay -u khan -o
ulcer -IMP happy -IMP wise -SOLCT
'May you suffer from scabies!' 'Be happy!' 'Be wise!'
Similarly when -sdnu 'permissive' is used with stative verbs, the speaker is
urging the listener to allow the state referred to in the verb to be attained.
Thus, permissives are used to issue blessings as in (6d,e).
(6) d . ma nuqaysznu
m nuqay -sanu
he happy -PERMIT
he let be happy
'May he be happy!' (Literally: 'Let him be happy!')

e. ishoms nzqbu thdwjan pibz oysannu

ishor -na nag -pu thaw -can pi -pa oy -sanu
god -CNTR you -PAT duty -let give -NOM be -PERMIT
god you kindness to give may it be
'May god bless you!'
9.1.6 Indirect questions
Questions can be posed through the interjection -ha 'please repeat that' as in
(7a). See also section 7.3.4 for a discussion of the enclitic -ye 'confirmative'
which can also be used to solicit information.
(7) a. Tomba tjssi

qa -si
day -PDET
this day
'Today.'
Tombi: ha
ha
intj
what's that
'What's that?'
Tomba: qasi puij baro

qa -si puq baro
day -PDET time twelve
this day hour twelve
'Today at twelve o'clock.'
The quotative hdybd along with rising intonation can solicit information. In
(7b), the speaker (the character, Son) asks a participant in the conversation to
restate in clearer terms what he/she has just implied: namely, that the police
have arrived to arrest Nimay. With this use of the quotative, the speaker
indicates a certain amount of skepticism or uncertainty about the questioned
proposition.

(7) b. Nimay phdba lakHbi

Nimay ph -pg lak -li hay -ps
Nimay arrest -NOM come -PROG say -NOM
Nimay to arrest coming
'You mean to say, they've come to arrest Nimay?'
9.2 Evidentiality
Evidentiality ~ the identification of the source of information (Bybee 1985:

184) ~ is encoded in disparate formal categories in Meithei. As noted by
Willett (1988: 51), "there are only a few languages in the world where eviden-
tiality is represented by a distinct grammatical category; rather its meaning is
usually coded as part of the modal system of a language with overlap into
certain areas of tense and aspect." In Meithei evidential values are signalled
through derivational verb morphology (in particular the indirect evidence,
aspect and direction markers, see section 7.1); the class of enclitics called at-
titude markers (see section 7.3); the complementation system (such as the
choice of nominalizer or complementizing quotative, see sections 6.1 and 6.2);
and the type of question construction used (see section 5.6).
9.2.1 Evidentiality in the complementation system
In choosing a particular nominalizing or complement-constructing device to use

in a given utterance, the speaker must consider the evidential value placed on
the subordinated proposition, since particular nominalizers, complementizers
and quotatives convey distinct evidential values.
9.2.1.1 Lexical nominalizers
As described in section 6.1.1, a phrase or clause may be nominalized by a

lexical nominalizer like -jat 'type' which indicates that an action or state has
occurred or come into being on the basis of some indirect evidence. For ex-
ample in (8a) the speaker sees that some object is battered and from this
draws the most probable conclusion that it was beaten. Similarly in (8b), the
speaker professes to have at first been unaware about the writing of the letter
in question but has now become aware of it (through someone else's report of
the letter to him).

(8) a . masi phiirabajatni

ma -si phu -laba -jat -ni
NM -pdet beat -HAVING -TYPE -COP
this is a type of having been beaten
'It looks like it might have been beaten.'
b . maday ay ahanna
ma -tu -tagi ay a -han -na
NM -ddet -ABL I ATT -first -CNTR
then I old man
matjonda Johnda cithi

ma - -ta John -ta cithi
3P -to -LOC John -LOC letter
to him to John letter
iramjatne ayse pieycdi

i -lam -jat -ne ay -si pieycdi
write -EVD -TYPE -SI I -PDET Ph.D.
wrote my Ph.D.
'Then, it seems that the old man wrote a letter to John for my Ph.D.
under his supervision.'
The nominalizer -Jat may also be used with the -la 'interrogative' to indicate
that it would be contrary to the speaker's expectation if the proposition in the
nominalized phrase actually occurred. If the proposition has already come into
being, the speaker expresses surprise at this occurrence.
(8) c. fjaraq skul

m qaraq skul
he yesterday school
he yesterday school
catpajath
cat -pa -jat -la
go -NOM -TYPE -INT
'Could it be that he went to school yesterday?!'

9.2 Evidentially 297
9.2.1.2 The evidential value of nominalized clauses
Speakers make functionally determined choices between using a verb with

finite inflection or a nominalized phrase with copula -ni as the main predica-
tion of the clause. In (9a,b), for example, where a nominalized clause is made
into a copulative sentence, the speaker indicates knowledge about the truth of
a proposition; but in (9c), which has a finite verb, the assertion does not imply
the truth of the proposition with the same force.
(9) a. dyna phi ddu htyhok?&b9ni

3y -na phi a -tu lag -thok -laba -ni
I -CNTR cloth ATT -ddet throw -OUT -HAVING -COP
I that cloth have thrown out
'(It is that) I have thrown out that cloth.'
b . md gayhak tummakpdni
m gay -hak tum -lak -pa -ni
he wait -here sleep -DISTAL -NOM -COP
he up to now was sleeping
'(I could swear that) up to now he was here sleeping.'
c. ayns phi ddu

ay -na phi a -tu
I -CNTR cloth ATT -ddet
I cloth that
foqthokhre
lag -thok -khi -la -e
throw -OUT -STILL -PERF -ASRT
have thrown out
threw out that cloth.'
The nominalizer -pa may be used to head a complement when the speaker
has some knowledge supporting the truth of the complement. Consequently,
this complementizer is not found with verbs such as 'believe' or 'think'.
The knowledge supporting the truth of the proposition may be based on
sensory evidence as in (9d), predictable habitual activity as in (9e,f) or a gen-
erally known fact as in (9g).

(9) d. mna laybkta pukham

m -na lay -pk -t9 pu -kham
he -CNTR land -broad -LOC carry -obstruct
he on the floor plate
thamba u,y
tham -pa -
place -NOM see -NHYP
placing see
'(I) see him placing the plates on the floor.'
e. Ramna Tombibu thoybd pamde

Ram -na Tombi -pu thoy -pa pam -ta -e
Ram -CNTR Tombi -PAT first -NOM like -NEG -ASRT
Ram Tombi to win does not want
'Ram doesn't like the fact that Tombi won.'
mna ten kappa hay

m -na ten kap -pa hay -i
he -CNTR arrow shoot -NOM proficient -NHYP
he arrow shooting is proficient
'He knows how to shoot an arrow.'
g. saqgom thakpa phay

san -khom thak -pa pha -i
cow -udder drink -NOM good -NHYP
milk to drink good
'To drink milk is good.'
Determiner complementizers are used when the proposition in the comple-

ment is an undisputed fact in the discourse, -pasi is used if the event described
in the complement either takes place in the immediate past, is to take place in
the immediate future, or is a permanent condition.
(9) h. Tombabu kasidagi

Tomba -pu ka -si -tagi
Tomba -PAT room -PDET -ABL
Tomba from this room

cathdnkhibdsi dynsni
C9t -hsn -khi -pasi gy -na -ni
go -CAUS -STILL -DCOMP I -CNTR -COP
that caused to go it is I
am the one that caused Tomba to leave the room. (We are now sit-
ting in the room, and Tomba has recently left.)'
If the event described takes place in the remote past or describes a single
occurrence of an event, then -pzdu is used.
(9) i. Tombdbu kadudagi cthankhibsdu

Tomba -pu ka -tu -t3gi cat -h9n -khi -psdu
Tomba -PAT room -DDET -ABL go -CAUS -STILL -DCOMP
Tomba from the room that caused to go
aynani
9y - -ni
I -CNTR -COP
it is I
am the one that caused Tomba to leave the room (in the past).'
j. 3 isiij takhibsdu
qaraq isiq ta -khi -psdu
yesterday water fall -STILL -DCOMP
yesterday water that would fall
syna kha
sy -n9 kh9q -\
I -CNTR know -NHYP
I know
know the water was turned on yesterday.'
Since a complement headed by -pzsi or -padu indicates an undisputed fact,

these complementizers do not occur with verbs that express potentially un-
realized states or events (verbs such as 'think and believe'), or verbs that in-
dicate an uncertainty of outcome (verbs such as 'wants to, would like it if).
Thus (9k) is ungrammatical.

(9) k. *nupidutid qddu

nu -pi -tu -na q -tu
person -female -DDET -CNTR fish -DDET
that woman that fish
phdbdsi pammi
ph -pasi pam -i
catch -DCOMP like -NHYP
that catching wants
'The woman wants to catch fish.'
9.2.1.3 The distribution of the complementizers
The distribution of the four complementizers haybd, haybasi, haybadu, and

haynd can be determined by taking into consideration how much evidence the
speaker has for the proposition expressed in the complement and the tense of
the main clause. Each complementizer is used with some unique combination
of these two values.
The quotative complementizer hyb9si is used when the speaker is certain
about the truth of the proposition as in (10a).
( 1 0 ) a . mzhdknd thoyre
ma -hak -na thoy -la -e
3P -here -CNTR first -PERF -ASRT
she had won
hybdsi Tombind khaqqi

hay -pasi Tombi -na khaq -i
say -DCOMP Tombi -CNTR know -NHYP
that Tombi knew
Tombi knew that she had won.'
When used in the future tense, hdybssi indicates that the proposition in the
complement will certainly come into being; for example, in (10b) the speaker
conveys his/her certainty about the outcome of the elections.
( 1 0 ) b . botsi mdna kakhigadra

bot -si m -na ka -khi -ka -ta -la
vote -PDET he -CNTR gain -STILL -POT -NES -INT
this vote he will win

hdybssi ay ki
hy -pasi ay ki -i
say -DCOMP I fear -NHYP
that I fear
am afraid (because) he is certain to be winner of the elections.'
hdybdsi can be opposed to hdyna, which is used when a speaker is not sure
about the truth of a proposition as in (10c).
(10) c. suti manutjda Dilidd

chuti ma -nuq -ta Dili -ta
holiday NM -in -LOC Delhi -LOC
holiday during Delhi
cdtpase dphdba wdkhalni

cat -pasi a -pha -pa w -khan -ni
go -DCOMP ATT -good -NOM word -think -COP
that going good idea is
hdyna Tomb ana ydrammi

hy -na Tomba -na y -lam -
say -INST Tomba -CNTR agree -EVD -NHYP
that Tomba agrees
Tomba thinks that it is a good idea to go to Delhi for the holidays.'
In the future tense, the use of hdyna indicates that the proposition in the com-
plement might come into being, but the speaker has no evidence to show that
it certainly will, as in (10d,e). For this reason hdyna can be found to occur with
verbs that describe the attitude of the speaker towards the subordinated prop-
osition (e.g. verbs such as 'believe, think, and doubt') and it is never used with
verbs of knowledge or acquisition of knowledge (e.g. 'know', 'discover'). This
explains a further fact about the distribution of hdyna: it is the quotative-com-
plementizer that is used with verbs of saying where the speaker reports the
words of someone else but cannot be sure of their truth value, as in (10f,g).
(10) d. cugani hdyna ayna thdzay

cu -ka -ni hy -na ay -na thza -
rain fall -POT -COP say -INST I -CNTR believe-NHYP
rain will fall that I believe
believe that it will rain.'

e . botsi mdna kakhigzdra

bot -si m -na ka -khi -ka -ta -la
vote -PDET he -CNTR rise -STILL -POT -NES -INT
this vote he will win
hynd sy
hy -na ay ki -
say -INST I fear -NHYP
that I fear
am afraid that he (might just) be the winner of the elections.'
f. Tombdtid Tombi catkhre

Tomba -na Tombi cat -khi -la -e
Tomba -CNTR Tombi go -STILL -PERF -ASRT
Tomba Tombi has gone
hayna/*hdybdsi hdyrammi
hy -na hy -lam -i
say -INST say -EVD -NHYP
that said
Tomba said (to me, the speaker) that Tombi left.'
g. Tombsbu hsye phgmi

Tomba -pu hayeq phu -ka -ni
Tomba -PAT tomorrow beat -POT -COP
Tomba tomorrow will beat
hdyna/hdybasi hdy
hy -na hy -
say -INST say -NHYP
that said
'It is said that Tomba will be beaten tomorrow.'
As seen in (lOf), hdybasi cannot be used since the proposition involves hearsay.
In (10g), hdybdsi is marginally acceptable if the event of beating is indisputably
going to take place but in (10f,g) hdyns is the most appropriate complemen-
tizer.
The use of hdybd indicates that the speaker has some evidence (not neces-
sarily visual) about the truth of the proposition expressed in the complement.
Its use is restricted to verbs such as 'know' and 'see' and it never occurs with
propositional attitude verbs such as 'believe' and 'think'. Note that hdyns
cannot be used in (10h), since hdyna can only occur with propositional attitude
verbs. (Thus, if the complement in (10h) occurred with khalli 'thinks, feels',
hdyna could be the complementizer.)
(10) h. Ranina Tombidd layrik pibasi

Rani -na Tombi -ta layrik pi -pasi
Rani -CNTR Tombi -LOC book give -DCOMP
Rani Tombi book that giving
Johnna phatte hdyba/*hdyna khaijiji

John -na pha -ta -e hay -pa khaq -i
John -CNTR good -NEG -ASRT say -NOM know -NHYP
John is not good that know
'John knows that it is not good that Rani gave the book to Tombi.'
i. md ihorj marumda lotli

m thoq ma -lum -ta lot -li
he door NM -behind -LOC hide -PROG
he door behind hiding
hdyba ay 3
hy -pa ay khaq -i
say -NOM I know -NHYP
that I know
know that he is hiding behind the door.'
ay cdk cdgani hdyba md kha

ay ck c -ka -ni hy -pa m khaq -i
I rice eat -POT -COP that -NOM he know -NHYP
I food will eat that he knows
'He knows that I will eat.'
The quotative complementizer hdybadu is used when the speaker has first-
hand evidence of the truth of the subordinated proposition. When using it to
refer to a past event, the speaker implies he/she is an eyewitness to that event.
(10) k. ahalduna yen hurdli

a -hal -tu -na yen hurn -li
ATT -old -DDET -CNTR chicken steal -PROG
that old man chicken stealing

hdybadu/*hdybd/*hdyn9 dytid uy
hy -p3du I -na
say -DCOMP I -CNTR see -NHYP
that I saw
saw the old man stealing the chicken.'
When hdybddu is used, the hearer can assume that the speaker has irrefut-
able facts to support the truth of the subordinated proposition. The speaker
may use this expected interpretation to convince the hearer of a particular
forecast for the future, by indicating that he/she has adequate facts to make
such a forecast. This is limited to cases where it is clear to the speaker that
his/her interlocutors may not agree with this assessment of future events and
the speaker must make an extra effort to convince his/her interlocutors of the
forecast being made. See (101) where the speaker is trying to convince his
skeptical family that a book he would like to publish will have a market.
(10) 1. layriktugi mdgun 99

layrik -tu -ki ma -kun yeq -nig -lsk -p9
book -DDET -GEN NM -quality see -wish -DISTAL -NOM
of the book quality wishing to see
hdybddu mdsdtid tabdne

hy -pgdu ms -s - ta -pa -ne
say -DCOMP 3P -body -RECIP fall -NOM -SI
that by itself will fall, right?
'The book will sell since students will want to see the quality of the
book.'
Since with the use of hdybddu the speaker is indicating a degree of knowl-
edge about the subordinated proposition that the hearer is not privy to,
hdybzdu cannot be used with present tense when the speaker and hearer have
access to the same event. This point is illustrated in (10m). Where the tense
of the main verb is kawthordmmi (past perfect) or kawthok?i (nonhypothetical
past), the complement gets a past reading and hdybddu may be used as the
complementizer. If the main verb were kawthokH (progressive), hdybddu could
not be used.

(10) m. Tomband Tombind mbu qayhzwri

Tomba -na Tombi -na m -pu qay -haw -Ii
Tomba -CNTR Tombi -CNTR he -PAT wait -START -PROG
Tomba Tombi (for) him begun waiting
hybadu kawthordmmi
hy -padu kaw -thok -lam -i
say -DCOMP forget-OUT -EVD -NHYP
that forgot completely
Tomba forgot that Tombi had been waiting for him.'
Only one quotative complementizer is possible per sentence, except with

verbs of saying and reporting, where each complementizer indicates that the
speaker is one additional step removed from the actual reporting of some
event. This is illustrated in (10) where Tomba is reported as stating that
Tombi has gone. There is an implication that Tomba has witnessed Tombi's
departure. This is in keeping with the earlier description of hdyna as occurring
only with complements for which the speaker has no direct perceptual eviden-
ce, since the speaker hasn't seen Tombi leave but only heard about the depar-
ture from someone else.
(10) n. Tomband Tombi ctkhre

Tomba -na Tombi cat -khi -la -e
hdyna hdyrammi
hy -na hy -lam -i
say -INST say -EVD -NHYP
that has said
Tomba said that Tombi went.'
If the reporting is removed a step further from the source of the original
report, one more level of embedding is added. For example, in (10) Tomba
sees Tombi leaving, reports the fact of Tombi's departure to a friend, who in
turn reports Tomba's statement to the speaker, who is now reporting the de-
parture to the hearer.

(10) o . Tomband Tombi cstkhre

Tombs -9 Tombi cat -khi -la -e
hdytid hdyrdmmi hayye

hay -no hay -lam -i hay -ye
say -INST say -EVD -NHYP say -CONFM
that said have been told that
Tomba told (someone to tell me) to say that Tombi went.'
There are certain types of discourse, such as political campaign speeches,

where the speaker wants the audience to accept propositions as fact. This is
accomplished by subordinating clauses with a quotative complementizer, which
allows the speaker to give credit and responsibility about the truth of a state-
ment to an outside authority other than the self. It is easier to imagine this
outside authority, rather than the speaker, presenting unbiased information.
Thus, the pragmatic function of the quotative is determined on the basis of the
type of discourse it is used in. On the one hand, in personal interactions or in
traditional narratives, the speaker-narrator can use the quotative to distance
herself/himself from a statement to show that the truth of the statement is
questionable. On the other hand, in discourses that are meant to persuade
and convince, the speaker can use the quotative to distance himself/herself
from a statement and, without any hint of self-aggrandizement, work to con-
vince the hearer/audience of the validity of that statement.
9.2.1.4 Restrictions on tense and aspect in subordinate clauses
There are restrictions on the subordination of clauses in the assertive future

(i.e. V-kani). As seen in examples (lla-d), when V-kmi appears in a subor-
dinate clause, the quotative must be used as the subordinator. This restriction
is attributable to the inability of the speaker to be totally sure of the occur-
rence of a future event. The use of the quotative indicates that the speaker
can only predict that it will take place.
(11) a. with a relative clause

*cdg9nib9 must be cgmi hdyba
c -ka -ni -pa ca -ka -ni hay-pa
eat -POT -COP -NOM eat -POT -COP say-NOM
'(one) who will eat'

b. with a complement
*cagdnibddu must be cdgdni haybddu
c -ka -ni -padu c -ka -ni hay -padu
eat -POT -COP -DCOMP eat -POT -COP say -DCOMP
'that (he) will eat'
c. with a complement
kolomdu mtid paykhngani
kolom -tu m -na pay -khi -Is -ka -ni
pen -DDET he -CNTR hold -STILL -PRO -POT -COP
that pen he will hold
hctybddu ciimmi
hy -padu cum -i
say -DCOMP true -NHYP
that is true
'It is true that he is going to hold the pen.'
d. with adverbial subordination

*c0gsnirdb9di
*ca -ka -ni -labadi
eat -POT -COP -IF
must be:
cdgani hdyrsbzdi
c -ka -ni hy -la -pa -ti
eat -POT -COP say -PRO -NOM -DLMT
'if (he) will eat'
A second restriction is noted by P. Madhubala Devi (1979: 178), who shows

that conditional clauses headed by the sequence -fobxli cannot occur with
progressive and perfect aspect. Thus to make a conditional clause of (lie),
the quotative must be used as the subordinator as in (llf). Implicit in the
meaning of the conditional clause is the fact that the speaker has no evidence
about whether or not the proposition in the embedded clause has ever existed.
Thus the quotative must be used for subordination.

( 1 1 ) e . ma ck cre/crammi
m ck c -la -e c -lam -li
he rice eat -PERF -ASRT eat -EVD -PROG
he meal has eaten eating
'He has eaten/was eating.'
f. m e ck cre cdrammi
m ck c -la -e c -lam -li
he rice eat -PERF -ASRT eat -EVD -PROG
he meal has eaten eating
hyrsbddi phjy
hy -la -pa -ti pha -i
that -PRO -NOM -DLMT good -NHYP
if that it is good
'It is good if he has eaten/if he was eating.'
9.2.1.5 Summary
Thus the choice of complementizer is a formal representation of the meanings

obtained from the superimposition of tense and evidentiality. The relevant
Table 1. The intersection of tense, evidence and complementation
Complementizer Tense Meaning/Use
V-pa present eyewitness, habitual, generic

V-pssi present/future generally known, existent state
V-pddu past generally known
hybsdu past eyewitness

future claim for sufficient evidence to infer
future event/state
hybasi present assert to be true
future assert will be true
hyna past/present/future guess/belief/hearsay
hybd present inferential

tense distinctions are past, present and future. The relevant evidential distinc-
tions are: generally known, asserted (known but nature of evidence not ex-
plicit), eyewitness, inference, guess/belief and hearsay.
9.2.2 Other evidential markings
In the inflectional morphology, as noted in Chapter 5, declarative sentences

formed through the suffixation of the nonhypothetical marker indicate a mild
assertion, whereas those formed through the suffixation of an assertive marker
indicate a strong assertion. The strong assertion is possible because the speak-
er has a strong belief in the truth of the proposition being expressed. (See
section 5.1 for examples and further discussion.)
Inflectional aspect in questions can indicate what previous knowledge a
speaker has about the topic being questioned. In (12a), the speaker has no
inkling whether or not the actor of the sentence does or does not chew betel-
nut, but in (12b), with use of the perfect marker, the speaker implies that
he/she knows that the actor does indulge in the habit of chewing betel-nut, so
the question is whether he/she has done so recently.
(12) a. mahdk kw cbra

ms -hak kw c -pa -la
he -here betel nut eat -NOM -INT
he betel nut does he eat
'Does he chew betel-nut?'
b. kw crsbra
kw ca -la -pa -la
betel nut eat -PERF -NOM -INT
betel nut has he eaten
'Has (he) already eaten betel-nut?'
Derivational markers may also carry evidential value. Bhat and Ningomba
(1986b) note that there is an implication with -h9w 'inceptive' that the speaker
is a witness to the initiation of an action.102 If the action is to take place in
the future, the speaker has access to evidence that allows an accurate predic-
tion of what is to occur in the future.

(12) c. turen pahdwwi

tlen pa -haw
river overflow -START -NHYP
river began to overflow
T h e river was overflowing (when I was there).'
d. m?hk yolhswgani
ms -hak yon -hew -ka -ni
3P -here sell -START -POT -COP
he will start to sell
'(Under the circumstances I'm sure that) he will sell it.'
Similarly, in (12c) where -hdw is used, the speaker indicates that he/she
knows that Tomba has arrived at the place in question. In (12d), however, the
speaker has no prior information about whether Tomba has come or not.
(12) e. h9wjik Tombs lak?9mbadu

hsw]ik Tombs lak -Ism -psdu
now Tomba come -EVD -DCOMP
now Tomba that coming
lihdwbra
-haw -ps -Is
see -START -NOM -INT
have seen now
'Did you just see Tomba around here?' (Literally: 'Have you begun to
see that coming of Tomba's just now?')
f. 3 Tomba lakpa bra

naq Tomba lak -pa -pa -la
you Tomba come -NOM see -NOM -INT
you Tomba to come did you see
'Did you see Tomba?'
-h 'prospective' also has evidential value in that it implies that the speaker
can see or has knowledge of the culminating point of an action. For example,
in (12g) the speaker bases the statement on knowledge of a specific plan of
action.

(12) g. numit tarabddi mi loynd

numit ta -19 -P9 -ti mi loy -9
day fall -PRO -NOM -DLMT man all -ADV
day if it falls man all
tumnaragmi
tum -ns -Is -ka -ni
sleep -RECIP -PRO -POT -COP
will be going to sleep
'When the sun sets we will all be going to sleep.'
For the same reason, in questions such as (12h) the speaker expects for the
theme to be engaged in Ving.
(12) h. ndtj yum cstlzdra

nsq yum cat -la -t9 -19
you house go -PRO -NES -INT
you house should you not be going
'Aren't you on your way home yet?'
When used with the prohibitive marker, the use of -fo indicates that the
speaker knows of the possible implementation of a plan and asks that this plan
not be carried out.
(12) i. cattenu j. haythok?urdnu

cat -la -nu hay -thok -lu -Is -nu
go -PRO -PROBH say -OUT -ADIR -PRO -PROBH
'Don't go after all.' 'Don't reveal my secret (after all).'
Finally, the primary purpose of indirect evidence marker -fom, discussed in

section 7.1.2, is to indicate the evidential value of a proposition.
9.2.3 Asking questions
When asking a question, the speaker can indicate what answer he/she expects
to elicit. For example, when the interrogative marker is suffixed to a noun (as
in (13a), it acts like a tag marker: the speaker holds a belief that the proposi-
tion in the question is true and asks for confirmation of that belief. However,
when suffixed to a verb or a nominalized verb as in (13b), the interrogative
marker acts to elicit information.

312 Chapter 9. Functional and pragrnatic aspects
(13) a. hzyeq cutila

hayeq cuti -la
tomorrow holiday -INT
tomorow is it a holiday
'Is tomorrow a holiday?'
b. semdok?sbro
sem -thok -la -pa -la -o
correct -OUT -PERF -NOM -INT -SOLCT
'Did they complete the corrections?'
9.2.4 Conclusion
In this section I have shown how the category evidentiality is encoded in vari-
ous formal categories of Meithei grammar. Table 2 provides a summary of
types of evidence indicated and examples of formal marking that encodes these
values. The Meithei evidential system consists of a basic distinction between
perceptual evidence (seen, heard or felt) and the lack of it. Even though it is
a covert category (with no formal location), and is low on the "hierarchy of
elicitability" (Silverstein 1979: 234), evidentiality is functionally important in
Meithei since native speakers need to take evidentiality into consideration
every time a clause is subordinated.
Table 2. Summary of evidential values grammatically indicated in Meithei
Evidence Meaning Formal marking
perceptual eyewitness to an event hybd
inferable knowledge gained through nominalizer -jar,

observable evidence or intuition -fom 'indirect evidence'
indirect assuming validity of proposition other quotative complemen-

based on 2nd or 3rd hand tizers
indirect knowledge found in oral history, nominalizer -pd

culturally shared knowledge

Appendix I
Meithei-English glossary
This glossary lists Meithei roots and words that occur in this book as well as
minimal pairs useful in the study of Meithei tone. Entries are alphabetized
according to the Bengali alphabet. The chart below should be read, line by
line, from left to right.
9 a a 1 1
u u e e 0 0
k kh 9
g gh
V
c ch J Jh
t th d dh
ph b bh m
y r 1 w
V
s s h
Main entries are roots; secondary entries (indented one tab) are related com-
pounds and stems. Ideophones are listed under the verbs they describe.
Proper names are listed in phonetic transcription; their common transliteration
on the right, along with indications as to whether it is a masculine or feminine
name and the meaning or origin of the name. Place names are also included
with commentary if necessary. Borrowed words are followed by [], [], [H]
or [LA] to indicate borrowing from English, Bengali, Hindi-Urdu or from an
Indo-Aryan loan not further specifiable. Dashes between words indicate com-
pound phrases or common collocations. Dashes after a form indicate that it is
a bound root. A category label, from the following set, is provided after each
entry:
adj. adjective
adv. adverb
conj. conjunction
comp. complementizer
det. determiner
ideo. ideophone
intj. inteijection
n. noun
pn. pronoun
quant. quantifier
v. verb

314 Meithei-English glossary
intj., ah!
9 n., child,
atar gulab ., [B], rose,
mi adj., two
ani thokna n., batches of two; ibani pn., two of us; cani n., two
hundred; pn., nabani two of you; pn., mabani two of them.
anok n., spectacles.
andargrawn ., [E], underground.
abok n., grandmother.
ama adj., one, a
amata-tjayba-pdm- v., be the preferred means; amadi n., different
one; amasu conj., and; amasut] conj., and also; cama n., one
hundred.
amuk adj. once, once again
amuktaq just once.
ay pn. I
aykhoy pn., we; 3- pn., to me.
dW intj., yes.
as intj., oh hell!
Asam n., Assam.
ada adv., over there.

a? intj., well!
asa ., [B], hope.
i- v., write.
/ n., thatch
ika n., single thatch; icep n., roof holder; ipun n., bundle of
thatch; ipot n., bundle of two sheets of thatch.
i- n., water
ika n., flood; icen n., water current; ipk ., ocean; irk v.,
drown; iruja- v., bathe; iroy- v., swim; isiy- n., water.
ika? intj., (expressing hesitation).
Meithei-English glossary 315
i?he intj., how unfortunate, how awful!; not that!

- v., be cold
iijkhrabd n., one who is gentle.
Ifjraji n., English [B], (language and ethnicity).
ipt ., [H], respect.
itu n., wife.
ithii intj., yoohoo!
in- v., wrap
innaphi n., wrapper, shawl.
in- v., follow
insin- v., influence.
inakkhun n., rich person.
inkhon n., garden.
indon n., younger maternal aunt.
i ., vegetable.
ibay n., elder male cross-cousin, husband of elder sister (male
addressee).
ibutjtjo n., dear sir.
iben n., my grandmother
ibema n., my dear madam, loved one; maja-ibemd n., her royal
highness.
ibo n., male.
iyamba n., elder brother for male ego.
iron n., curry.
is! intj., wonder of wonders!
isor n . , [LA], g o d .
isJy n., song.
i- v., be sick.
., blood.
in- v., push.
u n., tree, wood

ukik n., log; ukon n., clump of trees; ukok n., tree trunk; ucm
., ordinary wood; ., parasitic plant; utup n., log; utoq n.,
cylinder; upan ., growing tree; upak n., plank; upu n., box;
upum n., rotten tree; ., stick; uray n., orchid; uray n., rings
of a tree; usubd n., carpenter.
Ukhrul n., Ukhrul, Northeastern district of Manipur, which shares its
southeastern border with Imphal and includes a city of the same
name.
ucek n., bird.
ut n., ash.
un n., ice, snow
unbdntha n., winter.
upay ., [B], means.
v., see.
- v., swirl, be circular.
tit- v., show.
iit n., camel.
up- v., wear (e.g. shoes, rings, pants).
ek ., [IA], clan,
e? intj., hey!
intj., good!
okhdk adv., extremely.
(P intj., gosh!
oja n., [IA], teacher.
on- v., vomit, turn, change
onthd- v., fall down.
oy- v., be
oysannu v., let it be, may it come to be.

ok ., pig
kck ., pig food.
on- v., measure
onthokna n., extreme amount; onthokpd adj., strange;
onthokpanidako intj. alas!, how horrible!
k9fj- v., be dry.

ten- v., save.
toy n., tiger
ksyjaw n., a species of tiger; kaybdl n., gate to fence in hunted
tiger.
kalkata ., [B], Calcutta.
kaw- v., call.
kak- v., cut, cease
kakthat- v., pause to assess the situation.
kat- v., offer.
ten- v., be intense, be hard.
kap- v., cry
kapti leap- v., sort of cry; kapthok- v., weep, sob;
kdpsinnd- v., pretend to cry.
kay n., grain, barn
kaythen n., market.
ka- v., climb, rise, gain, win, attend, go, join
phuq phuq ka- v., puff upwards (as steam); maka n., stalk.
ka n., room.
kaq n., mosquito.
kaqbu n., type.
kan ., [B], time, era.
kap- v., shoot.
kay- v., taking out, unwrap, be ashamed.
kaw- v., forget
pumkaw kaw- n., forget completely.
ka- v., roast
karm kmm taw- ., somewhat burn; kdhat- n., completely
burn.
k ., seal, stamp.
kdq- v., be raised, be intervening.

kaqdrum n., hockey puck, polo ball.
kan- v., be strong
kdnnz- v., be useful, have purpose.
kdy- v., break
kaynd- v., disband.
kdw- v., kick, be not long enough (e.g. dress)
pumkdw kdw- v., kick without aim.
Id- v., be afraid.
ku ku ideo., sound made when asking babies to drink water
kuk kuk ideo., sound made when asking babies to drink something other
than water
kukru kukru ideo., a pigeon's cry.
kut- v., be low.
kuthi ., [IA], horoscope.
lain n., hole; dung.
lain n., twenty
kunthra n., thirty; kunmsri n., twenty-four.
kum- v., be alike.
kum n., year
kumjin n., early part of the year.
m
kuy- v., be long.
kurta ., [H], loose shirt.
kup- v., be fine, be granular; cover.
kuy- v., be long ago.
Kekruhdnpbd n., Kekruhanjaba, male proper name (one like the black berry).
kerani n., clerk.
kon- v., use, embrace; n., place
koniiq n., palace; kongreq n., oyster; konthaq n., at last; konthoq
n., gate; mdkon n., nest.
komla ., [B], orange
komla ., oranges and such.
koy- v., roam, take a detour
koyni tiqni v., roam about.
koy n., fence.
kolom ., [B], pen.
kok ., head
kok kok- v., go ahead; kokton n., top of head; kokthd- n.,
heading.
kon- later, afterward
konna- adv., enough.

koy- v., garden.

koyna v., respect.
kyamlay n., a thorny tree.
kruk n., resin.
kwak n., crow.
kw ., betel nut
kwdne manane n., betel nut and leaves.
kh
khaq- v., know

akhaq khaqdd n., known and unknown; khaqgum lakkum v.,
know something but not the whole story; khaqqa v., be
knowledgeable; khaqna carina n., circle of friends and relatives;
khaqpek khaqba v., gain sudden knowledge.
khajikta quant., for a while.
khst- v., be up.
khan- v., make shade
khanjin- v., curry favor.
khabar ., [H], news
khabarsiq n., newspapers.
khay- v., winnow, remove husk, share
makhay n., all.
khara quant., some.
kharuq n., jar.
khak- v., stop (e.g. bleeding or leaking); halt
khakta quant., up to.
khaq- v., startle
khaqcat catniq v., suddenly like to go; khaqniq niqsiq v., suddenly
remember; khaqboy kariboy v., be a little bit startled.
khat- v., fight
khatthok- v., go against.
khan- v., think, be wise, separate, discriminate
khanjin- v., be chosen; khantha- v., ponder; khanna- v., discuss,
consult; makhan n., type, kind.
kham- v., obstruct; shut down the market.
khambraq n., a pair.
kha- v., be bitter
khomkha v., be extremely bitter.

khan- v., spread

khangdy n., half.
kham- v., cease (fighting); stop vehicle; envelope
khamgon n., whirlwind; khamtheij adv., at last; khambi n., fire.
khaw n., b a g
khawjeq n., throat.
khd- v., be under, be south
fchdjdqthdw n., prayer; mskhd adv., southern.
khaq n., shed
khdqjeq ., office, court.
khdy- v., cut with a knife, split, strip off
khdybok khdybok n., equal shares; makhdy n., half.
khik- v., sprinkle.
khit- quant., a little
khitBfj n., particle; ever so little.
Jchut n., hand, class
khukd n., way of climbing; khutdn- ., manner of earning;
khutton n., tips of fingers; khuttham lakthim n., method of
keeping, and the like; khuttha v., lay hands on; khutthd v., throw
up hands; khutthd- adj., hand-delivered, v., change hands;
khutthityin v., interfere; khutthi v., fear; khutthum n., expert
gardener; khutthok v., come to blows; khutyeq lakyerj n., manner
of looking and the like; khutlayga n., weapon; khuts^ adj.,
thievish; khutsok v., shake hands; khutsu n., weapon, implement;
khudat7 n., tray; khudotj cd v., be opportune; khudop n., ring;
khudombi n., pointer finger; khudoijthi- adj., difficult to enter;
khutidwbi n., pinky; khubdk n., palm; khubi n., thumb; khuldkpa
n., chief; khusi n., defeat, freedom.
khudiq quant., each
khudiqdagi quant., compared to all; khudiqmak quant., each and
everyone.
khun n., village
khunthok n., habitation.
khum- v., cover; n., answer
khumjin- n., cloak, hide; makhum n., lid.
khuy- v., wither.
khu- v., narrow.
khun n., furrow.
khet- v., peel; cut a little; differ.

- v., low, chirp, blow horn, n., pitch

ko ko khoy- v., make a barking sound; gaw gaw khoij- v., bark
(as of a dog); graw graw - v., bark (as of a dog); rjyaw tjyaw
- v., meow (as of a cat); cek cek - v., chirp (as of a
bird); grojy gro - v., make the sound made by
rainfall; may aw mayaw - v., meow (as of a cat); myaw myaw
- v., meow (as of a cat); hambe hambe - v., make the
sound made by lowing cattle.
., ditch
khoijjaw n., canal, large ditch; loban n., canal, drainage;
lobal lukpal n., drainage and such, ., canal.
khon- v., bring a fishing net out of water in a particular way; fold.
khom- v., collect; campaign.
khom n., udder; breast
khomkhdy- v., wean; khomjin n., teat; khomthak- v., suck.
khoy- v., be rough; till the soil.
khoy n., b e e
khoyjdk n., bait; khoymu n., black bees.
khoy n., this and others like.
khok- v., peel.
k ., foot, leg
., shoe; khg^klay ., rickets; lgun ., footprint;
khgoy ., insult; fc/io^graw n., pants; ., mode of
stepping; ., footstep, transport; ., toe;
., tip of feet; kho ., journey; ]\ ., large
foot; khoqpham n., footing; ., big toe; footpath;
5 marching; ., toe; ., tall person;
khipek- v., be lame; mdk adv., at the foot.
khon n., voice
., echo; khonthok n., utterance, declaration;
khonpham n., utterance, statement; makhon n., sound, voice.
khoy n., navel, mind.
khoythit v., enrage.
khway quant., all, every.
Khwayramban n., Khwairamban, a shopping area in Imphal city.
\ ., waist.

g
gada .,[], club.
gari .,[], vehicle.
gunda .,[], bandit.
guru .,[], mentor.
gurummtrd adj., absolutely correct.
gol ., [E], goal.
gyan ., [B], understanding, knowledge.
gh
ghdri ., [B], watch.
intj., my, my!

?ha intj, oh man!
3- v., be harsh.
9- v., slope.
9 adv., yesterday.
jyaw- v., be white.
fjawrok yaw- v., be completely white.
tjdsay- adj., previous
qasayna adv., previously mentioned.
rj9si adv., today.
tj9p- v., be rough.
yam- v., be able, be possible
99 adj., successful; qampot n., possible thing; puijqam fjdm-
v., be all powerful,
v., fry
jaw jaw qdw- v., make this sound when frying; jo jo yaw- v.,
make this sound when frying fish.
- v., get support.

rjakta- quant., all

/cta n., everything,
- v., steam; boil; shine,
wy- v., wait, tarry; hold on
yth^- v., continue to wait; qayhdk- adv., up to now; qayhalctaq
adv., awhile.
fish
., bitter fish; ., bow-shaped fish; ., fish
species Labeo pangusia; ., fish species Barbus ticto;
., fish species Notopterus chitala; ., seasoned dried fish;
ubak n., basket of fish.
- v., be red.
- v., speak, prattle
v., roar or rumble (as by a tiger or thunder);
^ ^ - v., speak incessantly; pre)j - v., prattle;
so so - v., flare up in a temper,
>- v., become berserk, be crazy.
Cd- ., rice
cagem n., small pieces of rice used to feed chickens; .,
dry cooked rice; cajik n., cold rice ; cajik canay n., cold rice and
the like; cadon n., small pieces of rice used to feed chickens;
camay n., top of cooking rice; cam n., rice with husk.
cdka n., [LA], tire
cakanutj n., inner tube.
can- v., enlist.
Candel n., Chandel, male proper name,
cap- v., compress; cut; squeeze,
Cdphu n., pot
caphusaba n., male potter,
campra ., [B], lemon,
camprasis ., [IA], peon.
cay- v., beat, scold, rebuke, abuse
caykhetpi n., goddess of destruction; caynarol n., rules for
fighting; cayhatpi n., abuse.
cay n., stick used in thrashing com, beating implement
phiicay v., discipline, beat with a stick; licay n., whip.
cay n., a pair (e.g. of boards of a bullock cart).

cam ., straw
cam canay n., straw etc.
cahi n., year.
- v., enter, require, best
carjqa- v., incarcerate; caqna- v., be spent; carjlak- v., join;
macaq n., best of the lot.
cat- v., go
gam gam cat- v., walk briskly; prap prap cat- v., come out or go in
quickly; catthok catsin v., walk back and forth; n., comings and
goings; catnabi n., custom; catnarol n., demeanor while walking;
catpham lakpham n., place of goings and comings; jari jari cat-
v., make a gliding sound (as by clothes when walking); phadat
phadat cat- v., make a clicking sound when walking: macat n.,
direction taken; character, mode of going.
cam- v., be true, be simple, be direct, be ordinary
icam cam- v., be absolutely true, simple.
ca- v., swim (used for fish).
cak- v., bum
cak- v., make this sound when a fire burns.
., percentage.
can- v., please, have a great love
cana cina v., get along well together; love each other;- canbiduna
adv., please; canhan- v., cause others to respect self.
cay- v., scatter
caykhay- v., scatter books or clothes; caysenpannariba-
pukaypannariba n., treasurer.
caw- v., be big; grow
cawkhat- develop; cawba Chawba, male proper name (the big
one).
cd- v., eat
ac ac ., all the ones eaten; acdba pot n., something edible,
sweets; icd cd- v., eat everything; cdja- v., serve food; cdthak
v., dine; cdboy lakpoy- v., eat just a little.
cd- ., child
nacd nupina n., your younger sister; macd n., young one, small
one, son, daughter; macdsd intj., heh, (you) small ones!
cdk n., food, cooked rice, meal
cdkisiq n., meal; cdkkhum n., kitchen; cdkyon phiyon n.,
distribution such as of rice or clothes; cakluk n., a measure of
rice, share; cdklem n., leftover rice.
- v., need

6 ., order; standard; average

caqqay ., regular.
ciq- v., drag; pull.
ciq n., spasm, hill
6]aw n., mountain; ciqdol n., hill.
cithi ., [H], letter.
ein ., mouth, border, rash
cinthi- n., lie.
cini ., [B], sugar
cini nuqni n., sugar and such.
cik- v., scratch, bite, ache
krak krak cik- v., make this sound when gnashing teeth; tar tar
ciqsin- v., shudder in this manner.
ein- v., wear gold earing or flower in the hair.
cu- v., fall; rain.
cup- v., be complete.
cuba n., wasted portion of sugar cane.
cubd n., sideburn area.
cum- v., filter
cumjit n., broom.
cum- v., be right, be desirable.
ceq n., uncooked rice
ceqdon n., dry cooked rice.
ceq- v., clear away.
cet- v., cut
macet n., piece.
cen- v., cat carrying kitten in mouth; mail ordering from a shop.
cep- v., rest on one's side.
ce n., paper, note.
cek- v., crack.
cek n., brick.
ceq- v., constrict.
cen- v., run
oro oro cen- v., make the roaring sound of running water;
cenkdw kdw- v., kick while running.
coq- v., jump or thrash about (like fish out of water)
ftq tiq coq- v., make the beating sound (as of a pulse); thuk thuk
coq- v., palpitate; piq piq coq- v., beat at the rhythm of a pulse;
pharaq pharaq coq- v., take jumps in quick succession; phraq
phraq coq- v., jump in a bouncing fashion.
con- v., weave; fill a container to the brim.

cop- v., insult.

con n., length (e.g. of trousers).
th
chadar ., [B], shoulder cloth.

chana ., [B], thin cloth for straining.
chuti ., [B], holiday.
churi ., [B], knife.
Pgoy n.,[IA] dance.

Pgha n., [IA], place.
Ptj n., [IA], rust.
jati n., [B from jat 'caste'], country.
jam n., [IA], black plum.
Jaypur n., Jaipur, city in Rajastan.
]eldrbabu n., [B], head warden.
juk n., [H], era.
jubraj n., [IA], prince.
juwari n., [B], gambler.
jotisipanji n., [B], astrologer.
Jyestha naksatra
n., [B], Scorpio, constellation.
jwar n., [IA], playing cards.
Jh
jhari ., [H], drinking pot.
9 v., be tasty,
tan- v., be lazy,
tan n., bread.
tanpak n., flat bread.

tapta ., boogieman.
tarn- v., stretch
tampdk ., valley.
tam- v., learn; study; decide; teach
tambi n., teach.
tam- n., time
mdtdm n., time.
tay- v., related (of opposite sex)104, other
atay adj., other; itaykhoy n., brother-in-law and his family; matay
n., brother-in-law, husband; matay-manaw n., husband and wife.
tara n., ten
tarataruk n., sixteen; tarataret n., seventeen; taranithoy n., twelve;
taranipan n., eighteen; taramakhay n., half-past ten o'clock;
taramaa n., fifteen; taramapart n., nineteen, taramari n.,
fourteen, taramathoy n., eleven; tarahumdoy n., thirteen.
taruk n., six.
taret n., seven.
taw- v., do
uron uron taw- v., sound made when falling asleep; kuphet
kuphet taw- v., twinkle (as do stars or fireflies); catli catli taw- v.,
inanimate object not queit stopped, moving along very slowly;
phet phet taw- v., pounce on; mataw tam- v., imitate; matawdi n.,
behavior.
tat)- v., callous, explicit.
tat- v., break.
tan- v., be short
tanna adv., quickly, without delay.
tap- v., be slow; n., pan, a package of betelnut and condiments in a
leaf.
tay- v., smear.
taw- v., dig.
ta- v., stitch, fall from above, press
ita ta- v., fully understand; tap tap ta- v., the way water falls; tap
tap ta- v., completely exhausted.
ta n., brother
tacaw elder brother.
tak- v., point, rub, teach
krik krik tak- v., sound made when rubbing on a grinding stone.
- v., join
mataq n., chapter, juncture.
., parasite.

tan- v., be dense, chase

tanthok- v., drive out; tanns- v., call out, discuss, come upon.
taloy n., wife.
taw- v., float
tawjty ., fruit from marshy land.
td- v., be ball-shaped; hear.
- v., be rare
v., be explicit, be obvious.
tdn- v., earn.
ti n., penis, testicle.
tik- v., be fit, be right
mdtik adj., compatible; matikcd- adj., fitting, right on the mark.
tit]- v., be loose.
tin- v., be together.
tin n., insect
tthrok n., earthworm.
tu- det., that, this
9du pn., that; 9dug9 adverbial conj., additionally; adugi conj.,
instead of that; dugumba conj., being like that; adudBgido conj.,
at that; sdun? adverbial conj., then; sdubu conj., but; aduwayd
conj., around there somewhere.
tu- v., fall (by slipping)
tuhdt- torture; tukkacs- adj., hated.
tut}- v., be back; store
matutj- adv., behind, later.
tum- sleep, cease talking
tumba cdba n., basic comforts; tumboy lakpoy- v., be sort of
sleeping; tumli tumli tsw- v., be not quite asleep.
tu- v., sew (a whole garment)
atitmrn n., sewing charge.
tu ., stream
., marshy land; tukhoij n., pores from which body hair
sticks out; tren ., river.
tup- v., be ready to chop down (e.g. a tree).
tum- v., point, dilute
dttim 3tum- adj., extremely pointed, diluted.
tek- v., be broken.
tek tek- ideo., tick tick (sound made by a clock).
ten n., bow
tencdy n., bow and arrow.
ten- v., be short.

tern- v., level,

tok- v., stop.
tOfJ- v., write; wear shoes,
toij n., tube; high level ground,
ton n., low caste.
top v., stop a vehicle; be distinct.
tolob ., [B], salary.
- v., profit, gain, ride, lock.
ton- v., lend money.
ton- v., be on top
atomba105 n., top story of building; Ibetombi n., Ibetombi,
female proper name; Ibotombi n., Ibotombi, male proper name;
tompok n., eldest son; Tomba n., Tomba, male proper name
(the top one); Tombi n., Tombi, female proper name (the top
one); maton adv., at the tip, at the top.
top- v., fix.
toyna adv., often.
th
tha- v., be down,

than v., be full,
than n., self.
ithan pn., myself; mathan pn., himself,
thay- v., divert into two.
thaw- v., be sharp; drive,
thaw n., duty.
thak- v., drink, smoke
thakpham n., drinking place,
tha'k- v., be up
thakkhd n., up and down; thakthok- v., rebound; mathak adv., on
top of, upper side.
thafr v., be next to, be adjacent; help.
that- v., obstruct; pluck, break by pulling apart
pat pat that v., pluck more than one.
thabk n., job, work.
tham v., keep, place
thampham n., depository.
thambdl n., lotus.

thaw ., deed
thawdok ., event, happening.
thawri n., rope.
thawdy n., heart, soul
thawjdn ., kindness; lhawjdnbiduna adv., kindly; thawna .,
courage.
tha v., plant, place.
tha n., month, moon
khuytha- v., fade; thakhdy n., fortnight; thathm ., small cake of
salt; thaban n., moonlight; thasi n., new moon.
th- v., subscribe
thaqgayseq v., be manifest; thaqdok- v., pay one's share.
thaq- v., carry someone handicapped.
thaja- v., consummation of engagement between a boy and a girl.
than- v., light lamps.
thaw n., oil.
thd- v., be thick, think, drop, send, release, give up
thdja- v., believe; thdpham n., where dead body is kept.
thdq- v., transport goods across a bridge, ferry, transfer to a second
bus
thdqkhaq n., stumbling block; thdqgat v., lift; thdqtha v., bring
down.
thdij n., sword, knife
thdqkhum n., sheath; thdqpeqnutj n., whetting stone; thdqphd n.,
grab the opponent's sword; thdqsaq n., sword.
thdyna adv., long.
thi- v., search.
thitj- v., prevent, hinder
thiqkdy- v., pierce; thiqjin- v., shut off faucet, close door.
thin- v., poke, pierce; drop off people or a package.
thi- v., be ugly, be unpleasant
thigun n., anus; thin? adv., unfortunately; thipham n., latrine;
thiphay n., call of nature; thibaybot n., excrement; cinthi n., lies.
thit- v., mix.
thin- v., beat, knock, point out
tak tak thin- v., knock repeatedly; thintha- v., strike a drum.
thuq- v., reach, arrive
thuqpham n., destination; thutjbd v., reach.
thum- v., be sweet.
thit- v., be fast, be quick; brake.

thp- v., conceal, fold

thupphm ., shelter,
thiim- v., be salty.
thefj- v., strike (e.g. by a car), touch
theqna- v., meet.
then- v., display
athenpot n., gift.
they v., shift
theythd- v., hand down.
theq- v., be late.
thon- v., supply, owe.
n., bridge.
thoy- v., win, increase.
thok- v., emerge, come out, happen.
thoq- v., cook.
n., door
thoqjin n., gate.
thon- v., wear.
darkar oy v., [from darkar court], be necessary.

ddsa n., [LA], bad luck.
dan ., [B], charity.
day ., [IA], responsibility.
dari n., [IA], verandah.
Dimapur n., Dimapur, a city in Southeastern Nagaland located on the
Indo-Burma road.
Dili Delhi.
distrik ., [E], district,
dukan ., [B], shop,
desaupay ., [B], means,
dolay n., [IA], chariot
dolaypaba n., gate keeper, doorman.

dh
dhara ., [], descendents.

dhoti ., [], male garment (single piece of cloth wrapped around the
waist).
dhruba ., [B], Polaris (star).
dhyan tdw- v., [B], meditate.
- v., be poor,
9 pn., you
ndkhoy pn., you (plural),
H9tt9- v., not be
ndtte v., is not; n3ttng3 conj., or; nattra intj., is it not so?
nsm- v., be smelly
namthi v., bad smell, manam-mdhdi n., strong smell,
nam n., back
nambo?] n., hunchback,
nzw- v., be soft; be new.
ndhdrol n., youth,
n., thick liquid,
nsp- v., paste.
v., press, publish, force
nam nimthrj thdq v., carry with force; nsmphsm n., publishing house,
v., be sick
na- nasinna- v., pretend to be sick,
n., ear; leaf
na ., foot of the ear; natek n., shallow nose bridged; naton
n., nose; naton n., upper portion of the ear; narum n., foot of
the ear; mana n., leaf,
natdy- v., prove
natsy-cayhe n., suitable, decent, relevant,
nan- v., caress, pet; n., carpentry plane,
nay n., servant.
ndk- v., be near, be adjacent to
mdndktd adv., nearby, next to.
nan- v., slip, be slimy
ndnthok- v., escape; srit srit ndn- v., be slippery in this manner.

ndw- v., be young

inw nupagi ., my younger brother's (male addressee);
matay-mandw n., husband and wife; mandw n., small, young one;
mandw nupa n., husband's younger brother; manaw nupi n.,
sister-in-law, sister (female addressee).
ni- v., beg
niza- v., pray.
ni- n., person
nipa n., man, boy; nipa macd n., son; nipi n., w o m a n ; nipi-nipa
n., couple, man and woman.
106
., head, mind
., woman (of a clan or family); nityhaw n., king; niqthi-
v., be nice; Ntyolckkawba ., festival (in which woman returns
to her father's home for a feast); nitjsibi- v., be affectionate;
niqsibiduna intj., please (polite).
nin- v., be noisy.
nipan n., eight
taranipan n., eighteen; canipan n., eight hundred.
niphii n., forty.
nimay n., Nimay, proper family name
- v., be behind, be west
mantythoq n., back door; maniqda adv., at the back.
- v., yearn, hope, dream, wish
- v., remember, inform.
nin- v., make irrigation tunnel, prepare for cultivation.
nu- n., person, gender
nupa n., son, man, husband, boy; nupa maca n., son, young boy;
nupi n., wife, female, girl, woman; nupi maca n., daughter,
young girl; hanuba n., old man.
rtu/7- v., be in
m a n ^ d a adv., inside, during.
nw/7 n., soul, heart, inner being
nuqtjay v., be happy, be rich; v., be unhappy, not
pleasing; n^sdthi v., be worried; nuqsi n., joy, sweetness,
happiness, love; n^sidaba n., unpleasantness, undesirableness.
numit n., day, sun
numid ., night.
., stone
nutjgay ., gravel; ., stone; nuqpdk ., slab.

., sun
adv., everyday; nuqthin ., afternoon, daytime; .,
night; ., heat of the sun; nuqsit n., wind.
-ne n., paternal aunt.
net- v., wash clothes by stepping on them
bri bri net- v., make this sound when stepping on wet clothes.
nem- v., be short (animal, man).
norjmay n., gun.
nay- v., be robust, be plump
tanoy tmoy v., be pleasingly plump.
nok- v., laugh
thik thik nok- v., titter; nofcniq n., loving thing; hayrap hayrap
nok- v., break out over a face (said of a smile).
no ., rain
noqnuqsit- n., storm.
no ., day
- ., dawn; -phddok- v., a day will come; notjmay n.,
next year.
noy- v., knead, massage.
pan- v., be stuck in throat.

pay- v., group
mapay n., heap.
paysa n., money.
para ., [B], lesson.
parilchya ., [H], exam.
pak- v., wear a suitable shirt; stick on (said of lint); get.
pay- v., be blunt, be foolish
paqkhat khatna- v., argue crazily; pajjtak n., dull-headed; paqta
tarammoy v., be unfamiliar with; paqcat cat- v., go carelessly;
paqsit sitkadaba n., fool; paqsinna- v., pretend to be foolish; paqsu
patjba n., very foolish one.
pan- v., disturb; dam
pangoy- v., encircle.
pa- v., overflow.
pa- v., read
paba n., one who studies; mapa n., method of reading.

pa n., father, grandfather

ipa-ipu ., our forefathers; ipakhoy ., elders; paji n., father \Ji is
an IA marker of respect],
pak- v., get
paklk- v., snatch.
pat pat intj., sound made to ask a tame elephant to sit.
pan- v., bear fruit (said of a tree or plant), throw against a surface,
rule, live
panndba n., overseer, ruler.
pan ., [H], betel nut, flower.
papi-msca n., [from IA root pap sin] sinner child.
pam- v., like, want.
pay- v., fly.
- v., be thin.
pdk- v., be broad, be wide,
pdkhrd n., widower,
n., ulcer, scabies,
n., lake
., sides of a lake.
n., bank, border
mspan adv., outside.
n., a stratchy root vegetable
pn-imn n., curry which is made with pan; ., ground
arum branch; pdndum n., root of arum; mukhi ., type of
root vegetable.
pan- v., be bright, be clean.
Py- v., hold, get, carry, pile, secure.
n., news.
pdwkhum n., answers; pawjen n., message; pdwtdk n., advice;
pawninkhon n., rumor.
pik small
piktru n., small child; pik pik t9w- v., become somewhat smaller;
pik?i>j9yd9gi n., from childhood,
piba n., members of tribe or family,
pi- v., give
pithak- v., give to drink; pyd- v., serve food.
pikths- v., swarm
pu- v., bring, carry
pukhal- v., raise; pukhzm n., plate; puthok pusin- v., carry back
and forth; pusan- v., take in.
pugn n., turban.

puq n., drum

puijjaw n., specific type of big drum,
pun- v., tie, bind.
punsi n., life; mipun n., men's life,
pum- v., be rotten
bri bri pum- v., be rotten enough to make this sound when
handled, be just right for cultivation,
pum- quant., all
pumnamsk adj., each and every, absolutely all.
pu- v., borrow
puthok pusin- v., borrow from each other,
n., male, grandfather
ipu-ibensi n., my grandparents; mapuroyba n., her husband,
puk n., stomach, mind
piikcdt n., cholera; piikcaw- v., be pot-bellied; piikcen n.,
mind/motive; pukcum n., honesty,
pukhri n., pond,
n., hour.
- v., be dense, be crowded
pufopn9 adj., very dense,
Pebdm n., Pebam, male proper name,
pe- v., weep
pek- v., pick up rice with a basket, touch.
- v., feel fibers of cloth; bulge.
pok- v., be born, be swollen.
- v., rest by lying down.
n., thing.
poy- v., wander.
poynu n., harvest.
prdja ., [IA], the public.
prddhan n., [IA], top, prime.
pres ., [E], publishing press.
projek ., [E], project.
plet ., [E], plate.
ph
- v., find, get, meet

ptoqphsm n., address,
phdn- v., dance, jump.

phanek ., garment worn by women

phanek nutjnek n., phsnek and such.
pham n., post.
pha- v., be good, be exemplary, be strong
ipha pha- adv., completely; phata- v., be bad, be wrong; phana-
v., do for good, do for gain of fortune; phaja- v., be beautiful.
phak- v., tear
phakkay v., tear off; phaktat- v., tear apart; phaktek- v., tear
down.
phak n., reed mat
phakldq n., wall; phaklen n., mat; phaklorj n., mat made of flat
bamboo pieces.
phat- v., machinate, plot
iphatphat- v., plot.
pham- v., lounge around, sit
pham n., place, seat; phamtha v., make a bed; phamthdok v.,
resign from post; phampham n., mode of sitting, phampham v.,
seat; pham\ n., bed; mapham n., her/his home.
phay n., thigh
phaygan n., place on thigh.
phaw n., rice with husk.
pha n., belt.
phan n., stool
phankhoq n., bench.
phaw n., paddy
phawkhay- v., take paddy from granary; phawthok n., product of
paddy; phawdoy n., interest of paddy lent; phawbay- v., stack
paddy; phawsu- v., pound paddy.
phd- v., arrest, catch, complete.
phdna- v., search.
phdk- v., open.
phaw- v., be famous.
phdw- v., take a direct route, divert into two.
phdw- adv., even that, to that extent, up to, already, till, including.

phi ., cloth, clothes

phig ., undergarment; phigon ., roll of cloth; phijum n.,
strainer made of cloth; phijet n., dress; phijet n., torn cloth,
costume; phijol n., dress ; phijol n., length of trousers; phithon-
v., supply with cloth; phithon- v., put on cloth; phidtip n., cloth
used in the Shrada (funeral) ceremony; phidon n., top of cloth;
phiyonphdm n., cloth shop; phiruk n., clothes basket ; phirel n.,
topmost cloth; phiron n., dress; phisa lonsa n., weaving,
embroidery and the like; phisaba n., male weaver; phisabi n.,
female cloth weaver; phisd n., texture; phisum- v., wring water
out of cloth; phiset- v., wear cloth.
phuqgd n., fire in the kitchen used for roasting fish.
phum v., bury, cover.
phurit n., shirt.
phu- v., beat, punish
phugay- v., beat until bones are broken, destroy; phiicsy- n.,
discipline; phudit phuna v., beat down hard (e.g. rain).
phut- v., boil.
phum n., grassy knoll, floating island, water weeds
phmthi ., heap of floating water weeds.
phoy- v., tear
phoq- v., open, be without secrecy, publish, release (said of pictures,
movie or drama).
phrey ideo., a way birds flap their wings.
bsnn n., [LA], spelling.

bazar ., [B], market.
baji ., [B], father.
babu ., [B], sir.
baro ., [B], twelve.
bidya ., [B], knowledge.
bibahksrma
., [B], marriage.
bishatapanji
n., [LA], horoscope.
budhi ., [B], intelligence, wisdom.
bol ., [E], ball.
byabdhar ., [B], conduct, usage.

bhap ., [B], idea,

bhay ., [H], brother,
bhaygya ., [B], fate, fortune,
bhara ., [B], fare,
bhari ., [B], heavy.
maku n., owl.

maku. n., banana peel,
makhoy pn. they,
magun n., quality,
marja n., five,
mathway n., inheritance
mathway-yw- v., take interest.
man- v., be old.
man n., gift.
Manipur n., Manipur.
mantra ., [IA], chant.
mantri n., [b], minister.
mapan n., nine.
Maytay n., Meithei, proper name, refers to the ethnic group that are
native speakers of Meithei.
mari n., four
mariphu n., eighty; mariphutara n., ninety,
marup n., friend.
mawpwa n., female address term for younger brother
masen n., brother-in-law.
masen n., themselves.
maharaja ., [B], king.
mahutta adv., instead of.
man- v., be too much.
may n., fire, tail
mamay n., e n d .
ma- v., search in the dark.
maq- v., waste by touching at inappropriate time,
man- v., be greedy.

man- v., be alike; seem

cap-mana adv., exactly alike; ma?0t] man- v., be alike in shape;
mani intj., that's it.
md n., bed bug.
pn., he/she.
md n., mother
msm-mapa ., parents.
- v., lose, disappear, be front, be before
m^m^gi adj., of the past; sway - v., vanish.
mdy n., face
mdykhumphi ., veil.
mybi ., priestess.
mdyren ., pumpkin,
mi// n., name.
mamty-maphamdi n., name and birthplace or residence of a per-
son; mitjthd- v., sign mitfan- v., admit (to a school or club).
mi n., man, people
mikawron n., art of calling soul; mika- v., be envious; mied .,
others child; mita- v., be inhabited; mitop n., stranger;
mithoy-mihen- v., be the best of men; miyam n., group; mirol n.,
foreign language; mUtat- v., murder.
mit ., eye
mitnd ., organs; mam-mana-thak- v., drinking it in with eyes
and ears.
min- v., be together.
mu- v., be black, be dirty
amu arak adj. black, etc.; mutat- v., extinguish, turn off (light);
musuk mu adj., completely black,
mwjy- v., be in
imw// n., house, home, family, manuij adv., inside
mun- v., snatch
mu- v., roast slightly over coals
mun- v., be careful.
me] ., [B], table.
metrik n., [from metric] 10th grade.
met- v., mash
ametpa n., chutney made with mashed potatoes, dried fish and
green chilies; bri bri met- v., mash with the fingers.
moq- v., jump out of the water (said of fish).
mot n., opinion, mode.

mon n., pillow

mondum n., pillow, pad; monmon- v., soft,
moy- v., expel
rnoyb^ ., conch shell.
Moyraq ., Moirang, town located in central Manipur, Northeast of
Logtak Lake.
- v., be next.
mot- v., be dirty.
mon- v., be too slow.
y
ydw- v., reach,
ya n., son-in-law.
yaqkhay n., fifty.
yan- v., wear earrings; cut.
yam- v., be a lot
ayambz quant., most; yamn.9 adv., very, a lot, much, many;
mayam quant., many, all of.
yaw n., sheep.
yd- v., be possible, be able, be near, accept, agree, yield
maya n., near; ydon- v., move; ., command,
yd ., tooth,
ydrj- v., be fast,
ydrn n., flour.
ydw- v., participate, attain, reach, include.
yi n., lines on palm of hand, crack.
yu n., liquor, wine.
yuy v., be erect.
yubi n., coconut.
yum n., house
yumkay n., the house, etc; yumgom n., urinal, outhouse; yumjaw
n., main house; yumbanlon n., household rules; yumlon adj.,
neighboring,
yuk n., early, morning
ayk ., morning; aykta adv., earlier, at an early hour,
ye intj., great!
yet1- v., look,
yep- v., hide.

yen ., hen, chicken (prepared for eating)

yenaw n., chick; yengon n., chicken coop.
yenna- v., divide.
yensdq n., vegetables; curried vegetables.
yon- v., sell.
yok- v., rear up.
., monkey
]aw ., a p e .
yot n., iron
yotcay n., implement for spiring; yotpdk n., spade.
yom- v., wrap
mayom n., packet.
9 ., [], color.
raidrohi ., [from rajdrohi traitor], traitor.
1- v., cast, throw

- v., throw out (with intent to harm); forjj ., vulture
13- v., be bright, shine
9 arak adj., bright, etc.; 3] ., clue.
lay- v., be, have, live, wait
laykay n., neighborhood; layte 9- v., not have the knowledge;
laypham n., living place.
lay n., land
1 ^ 3 ., land; laykut n., pit; laykhat v., fall under the earth;
laykhd v., be under the earth; n., fall of an empire; laykhom n.,
collection of dirt; laykhom n., mud; laycfy n., portion of a
wooden post; laycin n., cloud; laytum n., clod; laybdk n., country,
ground, floor; laymakon n., princess' room in palace; layma n.,
queen, goddess; layron n., layer of earth; maraybdk n., her/his
mother land.
lay n., tongue
layton n., tip of the tongue.

lay ., flower
kabokhy ., type of flower; hykon n., flower garden; laynam n.,
flowery smell; laypan n., flowering plant; hysabi n., virgin, young
girl.
hw- v., roast on a direct flame or on hot coals.
hw n., paddy
hwpu n., paddy field owner.
h. ., cotton.
hk n., type.
marakta adv., among them.
lam n., land, path, way
maram adv., that way; n., tracks (such as footprints or tire
tracks); lamcen n., race; lamjaw n., meadow; lamjitj- v., lead,
guide; lamjiqbi v., give advice; lamjen n., race; ., high
land; lambdn n., side of road, wild arum; Iambi n., road;
lamboyba n., wanderer, monk; lamsi n., accidental death.
lay v., buy, whirl.
law- v., take, get
lawthok- v., quote; lawru- v., buy; lawsir}- v., have knowledge.
la n., large round shallow basket.
lak- v., come.
Ian- v., be wrong.
laij n., n e t .
lay n., god
laytin n., god; laypok n., genius; laypot n., worship articles; laybak
n., forehead; laybak n., fate; laybaw n., gospel; layb ., field
for festival; layb ., temple guard; layrel n., largest snake,
python; Laysram ., Layshram, a clan name.
lay n., disease
laykup n., chicken pox; layjaw n., small pox; layer7 n., treat.
layrik n., book.
law- v., shout, make noise
grarj gratj law- v., rumble; groij grot} law- v., rumble; cap cap law-
v., make this sound when smacking the lips; crik crik law- v.,
make a cracking sound; phan phan law- v., make the sound of a
bird chirping; mi mi law- v., sing in a low tone; yaw yaw law- v.,
be noisy for a duration; lawhat- v., shout down; law- v.,
sing a jingle; sway law- v., thrill.
., banana leaf.
lk- v., hold power over.

- v., arrange; be noisy

im phatq- v., make a furor; Idyphaq-tew- v., do everything but
what needs to be done.
., kind of thatch.
- v., offer.
., war
]aw ., major war; ., war-time evacuation; lanbutj .,
war drum.
- v., be far.
lay- v., be easy.
irdy-hek-ldy- v., very easy.
laytsij n., basket holding about 12 kilos of grain.
Idyraw- v., be poor.
Idw- v., be soft, be downy; be broad
ge ge ge ge Idw- v., be so very soft; nap nap Idw- v., be supple.
li- v., be ancient.
li n., string
man n., string; lik n., necklace; licay n., whip.
lit n., coat.
lin n., serpent, snake.
lisi/j n., one thousand
lisitjman n., four thousand.
li- v., narrate, keep in storage
man n., concerning.
li n., cane.
li n., behavior
lithokka-lisinga n., going in and out.
lu- v., be deep
maru n., root, bone of chicken or fish.
lu n., head
lukok- n., shaven head; luton n., upper head; luhoq n., marriage.
luk n., basket used to measure rice
caritk n., a measure of rice, share.
lukhrd n., widow.
lupa ., [IA], rupee.
lum- v., be behind
marumda adv., behind.
lum- v., boil (e.g. water), hide in waiting.
Iii- v., be clear.
Iii ., trap, cylindrical bamboo fishing implement, seed, bullet.

lm- v., be heavy

mdrurn n., weight.
ley- v., go ahead, insert.
ley- v., thread
., seam.
len- v., be best.
lem- v., be very handsome.
lem- v., remain.
letj- v., irritate.
lep- v., stop (crying or hailing down a bus)
lepte v., be fail-proof
lok- v., take out of water
lokcap n., dell.
., kind of bamboo.
lot- v., hide.
Ion- v., boil (especially sugarcane juice).
lay- v., rear cattle.
lay- v., finish, be all; quant., every
loyna adv., all, completely; loynana adv., together, with.
Ion- v., weave, embroider, lock, close.
Ion n., language, secret
3wn-3thiip n., secrets.
\- v., be high, be tall

awatjfjom n., northern; iwaq watj- v., be tallest.
way- v., gore.
way adv., thereabouts
waykhu n., lock.
wa- v., be tired, be worry, be unhappy.
wa n., word, idea
wdkoy n., digression; wdcop n., obscene word; wdpham n., topic;
wan n., story; wdriliba n., story teller; wdron n., words;
wdhsypsrey n., sentence.
wd n., bamboo
wdkok n., root part of bamboo; wkho n., bamboo grove;
wdcap n., splint; wdcet n., split bamboo; wdton n., top of
bamboo.
wdt- v., lack.

way- v., hire, loan, borrow.

wdy- v.", plaster
wdytay- v., plaster the wall.
wo - v., be methodical
3\ ., method.
sdkti n., [H], power,

Sdl]- v., be green
saqtrik say- v., be too green.
., [B saqskar world], final rites.
sdn- v., herd (e.g. cows, goats, sheep, etc.)
sanna- v., take care of children; spread grain for drying.
sm n., cow
sagol n., horse; s^gom n., milk; ssngon n., cow shed; santhi n.,
cow dung; sanna mo mo- v., moo; sanbd n., owner of cattle;
sansen- v., look after cattle,
Sanskhya n., Sanakhya, a family name,
sand n., gold
santhoq n., southwest direction; sandsabd n., goldsmith,
sam n., long basket used to cany loads on the back,
samaj ., [H], society.
Sdmpenu n., Sampenu, female proper name,
sdmbru n., freckle.
Sawaynu n., Sawaynu, female proper name,
sak- v., sing.
sak n., appearance, face.
sakthi n., ugly face; sakpham ., visage, countanance;
masak-matawdi n., look and behavior; sakkhaq n., acquaintance,
S3f] n., edifice
saqgdy kdy ., buildings, etc; saqsa n., building,
sam- v., be short, be concise
sambdn n., fence,
sam n., hair
samjet n., comb; samdon n., hair ends; sampha- v., be hairy;
samphdbi ., hair pin; samphoy- v., tear one's hair; sambun n.,
tuft of hair,
sa- v., make, weave.

sa- v., be hot, bake.

asaba adj., false, hot, fake, duplicate; phofj sa- v., getting so
hot that steam appears; lumbu lumbu sa- v., be lukewarm,
ifljy- v., be long,
sa//- v., march.
satya ., [B], truth.
satr- ., [B], student
satra n., male student; satri n., female student; satrasiq n.,
students.
san- v., canter
sanna- v., play.
samna- v., joining together.
say- v., chew
gaw gaw say v., make this sound when chewing something soft;
graw graw say v., make this sound when chewing something
crunchy.
saw v., be angry.
s- v., dance.
sa n., branch; body, face; animal
isdn? pn., myself; ndsdns pn., yourself; mzsna pn., itself, himself,
herself; sajen n., exercise; sdtii n., body hair; sdthi v., be
ferocious; sarim n., hunt.
si- v., wear (ring, necklace, watch).
si- v., die
asi-dn ., death and sickness; sip- v., commit suicide.
si det., this
9sin9ctybd n., etc.; mssida n., regarding this; masidagi n., because
of this.
sitj- v., copy, render
53- v., challenge.
., ginger.
sin- v., be in.
sinema ., [E] cinema.
si- v., break.
sitj- v., be wise.
siq n., firewood, faggot.
siqgay n., outhouse for fuel; siqpq n., axe; siqbun n., bundle of
firewood.
sit- v., blow, sweep, go through
liri tin sit- v., blow like the wind.
s- v., sell.

sin- v., be sour.

su- v., stain, color
9su arak adj., stained; masu-tdyda n., niceness, comeliness,
foresight; masu maratj n., color, etc.
suk- quant., all
dsuk a d j . , all.
sum- v., wring.
107
sum- adv., thus
asum adv., thus; sumhat adv. totally.
Susila n., Sushila, female proper name.
su- v., impress, make, wash.
siigay- v., pound.
se intj. are you ready?, hark!
Sekmay n., Sekmai, a town located in Imphal (West) district, Manipur.
seq- v., be true, clear
aseâ adj., exact, true; oseq tasetj- v., be crystal clear, absolutely
correct.
sen n., money
sendon n., debt.
Selutj n., Sellung, a town located in Imphal (East), the capital of
Manipur.
sek- v., be lame.
set- v., wear (said of pants only)
setcin- v., get into.
set- v., tear
segay v., tear up.
sen- v., look after, tend.
sem- v., prepare, repair, make
semdok- v., correct.
sok- v., touch.
son- v., utter
murum mumm son- v., mutter.
soy- v., cut.
soy n., signature.
so n., lock.
sopy n., key.
sok- v., injure.
sotj- v., be dense.
son- v., be weak.
soy- v., mistake
soydana adv., certainly.

Syam ., Shyam, male proper name.

Srabana nakisatra
., [B], Aquilae (constellation).
slet ., [E], slate.

swamji ., [IA], spiritual teacher, god.
hak ., right.
han- v., be old
ahan n., elder, parent; harjgat hands v., go to and fro; hdnthd- v.,
decrease; handak- v., be recent; handok- v., return in full force,
do over; harms hanna adv., again and again, repeatedly; hanuba
n., old man; hanubi n., old woman; hanbajat n., superior sort.
hay- v., be proficient, be capable
haytraba n., one who is ignorant; haymd intj., how can that be!
hayey adv., tomorrow
hayeda-y- v., be around the corner.
hayjra ., knife.
haraw- v., be happy.
haw- v., start, begin
gruij gruy haw- v., start in a tumultuous way; hawjik adv., now, at
this moment; hawna adv., customary; hawrakpadagi adv., from the
beginning.
hawdy n., lentils
hawdy ceywdy n., lentils and rice and such; hawdyjdr n., soybean.
haq- v., ask
haijja- v., doubt oneself.
hayoy n., frog.
han- v., make a hole for planting.
hay n., fruit
haykon n., orchard; hay]aw n., a kind of fruit, hayjdq n., edible
fruit; haynam laynam n., smell of fruit and flowers; haypan n.,
fruit plants.
haw- v., grow
hawgat- v., grow up; hawna adv., loudly.
ha intj., what was that!
hay- v., open
sat sat hay- v., open in quick succession.

han- v., fill (e.g. a bottle with milk, tire with air).
hay- v., pace back and forth; open
haydok- v., take off cover; haydoktma n., clearing; hayphet adv.,
extremely.
haw- v., taste.
hakcay n., body.
mdhdk pn., she/he; hkthq n., confidant.
hdq- v., be empty.
hat- v., kill.
hdn- v., advance or push ahead, be first.
ndhdn n., other day.
hap- v., put, place, give, take.
hay- v., say
trot] hdyba v., make the sound of running water; hdydok- v.,
disclose, tell a secret; hdyjsre v., request for oneself; hdybs
comp., that; hdybib9di v., give instructions; hdysintid v., pretend
something.
hi- v., trim.
hi n., boat
hirel n., best boat.
., night.
hiddk n., medicine.
hisap ., [B], account.
hip- v., rest.
hukah ., [IA], hookah.
hukum ., [H], command.
hurt- v., s o w .
huti- v., disparage, decry
hunjin v., slander.
huy- v., whistle.
huy n., joint in furniture made with bamboo.
huk- v., eat
kok kok huk- v., put into the mouth in quick succession.
hum adj., three
ahum adj., three; hmphu n., sixty; hdmphutsra n., seventy
humphurom n., about sixty.
huy n., dog
huykon n., kennel.
hdrdn- v., steal
hurdncinthi v., to lie and steal; hdrdnbd n., thief.

Meithei-English glossary
hek- adv., just; v., pluck

hektd adv., with no other stipulation.
hetmasztdr ., [E], headmaster.
hen- v., be more
hennd adv., again, more.
hey intj., what!
hen- v., be more beautiful than others.
hentk n., dried fish.
hera intj., oh!, that's dumb of you!
ho intj., heh!, well!
hoq- v., change clothes, carry things while moving.
hon v., row.
hoy- v., herd sheep.
hotj- v., be cheap, initiate.
hot- v,. do arithmetic.
hotnd- v., try.
hoy intj., yes.
hren adv., later today.

Appendix
Meithei literature
The following list of ancient (pre-17th century), medieval (18th-20th century)

and modern (post-1930s) Meithei literature is complied using discussions in M.
Kirti Singh (1988), N. Khelchandra Singh (1964) and Roy (1973).
Works of the ancient period cannot be credited to a single author since a
guild of writers rather than an individual got credit for the work. Political and
civic chronicles include:
(1) Poireiton Khunthokpa (Immigration of Poireiton), an epic about the mi-

gration of Poireiton and his people to Manipur. He was invited to rule a
small principality under the control of the Ningthouja clan.
(2) Ningthouron Lambuba (Road taken by the king) which gives details of
the expeditions of the kings of Manipur. Although events are listed
chronologically, no dates are provided.
(3) Chainaron (The rules of fighting) which gives rules of chivalry and stories
about the settling of conflict through deadly duels.
(4) Cheitharol Kumbaba (Account of the years) which records astronomical
events, epidemics, results of wars, etc. It begins retroactively from 33
A.D. and continues recording events till the 1660s.
(5) Loiyamba Shifyen (Loiyamba oversees work), written during the rule of
Loiyamba between 1074 and 1122 A.D., which lays out a plan assigning
particular occupations to families. Loiyamba is credited with improving
the economic condition of Manipur.
Legends and creation stories include:
(1) Khongjongnubi Nongaron (translation obscure), the legend of six girls who
are ostracized by their parents for marrying men of their own choice.
They are physically transformed into animals and transported into
heaven.
(2) Nungban Pombi Luwaoba (translation obscure), the story of a lover who
brings back the soul of his dead wife by overpowering death.
(3) Leithak Leikharon (The way of the world underground), a traditional
creation myth influenced by the Hindu creation mythology.

354 Meithei literature
Botanical descriptions include:
(1) Leiron (Flower language), written somewhere between 1697-1709, a

description in verse of the many flowers that grow in Manipur.
(2) Hidatclon, a list of medicinal herbs and the ailments these can cure.
Other genres include allegories such as Numit Kappa (Shooting the sun)
which is reproduced with interlinear translation in Hodson (1908), travel
accounts, astrological works and a guide to the possible pitfalls of life and how
to avoid them entitled Langlol (A series of snares). N. Khelchandra Singh
(1964: 3) mentions family genealogies kept by individual households generically
called Yumdaba (Of the house).
The medieval period of Meithei literature is marked by the strong influence
of medieval Bengali literature. Meithei poets wrote in Bengali, which at this
period was the official language of Manipur and the medium of instruction in
schools. Stories from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata were translated into
Meithei. Works in Meithei were mainly records of military expeditions, such as
Takhel Ngamba (Success against Takhel) and Samjok Ngamba (Success against
Samjok). These are accounts of wars between Manipur and Burma and
Manipur and Tripura during the rule of Charairongba and his son Garibniwaj,
who ruled over Manipur between 1709-1748.
In the Modern period, poetry and the novel were developed as literary
forms. Before the 1940s poetry was strictly metrical and the content was
derived from Meithei folk songs, traditional legends and Hindu mythology.
Epic poems were popular; for example, H. Angaghal Singh's thirty-four
thousand line rendition of the legend of the hero Khamba and the princess
Thoibi called The Khamba-Thoibi Sheireng. Several historically based romantic
novels were written between 1930 and 1940. Labanga Lata by Kh. Chaoba
Singh is the story of romance between a princess and a soilder set in 1500s.
Jahera by H. Angaghal Singh is the love-story of a young Hindu man and Mus-
lim woman. In mid and late 20th century up to twenty-eight Meithei language
newspapers and magazines provide a platform for literary critics and essayists.
From the mid 18th century to date, translations in Sanskrit (e.g. Mahabharata,
Gita Govinda), Bengali (e.g. the works of Rabindranath Tagore), Hindi (e.g.
the works of Premchand) and English (e.g. the works of William Shakespeare
and George Bernard Shaw) to Meithei make up a large portion of literary
publication. Such translations are seen as an important venture that goes "a
long way in ensuring confidence in the capacity of the Manipuri language in
expressing complex moods, lofty imaginations and rich thoughts." (Roy 1984:
57).

Appendix
Meithei writing systems
Meithei is written in either the Meithei Mayek or Bengali script. The accepted
date for the earliest use of Meithei Mayek is between the 11th and 12th cen-
turies (Ch. Manihar Singh 1984: 23). In the classification of scripts provided by
K. S. Singh and Manoharan (1993: 26-29), Meithei Mayek is part of the
Tibetan group of scripts, which originated from the Gupta Brahmi script. The
original Brahmi script was modified to accommodate the phonemic distinctions
of Meithei.
Like other Brahmi scripts, Meithei Mayek is syllabic. Each vowel has two
representations: an independent grapheme at the beginning of a word and a
diacritic off of the consonant it combines with to form a syllable when it occurs
elsewhere. See Tables 1 and 2.
Table 1. Vowel graphemes in Meithei Mayek
W>it B>
a a i i
t itu
r
When tone is taken into consideration, there are twelve contrastive vowel
sounds in Meithei. As seen in Table 1, it is possible to represent the differen-
ces between high and low tone i and u but no way of indicating distinctions
between a and a, a and d, e and e and and .

356 Meithei writing systems
In contemporary versions of Meithei Mayek, tone distinctions are often in-

dicated with conventions currently in use in writing Meithei in the Bengali
script. For example, the distinction between high and low tone a, e, a, can
be indicated before by using a distinct syllable final grapheme for before
the high tone vowel. This is illustrated in (1).
(1)
kaij 'chariot' kq 'mosquito'
It is not clear how, or if, tone distinctions in other environments are signalled.
In examples provided to me by Th. Harimohon Singh, minimal tone pairs such
as ta- 'fall' and - 'hear' cannot be distinguished in writing.
Table 2. Non-syllable initial vowels in Meithei Mayek with the shape kV
1! Mm
mm
ka ki Id ku
ke ko
Diphthongs in initial position are represented by a juxtaposition of a glide

and a vowel and, as was the case with vowels, not all relevant tone distinctions
are represented. Graphemes for diphthongs in initial position and the diacri-

Meithei writing systems 357
tics used with consonants are illustrated in Table 3 and 4 respectively.
Table 3. Syllable initial diphthongs in Meitei Mayek
^
ay aw
ay aw
EPûy
oy
y

Table 4. Non-syllable initial diphthongs in Meithei Mayek illustrated with [k]
Q275tieer1 kiy 'grain, bam'
17
kaw^ 'call' Jciw 'short*
kay 'shame' kay 'shame' ky 'break'
HISS
OR
orget1
0
kaw 'forget' kaw 'ftorger
kw

kick'
OR
esa
kiw 'kick'
71 m
isa 75
kuy 'long'
3 OR
3
Ki
ky 'distant past'
koy roam'
3 koy 'roam'
73
k6y
i3
garden'
OR
wn ky 'garden'

Table 5. Consonant graphemes in Meithei Mayek
ka
: IF ^ 1
kha ga gha ga
71
03 ha ja jha jia
) 5 0 (
t? 13 (Jhs I\9
1 5 I M J C
ta tha da dha na
J I E ^ 37 FF
pa pha ba bha ma
ya
3
ra
S3 v la
ha m
wa
ksa
Sa

Consonants have two representations, a grapheme for syllable initial position

and a grapheme for non-initial position. Syllable initial consonant graphemes
are given in Table 5. Note that the consonant is read as a combination of the
consonant and a schwa. Syllable final consonant graphemes are given in Table
6.
Table 6. Syllable final consonant graphemes in Meithei Mayek
TTT FF u 4
m w

% UK
I provide a sample of handwritten Meithei Mayek in (2) which illustrates a
marginally different style of the script (note the graphemes for [y] and [n]).
Explanation of different styles of Meithei Mayek is given in Tensuba (1993). A
longer example of the Meithei Mayek, with interlinear and free translation in
English, can be found in Grierson (1903-1928: 32-39).

(2) Sample of Meithei in Meithei Mayek from a personal narrative by Th.

Harimohon Singh. The script sample and transliteration were provided
by the narrator.
9
^ - H C f m u p j r r ^ j z a - ^ f //
Tomb? kakciijd.i cMli

Tomba to Kaching went
Tomba went to Kakching.
J c ^ a r feftmf a - J ^
mdhk mamagi yumda

he his uncle's to house arrived
He arrived at his maternal uncle's house.
f & a r c t
mzhdkna mdphamduaa mamgi
he at that place of his uncle
mdc& cawbaga unnsy

small with Cawba meets
There he meets his uncle's son Chaoba.
mabayni hawminnabani
two of them grow together
They are both of the same age.

îêrrnp j&wjrnf ii
oja/ta mskhoybu layrik takpi
teacher them book teaches
The teacher conducts their lessons.
cawbd yamm dphdbd jni

Chaoba very good child is
Chaoba is a great kid.
mshak msthawda yamtid

he about duties very
J K O B ( r t J
JZ975 u
puknirj
extremely enters
He is extremely sincere in carrying out his responsibilities.
V
arzf JZEF //
mdkhoy atii ck cminnay
they two food eat together
The two of them eat together.

rmkhoyns sarjgom yamns

they milk very
D
hawn9 cay
tasty drink
They drink milk with great appreciation.
cdk cabs Isyrpg?

food to eat having done
issry temmi
song learn
After having eaten, they move on to their music lesson.
j^îr^T ~sc?r -tnwt

Cawbsdi isfy sfkpa
Chaoba song to sing

A W jh-ffr&cT //
yamnd pammi
very likes
Chaoba enjoys singing a lot.
fftttco V
madi makhonsu phay
he also voice is good
He also has a good voice.
madi ojabu yamnd

he teacher very
lutid ojabu
deeply loves teacher
Xc?d /
laygumnd khilli
like a god thinks
He is extremely fond of his teacher, he thinks of his teacher as a god.

With the adoption of Hinduism in the 18th century, the Bengali alphabet
became popular for the writing of Meithei, and from the 19th century onward
the use of Meithei Mayek for all genres of writing declined. Grierson cites
Damant (n.d.) who stated that Meithei Mayek had for the most part been
replaced by the Bengali script and that few Meitheis could read it. In the
1990s, there has been a popular interest in reviving the use of Meithei Mayek.
This interest is linked closely with the desire to maintain a cultural and political
identity separate from the Indo-Aryan culture which dominates Northern India.
Today many young people under the age of 20 can read and write in Meithei
Mayek since it is now taught in schools between the 6th and 8th grades (N.
Promodini Devi 1989: 1); however, textbooks and most written media still use
the Bengali script.
The Bengali alphabet that is used for Meithei developed from the
Proto-Bengali script, which is a Northern Brahmi Gupta script of the Kutila
group. My discussion of the Bengali writing system is based primarily on five
sources: (1) The introduction to N. Khelchandra Singh's 1964 dictionary which
explains the spelling conventions recommended by the Spelling Committee of
the Education Standing Committee of Meithei in 1934 (translated for me by
Th. Harimohon Singh.); (2) a 1986 paper entitled "Tone in Meithei
Orthography" by Sushila Ningthongjam which lists the inadequacies of these
spelling conventions as well as official revisions made to these conventions in
1964; (3) comments by Th. Harimohon Singh about current spelling practices;
(4) spellings checked in the Friends' English to Meithei Dictionary (1986) and
(5) a chapter in W. Tomchou Singh (1986) on Meithei writing systems.
Examples are taken from these sources.
Like other Brahmi scripts, vowels have two representations depending on
whether the vowel is in syllable initial or non-initial position. Table 7 consists
of the syllable initial vowel graphemes traditionally listed for Meithei in the
alphabetical order of Bengali.
Table 7. Word initial vowels in the Bengali Alphabet
3 a i u e
Note that there are graphemes to represent distinctions between i and and u
and u. This is illustrated in the spelling of in- 'follow' as in (3a) and in- 'push'

as in (3b). However, the use of these graphemes to indicate tone is not uni-
versally followed. Some writers prefer to use the short vowels in conjunction
with a diacritic (a forward slash) under the consonant following a high tone
vowel. The lack of this diacritic is used to indicate a low tone vowel. Thus
'follow' is spelt as in (3a) and 'push' as in (3c) in the Friends' dictionary.
Similarly, Friends' spells ut- 'ash' as in (3d) and ut 'camel' as in (3e). An
alternate system is to represent the consonant following a high tone vowel with
a retroflex equivalent. W. Tomchou Singh uses this system: thus he spells ut-
'ash' as in (3e) and ut- 'camel' as in (3f).
a. in- 'follow' b. i1R in 'push'
c. ** h- 'push' d. ut- 'ash'
e. ut- 'camel' f. ut- 'camel'
As can be seen in Table 7, there are no graphemes for initial s, a, e and .

This does not cause much of a problem since only occurs in word initial
position. Words with high and low tone are written the same way.
Non-syllable initial vowel graphemes for vowels are illustrated in Table 8. In
this position there is no grapheme for schwa since a consonant that occurs
without a vowel diacritic is read as the consonant plus schwa. There are no
conventions to indicate high tone i, , e, in open syllables. In closed syl-
lables, a diacritic (a back slash) is placed underneath the coda consonant after
a high tone vowel. According to Th. Harimohon Singh, this diacritic is often
omitted, but students are not penalized for this infraction of the rules as long
they omit it consistently. In dictionaries, syllables with the high tone vowels p,
, e, are ~ or should be, according to a resolution of the Meithei Spelling
Committee - underlined. This rule is followed by N. Khelchandra Singh but I
have not seen it implemented in any of the other dictionaries in (see Referen-
ces). The distinctions for high and low i are not always observed so that the
same spelling for the minimal tone pairs thi- 'search' and thi- 'ugly' and pu-
'carry' and pu- 'borrow' can be found. In English transliterations, long vowels
represent high tone except in the case of [a] and [s] where a represents [] and
represents [a], [] and [] are represented by underlining the syllables in
which the vowels occur: thus man [man-] 'old', man [man-] 'greedy' (N.
Khelchandra Singh 1964a). The distinction between high and low tone vowels
can be indicated before by using distinct graphemes for after low and high
tone vowels. This convention may be combined with or be supplanted by other
conventions to indicate the tone of a vowel. For example, the nasal grapheme

can be repeated to indicate a high tone vowel. See Table 9.
Table 8. Vowels in non-initial position in the Bengali alphabet
vowel example gloss spelling
i thi- 'search' ft
f
1 thi- 'be ugly' *
e cen- 'take along' CR
A
e cen- 'run' CR
3 kam- 'fade'
3 k6m- 'behead' ^
a ta- 'fall'
a ta- 'hear' vSt
u pu- 'carry'
U pu- 'borrow'
t
0 lon- 'boil' JsIR
0
*
lon- 'embroider'

Table 9. Spellings of words with a velar nasal
vowel example gloss spelling alternate spelling
d khorj- 'know'
3 khdrj- 'startle' KSX
i igkhon 'garden'
i"
1 >v- 'be cold' *
i f/> 'be straight' f a s
/
1 'soak' fe
u 'be shown'
A
u whirl'
f
1 sfy- 'firewood' fa ft
The diphthongs ay, ay, and aw are represented as vowel-vowel sequences

when the syllable carries low tone and as vowel-glide sequences when the
syllable carries high tone. Correspondingly, English transliterations of Meithei
diphthongs can be found as vowel-vowel and vowel-glide sequences. Syllables
with dw and ay are written with diacritics and are not distinguished from high
tone equivalents. Examples are given in Table 10.
Consonant graphemes are listed in Table 11. These may occur independen-
tly (where they are read as the consonant and schwa) or with a vowel diacritic.
Alphabet charts of Meithei include all of the graphemes found in the Bengali
alphabet, including symbols which Meithei does not need; for example, the
graphemes for the palatal nasal (p]) and retroflex nasal ([]) are listed but
never used.

Table 10. Representation of diphthongs in the Bengali script
diphthong represented as example gloss spelling
ay a+i kay- 'take out'

y a+y ky- 'break'
oy o+i koy- 'look after'
<5y +y kdjy- 'roam'
aw a+u kaw- 'forget'
w a+ kw- kick'
3W ti kzw- 'call'
aw kaw- 'short'
ay ? + y Isy- 'flower' fa*
iy t+ y I0y- buy'
As explained in Chapter 2, /ch/ is pronounced as [sh] or [s] and individual

pronunciation is used as a guide to spelling words with /ch/. Thus, variable
spellings are found for SBTK 'hair' as (4a,b) and for the word sa 'animal' as in
(4c,d). Th. Harimohon Singh reports that people above forty have a greater
tendency to spell native words as in (4b) but younger people spell it as in (4a).
(4) a. som 'hair' b. TO sdm 'hair'

c. *lt sa 'animal' d. sa 'animal'
e. tt ta[a 'Tata' f. TSt Ma 'Tata'
g. plet 'plate' h. plet 'plate'
h. chatra 'student' i. shatra 'student'

Table 11. Consonant graphemes in the Bengali alphabet
3
kd khd g3 ghs rp
f <Jf 43
V V
Cd J
chd 3 ha
fr 1
i 1; ?
t? ths
t3 thd da dha na
f *
TP
pa phs ba bha ma
ST 5T
ya 3 la W3 3
* * *
S3 ha ksa

The spelling conventions call for the borrowed words to be spelt as they are
pronounced in the originating language. Thus borrowed words which contain
retroflex [/, f , 4, 4h] should be spelt as retroflex. However these are pronoun-
ced as alveolar, and often spelt as pronounced. Thus the name of the trucking
company Tata may be spelt as in (4e) or (4f). Also, there seem to be no clear
conventions for spelling English borrowings: the word for 'plate' \plet] is usual-
ly spelt as in (4g) but since it can pronounced with a final retroflex as in Indian
English, it may be spelt with a retroflex as in (4h) (Tomchou Singh 1986: 55).
Borrowed words that have a voiceless aspirated affricate in the original
language are spelt with [ch] as in (4h) but pronounced as [sh] and often spelt
with [sh] as in (4i).
The representation of consonant clusters is illustrated in Tables 1214. Not
all writers utilize complex graphemes in Meithei writing, but represent clusters
as by sequences of the appropriate consonant graphemes.
Table 12. Representation of consonant clusters with /n/
cluster word gloss spelling

/grapheme
tn '5 rstno 'rare stone'

sn / 3 snm 'bathing'
gn sugnu 'a place1

Table 13. Representation of consonant clusters with /w/ and /y/

/grapheme
kw kwak 'crow'
gw gwala 'milkman'
thw mathway 'inheritance'
dw dwari Iiis life' flfi
py pyari 'lover'
bhy obhyas 'practice' WW
dhy dhyan 'wealth'
ky kyamgsy 'a place'
khy sanskhya 'a surname'
gy ^ gyan Icnowledge'
sy syam 'a name'
my myaw 'purring of a cat'
ty I atya 'sky'
ny nyay 'justice'
Dy rjyaw 'purring of cat'
v
jy SIT sazya 'bed' TO

Table 14. Representation of consonant clusters with /r/ and /!/

/grapheme
pr prop 'quickly'
phr / phrerj 'mode of flapping'
br / 3 kabrarj 'silk*
bhr / ^ bhrsm 'forgetfulness'
tr /g trorj trog 'sound of running water'
thr thr si] thrsrf 'sound of kicking' a* m

dr /ff dram 'oil container 1
dhr /f dhr 3 dhrarj 'sound made by drums st< SK
khr lukhra 'a widow' m
gr /S grshs 'planet'
mr Isymram 'name of place' friJIIH
nr / ^ nrisinghs 'incarnation of Vishnu' mPW
sr I ays ram 'a clan name' HfeliJ
jr /S haygar 'knife'
pi /tf plet 'plate'
kl /?F klirj 'a formula' fire
Although there is a great body of Meithei work written in the Bengali script,
difficulties in standardization persist with regard to the indication of tone, the
quality of word final vowels, and the representation of geminate consonants
and consonant clusters. I will briefly review each of these problem areas.

Contradictory transcriptions of tone in otherwise reliable sources arise from

the fact that traditional high and low tone labels refer to falling and rising tone,
respectively. Some writers, such as N. Khelchandra Singh (1964a), transcribe
the initial pitch of a word whereas others, such as Ningthongjam (1986),
transcribe the final pitch of a word. Thus, Khelchandra transcribes the word
'reach' as with a high tone and 'be late' as theq, Ningthongjam (1986)
transcribes these with low and high tone respectively. N. Khelchandra Singh,
however, transcribes the word 'tiger' as ky with a high tone and 'granary' as
kay with a low tone; Ningthongjam transcribes these as low and high tone,
respectively.
A second problem in the spelling of tone is that the conventions require high
tone to be indicated only on phonologically high tone and not phonetic higher
pitch. This convention can sometimes be ignored when intonation or tone
sandhi rules affect underlying tone. For example, Ningthongjam points out
that final vowels in demonstratives and demonstrative adverbs should be spelt
as low tone: masi 'this', dsi 'this', sdu 'that', madu 'that' and asuk 'that much'
but that these sound like a high tone in certain positions. A final problem in
the spelling of tone is the convention, described in Ningthongjam (1986), that
all nominal suffixes be spelt with high tone while prefixes and verbal suffixes be
spelt as low tone. This convention, while allowing for uniformity, takes neither
morphological or phonetic reality into account. For example, as pointed out by
N. Khelchandra Singh, the tone of any suffix -pi, regardless of the meaning
(productive feminine marker, frozen as in feminine forms of names like Tombi
[tombi\ or Chaobi [cawbi], -pi related to the benefactive found in Tibetan, in
such Meithei forms as Iambi 'path' and khubi 'thumb'), must be written with a
low tone vowel even if it is high. A similar problem occurs with verbal suffixes.
Although most are unspecified for tone, the nonhypothetical suffix i- does carry
high tone. Thus there is a contrast between words like cdrammi 'completed
eating (and then came here)' and crammi 'was eating (when (I) went there)'.
This contrast is not indicated in the spelling system.
As noted in Chapter 2, vowels lower in word final position. Thus 9 is real-
ized as a. The spelling system attempts to reflect this fact by stipulating that in
word final position 9 should be written as a, but in nonfinal position should be
a. Thus the same morpheme may have two different spellings: for example,
the dative suffix -td is spelled as [da] in /mdqonddsu/ 'to him also' but as [da] in
/maijonds/ 'to him'. Ningthongjam points out that this rule can be confusing
since it applies only to phonetically lowered vowels. Underlyingly low vowels
always remain low: thus the spelling of 'moon' remains constant in tha 'moon'
and thadd 'to the moon'.
A general problem with clusters is that some writers use complex graphemes
and others represent clusters with the sequences of consonants in the cluster.
Another spelling convention that is not followed is that geminate must be
spelt as a combination of the graphemes in (5a) and (5b). Thus a word like
nuqrjaybd 'to be happy' should be spelt as in (5c); however, it is sometimes also
spelt as in (5d) or (5e).
(5) a.
b.
c. nurjrjayba 'happy'
(L
d. nurjrjayba 'happy'
e. ^SSIM nuggayba 'happy'
(6) is a sample of Meithei written in the Bengali script from a personal nar-
rative by Th. Harimohon Singh.
(6) $ ^flt pfrfl w Kf

ay qaraq imananba amagi luhoyba am a catli
I yesterday my friend of one wedding one went
Yesterday I went to my friend's wedding.
^feTCt TO
luhgbadu swyda site wabagaydani
to that wedding close by not it was far
That wedding was not close by, it was far away.
fe ft
wabagay hybasi imphaldagi km.
was far that from Imphal kilometers
A.
yagkhzy muk catlag a layba maphamni
fifty once for going to be that place is
That faraway place I was going to was fifty kilometers away from
Imphal.

(6) continued
OTT SWt
mapham odudd ay luhorfbosi catpadd
place that I to that wedding to going
Wi m
the q yay hayduna ay rjanna
to find possible thus I early
0AS toqdwo pur) tsro mskhaygi ctle

bus having caught hour ten half of went
It was possible to go and find that place where the wedding was and
caught the bus early, leaving at 10:30.

Appendix IV
Texts
Text one, Soybd 'Mistake', was narrated by Takhelhambam Geetarani Devi. It

is a humorous piece that relates a series of embarrassing exchanges between a
brother-in-law and sister-in-law. The joke has two sides to it. First, the sister-
in-law, Ibetombi, through a series of rash acts (attributable to her relative
youth), mistakes her brother-in-law for her husband and talks to him. This
case of mistaken identity is comical because there is a strict taboo against
brother and sister-in-law communicating and because Ibetombi requests the
man she thinks is her husband to skimp on funds due to the family. Ibetombi
lives in a joint-family where all incoming funds are placed in a common pool
and the eldest male child in the family, in this case Ibetombi's brother-in-law, is
in charge of that common fund. The man that Ibetombi thinks is her husband
is really that brother-in-law.
Text two, Laybzkna temb9 khzthop9 yade 'You can't fight fate', was narrated
by L. Kalachand Singh. In this short story, three self-contained episodes are
strung together, followed by a climax and conclusion. This is a common
structural feature of Meithei stories where the number of episodes may reflect
the socially significant numbers of three or seven.
Text three, amuktaq khmthdkhisi 'Let's think it over just once', is a one-act
play which was broadcast on All India Radio, Imphal in July 1986. It has a
cast of five upper-middle class characters, a father, mother, elder son, younger
son and daughter and is set in front room of the family's house which faces the
East but has a view of the neighbors houses to the north and south. The
dialogue revolves around the plan of a young man to market a textbook that is
ostensibly written by him but is to be plagiarized from various existing
textbooks. His family discusses the economic benefits and ethical issues that
this project raises and in doing so give a view of the current state of education
in Manipur. The play contains many of the features of conversation such as
sentence fragments, complex patterns of subordination and the use of attitude
markers to negotiate social distance and respect. Additionally, the play reflects
the extent of loan words in Meithei which are used in the play to refer to
aspects of the entrepreneurial venture of book selling and to the institutions
(colleges, schools and secretarial positions in government offices) that allow or
encourage the sale of such books.

Mistake
soyba Meitei maca mardktddi

soy -pa Meitei ma -ca ma -lak -ta -ti
mistake -NOM Meitei NM -child NM -type -LOC -DLMT
a mistake Meitei young among them
mdtaygd mmaw nupiga

matay -ka ma -nw nu -pi -ka
husband of elder sister -ASS NM -new person -FEM -ASS
with brother-in-law with the younger sister -in -law
yamnd kind laynzy.

yam -na ki -na lay -na -i
lot -ADV fear -ADV be -RECIP -NHYP
a lot fearfully be with each other
'Among the Methei people the sister-in-law and the brother-in-law live with
many restrictions on the interactions between each other.'
qdqnabadi layradma mztay

qq -na -pa -ti lay -la -tana matay
speak -RECIP -NOM -DLMT be -PERF -BY husband of elder sister
at speaking with by that happening brother-in-law
bada makok khumdrabadi

-pa -ta ma -kok khum -ta -laba -ti
see -NOM -LOC 3P -head cover -NEG -HAVING -DLMT
upon seeing their head not being covered
sirabd kands mvy cakte

si -la -pa kan -ta may cak -ta -e
die -PRO -NOM time -LOC fire burn -NEG -ASRT
when dying that time fire not burn

Mistake 379
hynsy
hy -na -i
say -INST -NHYP
it is said
'If the sister-in-law does not have her head covered when her brother-in-law
sees her it is said that when she dies she will not burn during cremation. This
being so, how could she speak (with him)?'
mmw nupind pukhridd

ma -nw nu -pi -na pukhri -ta
NM -new person -FEM -CNTR pond -LOC
sister-in-law in a pond
imknsrsgd mataynd
i -lk -na -laga matay -na
water -power over -INST -AFTER husband of elder sister-CNTR
when drowning the husband
und-und upay hytdnB

-na -na upay lay -ta na
see -ADV see -ADV means be -NEG INST
upon seeing means not having
yeqdnd lay haynmbdni

yeq -tuna lay -i hyna -li -pa -ni
look -ING be -NHYP discussed -PROG -NOM -COP
looking be it is being said
'It is said that while the sister-in-law is drowning with only the brother-in-law to
see it, there would be no means for her to be saved (since he could not touch
her).'
Ibetombi laysdriqaydd
Ibetombi lay -s -li -gay -ta
Ibetombi goddess -body -PROG -DURING -LOC
Ibetombi while being a virgin
mBm-mma-thkpagi
ma -mit ma -na thak -pa -ki
3P -eye 3P -ear drink -NOM -GEN
drinking it in with eyes and ears

380 Texts
mdrsmdd maphamda phdwraH

ma -Ism -ta ma -pham -ta phw -lak -i
NM -path -LOC NM -place -LOC famous -DISTAL -NHYP
towards at her home was famous
'Ibetombi was famous for being highly spirited while she was single and living
in her father's house.'
nupa mzyumddsu hayphet

nu -pa ma -yum -ta -su hayphet
person -male 3P -house -LOC -ALSO extreme
husband at his house also extremely
msmiq catle
ma -miq cat -la -e
3P -name go -PERF -ASRT
her name was current
'At her husband's house too, she was extremely famous for this.'
sdubu thdwdok khudifjddgi

-tu -pu thaw -thok khudiq -tagi
ATT -ddet -ADVR deed -OUT each -ABL
but event from each
mdtaygi thswdoktiim helli

matay -ki thaw -thok -tuna hen -li
husband of elder sister -GEN deed -OUT -ING more -PROG
of the brother-in-law happening more
phdwbd
phw hy -pa
famous say -NOM
say is more famous
'But compared to all the other incidents the most famous one is the one
between her brother-in-law and her.'
3 ayukta cdk th
-ma a -yk -ta ck thoq -li -gay -ta
day -one ATT -early -LOC food cook -PROG -DURING -LOC
one day at an early hour food while cooking

Mistake 381
Ibetombina khatjnifj-niqsit)la?i
Ibetombi -na khag -nig -nig -sig -lak -i
Ibetombi -CNTR startle -remember -remember -GPL -DISTAL -NHYP
Ibetombi suddenly remembered
mdgi nupagi talab

m -ki nu -pa -ki talab
she -GEN person -male -GEN salary
her husband's salary
phaqba numit qasini

phag -pa numit gasi -ni
get -NOM day today -COP
for getting day today is
O n e day, early in the morning, while she was cooking, Ibetombi suddenly
remembered that this was the day when her husband was getting his salary.'
cdkJchumdagi prsp-pnp thoraâga

ck -khum -t9gi prep prap thok -lak -laga
food -cover -ABL ONMP ONMP out -DISTAL -AFTER
from the kitchen quickly coming out
maqonda phamliba nipaduda

ma -gon -ta pham -li -pa ni -pa -tu -ta
NM -to -LOC place -PROG -NOM person -male -DDET -LOC
to the front room place where sitting to that man
hdyruy horel talab phaqlaga

hay -lu -i horen talab phag -laga
say -ADIR - later today salary get -AFTER
came and said later today salary after getting
itaykhoygi paysa
itay -khoy -ki paysa
my brother-in-law -hpl -GEN money
of our brother-in-law money
sitjdriqayda aygi
sig -ta -li -gay -ta ay -ki
render -NES -PROG -DURING -LOC I -GEN
upon rendering my

382 Texts
phidu hnns teyhzwdoyniko

phi -tu hn -na lay -haw -toy -ni -ko
cloth -DDET first -INST buy -START -OBLG -COP -TAG
that cloth first first intend to buy, O.K.?
'Coming out quickly from the kitchen she said to the man sitting in the front
room, "Later on today, when you receive your pay, before you contribute your
share to your brother-in-law and company, (let me have some money), I would
like to buy some cloth for myself, O.K.?"'
mdsi hdyrigz manktd

m3 -si hay -laga ma -nk -ta
NM -pdet say -AFTER 3P -near -LOC
this having done nearby
phamldy
pham -la -i
place -PERF -NHYP
sat down
'Having said this, she sat down nearby.'
ddubu yeqlubxlsdi
a -tu -pu yeq -lu -pa -ta -ti
ATT -ddet -ADVR look -ADIR -NOM -LOC -DLMT
but upon looking
mdgi nupa oyramdre

m -ki nu -pa oy -lam -ta -la -e
she -GEN person -male be -EVD -NEG -PERF -ASRT
her husband was not
mdtdydu oyrdmme
matay -tu oy -lam -e
husband of elder sister -DDET be -EVD -ASRT
that brother-in-law's was
'But when she looked, it wasn't her husband, it was her brother-in-law!'
mddudd ikaymankhidund mahdknd

ma -tu -ta ikay -man -khi -tna ma -hak -na
NM -ddet -LOC shame -excess -still -ING NM -here -CNTR
upon this becoming exceedingly embarrassed she

Mistake 383
maniqthoqlomda thordkH
ma - -thoq -lom -ta thok -lak -i
NM -back -door -APX -LOC out -DISTAL -NHYP
at the back door went out
'Becoming very embarrassed by this, she went out through the back door.'
mdsida ikaydsna manfythoijd?

ma -si -ta ikay -tana ma - -thoq-ta
NM -pdet -LOC shame -BY NM -back -door-LOC
regarding this being embarassed at the back door
thordkpd matayduds
thok -lak -pa matay -tu -ta
out -DISTAL -NOM husband of elder sister -DDET -LOC
coming out to that brother-in-law
amuk thetjnarure
a -muk theqna -lu -la -e
ATT -once meet -ADIR -PERF -ASRT
once meet
'Because of this incident, the brother-in-law (too) felt embarrassed and he also
came out the back door and they met again!'
kh^boy-kdriboy magi nupani

khaq -poy kari -poy m -ki nu -pa -ni
startle -wander what -wander she -GEN person -male -COP
a little bit startled her is husband
khanduna aydi inthokpa thabak ams

khan -tuna ay -ti in -thok -pa thabak a -ma
think -ING I -DLMT follow -OUT -NOM work ATT -one
thinking I following out job a
tawrure itdydd ntjni

taw -lu -la -e itay -ta naq -ni
do -ADIR -PERF -ASRT my brother-in-law -LOC you -COP
have done to our brother-in-law you

384 Texts
haydund tdteb nfyrure hyrdtf

hy -tna talab nig -lu -la -e hay -lak -i
say -ING salary wish -ADIR -PERF -ASRT say -DISTAL-NHYP
thus salary desire said
'Suddenly she saw a man and she was surprised. Again she thought that it was
her husband and so she said, "I've done something terrible, I thought my
brother-in-law was you and I asked him for a share of his salary."'

You can't fight fate
thyna mamdqqayda niqthaw ama

thy -na ma -mag -gay -ta niqthaw a -ma
long -ADV nm -before -DURING -LOC king ATT -one
long during king a
layrdmmi
lay -lam -i
be -EVD -NHYP
lived
long time ago there was a king.'
niqthaw adugi mamitj dsi

niqthaw a -tu -ki ma -miq a -si
king ATT -ddet -GEN NM -name ATT -pdet
king of that name this
laybak khaqqi cawbs maharaja hayriB

lay -pak khaq -i caw -pa maharaja hy -na
land -broad know -NHYP big -NOM king say -INST
country knows big king that
'That king was known in the country as "the great king".'
hdyriba hybak cawba maharaja asi

hy -li -pa lay -pak caw -pa maharaja a -si
say -PROG -NOM land -broad big -NOM king ATT -pdet
which saying country big king this
mahdkki thabak karino hdybada niqthaw

ma -hak -ki thabak kari -no hy -pa -ta niqthaw
3P -here -GEN work what -INQ say -NOM -LOC king
his work what is it according to king
oybada nsPana jotisipanjigi

oy -pa -ta natta -na jotisipanji -ki
be -NOM -LOC not -ADV astrologer -GEN
at being not of an astrologer

386 Texts
thabaksu pammi
thabak -su pam -i
work -ALSO like -NHYP
work also likes
This great king of the country, what did he do: not only did he do the work of
a king but he was also a reader of horoscopes.'
maram aduna niqthw asina

ma -lam a -tu -na niqthaw a -si -na
NM -path ATT -ddet -INST king ATT -pdet -CNTR
reason for this king this
migi khubdk mayi

mi -ki khut -pak ma -yi
man -GEN hand -broad NM -line
of man palm lines
yetjba kuthi yeqba

yei) -pa kuthi yeij -pa
look -NOM horoscope look -NOM
to look horoscope to look
asinasiqba bhaygyagi laybakna

a -si -na siq -pa bhaygya -ki lay -pak -na
ATT -pdet -INST GPL -NOM fate -GEN god -suit -CNTR
etc. of fate by fate
tambagi marisi mahdk

tam -pa -ki ma -li -si ma -hak
learn -NOM -GEN NM -concerning -PDET 3P -here
of which already decided concerning this he
bidyasi tammi
bidya -si tam -i
knowledge -PDET learn -NHYP
this knowledge learnt
'For this reason, this king was knowledgeable about reading people's palms and
horoscopes, etc., about fate, about the future, he had acquired knowledge
about these things.'

You can't fight fate 387
dsum hyna tammaba nifyhaw asina

9 -sum hay -n9 t9m -lsba niqthw 9 -si -9
ATT -so say -INST learn -HAVING king ATT -pdet -CNIR
thus that having learnt king this
mahdkki imu^manuqgi nupi

ms -hak -ki i -muq mg -nuq -ki nu -pi
3P -here -GEN IP -in NM -in -GEN person -FEM
his of household wife
9 asigi phanartabada yeyji

9qaq 9 -si -ki phns -nba -t9 yeq -i
child ATT -pdet -GEN fortune -IN ORDER TO -LOC look -NHYP
children these of his for prosperity looked
'This knowledgeable king only told the fortunes of prosperous people such as
his family members.'
prajagidi ma yeqquba yde

preja -ki -ti m yeq -lu -p9 y -t9 -e
people -GEN -DLMT he look -ADIR -NOM agree -NEG -ASRT
of the public he to look at not able
ipt ama hydma

ij9t 9 -ma mq -kg -ni hay -tan9
respect ATT -one lose -POT -COP say -BY
honor a will lose by saying so then
'He did not read the horoscopes of the general public since he did not want
them to lose respect for him.'
/jmadi kamdawri mahdkki

noq -m9 -ti k9r9m -t9w -Ii ma -hak -ki
day -one -DLMT how -do -PROG 3P -here -GEN
one day how was doing his
juwan ama lay

juwari 9 -ma l9y -i
gambler ATT -one is -NHYP
gambler a be
O n e day it happened that there was a gambler in the king's court.'

388 Texts
juwari asi maraybak thire

juwari 3 -si ms -lay -psk thi -Is -e
gambler ATT -pdet 3P -god -suit ugly -PERF -ASRT
gambler this his fate was bad
'This gambler was unfortunate.'
lnda makhoq asi soktana

ln -ts ma -khoq s -si sok -tans
war -LOC 3P -leg ATT -pdet injure -BY
in war his leg this by injuring
makhofj sektma lay

ms -khoq sek -tans lsy -i
3P -leg limp -BY be -NHYP
his leg having made lame was
'During a war he injured his foot and now he walks with a limp.'
juwari asigi maraybakta

juwari s -si -ki ms -lay -psk -ts
gambler ATT -pdet -GEN 3P -god -suit -LOC
gambler of this to his fortune
layrib9 mayi adu

lsy -Ii -ps ms -yi s -tu
be -PROG -NOM NM -line ATT -ddet
which was lines those
nitjthaw asina yerjbada

niqthsw s -si -ns yeq -ps -ts
king ATT -PDET -CNTR look -NOM -LOC
king this upon looking
onthokna maraybak
on -thok -ns ms -lay -psk
measure -OUT -ADV 3P -god -suit
extreme amount his fate

thins tammi
thi -na tam -i
ugly -ADV learn -NHYP
unfortunately learnt
'When the king saw this gambler and his situation, he understood that the
gambler's fate was a very bad one.'
mddu ubada nirjthswnd khslli

ma -tu -pa -ta niqthaw -na khan -li
NM -ddet see -NOM -LOC king -CNTR think -PROG
upon that seeing king thinking
aygumbs nityhaw ama

ay -kum -pa niqthaw a -ma
I -LIKE -NOM king ATT -one
like me king a
layriqqzydd sygi inayns

lay -li -qay -ta ay -ki i -nay -na
be -PROG -DURING -LOC I -GEN IP -servant -CNTR
at the time of being my my servant
n^basi
nag -pasi nuqqay -ta -e
poor -DCOMP happy -NEG -ASRT
that being poor not happy
'Seeing that the king thought, "Here I am as king, it is really unfortunate
that I have a such an unhappy subject."'
layna ijambara aytiB

lay -na qam -pa -la ay -na
god -CNTR possible -NOM -INT I -CNTR
it is god will (he) make it I
mbsra yetjge
qam -pa -la yei] -ke
possible -NOM -INT look -OPT
will (I) make it I'd like to see
"Will the gods have the upper hand or will I, let's see."

390 Texts
hawjik namduns nuqrjayhange hayna

hawjik nam -tuns nuggay -han -ke hay -na
now press -ING happy -CAUS -OPT say -INST
now by force will make him happy that
khslladmd qasay khorjsekpadu

khan -la -tana qasay khoq -sek -pa -tu
think -PERF -BY previous leg -limp -NOM -DDET
thinking that previous that lame one
adubu kawsslle hdyrsgd

a -tu -pu kaw -sin -la -e hay -laga
ATT -ddet -ADVR call -IN -PERF -ASRT say -AFTER
but called in having done
mdgi manakte hyhdlli

m -ki ma -nk -ta lay -han -li
he -GEN NM -near -LOC be -CAUS -PROG
his nearby causing to be
ddugd lonns cithi

a -tu -ka Ion -na cithi
ATT -ddet -ASS close -ADV letter
additionally secretly letter
dmakhdk
a -ma -khak i -i
ATT -one -UPTO write -NHYP
only one write
'Thinking, "Wouldn't it be great if I could make him rich right now", he
summoned the lame man and made him stand nearby while he secretively
wrote a letter.'
cithidu envdlop 99
cithi -tu envalop ma -nuij -tu -ta i -I
letter -DDET envelope NM -in -DDET -LOC write -NHYP

that letter envelope inside write
kdri hdybs tejurur cstkhribs

kari hay -pa i -i tejurur cat -khi -li -pa
what say -NOM write -NHYP treasurer go -STILL -PROG -NOM
what that saying write treasurer one who has already come
nupa 9dudd mna hek

nu -pa a -tu -ts m -9 hek
person -male ATT -ddet -LOC he -CNTR pluck
man that he just
pubs sen mdkhzy

pu -pa qam -p 9 sen ma -khay
bring -NOM possible -NOM money NM -extreme
to bring being able money largest amount
pikho konns hisap

pi -khi -o kon -n9 hisap
give -STILL -SOLCT later -ADV account
won't you give afterward account
tawndsi hyddna nityhdwdund soy

t9w -9 -si hy -t9n9 niqthaw -tu -ns soy
do -RECIP -SUP say -BY king -DDET -CNTR signature
let's do by saying so the king signature
tswrags envslop mmutjdada

t9W -l9g9 envglop m9 -nuq -t9 -t9
do -AFTER envelope NM -in -LOC -EX
after doing envelope just in
hdpcille hayrdga nipa

hp -sin -19 -e hy -l9g9 ni -pa
put -IN -PERF -ASRT say -AFTER person -male
put in having done man
khoqsekpa ddudd pi
khoq -sek -p9 9 -tu -t9 pi -NHYP
leg -limp -NOM ATT -ddet -LOC give -i
lame one that gave
'In the letter that was inside the envelope he wrote thus: 'Treasurer, give the
person who comes to you with this letter as much money as he can take with
him and later on we can settle the account", then he signed the letter and put
the letter in the envelope, which he then gave to the cripple.'

392 Texts
Cdtlu khoysekpa trepri

cat -lu khoq -sek -pa trepri
go -ADIR leg -limp -NOM treasury
go! lame one treasury
ofis tmna cdtlu cithisi

ofis tan -na go -ADIR cithi -si
office quick -ADV est -lu letter -PDET
office without delay go! this letter
trejururda piyu ddugd naij la?u

trejurar -ta pi -u a -tu -ka naq lak -u
treasurer -LOC give -IMP ATT -ddet -ASS you come -IMP
to the treasurer give! additionally you come!
hdydma cithidu pikhare

hay -tana cithi -tu pi -khi -la -e
say -BY letter -DDET give -STILL -PERF -ASRT
by saying so then that letter gave
'(He said to him), "Go, cripple, go to the treasure's office and give this letter to
the treasurer and then come back," saying this he gave the letter to the man.'
cithidu pudana catkhibaduda

cithi -tu pu -tana cat -khi -pa -tu -ta
letter -DDET bring -BY go -STILL -NOM -DDET -LOC
that letter bringing the one going
magi masddadi Idyraw

m -ki ma -s -ta -ti layraw
he -GEN NM -body -LOC -DLMT poor
his himself poor
hdydm3 tdmbanina
hay -tana tam -pa -ni -na
say -BY learn -NOM -COP -INST
by that because of deciding
numil ado trepri cfybada yamna

numit a -tu trejari caq -pa -ta yam -na
day ATT -ddet treasury enter -NOM -LOC lot -ADV
day that treasury upon entering a lot

khudoqthiradana camprasi aduna

khut -thoq -thi -la -tang camprasi 9 -tu -na
hand -door -ugly -PERF -BY camprasi ATT -ddet -CNTR
on account of it being difficult to enter peon that
cfyhandare
caq -han -ta -la -e
enter -CAUS -NEG -PERF -ASRT
caused to not enter
'When he went, taking the letter with him, in keeping with his bad luck it was
very difficult for him to get into the treasury that day; the gatekeeper would
not let him enter.'
dolaypdbana kari hdyna

dolay -p -pa -na kari hay -na
chariot -opposite to -NOM -CNTR what say -INST
gate keeper what that
cithi asu foray aykhoy

cithi a -su karay ay -khoy
letter ATT -ALSO carry I -hpl
letter that too carry we
pusinbige hdydana
pu -sin -pi -ka -e hay -tana
bring -IN -REC -ASS -ASRT say -BY
to bring in for you by saying so then
dolaypab ana
dolay -p -pa -na
chariot -opposite to -NOM -CNTR
gate keeper
pabagi makhutta pi/chare

pa -pa -ki ma -khut -ta pi -khi -la -e
read -NOM -GEN 3P -hand -LOC give -STILL -PERF -ASRT
for reading to his hand gave
'The gate keeper said, "I will deliver the letter myself', and so he turned over
the letter to the gatekeeper.'

394 Texts
dolaypabado aduna
dolay -p -pa -na a -tu -na
chariot -opposite to -NOM -CNTR ATT -ddet -INST
that gate keeper then
caysenpannmbd
cay -sen panna -li -pa
scatter -money oversee -PROG -NOM
the one who is the treasurer
pukaypannariba
-kay panna -li -pa
borrow -shame oversee -PROG -NOM
the one who oversees the lending of money
Selluijbaduda cithidu pirity

Selluq -pa -tu -ta cithi -tu pi -lu -i
Selluq -NOM -DDET -LOC letter -DDET give -ADIR -NHYP
to Sellung that letter gave
'Then that gatekeeper gave the letter to the treasurer whose name was
Sellung.'
cithi ado parubaduda

cithi s -tu pa -lu -padu -ta
letter ATT -ddet read -ADIR -DCOMP -LOC
letter that there upon that reading
sen pannaba nupa aduna

money panna -pa nu -pa a -tu -na
money oversee -NOM person -male ATT -ddet -CNTR
money the one who oversee man that
nupa aduna cithi purakiba

nu -pa a -tu -na cithi pu -lak -li -pa
person -male ATT -ddet -CNTR letter bring -DISTAL -PROG -NCM
man that letter bringing
nupa aduda sen

nu -pa a -tu -ta sen
person -male ATT -ddet -LOC money
man that money

pVcho hdybdnins
pi -khi -o hay -pa -ni -na
give -STILL -SOLCT say -NOM -COP -INST
won't you give because it said
maraybsk phabd dolaypabddo

ma -lay -pak pha -pa dolay -p -pa -na
3P -god -suit good -NOM chariot -opposite to -NOM -CNTR
his fortune good that gate keeper
zduda sen pikhdre mns

a -tu -ta sen pi -khi -la -e m -na
att -ddet -LOC money give -STILL -PERF -ASRT he -CNTR
that money gave he
pub9 tjambd mzkhdy

pu -pa qam -pa ma -khay
bring -NOM possible -NOM NM -extreme
bring being able largest amount
O n reading the letter, the treasurer followed the instructions in it and gave the
man that carried the letter, the fortunate gate keeper, all the money that he
could carry.'
kh oqsekpz adunz cithi

khoq -sek -pa a -tu -na cithi
leg -limp -NOM att -ddet -CNTR letter
lame one that letter
thjmnamjga konuq tanna

tham -lam -laga kon -uq tan -na
kept -EVD -AFTER place -circular prompt -ADV
after keeping palace without delay
hankhi
han -khi -i
return -STILL -NHYP
returned
'After having delivered the letter in this way the cripple returned to the
palace.'

396 Texts
pdw dsi niqthswnd taradma

paw a -si niqthaw -na ta -la -tans
news att -pdet king -CNTR fall -PERF -BY
news this king having fallen
mi fonamdta hydokte
mi kana -ma -ta hy -thok -ta -e
man who -one -NEG say -OUT -NEG -ASRT
man no one did not disclose
O n hearing this news, the ki: disclosed it to nobody.'
nuyijaytare
nuqqay -ta -la -e
happy -NEG -PERF -ASRT
not happy
'The king felt very sad.'
nirjthdwse hy hym hybada dmuk

niqthaw -se hy hy -na hy -pa -ta a -muk
king -PDET say say -INST say -NOM-LOC ATT -once
this king say that according to once
soybasidi hdtiddkti
soy -pa -si -ti han -thak -ti
mistake -NOM -PDET -DLMT return -UP -DLMT
this mistake once again
aygi yumlonn^ba niqthaw 9sids

ay -ki yum -Ion -na -pa niqthaw a -si -ta
I -GEN house -close -ADV -NOM king ATT -pdet -LOC
my those neighboring king to that
cithi amd pirdgB yumlonnaba

cithi a -ma pi -laga yum -Ion -na -pa
letter ATT -one give -AFTER house -close -ADV -NOM
letter a giving those neighboring

niqthdwdudi kanana oyri

niqthaw -tu -ti kanana oy -li
king -DDET -DLMT who be -PROG
that king who is
'The king said, "Having made a mistake once, I will again send a letter to the
king who is my neighbor and decide who the (other) neighboring king will be.'
magi maca nupa niqthawsigi

m -ki ma -c nu -pa niqthaw -si -ki
he -GEN NM -child person -male king -PDET -GEN
his young son of this king
maca nupa jubrajana nitjthaw

ms -c nu -pa jubraja -na niqthaw
NM -child person -male prince -CNTR king
young child prince king
hdpkhibani macd nupa

hp -khi -pa -ni ma -c nu -pa
put -STILL -NOM -COP 3P -child person -male
have him placed young son
jubrajaduna nityhaw oykharabd

jubraja -tu -na niqthaw oy -khi -laba
prince -DDET -CNTR king be -STILL -HAVING
that price king still being
lam adudd mdna niqthaw

lam a -tu -ta m -na niqthaw
path ATT -ddet -LOC he -CNTR king
country that he king
asina se ama hukum ama

a -si -na ce a -ma hukum a -ma
ATT -pdet -CNTR paper ATT -one command ATT -one
this note a command this
ire kari hayna catlu kanano

i -la -e kari hy -na cat -lu kana -no
write -PERF -ASRT what say -INST go -ADIR who -INQ
wrote what that go! who is it

398 Texts
khfjsekpa \3 ctlu
khoq -sek -pa nag cat -lu
leg -limp -NOM you go -ADIR
lame one you go!
'That neighboring country was administered by his son, the prince. To the
prince, the king wrote a letter with a command. The king looked around for
someone to deliver the letter and settled on the cripple, saying to him,
"Cripple, you go to my son the king."'
aygi icd nupa mdharaj ddo

ay -ki i -c nu -pa maharaj a -tu
I -GEN IP -child person -male king ATT -ddet
my my child son king that
ddud.9 cithise makhutn? pirsmmu

a -tu -ta cithi -se ma -khut -na pi -lam -u
ATT -ddet -LOC letter -PDET 3P -hand -INST give -EVD -IMP
then this letter by hand give!
"'Hand deliver this letter to my son."'
cithi mmutjds iribddi kdri hayna

cithi ma -nuq -ta i -li -pa -ti kari hay -na
letter NM -in -LOC write -PROG -NOM -DLMT what say -INST
letter inside being written what that
cdtkhnb3
i -i cat -khi -li -pa
write -NHYP go -STILL -PROG -NOM
write one who has already come
nupado madu
nu -pa -tu ma -tu
person -male -DDET NM -ddet
that man that
ri9f]gi foybak sdudd manfri mskok

naq -ki lay -pak a -tu -ta mantri ma -kok
you -GEN land -broad ATT -ddet -LOC minister NM -head
your land that minister their head

hdpcillo ddugd dygi

hp -sin -la -o 9 -tu -ka 9y -ki i -c
put -IN -PRO -SOLCT ATT -ddet -ASS I -GEN IP -child
won't you place additionally my my child
nupi ama hybzdo mdtjondB

nu -pi a -ma lay -padu ma - -ta
person -FEM ATT -one be -DCOMP 3P -to -LOC
female one that is to him
bibahtermd tawro haynd i

bibahkarma taw -la -o hay -na -
marriage do -PERF -SOLCT say -INST write -NHYP
marriage won't you do that wrote
'Here's what was written inside the letter: make the man who has come to you
the chief minister of your land and then give my daughter that is living there in
marriage to him.'
nipa asi cdtkhare

ni -pa a -si cat -khi -la -e
person -male ATT -pdet go -STILL -PERF -ASRT
man this went
cithi 9si pudam

cithi a -si pu -tana
letter ATT -pdet bring -BY
letter this bringing
"This man left with the letter.'
numithumni cqtji
numit -hum -ni cag -i
day -three -COP enter -NHYP
day being three entered
'The third day arrived.'
hybk zdu ywrsgd mahdkna

lay -pk a -tu yw -laga ma -hak -na
land -broad ATT -ddet participate -AFTER 3P -here -CNTR
country that after reaching he

400 Texts
konfj yawdriqaykanda
kon - yw -ta -li -gay kan -t9
place -circular participate -NEG -PROG -DURING time -LOC
palace at the time of participating
mahkki kuyraba marup ama

ms -hak -ki kuy -laba marup a -ma
3P -here -GEN long past -HAVING friend ATT -one
his of long ago friend a
layrik tamminnaramba theqnare

layrik tarn -min -na -Ism -pa theqna -la -e
book learn -together -RECIP -EVD -NOM meet -PERF -ASRT
book who studied together met
'When he was on his way to the palace, he met a long time buddy of his that
he had gone to school with.'
mada nuqqayradana marup adugi

ma -tu -t9 nuqqay -Is -tans marup s -tu -ki
NM -ddet -LOC happy -PERF -BY friend ATT -ddet -GEN
because of that being unhappy friend of that
mugda cddana thdktana laythoke

i -mug -ta c -tana thak -tans lay -thok -la -e
IP -in -LOC eat -BY drink -BY be -OUT -PERF -ASRT
in the house eating drinking was
'Since they were happy to see each other, the cripple went to his friend's house
to eat and drink.'
marup adudi kari oyramme hayriba

marup a -tu -ti kari oy -lam -e hy -li -pa
friend ATT -ddet -DLMT what be -EVD -ASRT say -PROG -NOM
friend that what was which saying
niqthawdugi praybet seketari hawjikki

niqthaw -tu -ki praybet seketari hawjik -ki
king -DDET -GEN private secretary now -GEN
of that king private secretary of now

You can't fight fate
marondd hyragd nityhawgi hdkthatj

ma -Ion -ta hay -laga niqthaw -ki hak -thai]
NM -language -LOC say -AFTER king -GEN here -help
in language having done of the king confidant
hydu oyrsmme adudd mans

hy -tu oy -lam -e a -tu -ta ma -na
say -DDET be -EVD -ASRT ATT -ddet -LOC he -CNTR
that was that he
wdradsna dydi /lOZ/JM

w -la -tana ay -ti khor) -su
worry -PERF -BY I -DLMT leg -ALSO
being tired I (in spite of others) leg also
sek?i marupns
sek -i marup -na kon -uq
limp -NHYP friend -CNTR place -circular
made lame that friend palace
kabdnind cithise msharajdd

ka -pa -ni -na cithi -se maharaj -ta
attend -NOM -COP -INST letter -PDET king -LOC
because going this letter to the king
kdtpiyu hdydana cithidu

kat -pi -u hy -tana cithi -tu
offer -REC -IMP say -BY letter -DDET
please offer by saying so then that letter
marupki khutthdqda pikhibsdsgi

marp -ki khut -thq -ta pi -khi -pa -tagi
friend -GEN hand -transport -LOC give -STILL -NOM -ABL
of the friend in hand delivered from giving
mshkna maja-ibemasu
ma -hak -na maha i -bema -su
3P -here -CNTR big IP-female addressee -ALSO
he her royal highness also

402 Texts
phaqhdwdre phbd maruptuna

phaq -haw -ta -la -e pha -pa marup -tu -na
get -start -NEG -PERF -ASRT good -NOM friend -DDET -CNTR
could not meet be good that friend
mantri phamdusu oythokkhsre

mantri pham -tu -su oy -thok -khi -la -e
minister place -DDET -ALSO be -OUT -STILL -PERF -ASRT
minister also there placed was
msja-ibemasu luhoq
maha i -bema -su lu -hog
big IP -female addressee -ALSO head -initiate
her royal highness marriage
lawthokJchare
law -thok -khi -la -e
take -OUT -STILL -PERF -ASRT
took out
'What was the profession of that friend: he was, as it is called in today's
language, the private secretary of the king, his first in command. Being tired
the cripple said, "I am lame, friend, you work in the palace so you give this
letter to the king", so saying he gave the letter to his friend as an intermediary
and because of this lame man did not get the princess or the post of chief
minister. (Instead) his friend got the post of chief minister and married the
princess.'
mahdkna arembada numithumni

ma -hak -na a -lem -pa -ta numit -hum -ni
3P -here -CNTR ATT -remainder -NOM -LOC day -three -COP
he what remained being three days spent
na amuk maraybdkta hallaki

caq -na a -muk ma -lay -pk -ta han -lak -i
enter -INST ATT -once 3P -land -broad -LOC return -DISTAL -NHYP
by entering once to his country returned
Then the cripple came back to his country taking approximately three days to
journey back again.'

asum tawdana nipa mar ay b 0k

a -sum taw -tans ni -pa ma -lay -pak
ATT -so do -BY person -male 3P -god -suit
thus so doing man his fate
thibase niijthawna khudoq-cdba

thi -pase niqthaw -na khut -thoq c -pa
ugly -DCOMP king -CNTR hand -door eat -NOM
that being ugly king opportunity
anirak lonna lonna cithi

a -ni -lak Ion -na Ion -na cithi
ATT -two -DISTAL close -ADV close -ADV letter
twice secretly secretly letter
idana piraba phawbada lay

i -tana pi -laba phw -pa -ta lay
write -BY give -HAVING even though -NOM -LOC god
writing having given at even that god
caykhetpi ado haybado maduna

cay -khet -pi a -tu hy -pa -tu ma -tu -na
abuse -cut -FEM ATT -ddet say -NOM -DDET NM -ddet -INST
goddess who destroy that there because of that that
khattoktana masi nuqayba phaqde

khat -thok -tana ma -si nuqay -pa phaq -ta -e
fight -OUT -BY NM -pdet happy -NOM get -NEG -ASRT
by fighting that being happy did not get
'In this manner, even though the cripple was given two letters written very
secretly by the king, because of the influence of the goddess of destruction he
could not find happiness.'
mamaydadi nitjthawna sawre

ma -may -ta -ti niqthaw -na saw -la -e
NM -tail -LOC -DLMT king -CNTR angry -PERF -ASRT
in the end king became angry
'At last the king got angry.'

404 Texts
masi aphaba thabaktadi ydde

ma -si a -pha -pa thabak -ta -ti y -ta -e
NM -pdet ATT -good -NOM work -EX -DLMT agree -NEG -ASRT
this good just this work not able
phataba thabaktadi cumbara

pha -ta -pa thabak -ta -ti cum -pa -la
good -NEG -NOM work -EX -DLMT right -NOM -INT
wrong just this work will it work
yeijge hdydana lonna cithi ama

ye -ke hay -tana Ion -na cithi a -ma
look -OPT say -BY close -ADV letter ATT -one
like to see by saying so then secretly letter a
iraga jelgi jelarbabuda hay babu

i -laga jel -ki jelar -babu -ta hay babu
write -AFTER jail -GEN warden -sir -LOC say sir
after writing to the jail the warden say sir
catkhriba nupa adu rajbidrohini

cat -khi -li -pa nu -pa a -tu rajbidrohi -ni
go -STILL -PROG -NOM person -male ATT -ddet traitor -COP
one who has already come man that being a traitor
maram aduna mahdkpu

ma -lam a -tu -na ma -hak -pu
NM -path ATT -ddet -INST 3P -here -INSTR
reason for this him
tha taruk jel piyu aduga magi

tha taruk jel pi -u a -tu -ka m -ki
month six jail give -IMP ATT -ddet -ASS he -GEN
month six jail give! additionally his
mdgi ma^da licay

m -ki ma -tuq -ta li -cay
he -GEN NM -behind -LOC string -stick
his behind whip

yaijkhay phti hynd ire

yaq -khay phu -u hay -na i -Is -e
hundred -cut beat -IMP say -INST write -PERF -ASRT
fifty beat! that wrote
'Thinking, "Since is not possible to do good things for this man, I'd like to find
out if I can do bad things to him", so he secretly wrote a letter to the jail
keeper in which he said, "Since the man who has come to you is a traitor to his
country, give him a jail sentence of six months and before that give him fifty
lashes."'
cithi adu puna catkhiba

cithi a -tu pu -na est -khi -pa
letter ATT -ddet bring -INST go -STILL -NOM
letter that bringing going
matamda mahaksi thawna yamna

ma -tam -ta ms -hak -si thawna yam -na
NM -time -LOC 3P -here -PDET courage lot -ADV
at that time his courage a lot
phay jelda caqbada

/
pha -i jel -ta esq -pa -ta
good -NHYP jail -LOC enter -NOM -LOC
is good at the jail upon entering
'When the cripple was carrying the letter and entering the jail his courage was
really up.'
jelgi wardarsiq layriba

jel -ki wardar -siq lay -li -pa
jail -GEN warden -GPL be -PROG -NOM
the jail wardens which was being
acawbasiyduna khannay
a -caw -pa -siq -tu -na khanna -i
ATT -big -NOM -GPL -DDET -CNTR discuss -NHYP
big discussed
nupasina purakpa
nu -pa -si -na pu -lak -pa
person -male -PDET -CNTR bring -DISTAL -NOM
this man bringing

406 Texts
cithise yamna laybak

cithi -se yam -na lay -pak
letter -PDET lot -ADV god -suit
this letter a lot fate
phaba tjakta irakpani

pha -pa qak -ta i -lak -pa -ni
good -NOM all -LOC write -DISTAL -NOM -COP
be good everything written
maharajana mdbu kihalle

maharaja -na m -pu ki -han -la -e
king -CNTR he -ADVR fear -CAUS -PRO -ASRT
the king him cause to be afraid
hyragd cithisi makhuPagi

hay -lags cithi -si ma -khut -tagi
say -AFTER letter -PDET 3P -hand -ABL
having done this letter from his hand
mullaga aykhoyna jehrbabuda

mun -laga ay -khoy -na jelar -babu -ta
snatch -AFTER I -hpl -CNTR warden -sir -LOC
having snatched we to wardens
pibana phagani hdydana

pi -pa -na pha -ka -ni hay -tana
give -NOM -INST good -POT -COP say -BY
by giving will be good by saying so then
wardarsty aduna magi

wardar -siq a -tu -na m -ki
warden -GPL ATT -ddet -CNTR he -GEN
wardens those his
khulaygaga pdydana mdbu

khut -lay -ka -ga pay -tana m -pu
hand -easy -ASS -with hold -BY he -ADVR
with weapon holding him

caqfiBlloyddbdgi lakndy
caq -han -loy -ta -pa -ki lk -na -!
enter -CAUS -NPOT -NEG -NOM -GEN dominance -RECIP -NHYP
will cause to not enter together held power over
'The head guards began a discussion saying, "All the letters brought by this
man are very fortunate and written by the king. Let us threaten him and
snatch the letter from his hands. Then all of us can give the letter to the head
jailor, this will be best", and then each of them picked up a weapon and
stopped the cripple from entering.'
num.it sdudd nupa adugi

numit a -tu -ta nu -pa a -tu -ki
day ATT -ddet -LOC person -male ATT -ddet -GEN
day on that man of that
mathswnads dsukki dsukki

ma -thawna -ta a -suk -ki a -suk -ki
NM -courage -EX ATT -all -GEN ATT -all -GEN
courage of all of all
mdtik phdkhsre hdy nitjthswgi

ma -tik pha -khi -la -e hay niqthaw -ki
NM -fit good -STILL -PERF -ASRT say king -GEN
compatible was already strong say of the king
ythaij m9tutj inns ayna cithi

y -thaq ma -tuq in -na ay -na cithi
agree -help NM -behind follow -INST I -CNTR letter
command behind following I letter
purkpad9 mkhoynd thiqbsgi

pu -lak -pa -ta na -khoy -na thiq -pa -ki
bring -DISTAL -NOM -LOC 2P -hpl -CNTR bar -NOM -GEN
upon bringing you all for preventing
ndtik laybdra thado?u

na -tik lay -pa -la thoq th -thok -u
2P -fit be -NOM -INT door give up -OUT -IMP
your right will it be door don't bar!

408 Texts
hydana lawdma mayam asi

hy -tang law -tana ma -yam a -si
say -BY shout -BY NM -lot ATT -pdet
by saying so then by shouting all of them
kidmd handokkhsre
ki -tana han -thok -khi -la -e
fear -BY return -OUT -STILL -PERF -ASRT
by fearing returned
O n that day the cripple felt so very very brave that he shouted this, "Hey, do
you have any right to bar me from entering since I've brought this letter by the
order of the king, get out of my way," and all of them, feeling fear, moved
back.'
masdmakna jelarbabuda
ma -s -mak -na caq -laga jelar -babu -ta
3P -body -each -CNTR enter -AFTER warden -sir -LOC
by himself after entering to wardens
cithi asi khutthdfj tawdare

cithi a -si khut -thq taw -ta -la -e
letter ATT -pdet hand -transport do -NEG -PERF -ASRT
letter this hand delivered did not do to
makhuPa hekta pire

ma -khut -ta hek -ta pi -la -e
3P -hand -LOC pluck -LOC give -PERF -ASRT
his hand with no other stipulation gave
'So he entered by himself and did not have the letter delivered by somone else,
he delivered the letter himself to the head jailor.'
jelarbabuduna phdktoktana
jelar -babu -tu -na phk -thok -tana
warden -sir -DDET -CNTR open -OUT -BY
head warden by opening at the
yeqqubakanda rajbidrohini
yeq -lu -pa kan -ta rajbidrohi -m
look -ADIR-NOM time -LOC traitor -COP
time of looking away being a traitor

matuqda cay yaijkhay phuraga tha taruk

ma -tuq -ta cay yaq -khay ph -laga tha taruk
3P -behind -LOC stick hundred -cut beat -AFTER month six
behind stick fifty having beaten month six
jel piyu hdydana irdmme

jel pi -u hy -tana i -lam -e
jail give -IMP say -BY write -EVD -ASRT
jail give! by saying so then was written
ythfydo
y -thaq -tu
agree -help -DDET
command
"The jailor opened the letter and read the order of the king which said, "He is
a traitor, after giving him fifty lashes on his back, send him to the jail for six
months."'
jelama iydmba naqgi

jelar -na iym -pa naq -ki
warden -CNTR elder brother -NOM you -GEN
the warden my brother your
naraybkse onthokna thibani

na -lay -pak -se on -thok -na thi -pa -ni
2P -god -suit -PDET measure -OUT -ADV ugly -NOM-COP
fate extreme amount being bad
T h e jailor said, "Brother, your fate is very bad."'
hawjik maharajgi rajbidrohini aduna

hawjik maharaj -ki rajbidrohi -ni a -tu -na
now king -GEN traitor -COP ATT -ddet -INST
now of the king being a traitor then
naq hawjik cay yaqkhay phuba

naq hawjik cay yaq -khay phu -pa
you now stick hundred -cut beat -NOM
you now stick fifty beating

410 Texts
tare tha tdruk Jel ptbs

ta -la -e tha taruk jel Pi -pe
fall -PERF -ASRT month six jail give -NOM
will fall out month six jail giving
tare hynd hukum patho?e

ta -la -e hy -na hukum pa -thok -la -e
fall -PERF -ASRT say -INST command read -OUT -PERF -ASRT
will fall out that command read
'"Since you are a traitor to kingdom, I must give you fifty lashes, and I must
send you to jail for six months."'
mzdudd nupa ase kappe

ms -tu -ta nu -pa 9 -se kap -e
NM -ddet -LOC person -male ATT -pdet cry -ASRT
upon this man this cried
onthokpdtiidd dasa 9si

on -thok -pa -ni -ta dasa a -si
measure -OUT -NOM -COP -EX bad luck ATT -pdet
how horrible bad luck this
onthokna phaPeda
on -thok -na pha -ta -e -ta
measure -OUT -ADV good -NEG -ASRT -EX
extreme amount not at all good
inakkhullu paysa lawpw hayna

inkkhul -u paysa law -ca -u hay -na
rich -IMP money take -SELF -IMP say -INST
be rich! money take! that
ibd mstdmdddi ayna thawna

i -pa ma -tam -ta -ti ay -na thawna
write -NOM NM -time -LOC -DLMT I -CNTR courage
to write at that time I courage
iphatphatlude
i -phat phat -lu -ta -e
redup -machination machination -ADIR -NEG -ASRT
absolutely not plotting

ddugd phddok taw

a -tu -ka ph -thok ta -u
ATT -ddet -ASS arrest -OUT fall -IMP
additionally arrest make fall out
hdybadi aytid thdwna ssi

hay -pa -ti 9y -na thawna a -si
say -NOM -DLMT I -CNTR courage ATT -pdet
that said I courage this
yawna phsrubd kmno

yaw -na pha -lu -pa kari -no
participate -INST good -ADIR -NOM what -INQ
by attaining becoming good what is it
hdydmd nupa asind kaptma

hay -tana nu -pa a -si -na kap -tana
say -BY person -male ATT -pdet -CNTR cry -BY
by saying so then man this crying
teyriijay kandudd niqthdwna

lay -Ii -qay kan -tu -ta niqthaw -na
be -PROG -DURING time -DDET -LOC king -CNTR
was at that time king
nurjsdthtsduna cMtek?e hdy 3yns

nuq -s thi -la -tna cat -lak -e hay ay -na
in -body ugly -PERF -ING go -DISTAL -ASRT say I -CNTR
being worried went there say I
aygi bhaygd bisatapanji tammubasi

ay -ki bhay -ka bisatapanji tam -lu -pasi
I -GEN fate -ASS horoscope learn -ADIR -DCOMP
my with fate horoscope let's decide
cumb ara hdyna yeqbagi pdrikhya

cum -pa -la hay -na yeq -pa -ki parikhya
right -NOM -INT say -INST look -NOM -GEN exam
will it work that for looking exam

412 Texts
Uwbddd zygi inaysi

law -pa -ta ay -ki i -nay -si
take -NOM -LOC I -GEN IP -servant -PDET
upon taking my this my servant
9wdbd tardbsni dduna

a -w -pa ta -laba -ni a -tu -na
ATT -worry -NOM fall -HAVING -COP ATT -ddet
worried having fallen then
hukumdo aynd amuk

hukum -tu ay -na a -muk
command -DDET I -CNTR ATT -once
that command I once
kdkthdtlabsni phdok pibd

kak -that -laba -ni m ph -thok pi -pa
cease -obstruct -HAVING -COP he arrest -OUT give -NOM
pause to assess the situation he arrest giving
yde hdydsm niqthawna hdwjikki

y -ta -e hay -tana niqthaw -na hawjik -ki
agree -NEG -ASRT say -BY king -CNTR now -GEN
not able by saying so then king of now
maraybak thirdbs nupase

ma -lay -pak thi -laba nu -pa -se
NM -god -suit ugly -HAVING person -male -PDET
his fate being bad this man
konuq tanns pukhi

kon -uq tan -na pu -khi -i
place -circular prompt -ADV bring -STILL -NHYP
palace without delay brought
'When he heard the orders, the man cried, "Oh, my luck is so cruel! Why was
it that when the king wrote a letter to make me a rich man, to give me money,
I did not have stamina to deliver his letter, but when he ordered me to be a
prisoner, I proceeded with a lot of courage"? When the man was crying like
this, the king was running towards the prison because he was worried. When
he reached there he said, "I was testing my ability to read horoscopes and I
used my servant for the test, that is why he is in this unhappy state so I take

back my orders, he is not to be your prisoner," saying this the king brought the
unfortunate servant back with him to the palace.'
asurn hyna layna

a -sum hay -na lay -3
A T T -so say -INST god -CNTR
thus that it is god
tsmkhrebs
tam -khi -la -e hay -pa
learn -STILL - P E R F -ASRT say -NOM
saying that he decides
haybdse niqthaw dduna phmd yamna

hay -pasi niqthaw -tu -na pha -na yam -na
say -DCOMP king A T T -ddet -CNTR good -ADV lot -ADV
that king that well a lot
pukhaPanasu qamkhide
pu -khat -tana -su qam -khi -ta -e
bring -UP - B Y -ALSO possible -STILL -NEG -ASRT
even when trying to raise is not possible
hdyba ipa-ipugi
hay -pa i -pa i -pu -ki
say -NOM IP -male IP -grandfather -GEN
that our forefathers
wari lay
w -li lay -i
word -narrate be -NHYP
story is
'So this is how the story goes, (the story) of our ancestors of how the king tried
to thwart the destiny of the cripple which was determined by his god and how
the king could not do it.'
mdtatj dsid.3 laybdkna khdtpa

ma -taq a -si -ta lay -pak -na khat -pa
NM -joint A T T -pdet -LOC god -suit -CNTR fight -NOM
chapter this by fate to fight decided

414 Texts
tambd yde hybd

tarn -ps y -ta -e hy -pa
learn -NOM agree -NEG -ASRT say -NOM
to learn not able that
wrisi loyre
w -Ii -si loy -I3 -e
word -narrate -PDET finish -PERF -ASRT
this story finished
'And so with this - it is not possible to change destiny our story is finished.'

Let's think it over just once
Elder son:
ihe pres ama Idybadubu
ihe pres a -ma lay -pa -tu -pu
intj press ATT -one be -NOM -DDET -ADVR
by the way press the that one which is
kadaywayddno
kaday -way -ta -no
where -thereabouts -LOC -INQ
whereabouts is it
"By the way, do you know the whereabouts of that printing press is?"
Mother:
ah Khwairamban hazarda
ah Khwairamban bazar -ta
intj Khwairamban market -LOC
well Khwairamban at the market
"Well, at the Khwairamban market."
Elder son:
i?he bazardani haybadudi aysu
i 9 he bazar -ta -ni hay -padu -ti ay -su
intj market -LOC -COP say -DCOMP -DLMT I -ALSO
not that it is in the market that I too
khaqqami ddudd ayna

khaq -lam -i a -tu -ta ay -na
know -EVD -NHYP ATT -ddet -LOC I -CNTR
know that I
khaqniqlibadi
khaq -niq -li -pa -ti
know -WISH -PROG -NOM -DLMT
specifically wishing to know

416 Texts
bdzargi kadaywaydano haybaduni

bazar -ki kaday -way -ts -no hay -padu -ni
market -GEN where -thereabouts -LOC -INQ say -DCOMP -COP
of the market whereabouts is it that is
"No, that's not what I mean. I know that it's in the market. What I want to
know is where in the market it is."
Mother:
aseqba jagadi imasu
a -seq -pa jags -ti i -ma -su
ATT -true -NOM place -DLMT IP -mother -ALSO
exact specific place your mother also
khaqdeda adubu makhd

khaq -ta -e -ta a -tu -pu ma -kh
know -NEG -ASRT -CTE ATT -ddet -ADVR NM -south
happen not to know but southern
dukangi aduwayda lay

dukan -ki a -tu -way -ta lay -i
shop -GEN ATT -ddet -thereabouts -LOC be -NHYP
of the shop around there somewhere is
hdybra karino
hay -pa -la kari -no
say -NOM -INT what -INQ
what is said what is it
"I don't know the exact location but according to what I've heard, it is
somewhere around the southern shops."
Elder son:
pres mamiqdudi
pres ma -miq -tu -ti
press NM -name -DDET -DLMT
printing press it's actual name
khaqbra ima
khaq -pa -la i -ma
know -NOM -INT IP -mother
do you know my mother
"Do you know the name f the printing press, mother?"

Let's think it over just once 417
Mother:
khatjdedd mdmitj-msthadi
khaq -ta -e -ta ma -miq ma -tha -ti
know -NEG -ASRT -CTE NM -name NM -place -DLMT
don't know exactly name of exact place
imadi
i -ma -ti
IP -mother -DLMT
this your mother
"I don't know the name."
Father:
kanano kdrinone 33 khdtjde
kana -no kari -no -ne nag -na khaq -ta -e
who -INQ what -INQ -SI you -CNTR know -NEG -ASRT
who is it what is it, do you know you don't know
hdyrib^dubo mama
hy -li -padu -pu ma -m
say -PROG -DCOMP -ADVR 3P -mother
unfortunately saying his mother
"What is it you are saying you don't know, mother?"
Mother:
ho Thokcomgi dykhoy taddkhoygi
ho Thokcom -ki ay -khoy ta -ta -khoy -ki
intj Thokchom -GEN I -hpl press -LOC -hpl -GEN
well of Thokchom we of the presses
pres hdybrd kanno layrik

pres hy -pa -la kari -no layrik
press say -NOM -INT what -INQ book
printing press what is said what is it book
hybrd kdrino layrik

hy -pa -la kari -no layrik
say -NOM -INT what -INQ book
what is said what is it book

418 Texts
ridmphdm dukan ama

nam -pham dukan a
press -place shop ATT
printing shop the
laybadugi mdmirjnids
lay -pa -tu -ki ma -miq -ni -ta
be -NOM -DDET -GEN NM -name -COP -EX
of the one which is it is that name
"Well, I'm trying to recall the name and location of Thokchom's - what's it
called ~ printing press."
Father:
presto fori tawrsbagene
pres -tu kari taw -la -pa -ke -ne
press -DDET what do -PRO -NOM -OPT-SI
that press what which intend to do, tell me
"What business will you have with that press?"
karigino pres mamuj hdqlibdbo

karigi -no pres ma -miq hag -li -pa -pu
why -INQ press NM -name ask -PROG -NOM -ADVR
why is it printing press name which (you) are asking
"What reason could there be for your asking the name of the printing press?"
Elder son:
layrik ndmge baji tzwbmi
layrik a -ma -ta nam -ke taw -pa -ni baji
book ATT -one -EX press -OPT do -NOM -COP father
book one wish to print is to do father
"I want to publish a book, father."
khaqnd-cannabzdd nsttrdbadi
khaq -na can -na -pa -ta nattrabadi
know -RECIP great love -RECIP -NOM -LOC if not
at our circle of people if not

m9tdm kuyna kiiyna

ma -tam kuy -na kuy -na caq -i
NM -time long -ADV long -ADV require -NHYP
time long long requires
"If I didn't try to publish in a place where we have a lot of contacts
it would take a long time for me to get the book published."
hawjik-fowjiksisu layrikki
hawjik haw]ik -si -su layrik -ki
now now -PDET -ALSO book -GEN
also, at this time of the book
sijannina thixns
sijan -ni -na th -na
season -COP -INST quick -ADV
because it is the season quickly
namtiga ksytheldz
nam -laga kay -thel -ta
press -AFTER grain -display -LOC
after printing at the market
thddokhdwdrabsdi sei
th -thok -haw -ta -la -pa -ti sen
send -OUT -START -NES -PRO -NOM -DLMT money
if start that distributing money
namsinduna hykhigsdawribani
nam -sin -tuna lay -khi -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
press -IN -ING be -STILL -POT -DO -PROG -NOM-COP
by taking to press it would be
"Also, since it is now the season for books, if I quickly publish and distribute
my book on the market, I will certainly make money."
Father
kari layriknone naqna
kari layrik -no -ne naq -na
what book -INQ -SI you -CNTR
what book is it, you say you

420 Texts
namge hynbadubo
nam -ke hy -li -p9du -pu
press -OPT say -PROG -DCOMP -ADVR
what book is it you say you
wish to print unfortunately saying
"Which book will you print?"
adugd ndijna hawjik layrik sipnni

9 -tu -k9 naq -na hawjik layrik sijan -ni
ATT -ddet -ASS you -CNTR now book season-COP
additionally you now book it is the season
hdyribddubu forino ipabu

hy -Ii -p9 -tu -pu kari -no i -pa -pu
say -PROG -NOM -DDET -ADVR what -INQ IP -male -ADVR
that which you are saying what is it my father
bhap ama ita-tadedd

bhap 9 -ma i -ta ta -t9 -e -t9
idea ATT -one redup -fall fall -NEG -ASRT -EX
idea an didn't really understand
"And what do you mean about this being the season for books? I don't get it."
Elder son:
hera kolejgi satra-satristyns
hera kolej -ki satra satri -siq -9
intj college -GEN male student female student -GPL -CNTR
Oh! of college students
tdmnbz teks bukki not 93

t9m -n9b9 teks buk -ki not 9 -m9
learn -IN ORDER TO text book -GEN note ATT -one
in order to learn text of book note a
phge tswbsni
phoij -ke t9w -p9 -ni
publish -OPT do -NOM -COP
want to publish is to do
"Oh, I want to publish study notes of text books for college students."

Mother:
e"> dyukki skuldd oja
e*> 3 -yuk -ki skul -t3 oja
intj ATT -early -GEN school -LOC teacher
Hey! morning of school teacher
oybz 39 kolejgi
oy -pa nag -na kolej -ki
be -NOM you -CNTR college -GEN
being you of college
satra-satrisirjgi layrik
satra satri -siq -ki layrik
male student female student -GPL -GEN book
of the students book
igddawribanne
i -ka -taw -li -pa -la -ne
write -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -INT -SI
do you say you will be writing
hayrisibo
hy -li -si -pu
say -PROG -PDET -ADVR
are saying that
"Hey! You're a kindergarten teacher, and you are going to write a book for
college students!?"
Elder son:
hoy mani imd
hoy man -ni i -m
yes alike -COP IP -mother
yes that is it my mother
"Yes, that's it, mother."
Mother:
icdna iba layrik
/
-ca -na i -pa layrik

IP -child -CNTR write -NOM book
my son that wrote book

422 Texts
tdmgsddwribd
tam -ka -taw -li -pa
learn -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM
who will be learning
satra-satri mayam ddudi

satra satri ma -yam a -tu -ti
male student female student NM -lot ATT -ddet -DLMT
students many at that
hayranida khaqqanida
hay -la -ni -da khaq -la -ni -ta
proficient -PRO -COP -EX know -PRO -COP -EX
will be proficient will be knowledgeable
"Students will surely learn from studying the book which my son will write, they
will surely become knowledgeable and proficient in the subject."
Daughter:
tacawna iba layriktu
ta -caw -na i -pa layrik -tu
brother -big -CNTR write -NOM book -DDET
big brother that wrote that book
stipu-sUkadrane
sit -pu sit -ka -ta -la -ne
sell -ADVR sell -POT -NES -INT -SI
will it really sell
"Do you really think the book written by big brother will sell?"
Elder son:
e? <?? karigi sitloydawriba
9
e? e karigi sit -loy -taw -li hay -pa
intj intj why sell -NPOT -OBLG -PROG say -NOM
Hey! Hey! why saying it will not sell
"Hey! What do you mean by doubting that it will sell?"
Daughter:
a?iba nattraga bay hdybaduda
a -i -pa nattraga bay hay -padu -ta
ATT -write -NOM or by say -DCOMP -LOC
written or by that

tacawgi miqthaniddna kolejgi

ta -caw -ki miq tha -ni -t9n9 kolej -ki
brother -big -GEN name place -COP -BY college -GEN
of big brother by signing of college
satra-satrisiqnadi
satra satri -siq -3 -ti
male student female student -GPL -CNTR -DLMT
the students
tacawgi pzqta-tarsmmoy
ta -caw -ki miq psq -ta ta -lam -loy
brother -big -GEN name fool -fall fall -EVD -NPOT
of big brother name not familiar
ddutld mdkhoynd layriktubu urn

9 -tu -na ms -khoy -n9 layrik -tu -pu um
ATT -ddet -INST 3P -hpl -CNTR book -DDET -ADVR intj
then they that book well
"Well, when big brother signs his name where it says 'author' or 'by', the
college students won't recognize it, so then they, um, that book..."
Father:
hoynehe aysu qasayna sum
hoy -ne -he dy -su qasay -na sum
yes -SI -EXASP I -ALSO before -ADV so
yes, of course I too previously mentioned so
khsllibanine nipamsca
khsn -li -pa -ni -ne ni -pa ma -ca
think -PROG -NOM -COP -SI person -male NM -child
thinking male child
"Exactly, I was thinking along similar lines, son."
ndc nupina hygumlsdma na^gi

9 -c nu -pi -ng hy -kum -1 -t9n9 ngq -ki
2P -child person -FEM -CNTR say -like -PERF -BY you -GEN
your young female according to that said your

424 Texts
layriktubu pfysit-sitkaddbd
layrik -tu -pu paq -sit sit -ka -t9 -P9
book -DDET -ADVR fool -sell sell -POT -NES -NOM
that book to be selling a lot
manded.3 sei mdtjg9dra

man -ta -e -t9 sei mag -ka -t9 -19
seem -NEG -ASRT -EX money lose -POT -NES -INT
does not seem money won't you lose
khdlline ipadi
khan -li -ne i -pa -ti
think -PROG -SI IP -father -DLMT
think this your father
"Just as your sister says, it doesn't seem like your book will sell very well.
Won't you lose money? This is what I'm thinking, you see."
Elder son:
sdugiro paji skaniye
-tu -ki -1 -o paji sit -k9 -ni -ye
ATT -ddet -GEN -INT -SOLCT father sell -POT -COP -CONFM
is it that too father will sell I say
"Is that a problem?" "Father, I assure you it will sell."
soydana sksni
S0y -t9 -9 sit -k9 -m
mistake -NEG -ADV sell -POT -COP
certainly will sell
"It certainly will sell."
selsu maqqoy marfmdi

sei -su mq -loy m9 -lam -ti
money -ALSO lose -NPOT NM -path -DLMT
money too won't lose reason is that I
dyna tdwribase baji bijinesne

9y -9 taw -li -p9 -si baji bijines -ne
I -CNTR do -PROG -NOM -PDET father business -SI
I this doing father is a business, as you know
"I won't lose money either since I'm going about this as a business venture."

Father:
hera layriktabu bijines ydbrane
hera layrik -ta -pu bijines y -pa -Is -ne
intj book -LOC -ADVR business able -NOM -INT -SI
Oh! to that book business is it possible
nipa maca
ni -pa ma -c
person -male NM -child
male child
"Oh! Is it possible that you consider education a "business"?
Elder son:
ydy baji layrik namlaga sei
ya -i baji layrik nam -lags sei
able -NHYP father book press -AFTER money
is possible father book after printing money
tanbadi nâykhra potne

tan -pa -ti nuqay -khi -Is pot -ne
earn -NOM -DLMT happy -STILL -PERF thing -SI
that earning already to be happy a thing
"It is possible to earn money from publishing books, father. It's something
to be happy about."
lykhraba khzbzr amani

lay -khi -laba khsbsr s -ma -ni
easy -STILL -HAVING news ATT -one -COP
being easy news it is a piece of
"It's a good piece of news."
Mother:
hayma kamdawnanone hayrisibo
hayma kamdawna -no -ne hy -li -si -pu
intj how -INQ -SI say -PROG -PDET -ADVR
how can that be how is it are saying that
"Come on, how will this work?"

426 Texts
Elder son:
zduburo im layrik
s -tu -pu -la -o i -m layrik
ATT -ddet -ADVR -INT -SOLCT IP -mother book
tell me, if that is so my mother book
nambdduds sygi mi ywhsnloy

nam -padu -ta ay -ki miq yaw -han -loy
press -DCOMP -LOC I -GEN name include -CAUS -NPOT
at that pressing my name will cause not to be mentioned
"Say, if that's your opinion mother, when I publish the book, I won't allow my
name to be mentioned."
9?ib9gi ndttrdgz bay hdybaduddne

a -i -pa -ki nattraga bay hay -padu -ta -ne
ATT -write -NOM -GEN or by say -DCOMP -LOC -SI
of author or by you know, where it says
bay en ekspiriens ticar kokthdni

bay en ekspiriens ticar kok -th -m
or an experienced teacher head -place -COP
by an experienced teacher will be the heading
adudagi manipurda phoqliba

a -tu -tagi manipur -ta phoq -Ii -pa
ATT -ddet -ABL Manipur -LOC publish -PROG -NOM
after that at Manipur one which publishes
khabdrsvjda edvartais kmna tawrani

khabar -siq -ta edvartais kan -na taw -la -ni
news -GPL -LOC advertise intense -ADV do -PRO -COP
in the newspapers advertise intensely will do
adumnd tdwnbadi
a -sum -na taw -la -pa -ti
ATT -so -INST do -PRO -NOM -DLMT
thus if that is done
satra-satrisiijm
satra satri -siq -na
male student female student -GPL -CNTR
students
khabar pabada soydana

khabar pa -pa -ta soy -ta -na
news read -NOM -LOC mistake -NEG -ADV
news upon reading certainly will meet
)\33 layrik yonpham

theqna -la -ni layrik yon -pham
meet -PRO -COP book sell -place
will meet book selling place
dukandasu thetkani iraga

dukan -ta -su thet -ka -ni i -laga
shop -LOC -ALSO stick -POT -COP write -AFTER
at the shop also will paste after writing
adudaydi layriktugi magun

a -tu -tagi -ti layrik -tu -ki ma -kun
ATT -ddet -ABL -DLMT book -DDET -GEN NM -quality
just from that of that book quality
yeqniqtjakpa hdybadu masana

yeq -niq -lak -pa hay -padu ma -s -na
look -WISH -DISTAL -NOM say -DCOMP 3P -body -CNTR
wishing to see that by itself
tabane
ta -pa -ne
fall -NOM -SI
will fall
"You know, where it says 'of this author' or 'by', the heading will read 'by an
experienced teacher'. After that I will extensively advertise the book in the
Manipuri newspapers; if I do so, when the students read this news they will
certainly look for the book. Also, I will put up advertisements in the book
stores. Once the advertisements are out the students will want to check on the
quality of the book."
Mother:
adubu layriktu paruragadi
a -tu -pu layrik -tu pa -Iu -laga -ti
ATT -ddet -ADVR book -DDET read -ADIR -AFTER -DLMT
but that book after that reading

428 Texts
magun amaPa ydwrammoy

ma -kun a -ma -ta yaw -lam -loy
NM -quality ATT -one -EX include -EVD -NPOT
quality just the will not include
"But when they read your book they'll find out that it's no good."
Elder son:
Phe ydwgadawribanine imd
i 9 he yaw -ka -taw -li -pa -ni -ne i -m
intj include -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -COP -SI IP -mother
not that certainly will be included, you know my mother
"Oh, but it certainly will be good, mother."
Mother:
kddayddgi ydwgddawribmods
kaday -tagi yaw -ka -taw -li -pa -no -ta
where -ABL include -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -INQ -CTE
from where will it possibly include
"How can it possibly be good?"
ah metriktomsk pas tdwbB ayukki skuld?

ah metrik -tamak pas taw -pa a -yuk -ki skul -ta
intj metric -PRECISE pass do -NOM ATT -early -GEN school -LOC
Gee just tenth grade pass doing morning of school
oja oybd 99 iba layriktubu

oja oy -pa naq -na i -pa layrik -tu -pu
teacher be -NOM you -CNTR write -NOM book -DDET -ADVR
teacher being you that wrote that book
kolejgi satra-satrisiqna
kolej -ki satra satri -siq -na
college -GEN male student female student -GPL -CNTR
of college students
tamba ydbd hawnadeba

tam -pa y -pa haw -na -ta -e hay-pa
learn -NOM able -NOM start -RECIP -NEG -ASRT say-NOM
to teach being able I say, all will not start
"Gee! You who have only passed the tenth grade and are a kindergarten
teacher, any book that you would write could not begin to instruct college
students."
Elder son:
karimatta nattese ima se
karimata natte -si i -m se
nothing not -PDET IP -mother intj
nothing this not it my mother hark
munna taw
mn -na t -u
care -ADV hear -IMP
carefully listen
"That's not it at all, mother. Listen carefully."
mi ataynane hdnna phoqkhrdbd

mi a -tay -na -ne hn -na phoq -khi -laba
man ATT -other -CNTR -SI first -ADV publish -STILL -HAVING
man others, you know already having published
layriksiqddgi khan khara lawthok?aga

layrik -siq -tagi khara khara law -thok -laga
book -GPL -ABL some some take -OUT -AFTER
from the books some some after quoting
wahaywdta khara ayna

w -hay -wa -t khara ay -na
word -proficient -word -hear some I -CNTR
sentences some I
semdok-semjin tawragane
sem -thok sem -sin taw -laga -ne
correct -OUT correct -IN do -AFTER -SI
modify after doing, you see
"You see, I will take a few sentences from the books that others have already
published and paraphrasing here and there, I will publish a new book."

430 Texts
anawba layrik ama oyna

a -naw -pa layrik a -mo oy -ns
ATT -new -NOM book ATT -one be -INST
new book a being
puthokpagi wddani
pu -thok -pa -ki w -ta -ni
bring -OUT -NOM -GEN word -LOC -COP
from bringing it is at that word
"It is by these means that I will bring out a new book."
Father:
adudi
a -tu -ti qay -khi -o -ne -he
ATT -ddet -DLMT wait -STILL -SOLCT -SI -EXASP
at that hold on, I say
"Come on!"
phare tok?o 9 wasi

pha -la -e tok -o naq w -si
good -PERF -ASRT stop -SOLCT you word -PDET
that's good won't you stop you talking
"That's good." "Won't you stop talking!"
99 hdwjikJd ndmgsdawribd
naq -na hawjik -ki nam -ka -taw -li -pa
you -CNTR now -GEN press -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM
you of now which will be publishing now
layrikto hawjik layrik tamba matamsu

layrik -tu hawjik layrik tam -pa ma -tam -su
book -DDET now book learn -NOM NM -time -ALSO
that book right book to teach time also
nattre parikhyadi hayerjda-qayre

nattare parikhya -ti hayeq -ta qay -la -e
is not exam -DLMT tomorrow -EX wait -PERF -ASRT
is not the exams right around the corner

tewnagadaba spu-spa
tawna -ks -t9 -pa sit -pu sit -p9
for doing -POT -NES -NOM sell -ADVR sell -NOM
that you will do can you sell
qamkhidrd hctymi
139m -khi -t9 -I9 hay -lam -i
possible -STILL-NEG -INT say -EVD -NHYP
is it still possible said
natjgi layriktubo
ngq -ki layrik -tu -pu
you -GEN book -DDET -ADVR
your that book
"About the book you want to publish, this is not the time that students are
going to read something new since the exams are right around the corner. Will
you really be able to sell your book?"
Elder son:
baji taseqnd hdybs tarBbddine
baji t9 -seq -n9 hy -p9 ta -lba -ti -ne
father redup -true -ADV say -NOM fall -HAVING -DLMT -SI
father clearly that that falling out, as you say
layrik tamnabd matamdadi

layrik t9m -n9b9 m9 -t9m -t9 -ti
book learn -IN ORDER TO NM -time -LOC -DLMT
book in order to learn at that time
layriksi spajat nstte psnkhya

layrik -si sit -pa -jat n9tte pgrikhya
book -PDET sell -NOM -TYPE not exam
this book selling type is not exams
"Father, that's right. The time for learning has passed, it is not the time for
selling books."
hayeqdz-qayre hdyba
h9yeq -t9 qay -I9 -e hy -pg
tomorrow -LOC wait -PERF -ASRT say -NOM
around the corner that

432 Texts
numittudane
numit -tu -ta -ne
day -DDET -LOC -SI
it is at that day
"The exams are right around the corner."
layrik sitlibadi aduga

layrik sit -Ii -pa -ti a -tu -ka
book sell -PROG -NOM -DLMT ATT -ddet -POT
book if that sell additionally
layrik yonba dukansiysu poynu

layrik yon -pa dukan -siq -su poynu
book sell -NOM shop -GPL -ALSO harvest
book selling in the shops too harverst
those parikhya maydda oynmbane

tha -si parikhya ma -y -ta oyna -li -pa -ne
month -PDET exam NM -near -LOC for being -PROG -NOM -SI
this month exams nearby being, you know
"Since exam time is near, I can reap a bountiful harvest at the bookstores by
selling a book this month."
Father:
? 3& wsidi ipakhoy
a*> naq -ki w -si -ti i -pa -khoy
intj you -GEN word -PDET -DLMT IP -male -hpl
Ah! your this idea father, etc.
bhap tabd tjamdrebo

bhap ta -pa qam -ta -la -e -pu
idea fall -NOM possible -NEG -PERF -ASRT -ADVR
idea to fall has not been possible
"Really! We just don't grasp this idea of yours."
Elder son:
paji iray-hek-ldyba wdnise
paji i -lay hek lay -pa w -ni -si
father REDUP -easy just easy -NOM word -COP -PDET
father be very easy is this idea
'This is a very simple idea."

layrik tdmgoddbd mstdmdadi satra

layrik tarn -ka -ts -pa ma -torn -t9 -ti satra
book learn -POT -NES -NOM NM -time -LOC -DLMT male student
book learning at that time male student
satns^su laqpha -93

satri -siq -su lag -phaq taw -tna
female student -GPL -ALSO arrange -divert into two do -ING
female students also do everything but what needs to be done
sinemd hold9 khard hoteldd restorendd

sinema hoi -ta khara hotel -ta restoren -ta
movie hall -LOC some hotel -LOC restaurant -LOC
movie at the hall some at the hotel at the restaurant
khara phamduna koydunz laytho?i

khara pham -tna koy -tuna lay -thok -li
some place -ING roam -ING be -OUT -PROG
having lounged aroud roaming are
"At the time they should be studying, students do everything but what they
should be doing. Some go to the movie theater, to the hotel, to the restaurant,
some remain lounging around, roaming about."
parikhya maya ydwrak?agana parikhyadi

parikhya ma -y yw -lak -laga -na parikhya -ti
exam NM -near include -DISTAL -AFTER -INST exam -DLMT
exams near after the time has already come the exams
pas tawdaba yade hayduna mana

pas taw -ta -pa y -ta -e hay -tuna m -na
pass do -NEG -NOM able -NEG -ASRT say -ING he -CNTR
pass to not pass not able thus saying he
man9 hdyndbs desa upay

m -na hay -naba desa upay
he -CNTR proficient -IN ORDER TO means
he in order to be proficient means

434 Texts
thiti3rak?i
thins -lak -i
search for -DISTAL -NHYP
search for
'The students know that they cannot pass the exams, so when exam time
approaches, each searches for a means to do well in the exams."
mdt^dudadi pdrikhya pas

ma -tag -tu -ta -ti parikhya pas
NM -joint -DDET -LOC -DLMT exam pass
only at this juncture exams pass
tswnba khwaydagi Idyriba

taw -nabs khway -tagi lay -li -pa
do -IN ORDER TO all -ABL easy -PROG -NOM
in order to from all being easy
dm9t?9âyb9-pampdydi
a -ma -ta qay -pa pam -pa -tagi -ti
ATT -one -EX wait -NOM like -NOM -ABL -DLMT
the one preferred means
ksytheldd layriktagi siqba

kay -thel -ta layrik -tagi siq -pa
grain -display -LOC book -ABL copy -NOM
at the market from books copying
9duna thokp? notki

a -tu -na thok -pa not -ki
ATT -ddet -INST out -NOM note -GEN
then seek out of notes
layriksfy layrigd
layrik -siq lay -laga
book -GPL buy -AFTER
books after buying
haqtjakpa-yy-thapbd-whdrjsifjgi
haq -lak -pa y -i thaja -pa w -haq -siq -ki
ask -DISTAL -NOM able -NHYP believe -NOM word -ask -GPL-GEN
answers to possible questions

layragd pdwkhumsiqdo segayduna

lay -lags paw -khum -siq -tu set -khay -tna
buy -AFTER news -reply -GPL -DDET tear -TOTEAF -ING
after buying answers tearing
pankhya hoi man^ds pusallibdne

parikhya hoi ma -nuq -ta pu -sin -li -pa -ne
exam hall NM -in -LOC bring -IN -PROG -NOM -SI
exam hall inside are taking in, you see
layriktusu cend
layrik -tu -su ce -na
book -DDET -ALSO paper -INST
the book also by page
segaykhrabanind
set -khay -khi -labs -ni -na
tear -TOTEAF -STILL -HAVING -COP -INST
by having torn
layriktugi kannsbsdu
layrik -tu -ki kanna -pa -tu
book -DDET -GEN use -NOM -DDET
of that book that have use
matamdudsnine
ma -tarn -tu -ta -ni -ne
NM -time -DDET -LOC -COP -SI
it is the time, you know
"By then the easiest and only means to pass the exam is to cheat. So, buying
crib notes of books available at the market, buying the answers to possible
questions and tearing out those answers, they take the crib notes and the torn-
out answer sheets into the examination hall."
Mother:
hdyma 39 hyribs
hayma naq -na hy -li -pa
intj you -CNTR say -PROG -NOM
how can that be! you which saying

436 Texts
w asinadi naqgi
w a -si -na -ti naq -ki
word ATT -pdet -INST -DLMT you -GEN
idea this your
layriktu parubadsgi
layrik -tu pa -lu -pa -tagi
book -DDET read -ADIR -NOM -ABL
that book from reading
satrasitj ado karimattd

satra -siq 9 -tu karimata
male student -GPL ATT -ddet nothing
students those nothing
masdda pakhawraroynedudi
ma -s -ta pak -haw -la -loy -ne -tu -ti
3P -body -LOC stick -START -PRO -NPOT -SI -DDET -DLMT
to them won't get anything
"Oh my! From what you are saying, I gather that those students will not profit
at all from reading your book."
Elder son:
ima kdrigi ph^d^nigene layriktu
i -m karigi phaq -ta -ni -ke -ne layrik -tu
IP -mother why get -NEG -COP -OPT -SI book -DDET
my mother why will not get, you say that book
"Mother, why would they not get anything?"
segayragd s^bd
set -khay -laga siq -pa
tear -TOTEAF -AFTER copy -NOM
having torn copying
phatjhawribadudi
phaq -haw -li -pa -tu -ti
get -START -PROG -NOM -DDET -DLMT
that is what they are getting
"They get to cheat by tearing (the necessary pages from) my book and copying
(the answers down for the examination)."

Daughter:
tacawgi wase aydi
ta -caw -ki w -si ay -ti
brother -big -GEN word -PDET I -DLMT
of big brother this idea I
iya-ydjaniijdeko
i -y y -ca -niq -ta -e -ko
REDUP -agree agree -SELF -WISH -NEG -ASRT -TAG
do not wish to agree, got it?
"(I don't know about you but) I can't go along with big brother's plan."
Elder son:
e"> karida ydniijdriba
e*> kari -ta y -niq -ta -li hay -pa
intj what -LOC agree -WISH -NEG -PROG say -NOM
Hey! what reason are saying that won't agree
"Hey! Why can't you go along with me?"
Daughter:
layrik padaba satra kharadana
layrik pa -ta -pa satra khara -ta -na
book read -NEG -NOM male student some -EX -CNTR
book not reading students only by some
hawjik tacawna haybadu tawbanine

hawjik ta -caw -na hay -padu taw -pa -ni -ne
now brother -big -CNTR say -DCOMP do -NOM -COP -SI
now big brother that is doing, you see
"What big brother said now about students who do not study, that only applies
to a few."
satra khudiqmak tawbadi nat?e

satra khudiq -mak taw -pa -ti natte
male student each -EACH do -NOM -DLMT not
students each and everyone doing that is not then is not
aduna satra kharana tawraga

a -tu -na satra khara -na taw -laga
ATT -ddet -INST male student some -AGN do -AFTER
then students by some after doing

438 Texts
khudirjmakpu centhahmbddudiba
khudiq -mak -pu cen -tha -han -padu -ti hay -p9
each -EACH -PAT run -DOWN -CAUS -DCOMP -DLMT say -NOM
each and everyone saying that caused to follow
dy yniydeda tacaw
ay y -niq -ta -e -ta ta -caw
I agree -WISH -NEG -ASRT -EX brother -big
I just can't agree with big brother
"Not all students cheat, so I can't agree that each and every student will be
forced to cheat in order to pass the exam just because some students do it."
Elder son:
i?he masi bhap tddredo
i^he ma -si bhap t -t9 -la -e -tu
intj NM -pdet idea hear -NEG -PERF -ASRT -DDET
not that this idea have not understood that
"No! You haven't understood what I am saying."
9yna hybadi satra

ay -na hay -pa -ti satra
I -CNTR say -NOM -DLMT male student
I that said students
fchudfymak tewwi hdybd tidPene ibema

khudiq -mak taw A hay -pa natte -ne ibema
each -EACH do -NHYP say -NOM not -SI madam
each and everyone do that is not, you see my sister
naqbo dyambsdi tswwe hdybd

nag -pu a -yam -pa -ti taw -e hay -pa
you -ADVR ATT -lot -NOM -DLMT do -ASRT say -NOM
you that is mostly done that
"I'm not saying that every student does it, my sister, (not) you (for example)
my sister. I'm saying it is done often."
Mother:
kdHnone noy hdydubu
kari -no -ne na -khoy hy -tu -pu
what -INQ -SI 2P -hpl say -DDET -ADVR
what is it, do you know you all that saying

Let's think it over just once
tawddtiaba ojasiq aduna

t3w -ta -naba oja -siq a -tu -na
do -NEG -IN ORDER TO teacher -GPL ATT -ddet -CNTR
in order not to do those teachers
takpiba hdybibadi
tak -pi -pa hy -pi -pa -ti
teach -give -NOM say -REC -NOM -DLMT
to teach give instructions
yddro
y -ta -la -o
able -NEG -INT -SOLCT
tell me, are not able
"Do you know why the teachers can't instruct the students (not to copy)?"
Father:
hay kari wanoda
hy - kari w -no -ta
say -NHYP what word -INQ -CTE
Say! what what possible idea is that
"Hey! What on earth are you saying?"
na hdyrisibo ha
naq hy -Ii -si -pu ha
you say -PROG -PDET -ADVR what's that
you are saying that what's that
"What is it that you are saying?"
mdsand layrik tamn^draba

ma -s -na layrik tarn -niq -ta -la -pa
3P -body -CNTR book learn -WISH -NEG -PRO -NOM
by self book not wishing to learn
hayntydraba satradubu
hay -niq -ta -la -pa satra -tu -pu
proficient -WISH -NEG -PRO -NOM male student -DDET -PAT
not wishing to be proficient the student

440 Texts
ojatid kardmns namdma

oja -na karamna nam -tana
teacher -CNTR how press -BY
the teacher how by force
tdmhangadawribano
tam -han -ka -taw -li -pa -no
learn -CAUS -POT -OBLG-PROG -NOM -INQ
cause to learn
"How can the teachers force students to learn if they don't want to study or be
proficient?"
layrik hybasidine ndmdmd tdmhdnbd

layrik hay -pa -si -ti -ne nam -tana tarn -han -pa
book say -NOM -PDET -DLMT -SI press -BY learn -CAUS -NOM
book that which is by force to cause to learn
ydpot nztte
y -pot natte
able -THING not
possible thing is not
"Book learning is not the type of thing which can be taught by force."
masanz kandudd
ma -s -na tarn - -na kan -tu -ta
3 -body -CNTR learn -WISH -INST time -DDET -LOC
by self when desire to learn at that time
tdmgdddwdbd
tam -ka -taw -li -pa
learn -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM
who will be learning
"When they want to learn, they will learn."
masns temnitjdrabz
ma -s -na tam - -ta -la -pa
3P -body -CNTR learn -WISH -NEG -PRO -NOM
man book

miduda layrik
ml -tu -ta layrik
man -DDET -LOC book
to that man book
hsyhanniqqikydma ph-caydma
hay -han -niq -li -k9 hay -tana ph cay -tana
proficient -CAUS -WISH -PROG -ASS say -BY beat stick -BY
that cause to wish to be proficient through discipline
wrk-wtemdma karimta
w -lk w -tem -tana kari -ma -ta
word -have power over word -level -BY what -one -NEG
by threats and scolding nothing
kannabd phaqponte
kanna -pa phaq -pot -natte
use -NOM get -THING -not
to use not findable thing
"Nothing is gained by forcing someone to learn through discipline, threats and
scolding, if they don't wish to learn."
karitid masdnd
kari -na ma -s -na
what -INST 3P -body -CNTR
by what means by self
hayjmiqdraba
hay -ca -niq -ta -la hay -pa
proficient -SELF -WISH -NEG -INT say -NOM
do they not wish to learn that
"How is it that they don't have a desire to learn?"
Younger son:
3 layrik niqthina
aqaq -siq -na layrik niq -thi -na
child -GPL -CNTR book wish -ugly -INST
the children book by lacking desire

442 Texts
temniqdribasi
tam -nil] -t9 -li -pasi
learn -WISH -NEG -PROG -DCOMP
that they are not wishing
mdmd-mapagisu dCdwbd
ma -m ms -pa -ki -su a -caw -pa
3P -mother 3P -male -GEN -ALSO ATT -big -NOM
to learn of the parents also a big one
dsoyba lay hdybd baji

a -soy -pa lay hay -pa baji
ATT -mistake -NOM be say -NOM father
a mistake is that father
"It is in large part because of the mistakes of the parents, that children don't
have a desire to study, father."
Daughter:
masigi daytsdi
ma -si -ki day -ta -ti
NM -pdet -GEN reponsibility -LOC -DLMT
of this to that responsibility
mamd-mapasu liwgdddbdni
ma -m ma -pa -su law -ka -ta -pa -ni
3P -mother 3P -male -ALSO take -POT-LOC -NOM -COP
parents also should be taking
"The parents should also take some responsibility for this problem."
Father:
ha cummine icdns hdybd
V /
ha cm - -ne -ca -na hay -pa
intj true -NHYP -SI IP -child -CNTR say -NOM
what's that that is true, you know my child that
"Yes, what you say is right, daughter."
mscddubu pik?itj3yd9gi
ma -c -tu -pu pik -li -qay -tagi
NM -child -DDET -PAT small -PROG -DURING -ABL
the child from childhood

hawnd layrik tdmn^nabd

haw -na layrik tam -nig -naba
start -ADV book learn -WISH -IN ORDER TO
begin book in order to learn
layriktd mdthway-ydwmbd
layrik -ta ma -thway yaw -naba
book -LOC NM -life include -IN ORDER TO
to the book in order to take interest
hotnabigddabani
hotna -pi -ka -ta -pa -ni
try -REC -POT -NES -NOM -COP
should try for their sake
"For the sake of the children, to instill a desire in them to learn, the parents
should take an interest in education when they are young."
cdt)-t]ayn9 num.it khudiqgi layrik

cq gay -na numit khudiq -ki layrik
order wait -ADV day each -GEN book
regularly day of each book
takpibd dphw-dphwba miwoy

tak -pi -pa a -phw a -phw -pa mi oy
teach -give -NOM ATT -famous ATT -famous -NOM man be
to teach all those who are famous men
kdyagi punsi wdri libiduna

kaya -ki punsi w -li li -pi -tna
how many -GEN life word -string narrate -REC -ING
of how many life story by narrating
mdkhoybu phmdnba insinbd

ma -khoy -pu phana -naba in -sin -pa
3P -hpl -PAT for good -IN ORDER TO follow -IN -NOM
them in order to do for good to follow
"In order to influence them correctly the parents should teach them regularly,
everyday, from biographies of famous men."

444 Texts
skuldd tarskpa para

skul -ta tak -lak -pa para
school -LOC teach -DISTAL -NOM lesson
of school taught lesson
kayamarum ddo
kaya ma -lum a -tu
how many NM -behind ATT -ddet
which method those
mama-rr&pasitj ddund
ma -m ma -pa -siq a -tu -na
3P -mother 3P -male -GPL ATT -ddet -INST
parents the
yerjsinbirzbzdi macasitjgi
yeq -sin -pi -la -pa -ti ma -c -siq -ki
look -IN -REC -PRO -NOM -DLMT 3P -child -GPL -GEN
that if looking out for of the children
layrik tzmntybsda
layrik tarn -niq -pa -ta
book learn -WISH -NOM -LOC
book upon wishing to learn
9C3\vb9 mud smadi

a -caw -pa mud a -ma -ti
ATT -big -NOM mood ATT -one -DLMT
a big one mood that
soyddna hdpkaniba
soy -ta -na hp -ka -ni hay -pa
mistake -NEG -ADV put -POT -COP say -NOM
certainly that will put
"If the parents are concerned about how the lessons are taught at school, that
will certainly put a new enthusiasm in the children's studies."
Mother:
hoy moy bajinasu hdydi-hdybiri
hoy ma -khoy baji -na -su hay -ti hay -pi -li
yes 3P -hpl father -CNTR -ALSO say -DLMT say -REC -PROG
yes they all father also what you say for us
hybdbu d\
hy -pa -pu aqq -siq -na
say -NOM -ADVR child -GPL -CNTR
opposing that the children
layrik tamniqdribasids
layrik tam -niq -ta -li -pasi -ta
book learn -WISH -NEG -PROG -DCOMP -LOC
book that desire not the be learning
ojasiqgi cawrzbd maral dma lay

oja -siq -ki caw -labs maral a -ma lay -i
teacher -GPL -GEN big -HAVING moral ATT -one be -NHYP
the teachers having grown moral a is
"You are right about the parents, father; however, the lack of desire that
children have for learning is increasingly a fault of the teachers."
Father:
ha hayyu hayyu adudi naqgi
ha hy -u hy -u a -tu -ti naq -ki
what's that say -IMP say -IMP ATT -ddet -DLMT you -GEN
what's that say say at that your
motsu aduk tsi hdyyu

mot -su aduk t -si hy -u
opinion -ALSO that much hear -SUP say -IMP
also opinion that much let us hear say
Yes, go ahead, speak, let's hear more of your opinion, speak.
Younger son:
ojasitj dsitw sen phatjniqduns
oja -siq a -si -na sen phaq -niq -tuna
teacher -GPL ATT -pdet -CNTR money get -WISH -ING
teachers the money wishing to get
satrasiqbu mayumda praybet

satra -siq -pu ma -yum -ta praybet
student -GPL -PAT 3P -house -LOC private
the students at their house private

446 Texts
tdmbige hydnd kawre

tam -pi -ke hy -tiina kaw -Is -e
learn -REC -OPT say -ING call -PERF -ASRT
have a desire to teach thus called
"Because they want to make more jey, teachers call the students to their
homes for private tuition lessons."
yeqbiyune makhd laykaygi

yeq -pi -u -ne ma -kh laykay -ki
look -REC -IMP -SI NM -south neighborhood -GEN
please attend to this, you see southern our neighborhood
Pebdmgi Ibotombins tawribase

Pebam -ki Ibotombi -na taw -li -pa -si
Pebam -GEN Ibotombi -CNTR do -PROG -NOM -PDET
of Pebam Ibotombi this doing
yeqbiyo
yeq -pi -o
look -REC -SOLCT
won't you attend
"Look at what Pebem Ibotombi from the south side of our neighborhood is
doing."
zyiiktd satra camamuk matam

a -yuk -ta satra ca -ma -muk ma -t9m
ATT -early -LOC male student hundred -one -about NM-time
earlier students about one hundred time
shum-thobiB praybet tzmbire

-hm thok -na praybet tarn -pi -la -e
ATT -three out -CNTR private learn -REC -PERF -ASRT
three batches private taught
"Earlier this morning, he gave private tuition lessons to three groups of
students, about one hundred students in all."
nuqthindzsu matdm dni-thokna

nuq -thin -ta -su ma -tam a -ni thok -na
sun -poke -LOC -ALSO NM -learn ATT -two out -CNTR
at the daytime also time two batches

satra humphurom amasu tambiri

satra humphu -lom 9 -ma -su tam -pi -li
male student sixty -APX ATT -one -ALSO learn -REC -FROG
students about sixty also teaching
"During the daytime also he taught two groups of about sixty students."
satras^nasu layrik paba

satra -siq -na -su layrik pa -pa
male student -GPL -CNTR -ALSO book read -NOM
the students also book to read
tallabanina hayetj parikhya maydda

tan -laba -ni -na hayeq parikhya ma -y -ta
idle -HAVING -COP -INST tomorrow exam NM -near -LOC
because of being idle tomorrow exams nearby
ojana koysm haydorak?ani khanduna

oja -na koysan hay -thok -lak -ka -ni khan -tuna
teacher -CNTR question say -OUT -DISTAL -POT -COP think -ING
the teacher question will give away thinking
praybet tambiyu hcfydiina

praybet tam -pi -u hy -tna
private learn -REC -IMP say -ING
private please teach thus
ojasiqda hdyjare
oja -siq -ta hy -ca -la -e
teacher -GPL -LOC say -SELF -PERF -ASRT
to the teachers request for self
"And the students too, when it gets close to the exams, because they are too
lazy to study and because they think that the teachers will give away the exam
questions, ask the teachers to give them private tuition lessons."
ojasu minido sei pammi

oja -su mi -ni -tu sei pam -1
teacher -ALSO man -COP -DDET money like -NHYP
teacher also that is man money likes
"The teacher is but a man, he likes money."

448 Texts
thagi tolobni hayduna khzra khara phatjliba

tha -ki tolob -ni hay -tuna khara khara phaq -li -pa
month -GEN salary -COP say -ING some some get -PROG -NOM
for a month it is salary thus some some getting
asinddi im^gi cdba

a -si -na -ti i -muq -ki c -pa
ATT -pdet -INST -DLMT IP -inside -GEN eat -NOM
because of this for the family to eat
konnadrabanina
konna -ta -laba -ni -na
enough -NEG -HAVING -COP -INST
because of having a shortage
makhoysu praybet tambire

ma -khoy -su praybet tam -pi -la -e
3P -hpl -ALSO private learn -REC -PERF -ASRT
they too private taught
"Since the teacher receives so little each month as monthly salary, he doesn't
have enough to feed his household and so he gives private tuition lessons."
siddsu naPeda ojasirjga

si -ta -su natte -ta oja -siq -ka
pdet -LOC -ALSO not -EX teacher -GPL -ASS
this also not just with the teachers
satrasfygase karimata
satra -siq -ka -si kari -ma -ta
male student -GPL -ASS -pdet what -one -NEG
with these students nothing
koynakhidre
koyna -khi -ta -la -e
respect -STILL -NEG -PERF -ASRT
there is no respect
"In addition to this, there is no respect between teachers and students."
curup Idnnadiins
curup Ian -na -tuna
cigarette offer -RECIP -ING
cigarette offering each other
thdkminnare yu
thak -min -na -la -e yu
drink -TOGETHER -RECIP -PERF -ASRT wine
have smoked together wine
thskminnare jwar
thak -min -na -la -e jwar
drink -TOGETHER -RECIP -PERF -ASRT cards
have drunk together cards
sanndminndre
sanna -min -na -la -e
play -TOGETHER -RECIP -PERF -ASRT
play together
"Offering cigarettes to each other they have smoked together, drunk wine
together, played cards together."
ddudabu kdramba satrdna ojabu

a -tu -ta -pu karamba satra -na oja -pu
ATT -ddet -LOC -ADVR which male student -CNTR teacher -PAT
that which the male student to teacher
usUkddawribdno
u -sit -ka -taw -li -pa -no
see -through -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -INQ
where is there going to be respect
"This being so, which student is going to respect his teacher?"
ojabu kind luna

oja -pu ki -na lu -na
teacher -PAT fear -ADV deep -ADV
to teacher fearfully deeply
csthdllagadada ojabu
cat -han -laga -ta -ta oja -pu
go -CAUS -AFTER -LOC -EX teacher -PAT
only then, after causing to respect to teacher

450 Texts
bebhar tawhalldga ojatid hdybddo

bebhar taw -han -laga oja -na hay -padu
behavior do -CAUS -AFTER teacher -AGN say -DCOMP
behavior after causing to do by the teacher that
satrssiqnz itigaddwribani
satra -siq -na in -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
male student -GPL -CNTR follow -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -COP
that the students will follow
ti9t?rme moy baji

nattra -ne ma -khoy baji
is it not -SI 3P -hp] father
is it not, as you know they all father
"It is only when a student is caused to deeply respect a teacher that the teacher
can effect the behavior of the student and the student will follow the teacher,
isn't it, father?"
Elder son:
um imagi wasisu
um i -ma -ki w -si -su
intj IP -mother -GEN word -PDET -ALSO
well mother's this idea also
cumdzbddi mt?e
cum -ta -pa -ti natte
true -NEG -NOM -DLMT not
this idea also that is not true is not
"Well, mother's comment is close to mark too."
ddubune pumndmakki msrudi

a -tu -pu -ne pum -na -mak -ki ma -lu -ti
ATT -ddet -ADVR -SI all -ADV -EACH -GEN NM -deep -DLMT
but, you know of absolutely all root
satra-satrisiqni hotnaba
satra satri -siq -ni hotna -pa
male student female student -GPL -COP try -NOM
it is the students trying

hybdsind
hy -pasi -na
say -DCOMP -INST
that
satra-satris^gidamaktdi
satra satri -siq -ki -tamak -ta -ti
male student female student -GPL -GEN -PRECISE -EX -DLMT
that of the students only
tawdrabd-ydrsba mathswni
taw -t9 -la -pa y -ta -la -pa ma -thaw -ni
do -NES -PRO -NOM able -NES -PRO -NOM NM -duty -COP
must compulsorily do it is a duty
gurummtrd
guru -mantra
mentor -chant
absolutely correct
"But the root of the problem is the students. The effort to learn is certainly
their mandatory obligation."
hawjik kalgi satrsgd aykhoytid satra

hawjik kan -ki satra -ka ay -khoy -na satra
now time -GEN male student -ASS I -hpl -CNTR male student
now of era of students we students
oyriijay matstngs yamna

oy -Ii -qay ma -tam -ka yam -na
be -PROG -DURING NM -time -ASS lot -ADV
being at the time a lot
khennsy
khet -na -i
differ -RECIP -NHYP
differ with each other
"The students of these days are very different from when we were students."

452 Texts
parikhya tha ahum man wdtltyayday

parikhya tha 9 -hm ms -Ii wt -Ii -gay -ta
exam month ATT -three NM -four lack -PROG -DURING -A
exams month three four from there being a lack
hawna aykhoydi tumbd-cdba

haw -na ay -khoy -ti tum -pa c -pa
start -ADV I -hpl -DLMT sleep -NOM eat -NOM
begin we basic comforts
car/fokte
caq -lak -ta -e
require -DISTAL -NEG -ASRT
did not require
"When the exams were three of four months away, we stopped considering
basic comforts."
ahiij ahitj hawgattiXna

a -hiq a -hiq haw -khat -tuna
ATT -night ATT -night start -UP -ING
nightly nightly waking up
layrik para?i
layrik pa -lak -i
book read -DISTAL -NHYP
book read
"Ever night we would stay up and study."
koyb? cdthkte
koy -pa cat -lak -ta -e
roam -NOM go -DISTAL -NEG -ASRT
roaming did not go
"We did not roam around."
- ydwnkte
i -lag pha -lag yaw -lak -ta -e
REDUP -be noisy good -be noisy include -DISTAL -NEG -ASRT
furor did not participate in
"We didn't indulge in revelry."

adubu hawjik kalgi

a -tu -pu hswjik kan -ki
ATT -ddet -ADVR now time -GEN
but now of era
satra -satrisiqsina
satra satri -siq -si -na
male student female student -GPL -PDET -CNTR
these students
t9\vribdsi
taw -li -pasi
do -PROG -DCOMP
that doing
tdmbu-tdmntyddbd]atni
tgm -pu tarn -niq -ta -pa -jat -ni
learn -ADVR learn -WISH -NEG -NOM -TYPE-COP
it is the type of wavering about wanting/not wanting to learn
"Unlike us, the students of this day and age waver between wanting or not
wanting to learn."
puij kunmari cuptid koyni-^ni

puq kun ma -li cup -na koy -ni laq -ni
time twenty NM -four complete -ADV roam -COP cast -COP
hour twenty-four completely roam
qawsBnny
qw -sin -na -
crazy -IN -RECIP -NHYP
each other be crazy
"Twenty-four hours a day they roam about with each other as if crazed."
pmkhya numit phdwba koybd lepte

parikhya numit phaw -pa koy -pa lep -ta -e
exam day up to -NOM roam -NOM stop -NEG -ASRT
exams day up to roaming does not stop
"The roaming does not stop till the day of the exams."

454 Texts
psrikhya numittssu ydwhdw theqna

parikhya numit -ta -su yaw -haw theq -n9
exam day -LOC -ALSO include -START late -ADV
exams on that day also about to start late
hdwgatldga mnd cgddsbd khdra

haw -khat -laga m -na c -ka -ta -pa khara
start -UP -AFTER he -CNTR eat -POT -NES -NOM some
after getting up he must eat some
cdriga psrikhyani haydiina layrik

c -laga parikhya -ni hy -tna layrik
eat -AFTER exam -COP say -ING book
after eating it is the exam thus book
khdrd yepsilldgd hektd macdtkhi

khara yep -sin -laga hek -ta ma -cat -khi -i
some hide -IN -AFTER just -LOC NM -go -STILL-NHYP
some after hiding with no other stipulation are on their way
"Even on the day of the exam, they get up late. Since it is necessary that one
must eat, they eat, and then since it is time for the exam, they hide some books
under their clothes and go on their way to the exam without preparing in any
other way for it."
madundbu kBdaydagi pas

ma -tu -na -pu kaday -tagi pas
NM -ddet -INST -ADVR where -ABL pass
that being so from where pass
tswgdddwribdnodd
taw -ka -taw -li -pa -no -ta
do -POT -OBLG -PROG -NOM -INQ -CTE
will they possibly expect to pass
"But if they do this how can they possibly expect to pass?"

Let's (hink it over just once 455
pastdtndk 9 layrikti
pas -tamak tgw -nig -i layrik -ti
pass -PRECISE do -WISH -NHYP book -DLMT
just pass wish books
pa -niq -t9 -e
read -WISH -NEG -ASRT
do not wish
"They just wish to pass, not to learn."
Daughter:
adunabu parikhya pas tdwbdgi
9 -tu -9 -pu parikhya pas t9w -pa -ki
ATT -ddet -INST -ADVR exam pass do -NOM -GEN
then exams pass for doing
caqsi cahi khudtygi sum-sum

caq -si C9hi khudiq -ki sum sum
percentage -PDET year each -GEN so so
this percentage year of each in this way
hdnthdrdHibdsinine
hn -the -lsk -li -pasi -ni -ne
first -DOWN -DISTAL -PROG -DCOMP -COP -SI
that it is decreasing, as you know
tacawnine
ta -caw -ni -ne
brother -big -COP -SI
as you know, being big brother
"So this is why the percentage one needs to pass the exam is decreasing every
year, isn't that so big brother?"
Elder son:
ddudzgine nokniqba
9 -tu -t9gi -ne nok -niq -p9
ATT -ddet -ABL -SI laugh -yearn -NOM
from that, you see something ridiculous

456 Texts
amaga Omge
a -ms -kg tain -ke
ATT -one -ASS learn -OPT
with one would like to teach
"That reminds me of an amusing story I'd like to tell."
Daughter:
hyyune
hy -u -ne
say -IMP -SI
tell us, do
"Please go ahead and tell us."
Elder son:
mi khdrsdi kolej midagd
mi khara -ti kolej a -ni -ta -ka
man some -DLMT college ATT -two -LOC -ASS
man some colleges at two too
miq-csllipotni
mil] can -li -pot -ni
name enlist -PROG -THING -COP
they are admitted
"Some people are admitted in two colleges at the same time."
Daughter:
?i?i
9i9i
intj
my, my
"My, My!"
Elder son:
kabsnd mdmiq teyba aphabd
ka -pa -na ms -miij by -pa 9 -pha -pa
attend -NOM -INST NM -name be -NOM ATT -good -NOM
when attending name having a good one
kolejduds karagsne hayeq parikhya

kolej -tu -ta ka -laga -ne hayeq parikhya
college -DDET -LOC attend -AFTER -SI tomorrow exam
to that college after attending tomorrow exams
thbzdarid dti3wbd
th -pa -ta -na a -naw -pa
release -NOM -NEG -INST ATT -new -NOM
not passing new
kolejda thare
kolej -ta tha -la -e
college -LOC place -PERF -ASRT
at the college have appeared
"When attending class they go to a college with a good reputation, after
attending and later when they don't pass the exams, they retake the exam at a
(private) newly opened college (where the standards are not as high)."
Mother:
hayma l&riginone adudi
hayma karigi -no -ne a -tu -ti
intj why -INQ -SI ATT -ddet -DLMT
how can that be why is it, do you know at that
"Wow, why is that?"
Daughter:
hera imd layrik pusillsgs sinba
hera i -m layrik pu -sin -laga sin -pa
intj IP -mother book bring -IN -AFTER copy -NOM
Oh! my mother book after bringing in copying
ydnanzbani
yana -naba -ni
for making able -IN ORDER TO -COP
it is in order to make it possible
"Well, mother, it is because (in those private colleges) they allow students to
copy from books that are brought into (the examination hall)."
sduns psrikhya pas tawrdbasu

a -tu -na parikhya pas taw -laba -su
ATT -ddet -INST exam pass do -HAVING -ALSO
then exams pass even having done

458 Texts
layrikti haytre
layrik -ti hay -ta -la -e
book -DLMT proficient-NEG -PERF -ASRT
books (opposed to other things) not become proficient
hdydana miyondagi
hay -tana mi - -tagi
say -BY man -to -ABL
by saying so, then from those other persons
sillagane not tawraga pari/chya pas

sin -laga -ne not taw -laga parikhya pas
copy -AFTER -SI note do -AFTER exam pass
after copying, you see note after doing exams pass
tawrakpanina karigumba
taw -lak -pa -ni -na karigumba
do -DISTAL -NOM -COP -INST something
because of having done something
amat?a makhoy ase dargas

a -ma -ta ma -khoy a -si dargas
ATT -one -EX 3P -hpl ATT -pdet application
exactly one they these application
phawba iba haytrabani

phw -pa i -pa hay -ta -laba -ni
up to -NOM write -NOM proficient -NEG -HAVING -COP
up to to write were not proficient
"Even though they have passed their exams, they haven't learned anything
because they passed through copying and using crib notes. They haven't
mastered anything, not even how to write an application."
Elder son:
e"> nupa oyyu nupi macd
e*> nu -pa oy -u nu -pi ma -c
intj person -male be -IMP person -FEM NM -child
Hey! man you be! female small

narjsuko
nag -su -ko
you -ALSO -TAG
you also, O.K.?
"Hey girl, you too should be like one of those men O.K. (at least they have a
job)!"
Father
aykhoygi ofista hawjik nawna
ay -khoy -ki ofis -ta hawjik naw -na
I -hpl -GEN office -LOC now new -ADV
our at office now newly
caqlakpa makhoy keranini haydana

esq -lak pa ma -khoy kerani -ni hy -tana
enter -DISTAL NOM 3P -hpl clerk -COP say -BY
who have joined they be a clerk by saying so
ahum marikhak lay

a -hum ma -li -khak lay -i
ATT -three NM -four -UPTO be -NHYP
then three upto four are
"There are three of four people who just joined our office as clerks."
?ha makhoy-makhoygine chutigi

''ha ma -khoy ma -khoy -ki -ne chuti -ki
intj 3P -hpl NM -hpl -GEN -SI leave -GEN
man! of that group, you know of leave
dargaska irakpadudi
dargas -ka i -lak -padu -ti
application -ASS write -DISTAL -DCOMP -DLMT
with application at that writing
loyrehe icas
loy -la -e -he i -c -s
finish -PERF -ASRT -EXASP IP -child -body
is over, as I tell you my child
man! You won't believe what the applications for vacation time by that
group look like, my child."

460 Texts
bann yeytji ydwdredo

bann yeq - yw -ta -la -e -tu
spelling look -NHYP include -NEG -PERF -ASRT -DDET
spelling look that is not acceptable
grsmar yeqquy ydwdre

gramar yeq -lu -i yw -ta -la -e
grammar look -ADIR -NHYP include -NEG -PERF -ASRT
grammar having looked at not acceptable
"Look at the spelling, it is not acceptable; at the grammar, it is not acceptable."
karigumbd 99?9 drapkd tdW

karigumba a -ma -tag drap -ka taw -u
something ATT -one -EX draft -ASS do -IMP
something exactly one also draft you do!
hayrubddusu haytrdba
hay -lu -padu -su hay -ta -laba
say -ADIR-DCOMP -ALSO proficient -NEG -HAVING
having said that also ignorant
kawbanina horengd hayeijg9

kaw -pa -ni -na horen -ka hayeq -ka
call -NOM -COP -INST later today -ASS tomorrow -ASS
because of being called after some time after tomorrow
hdydmd ka?
hay -tana ka*>
say -BY onmp onmp
by saying so, then hesitation hesitation
t9wdsnd ddum mzrsrynbi

taw -tana a -sum ma -lay -la hay -pa
do -BY ATT -so NM -be -PERF say -NOM
doing thus were like that
"Also when they are asked to draft anything, because they are not proficient in
writing, they are hesitant, saying that they will do it after a while or tomorrow."

Mother:
ndPene icasa mdkhoy zdubu
natte -ne i -c -s ma -khoy a -tu -pu
not -SI IP -child -body 3P -hpl ATT -ddet -ADVR
is not, you see my child they but
karzm hciynd tswngB metrik

karam hay -na taw -laga metrik
how say -INST do -AFTER metric
how that after doing tenth grade
pas tdwrzk-ibsjatnone
pas taw -lak i -pa -jat -no -ne
pass do -DISTAL write -NOM -TYPE -INQ -SI
pass having passed in this way, how can it be tell me
makhoydubo
ma -khoy -tu -pu
3P -hpl -DDET -ADVR
these people
"My goodness, child, how is it they write in this way even though they have
passed tenth grade!"
Elder son:
ddugi wddi baji
a -tu -ki w -ti baji
ATT -ddet -GEN word -DLMT father
of that idea father
nupada naPe nupisu

nu -pa -ta natte nu -pi -su
person -male -EX not person -FEM -ALSO
just boys is not girls too
"That behavior is not just of boys but of girls also, father."
bajisu Idmbida C9tthok-c9tsin

baji -su lam -pi -ta cat -thok cat -sin
father -ALSO way -REC -LOC go -OUT go -IN
father also on the road comings and goings

462 Texts
tdwbdda ubidro
taw -pa -t9 -pi -ta -Is -o
do -NOM -LOC see -REC -NEG -INT -SOLCT
upon doing have not seen, tell me
"Tell me, father, have you too not seen how they carry on on the road?"
laysbi macdsiy adund

lay -s -pi ma -c -siq a -tu -
god -body -FEM NM -child -GPL ATT -ddet -INST
virgin young those
tswnbddubu iskul kolej

taw -li -padu -pu iskul kolej
do -PROG -DCOMP -ADVR school college
that are doing school college
karibani hdydwi9 saikal

ka -li -pa -ni hay -tuna saikal
attend -PROG -NOM -COP say -ING bicycle
having joined thus bicycle
dmdmsmgd layte
a -ma a -ma -ka lay -ta -e khaq -i
ATT -one ATT -one -ASS be -NEG -ASRT know -NHYP
each with one is not know
lambids nupa macasiqga

lam -pi -ta nu -pa ma -c -siq -ka
way -REC -LOC person -male NM -child -GPL -ASS
on the road boy with the young ones
gega -gega kh & hek

gega -gega khambraq hek
ONMP -ONMP pair just
chattering pair just
cdtminn3rddmd 33
cat -min -na -la -tana ma -tuq -ta
go -TOGETHER -RECIP -PERF -BY NM -behind -LOC
just going off together behind

gari la?e hdybz phdwbd

gari lak -e hay -pa phw -p9
vehicle come -ASRT say -NOM up to -NOM
vehicle has come that up to
khatjde ollidt
khaq -t3 -e tan -li -ta
know -NEG -ASRT idle -PROG -EX
don't know it's too bad
wd qdtjniqdabBjatni
w qq -nig -ta -pa -jat -ni
word speak -WISH -NEG -NOM -TYPE -COP
word the type of thing one does not wish to speak of
"When these young girls attend college, since they don't each have a bicycle,
they just pair off with the young boys and go off together, chattering. Even
when a vehicle comes up behind them they don't notice. It's awful, it is not
the kind of thing I want to talk about."
mawoq dmddi tewrsbajatniko

ma -woq a -mg -ti taw -laba -jat -ni -ko
NM -method ATT -one -DLMT do -HAVING -TYPE -COP -TAG
different method a seemingly done, right
"A different way of doing things is at hand."
baji hswjikki jukse JukiB dmddi

baji hawjik -ki juk -si juk -ta a -ma -ti
father now -GEN era -PDET era -LOC ATT -one -DLMT
father of now this era era a different one
ollabajatni
on -laba -jat -ni
change -HAVING -TYPE -COP
it is apparently changed
"Father, times are changing."
bajind iba hsyte

baji -na i -pa hay -ta -e
father -CNTR write -NOM proficient -NEG -ASRT
father to write not proficient

464 Texts
hyribddudi lyrajine
hy -Ii -p9 -tu -ti iqraji -ne
say -PROG -NOM -DDET -DLMT English -SI
that you were saying is English, you know
mirolni
mi -Ion -ni
man -language -COP
it is a foreign language
"Father, what you were saying about their not being able to write (an
application) refers to English, which is a foreign language."
madumbu khara phay

ma -tu -9 -pu khsrg pha -i
NM -ddet -INST -ADVR some good -NHYP
that being so some is good
"That's not too bad."
makhoy-mdkhoyna ?aa layrik tsmbz hek

9
m9 -khoy m9 -khoy - aa layrik t9m -pa hek
3P -hpl 3P -hpl -CNTR hesitates book learn -NOM just
each of them um book to teach just
hdwrdkpddagi tdmhk?ibd
hsw -lsk -pa -t9gi t9m -19k i -p9
start -DISTAL -NOM -ABL learn -DISTAL write -NOM
from the beginning when learning to write
maytdyrol phwbd bdnn cumna

m9yt9y -Ion phw -9 bgnn cm -9
Meitei -language up to -NOM spelling right -ADV
Meithei up to spelling correctly
iba hsytene towjik

i -p9 h9y -t9 -e -ne h9îk
write -NOM proficient -NEG -ASRT -SI now
to write not proficient, you know now

kalgi nahdrolsiqse
kan -ki naharol -siq -si
time -GEN youth -GPL -PDET
of era these youth
"The youth of these days can't even spell Meithei correctly and they all learned
that from their earliest school days."
Daughter:
tacawnd hdyribsdubu
ta -caw -n9 hy -li -pa -tu -pu
brother -big -CNTR say -PROG -NOM -DDET -ADVR
big brother that which you are saying
sykhoy nupiburo
ay -khoy nu -pi -pu -la -o
I -hpl person -FEM -PAT -INT -SOLCT
we is it about girls, tell me
"Big brother, does what you are saying apply to the girls too?"
Elder son:
nupisu nupasu mimdkni
nu -pi -su nu -pa -su a -ni -mak -ni
person -FEM -ALSO person -male -ALSO ATT -two -EACH -COP
girls too boys also it is both
"It concerns both the boys and the girls."
a? kannzde
9
a kanna -ta -e
intj use -NEG -ASRT
Well there is no purpose
"Well, there is no purpose in this."
masigi msrdmda 3ykhoyti9

ma -si -ki ma -lam -ta ay -khoy -na
NM -pdet -GEN NM -path -LOC I -hpl -CNTR
of this towards we
999 sykhoynane
qq -na -lu -tana ay -khoy -na -ne
speak -RECIP -ADIR -BY I -hpl -CNTR -SI
by what we will speak together we, you know

466 Texts
si phay si phat?e
si pha -i si pha -ta -e
pdet good -NHYP pdet good -NEG -ASRT
this is good this is bad
hdydma khmndrabasu qasigi

hay -tana khanna -laba -su qasi -ki
say -BY disucss -HAVING -ALSO today -GEN
by saying so, then even though we discuss of today
satrasiqna sama] inbigddaba

satra -siq -na samaj in -pi -ka -ta -pa
male student -GPL -CNTR society follow -REC -POT -NES -NOM
the students society must follow for sake of all
ydbigddsbasu byte
y -pi -ka -ta -pa -su lay -ta -e
agree -REC -POT -NES -NOM -ALSO be -NEG -ASRT
even though must agree for the sake of all is not
kari kdnnani
kari kanna -ni
what use -COP
what there is purpose
"What purpose is there in our discussing what is bad and what is good since
even though the students should follow society's rules, they do not?"
Younger son:
baji baji awaqqomgine Nimaykhoygi
baji baji a -waq -qom -ki -ne Nimay -khoy -ki
father father ATT -tall -north -GEN -SI Nimay -hpl -GEN
father father to our north, you see of the Nimay's
yumdo mind
yum -tu mi -na
house -DDET man -CNTR
that house man

qdwhdwre baji
puq -rjw qw -haw -la -e baji
REDUP -berserk berserk -START -PERF-ASRT father
completely berserk father
"Father! Father! In the house to our north at the Nimay's a big crowd has
begun to gather."
Mother:
ha kaydawbayno kdrigini hdyge
ha kari -taw -pa -ki -no karigi -ni hay -ke
what's that what -OBLG -NOM -GEN -INQ why -COP say -OPT
what's that what is the reason for that why is it that want to say
"What do you say, what's the reason for that?!"
Younger son:
pulissu yamnd lakhawwi
pulis -su yam -na lak -haw -li
police -ALSO lot -ADV come -START -PROG
the police also a lot have started coming
"A lot of police have also started coming."
Elder son:
sdubu kaydswbsyno
a -tu -pu kari -taw -pa -ki -no
ATT -ddet -ADVR what -OBLG -NOM -GEN -INQ
but what is the reason for that
haybani
hay -pa -ni
say -NOM -COP
it is said that
"But why?"
Younger son:
Nimay phba lak?ibi
Nimay ph -pa lak -li hay -pa
Nimay arrest -NOM come -PROG say -NOM
Nimay to arrest say that are coming
"They've come to arrest Nimay."

468 Texts
Mother:
hsyma
hayma
intj
how can that be
"How can it be?!"
Father:
Nimaybudi
Nimay -pu -ti
Nimay -ADVR -DLMT
that unfortunate Nimay
"Nimay!?"
Mother:
Nimaybudi forigi phdba lak?iba
Nimay -pu -ti karigi ph -pa lak -li hay -pa
Nimay -ADVR -DLMT why arrest -NOM come -PROG say -NOM
that unfortunate Nimay why to arrest say that are coming
mabu ton tawrubagino

m -pu kari taw -lu -pa -ki -no
he -ADVR what do -ADIR -NOM -GEN -INQ
him what from having done what
"What did Nimay do that they have come to arrest him!?"
phdkhribz tykhriba minidd

pha -khi -laba iq -khi -laba mi -ni -ta
good -STILL -HAVING cold -STILL -HAVING man -COP -CTE
one who has goodness one who is gentle is man
mddi
m -ti
he -DLMT
he
"He is such a good, gentle man."

Younger son:
sdhdbiget layraga thabak tawrammi hdyye
sadhabiget lay -lags thabak taw -lam -li hay -ye
certificate buy -AFTER work do -EVD -PROG say -CONFM
certificate after buying work was working they say that
"They say that he got a job using false transcripts that he bought."
Mother:
sadhabiget layraga thabak tawba hdybadi
sadhabiget lay -laga thabak taw -pa hay -pa -ti
certificate buy -AFTER work do -NOM say -NOM -DLMT
certificate after buying work doing that said
"You mean he got work by buying transcripts?"
Younger son:
biyegi sadhabiget asaba pdyraga thabak
biye -ki sadhabiget a -sa -pa pay -laga thabak
B.A. -GEN certificate ATT -hot-NOM hold -AFTER work
of B.A. certificate false after procuring work
tawrambagini hdyye imd

taw -lam -pa -ki -ni hy -ye i -m
do -EVD -NOM -GEN -COP say -CONFM IP -mother
it is from having done they say that my mother
"Mother, that's what I said, to get work he obtained a false B.A. certificate."
Mother:
karinone mdna hdyri
kari -no -ne m -na hy -li
what -INQ -SI he -CNTR say -PROG
what is it, do you know he saying
wdsibu moy baji

w -si -pu ma -khoy baji
word -PDET -ADVR 3P -hpl father
this news they all father
"What is this he is saying, father?"

470 Texts
Elder son:
hera sinidz imd biyegi pdnkhya pas
hera si -ni -ta i -m biye -ki parikhya pas
intj pdet -COP -EX IP -mother B.A. -GEN exam pass
Oh! it is just this my mother of B.A. exams pass
tdwddna pas tdwwi hdydan?

taw -ta pas -3 taw -\ hay -tana
do -NEG -INST pass do -NHYP say -BY
not doing pass do by saying so, then
sasinnaba sadhabiget amd

sa -sin -na -pa sadhabiget a -ma
hot -copy -INST -NOM certificate ATT -one
which is a false copy certificate a
IJyragsne thsbsk tdwrubagine

lay -laga -ne thabak taw -lu -pa -ki -ne
buy -AFTER -SI work do -ADIR -NOM-GEN -SI
having bought, you know work it was you know for doing
"Listen, it is just this mother, not having passed the B.A. exam he bought a
false certificate which said he had passed. This was so he could get work, you
see."
Younger son:
lupa canipands laybmi
lupa ca ni -pan -ta lay -pa -ni
108
rupee hundred eight -substract -LOC buy -NOM -COP
rupee at eight hundred it was bought
hybra karino mdgi sadhdbigetto

hay -pa -la kari -no m -ki sadhabiget -tu
say -NOM -INT what -INQ he -GEN certificate -DDET
what is said what is it his that certificate
"Did you say he bought certificate for about eight hundred rupees?"
Mother:
mahdkti kanaddgi kamddwm
ma -hak -ti kana -tagi kamdawna
3P -here -DLMT who -ABL how
he from whom how

Idwrurib
law -lu -li hay -pa
take -ADIR -PROG say -NOM
are saying that he bought
"How did he buy it and from whom?"
onthokpaniddko nâytedd
on -thok -pa -ni -ta -ko nuqay -ta -e -ta
measure -OUT -NOM -COP -EX -TAG happy -NEG -ASRT -EX
alas! unhappiness
tenanabu hunjinbiduna
kanana -pu hun -sin -pi -tuna
who -ADVR decry -IN -REC -ING
who slandering
tawribsjatnoda
taw -li -pa -jat -no -ta
do -PROG -NOM -TYPE -INQ-CTE
would there be one doing such a thing
"Alas, alas! Who could there possibly be that would slander him in such a
way?"
Father:
hera kdtiabu hunjinlunigene
hera kana -pu hun -sin -lu -ni hay -ke -ne
intj who -ADVR decry -IN -ADIR -COP say -OPT -SI
Oh! who that would want to slander him
"You ask who would slander him?"
mina hunpnbidrabasu
mi -na hun -sin -pi -ta -laba -su
man -CNTR decry -IN -REC -NEG -HAVING -ALSO
man even not having been slandered
a? aranbd
a*> a -lan -pa
intj ATT -wrong -NOM
Well wrong

472 Texts
acumba a? adudagi
a -cum -pa a9 a -tu -ta -ki
ATT -true -NOM intj ATT -ddet -LOC -GEN
right Well after that
makhoygi aron-athiiptu
ma -khoy -ki a -Ion a -thup -tu
3P -hp] -GEN ATT -secret ATT -conceal -DDET
their secrets
phnanaba hdydana
phana -naba hay -tana
search -IN ORDER TO say -BY
in order to search by saying so, then
vijilens pulis hdydana layrisidi

vijilens pulis hay -tana lay -li -si -ti
vigilance police say -BY be -PROG -PDET -DLMT
vigilance police by saying so, then is being
"Even if there is no one to inform people, there are vigilantes who search
out people's wrongs, rights and seci
Daughter:
oh lupa canipandubu aydi
oh lupa ca ni -pan -tu -pu ay -ti
intj rupee hundred eight -substract -DDET -ADVR I -DLMT
Gosh rupee eight hundred I
pamuyda
pam -lu -i -ta
like -ADIR -NHYP -CTE
would have liked
"I wouldn't have liked to lose eight hundred rupees!"
Elder son:
lupa canipandud nat?ene
lupa ca ni -pan -tu -ta natte -ne
rupee hundred eight -substract -DDET -EX not -SI
rupee just eight hundred is not, you see
that work

thdbaktu tawbdgi lupa

thsbsk -tu taw -pa -ki lupa
work -DDET do -NOM -GEN rupee
that work for doing rupee
lisiqmdri dmssu pikhi

lisiq -man 9 -9 -su pi -khi -1
thousand -four ATT -one -ALSO give -STILL -NHYP
four thousand also gave
hybdni
hy -pa -ni
say -NOM -COP
it is said that
"I've heard that he didn't just give eight hundred rupees, but up to four
thousand rupees to buy his job."
lupa lisiqmariadusune hytaduna

lupa -man -tu -su -ne l9y -t9 -tung
rupee thousand -four -DDET -ALSO -SI be -NEG -ING
rupee those four thousand also not having
kznadagino pursgd pikhibani

kana -tagi -no pu -laga pi -khi -pa -ni
who -ABL -INQ borrow -AFTER give -STILL -NOM -COP
from whom do you know after borrowing it has been given
"Since he didn't have those four thousand rupees, do you know who he
borrowed the money from?"
Younger son:
adubu kaydzwbaytio man9
a -tu -pu kaydaw -pa -ki -no m -na
ATT -ddet -ADVR doing what -NOM -GEN -INQ he -CNTR
but for what he
sadhabiget ssaba
sadhabiget a -sa -pa
certificate ATT -hot -NOM
certificate false

474 Texts
Idyrunbsdubo
ley -lu -li -pa -tu -pu
buy -ADIR -PROG -NOM -DDET -ADVR
that having bought
"But why did he buy a false certificate?"
paqbajatnine ta
paq -su -pa -jat -ni -ne ta
fool -ALSO fool -NOM -TYPE -COP -SI brother
completely a foolish type, don't you know brother
Nimayse okhdk
Nimay -se okhk
Nimay -PDET extremely
this here Nimay extremely
"This Nimay is an extremely foolish type of man, you know."
psrikhyadu fel oyribdsu. mathfy

parikhya -tu fel oy -laba -su ma -thaq
exam -DDET fail be -HAVING -ALSO NM -next
that exam fail even though having failed next
cahids thardgd loyre

cahi -ta tha -laga loy -la -e
year -LOC place -AFTER finish -PERF -ASRT
year after appearing finished
"Even if he failed the exam the first time, he could have taken it the next year
and gotten through then."
pas tawgani
pas taw -ka -ni
pass do -POT -COP
pass will pass
"He would have passed."
hdvvjikti mzhdk selsu

haw]ik -ti ma -hak sei -su
now -DLMT 3P -here money -ALSO
now he money too

tiqne jelsu
tiq -la -e jel -su
lose -PERF -ASRT jail -ALSO
now jail also
thabdksu tokdtii
caq -Is -ni thabak -su tok -ka -ni
enter -PRO -COP work -ALSO stop -POT -COP
will be incarcerated work also will stop
"As it is, not only will he will lose money, he will also go to jail and lose his
job."
mayam mamfydasu
ma -yam ma -mq -t9 -su
NM -lot NM -before -LOC -ALSO
many in front also
khgoyn^re ijdtsu
khoq -khoy -na -la -e lJ9t -SU
leg -rough -ADV -PERF -ASRT respect -ALSO
has been insulted respect also
mq -1 -e
lose -PERF -ASRT
has lost
"He has been shamed in front of everyone and has also lost his honor."
khdbardssu hdph?mi
khabar -ta -su hp -lak -la -ni
news -LOC -ALSO put -DISTAL -PRO -COP
in the news also it will be put in
ddu-9du kawbd 9ms

a -tu a -tu kaw -pa a -ma
ATT -ddet ATT -ddet call -NOM ATT -one
so and so who is called one

476 Texts
sadhdbiget tiyrgd thib?k

sadhabiget lay -laga thabak
certificate buy -AFTER work
certificate after buying work
tdwrdmbdgi
tow -Ism -pa -ki
do -EVD -NOM -GEN
for doing
pulism phre haynz

pulis -na ph -la -e hay -na
police -AGN arrest -PERF -ASRT say -INST
by police arrested that
"Also, it will be in the news that someone called so and so was arrested
for buying false transcripts in order to get work."
onthokpa mini ay oyrddi

on -thok -pa mi -ni ay oy -la -ti
measure -OUT -NOM man -COP I be -PRO -DLMT
strange man is I if this be
thbskkd 9m3t?9 tdwroy

thabak -ka a -ma -ta taw -loy
work -ASS ATT -one -EX do -NPOT
work exactly one will not do
"He is a strange man, if it were me I would not have done something like
this."
Elder son:
ibuqqo mipum khudiqmakse
ibuqqo mi -pum khudiq -mak -se
dear sir man -all each -EACH -PDET
dear sir all men each of these here like
n9t]-9ygumn9 tdwdenehe
naij ay -kum -na taw -ta -e -ne -he
you I -LIKE -CNTR do -NEG -ASRT -SI -EXASP
like you or I not do, don't you know
"Dear brother, you know not everybody behaves as we would."

pulisna phani thdbak tokkani ipt

pulis -na ph -ni thabak tok -ka -ni ljat
police -CNTR arrest -COP work stop -POT -COP respect
by police be arrested work will stop respect
mdqgani hybd mdsu

mag -ka -ni hay -pa m -su
lose -POT -COP say -NOM he -ALSO
will lose that he too
khdqjddadna tswribsne
khaq -ca -ta -tuna taw -li -pa -ne
know -SELF -NEG -ING do -PROG-NOM -SI
not knowing been doing, you know
"He did it because he didn't know that he was going to be arrested by
the police, lose his job and also lose his honor."
pharakkani khaqhmhbadi masu

ph -lak -ka -ni khaq -lam -la -pa -ti m -su
arrest -DISTAL -POT -COP know -EVD -PRO -NOM -DLMT he ^VL50
will be arrested if he had know he too
tdwroyda masu mini

taw -loy -ta m -su mi -ni
do -NPOT -EX he -ALSO man -COP
would not have done he too man is
ikaybd khdtjqipotni
ikay -pa khaq -li -pot -ni
shame -NOM know -PROG -THING -COP
being ashamed it is the thing to know
"If he had known that he was going to be arrested he would not have done
it; he understands what it means to be shamed."
Mother:
moy baji qayhaktaq
ma -khoy baji qay -hk -taq
3P -hpl father wait -here -EX
they all father awhile

478 Texts
ywbirugadrd
yaw -pi -lu -ka -ta -la
reach -REC -ADIR -POT -NES -INT
should you go
"Father, should you go isit for awhile?"
Father:
kadaydsnone
kadayda -no -ne
where -INQ -SI
"Where to?"
Mother:
Nimay phdba lakhawri
Nimay ph -pa lak -haw -li
Nimay arrest -NOM come -START -PROG
Nimay to arrest are starting to come
hayribssibu
hy -li -pa -si -pu
say -PROG -NOM -PDET -ADVR
that saying
"He is saying that some people are coming to arrest Nimay."
Father:
syns C9tlurg9 l&ydawdoynodd
ay -na cat -lu -laga kaydaw -toy -no -ta
I -CNTR go -ADIR -AFTER doing what -INTEND -INQ -CTE
I after going there what could I possibly do
"What would you possibly have me do once I go over there?"
Elder son:
bajina thddokpasu
baji -na th -thok -pa -su
father-CNTR release -OUT -NOM -ALSO
father even release
ydroybsni
y -loy -pa -ni
agree -NPOT -NOM -COP
that is not able
"Father can't set him free."
Mother:
adu oyrabdsu
a -tu oy -labs -su
ATT -ddet be -HAVING -ALSO
that even though being
laykaynind !9
laykay -ni -na qay -hak -taq
neighborhood -COP -INST wait -here -EX
because of being in the neighborhood awhile
hatjbibadi phaydma
haq -pi -pa -ti pha -i hay -tana
ask -REC -NOM -DLMT good -NHYP say -BY
that asking after being that it is good
"Even so, since he is our neighbor it would be good for you visit just for a
while."
Father:
luhoq-khoqdoqba asi-ana
lu -hoq khoq -thoq - a -si -na
head -initiate leg -bridge -NOM ATT -die ATT -sick
marriage and visitations death and sickness
thokpadd mi hfybd lakpddi

thok -pa -ta mi haq -pa lak -pa -ti
out -NOM -LOC man ask -NOM come -NOM -DLMT
upon hapenning man asking that coming
hdrawbani ddugsne huran-cinthi

haraw -pa -ni 9 -tu -k9 -ne hurn ein -thi
happy -NOM -COP ATT -ddet -ASS -SI thief mouth -ugly
being happy additionally, you see stealing and lying
mihat mipungi thabakta hzqba

mi -hat mi -pun -ki thabak -ta haq -pa
man -kill man -life -GEN work -LOC ask -NOM
murder men's life at work asking

480 Texts
catlubddi mtdubu hzrdwbdgi

cat -lu -pa -ti mi -tu -pu haraw -pa -ki
go -ADIR -NOM -DLMT man -DDET -ADVR happy -NOM -GEN
that going that man for being happy
mdhuPd sawbu-sawniqganine
ma -hut -ta saw -pu saw -niq -ka -ni -ne
NM -instead -LOC anger -ADVR anger -WISH -POT -COP -SI
instead of will become angry
imd
i -m
IP -mother
my mother
"At the time of marriages and visitations, sickness and death, it makes a man
happy that someone comes to enquire. But, mother, instead of making people
happy, it makes them very angry, if someone comes to enquire after they are
caught lying and stealing, murdering and doing other such work."
ddund bajina Cdtlubay

a -tu -na baji -na cat -lu -pa -ki
ATT -ddet -INST father -CNTR go -ADIR -NOM -GEN
then father from going there
kdrisu kanndroy ddugi

kari -su knna -loy a -tu -ki
what -ALSO use -NPOT ATT -ddet -GEN
nothing no use of that
saruk aygi layrik nambzgi

saruk ay -ki layrik nam -pa -ki
share I -GEN book press -NOM -GEN
share my book for publishing

waphmdo madu hannd

w -pham -tu ma -tu han -na
word -place -DDET NM -ddet first -ADV
that topic that return
amukta khannasi
a -muk -ta khanna -si
ATT -about -EX discuss -SUP
once again let us discuss
"So then, there is no use in father going over there. Instead of that let talk
again about publishing my book."
Mother:
a? hayrdqniqayda
9
a hay -lq -niq -qay -ta
intj fruit -arrange -WISH-DURING -LOC
Well when wishing to arrange for fruits
yurdqqakkhinu nupa macd

yu -lq -lak -khi -nu nu -pa ma -c
wine -arrange -DISTAL -STILL -PROBH person -male NM -small
don't already arrange for wine male child
"Don't talk about one thing while we are discussing a completely different
thing, son."
na ijgi wddo oyba ydba wd mPe

naq -ki w -tu oy -pa y -pa w natte
you -GEN word -DDET be -NOM able -NOM word not
your that idea being being able word is not
"Your plan is not feasible."
dphdba oybd ydbd thbdktd

a -pha -pa oy -pa y -pa thabak -ta
ATT -good -NOM be -NOM able -NOM work -LOC
a good one being being able to a project
wd oyna khannasi
w oy -na khanna -si
word be -INST discuss -SUP
word being let us discuss
"Let's talk about a project that is good and feasible."

482 Texts
Elder son:
ihe dphdba thdbknine
ihe a -pha -pa thabak -ni -ne
intj ATT -good -NOM work -COP -SI
not that a good one it is work, you know
ima aygisisu
i -m ay -ki -si -su
IP -mother I -GEN -PDET -ALSO
my mother this of mine also
"But mother, this project of mine is also a good one."
sei tnge hctybme

sei tan -ke hay -pa -ne
money earn -OPT say -NOM -SI
money want to earn that, you know
"As you know, I want to earn money."
sei tnbabu aphdba

sei tan -pa -pu a -pha -pa
money earn -NOM -ADVR ATT -good -NOM
money to earn a good one
thdbk naPrme
thabak nattra -ne
work is it not -SI
work is it not, as you know
"Is it not a desirable thing to earn money?"
Daughter:
tacawgi sei khutandudi
ta -caw -ki sei khut -tan -tu -ti
brother -big -GEN money class -earn -DDET -DLMT
of big brother money that manner of earning
satra-satrigi mzpunsibuna
satra satri -ki ma -punsi -pu -na
male student female student -GEN 3P -life -PAT -CNTR
of the students their lives

%9^ tacawm phdhdwge

mq -han -ke ta -caw - 9 pha -haw -ke
lose -CAUS -OPT brother -big -AGN good -START -OPT
want to cause loss big brother want to do good
kanti9fi9wge haybdgi wniba

kanna -how -ke hay -pa -ki w -ni hay -pa
use -START -OPT say -NOM -GEN word -COP say -NOM
want to be useful by saying that that is the idea
"Elder brother, you want to make money by wasting the life of the students yet
you say that you want to do something good, something useful..."
mddudi satra-satribu
ma -tu -ti satra satri -pu
NM -ddet -DLMT male student female student -PAT
that is to the students
semgatke haybd mt?e

sem -khat -ke hay -pa natte
make -UP -OPT say -NOM not
want to build up that is not
mfyhsnge hdybsni
mq -han -ke hay -pa -ni
lose -CAUS -OPT say -NOM -COP
want to cause loss it is said that
tacawgisidi
ta -caw -ki -si -ti
brother -big -GEN -PDET -DLMT
this of big brother's
"But you don't really want to help the students, you want to cause them harm
with this project of yours, big brother."
Elder son:
mBsi gyan tadredo
ma -si gyan ta -ta -la -e -tu
NM -pdet knowledge fall -NEG -PERF -ASRT -DDET
this knowledge has not fallen
"Don't you understand?"

484 Texts
dy ithdndma semgdtpa mdqhanba

ay i -than -tans sem -khat -pa mag -han -pa
I IP -lone -BY make -UP -NOM lose -CAUS -NOM
I by just myself to build up to cause loss
rjdmpot naPene 3
gam -pot natte -ne agag
possible -THING not -SI child
possible thing is not, you see child
"It is not possible for me to single-handedly hurt or advance the students,
child."
aynd pho qge hdyribd

ay -na phog -ke hy -li -pa
I -CNTR publish -OPT say -PROG -NOM
I want to publish which saying
laynksigumbd aniraktdq
layrik -si -kum -pa a -ni -lak -tag
book -PDET -LIKE -NOM ATT -two -MULT -EX
books which are like this just two
pfl0t]b9d9 skutar toqba

phog -pa -ta skutar tog -pa
publish -NOM -LOC scooter ride -NOM
upon publishing scooter riding
mi yamna hyre
mi yam -na lay -la -e
man lot -ADV be -PRO -ASRT
man a lot are
"By publishing just two books, like the one I want to publish, there are many
men who can afford scooters."
lay b ak phardbadi aysu

lay -pak pha -la -pa -ti ay -su
god -suit good -PRO -NOM -DLMT I -ALSO
fate if good I too

amaPsdi toyhdwnidma
a -ma -to -ti tog -haw -ni hay -tana
ATT -one -LOC -DLMT ride -START -COP say -BY
on one like that by that will start to ride
"If fate is good to me then I too will begin riding one like that."
-phdoksu ndkhoysu skutdr

noq ph -thok -su na -khoy -su skutar
day arrest -OUT -ALSO 2P -hpl -ALSO scooter
day will come also you too scooter
msntyds 03
ma -niq -ta toq -niq -pa
NM -back -LOC ride -WISH -NOM
at the back wishing to ride time
matam la?oydro
ma -tam lak -loy -ta -la -o
NM -time come -NPOT -NES -INT -SOLCT
time won't there certainly be
"Won't the day come when all of you will also want to ride on the back of a
scooter?"
satrasiqsu kannahzwsanu aykhoysu

satra -siq -su kanna -haw -sanu ay -khoy -su
male student -GPL -ALSO use -START -EXHORT I -hpl -ALSO
the students too let them beign to make use we also
kdnnahawsi hdybdgi want

kanna -haw -si hay -pa -ki w -ni
use -START -SUP say -NOM -GEN word -COP
let us make use by saying that it is this idea
"My idea is that the students should benifit from my book and so should we."
Younger son:
tacaw tawsi yayye
ta -caw taw -si y -] -ye
brother -big do -SUP agree -NHYP -CONFM
big brother let's do agree
"Big brother, let's do it." "I agree."

486 Texts
kdri layrikno phoqqdse

kari layrik -no phog -la -si
what book -INQ publish -PRO -SUP
what what is the book let's publish
"Which book is it?" "Let's publish it."
mind skutdr torjba uragane

mi -na skutar tog -pa -laga -ne
man -CNTR scooter ride -NOM see -AFTER -SI
man scooter riding after seeing, you know
sykhoysu yamnd toqniqbdjatni

ay -khoy -su yam -na tog -nig -pa -jat -ni
I -hpl -ALSO lot -ADV ride -WISH -NOM -TYPE -COP
we also a lot it is a sort of desire to ride
"After seeing other people ride scooters I want to do it too."
Daughter:
hay ndqgi ndthdw naPe
hay -i nag -ki na -thaw natte
say -NHYP you -GEN 2P -duty not
Say! your your duty is not
ndtj ywsinldkhdtiu
nag yaw -sin -lak -han -u
you include -IN -DISTAL -CAUS -IMP
you cause it to be contained
"Say! This has nothing to do with you, so shut up!"
Younger son:
ho kzrino tuminhyyune
ho kari -no tum -min lay -u -ne
intj what -INQ sleep -TOGETHER be -IMP -SI
well what is it be silent
"Hey be quiet!"
Father:
3? iratj-ldfjgdnune ndkhoyns
9
a i -lag lag -ka -nu -ne na -khoy -na
intj REDUP -noise noise -ASS -PROBH -SI 2P -hpl -CNTR
Hey! don't cause a ruckus you all

kdriginone yawydw dmuk

karigi -no -ne yawyaw a -muk
why -INQ -SI onmp ATT -once
chatter once
lawribse
law -li -pa -si
shout -PROG -NOM -PDET
this being noisy
"Hey! Don't cause a ruckus! Why are you all jabbering?"
se se ay \ hdyge tdroko
se se ay w hay -ke t -la -o -ko
intj intj I word say -OPT hear -PRO -SOLCT -TAG
hark hark I word that want to say listen will you, O.K.
"Listen up here, I want to say something O.K.?"
satra-satri hybdse
satra satri hy -pa -si
male student female student say -NOM -PDET
students that behind
tuijgi Jatigi yumbini

tuq -ki jati -ki yum -pi -ni
behind -GEN country -GEN house -REC -COP
behind of the country it is a pillar
"The students are the pillar of our nation's future."
mskhoynd phsrsga aykhoygi

ma -khoy -na pha -laga ay -khoy -ki
3P -hpl -CNTR good -AFTER I -hp] -GEN
they if good we
teybafc dsi phagadawribani

lay -pk a -si pha -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
land -broad ATT -pdet good -POT -OBGL -PROG -NOM -COP
country this it will be good

488 Texts
cawkhatkadawribdni
caw -khat -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
big -UP -POT -DO -PROG -NOM -COP
it will develop
makhoytid phdtraga
ma -khoy -na pha -ta -laga
3P -hpl -CNTR good -NEG -AFTER
they if not good
laybk ase hykhtana

lay -pk a -si lay -kh -ta -na
land -width ATT -pdet land -south -fall -INST
country this by falling under the earth
mdqgdddwribani
mq -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
lose -POT -DO -PROG -NOM -COP
will be lost
"If they are good our country will be good, it will develop; if they are
bad, this country will go under."
dduna makhoybu mstikcba

a -tu -na ma -khoy -pu ma -tik c -pa
ATT -ddet -INST 3P -hpl -PAT NM -fit make -NOM
then to them to make fit
mi 3ni9 oynanba semgdtpa

mi a -ma oyna -naba sem -khat -pa
man ATT -one for being -IN ORDER TO make -UP -NOM
man a in order to be to build up
haybase dhl oyba

hay -pa -si a -hn oy -pa
say -NOM -PDET ATT -first be -NOM
that elder being

aykhoy khudiqmakki mdthawni

ay -khoy khudiq -mak -ki ma -thaw -ni
I -hpl each -EACH -GEN NM -duty -COP
we of each and everyone it is a duty
"Thus, it is the duty of each and every adult to build the young people up to
become to be capable adults."
mskhoybu phdttdba timbida

ma -khoy -pu pha -ta -pa lam -pi -ta
3P -hpl -PAT good -NEG -NOM way -REC -LOC
to them wrong on the road
catnmaba insinba
catna -naba in -sin -pa
for going -IN ORDER TO follow -IN -NOM
in order for following to influence
Idmjijjbadi isdgi
lam -ciq -pa -ti i -s -ki
way -pull -NOM -DLMT IP -body -GEN
that leadership of my body
siqpqna
khoq -si -ta siq -caq -na
leg -PDET -LOC firewood -enter -INST
at this leg with an axe
yansinpbani
yan -sin -ca -pa -ni
cut -IN -SELF -NOM -COP
it is cutting in to self
"It would be like cutting my own leg with an axe to follow a course which
influences children to move in the wrong direction."
dduna Sarai natjttB layrik phoqge

a -tu -na Sarat naq -na layrik phoq -ke
ATT -ddet -INST Sarat you -CNTR book publish -OPT
then Sarat you book want to publish

490 Texts
hyribado mddu satrds^gi

hy -Ii -pa -tu ms -tu satra -siq -ki
say -PROG -NOM -DDET NM -ddet male student -GPL -GEN
that you say that of the students
kannabajat ndPe 3 ndsagidz

knna -pa -jat natte nag na -s -ki -ta
use -NOM -TYPE not you 2P -body -GEN -EX
a type to be useful is not you only for yourself
kanndbB thibani
knna -pa thi -pa -ni
use -NOM search -NOM -COP
to use are looking out
"So, Sarat, your book is not a useful thing for the students. You're only
looking out for yourself."
madugi wakhzldo madu

ma -tu -ki wa -khal -tu ma -tu
NM -ddet -GEN word -think -DDET NM -ddet
of this that idea that
thddo?u
th -thok -u ibuqqo
release -OUT -IMP ibuqqo
give up dear one
"Throw out this idea of yours, dear one."
masa-masagi budhi aduna

ma -s ma -s -ki budhi a -tu -na
NM -body NM -body -GEN intelligence ATT -ddet -CNTR
of each one intelligence that (and nothing else)
hotnajaduna psrikhya pas tswpsanu

hotna -ca -tuna parikhya pas taw -ca -sanu
try -SELF -ING exam pass do -SELF -EXHORT
trying for self exams pass let them pass
"Let each one of them try to pass the exam using their own intelligence."

mddudma mhhoy-mihenba
ms -tu -tana mi -thoy mi -hen -pa
NM -ddet -BY man -win man -more -NOM
only by that be the best of men
hdybddu oygadawribmi
hay -padu oy -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
say -DCOMP be -POT -DO -PROG -NOM -COP
that it will be
"Only then will they become the best of men."
mdsdgi kannab? thidunB

ma -s -ki kanna -pa thi -tuna
3P -body -GEN use -NOM search -ING
of self to use looking out for
satrssiqgi mzpunsi
satra -siq -ki ma -punsi
male student -GPL -GEN 3P -life
of the students their life
mafjnansba hotnaba miwoy

magna -naba hotna -pa mi oy
for making lose -IN ORDER TO try -NOM man be
in order to cause loss trying men
kaya amasu aykhoygi

kaya a -ma -su ay -khoy -ki
how many ATT -one -ALSO I -hpl -GEN
many also we
samaj dsida qasi foytsbd ndt?ene

samaj a -si -ta qasi lay -ta -pa natte -ne
society ATT -pdet -LOC today be -NEG -NOM not -SI
society to this today not being is not, you see
"It isn't that there are not many men in our society today who are looking out
only for themselves, trying to ruin the students."

492 Texts
makhoynasune satra nahdrol hdybasi

ma -khoy -na -su -ne satra naharol hay -pa -si
3P -hpl -CNTR -ALSO -SI male student youth say -NOM -PDET
they also students youth that
kanano hdybasi munna

ksna -no hay -pa -si mn -na
who -INQ say -NOM -PDET care -ADV
who is it that carefully
khabigadab^ni
khaq -pi -ka -ts -pa -ni
know -REC -POT -NES -NOM -COP
should know for their sake
"They too should find out in detail who the students and youth are."
aduga satra nahdrolsiqda

9 -tu -ks satra naharol -siq -ts
ATT -ddet -ASS male student youth -GPL -LOC
additionally students to the youth
aphaba lamjitj aphaba

a -phs -pa lam -ciq 9 -ph9 -p9
ATT -good -NOM way -pull ATT -good -NOM
which is good lead which is good
pdwtdk kaya pibirabadi

pw -tk kaya pi -pi -19 -p9 -ti
news -teach how many give -REC -PRO -NOM -DLMT
advice how many if will give that
jatigi cawkhatpa hdybasi

jati -ki caw -kh9t -p9 hay -p9 -si
country -GEN big -UP -NOM say -NOM -PDET
of the country development that
suksoy-soydana
suk -soy SOy -t9 -9
all -mistake mistake -NEG -ADV
certainly

oygddswnbsni
oy -ka -taw -li -pa -ni
be -POT -DO -PROG -NOM -COP
it will be
"Also, if we give advise that is good, leadership that is good, the country will
certainly progress."
icdsd naharolbu aphaba ttmbidd

i -c -s nahrol -pu a -pha -pa Ism -pi -ta
IP -child -body youth -PAT ATT -good -NOM way -REC -LOC
my child to the youth which is good on the road
tmjiqbibana phdbra
lam -ciq -pi -pa -na pha -pa -la
way -pull -REC -NOM -INST good -NOM -INT
by giving advise will it be good
aranbd Idmbidd pubsnd

a -lan -pa lam -pi -ta pu -pa -na
ATT -wrong -NOM way -REC -LOC bring -NOM -INST
wrong on the road by bringing
phdbara amuktBq khmthakhisi

pha -pa -la a -muk -tag khan -tha -khi -si
good -NOM -INT ATT -once -EX think -DOWN -STILL -SUP
will it be good just once let us think over
"My child, is it profitable to lead the youth on the right path or is it profitable
to lead them on the wrong path, let's think this over one more time."

Notes
1. DeLancey's evidence that seeks to establish pronominal marking as an

original Proto-Tibeto-Burman trait is not uncontested (e.g. LaPolla 1992).
2. This list was compiled from K.S. Singh and Manoharan (1993) and Sen
(1992).
3. One bittersweet joke in Imphal is that rickshaw drivers in the state are
the most educated in the country. Many speak English and hold Masters
degrees but cannot find better employment.
4. Texts and elicited data were processed using Summer Institute of
Linguistics software called Interlinear Text Processing.
5. There is one exception to this rule: ada 'way over there' which is pro-
nounced with emphatic intonation (a lengthening of the vowel accom-
panied with creaky voice). This form is possibly a lexicalized combination
of the attributive prefix a- (note that an initial a would be ungrammatical
here) and the locative suffix -ta with emphatic intonation.
6. The contrast of /a/ and /s/ word finally is marginal. A small class of
nouns end in /a/ and contrast with verb plus nominalizer sequences which
end in // (piba 'to give' and piba 'clan member') or noun plus case mar-
ker which ends in // {longa 'kind of bamboo' and longa 'with language').
7. Since only a vowel can form the nucleus of a Manipuri syllable, in bor-
rowed words a [d] is inserted as the nucleus for words with syllabic nasals
or liquids: philam 'film', tebal 'table'. Presumably, the word for 'film' was
borrowed from an Indo-Aryan language where the insertion of [s] had
already taken place.
8. Thoudam (1980: 50) attributes such variation to the insertion of a; how-
ever, this would not account for the realization of as [r] when a is not
present.
9. Phonology in Lab Box is in use at the University of Texas at Austin by
Anthony Woodbury. SoundEdit and Signafyze for the Macintosh were
made available to me through Kerry Green and associate Kathy Fohr of
the Speech Perception Lab at the University of Arizona. I am grateful to
these individuals for giving me access to the hardware and software
necessary for this instrumental study.
10. These minimal pairs have been noted by Ningthongjam (1982: 33) who
differentiates them by postulating a pause juncture with the subordinating
suffix sequence; however, since a pause is not always present between a
root and a subordinating sequence, the pause juncture hypothesis falls
short of a real explanation about the contrast in these pairs.

496 Notes
11. L. Mahabir Singh has also undertaken instrumentation of tone minimal

pairs, noting F 0 , amplitude and duration to see which of these contribute
to the perceptual distinction of the two tones. Unfortunately, I am un-
able to report his findings in full since I have in my possession only an
abbreviated report (L. Mahabir Singh 1988) of his 1982 Master's thesis
where the results are given.
12. Concerning the position of [lateral] in the feature geometry, I follow
Levin (1987), in assuming that it is dependent of [Coronal].
13. The negative marker -td provides an exception to this rule in frozen
forms such a ndtte [natê] 'not' which is composed of identifiable mor-
phemes: na 'be' (not a free form in Meithei), along with -td the negative
marker and the assertive marker -e. In all other environments the
negative marker does voice as expected, e.g. payddns 'not flying', pdydznz
'not holding'.
14. As explained in 2.6.2, in sequences of oral stops, the first stop may be
weakened. In this case, the [t] of the root set deletes after Deaspiration
has taken place. Thus /setkhay/ /setkay/ - /sekay/ [segay].
15. Consider the necessary ordering between Lateral deletion and Velar
deletion. In the derivation of a form like coqthordk?9gd 'jumping out', if
Lateral deletion is assumed to apply before Velar deletion the incorrect
form given in (i) is derived. If Velar deletion is assumed to apply before
Lateral deletion the incorrect form given in (ii) is derived.
i. /coq -thok -tek-la/ Lateral deletion applies

"[coqthoksks] environment for Velar deletion no longer
available
ii. /coq -thok-lak-ls/ Velar deletion applies

*[coqtholala] environment for Lateral deletion no longer
available
Thus the mere ordering of Lateral deletion before Velar deletion or the
ordering of Velar deletion before Lateral deletion will not derive the
correct result. However, both rules do apply to the form. Thus, the
formalism used to characterize the application of these rules must insure
that Velar deletion applies with the affixation of -hk but is 'turned off
with the affixation of -h. Furthermore, Lateral deletion must not be
allowed to apply until after the affixation of -hk and the application of
Velar deletion. This can be accomplished in Lexical Phonology and Mor-
phology (Kiparsky 1982, 1983; Mohanan 1986) by pairing the application
of Velar deletion with the suffixation of -hk and the application of Late-
ral deletion with all other suffixation.
Notes 497
iii. Level 1 suffixation of -lak, -thok, etc. Velar deletion rule

Level 2 suffixation of -Is, -Ii, -lam, etc. Lateral deletion rule
As a natural consequence of Lexical Phonology and Morphology, the

Velar deletion rule is prevented from applying on the forms with the
suffixes that are affixed at Level 2 and the Lateral deletion rule is pre-
vented from applying on the forms created at Level 1 since it is only
operative at Level 2. A derivation illustrating the application of the La-
teral deletion and Velar deletion following this level ordering is given in
iv. for the word cotyhorak?dgd 'having jumped'.
iv. Level 1 coq-thok-lak- Velar deletion applies

coqtholak-
Level 2 coqtholak-laka Lateral deletion applies
coqtholakaka
cotyhordk?3g9 further morphology and phonology
16. Within the Lexical Phonology and Morphology framework, compounds

constitute underived environments and because of the Strict Cycle Con-
dition they will not undergo lexical rules.
17. The tone of neither stem is relevant in the application or nonapplication
of Total assimilation of /.
18. It is difficult to further substantiate this point since the only enclitic which
begins with I is the interrogative -h.
19. In fast speech, 9 deletes before nasals.
i. tawribni
taw -li -pa -ni
do -PROG -NOM -COP
'is doing'
Other vowels may also undergo deletion in a similar environment. Thus

cdtkhdre 'has gone' may also be pronounced as catkhre, where khre con-
sists of -khi 'still' and -h 'perfect'.
20. See Hoeksema (1985: 4) for a detailed discussion of such an organization
of the Lexicon.
21. Houses are considered inalienable since they refer to an ancestral home
rather than just to a building that may be acquired and disposed of.
22. This form is also listed by Pettigrew (1912: 24) as meaning 'how many,
how much'. This meaning does not seem to be currently in use.

498 Notes
23. The proximal, derived from the Proto-Tibeto-Burman root *(h)i (Bene-
dict 1983: 1) may still be used as a free form as in (i).
i. sida thamge
agaq -ki -si si -ta thm -ke
child -GEN -PDET pdet -LOC place -OPT
for this child at here will keep
'(All) the food kept here is for the child (not for you, so stop eating
it).'
24. Much of this analysis is taken from Hodson (1908: 163ff).

25. With the prefixation of 2-, in stems of the shape CaC where the coda is
[w], the vowel is reduced to [a]. Examples are given in (i-iii).
i. caw- 'big' 9cawbd 'be big'

ii. haw- 'taste' ahswbd 'tasty'
iii. saw- 'anger' dsdwbd 'be angry'
26. This prefix is most probably cognate to the Garo and Baro kV- prefix
(where the V stands for a variable vowel), which derives adjectives from
intransitive verbs (Burling 1984: 36). khajiktd is probably composed of
this prefix and the root cik 'sever' as seen in (10a).
27. khitaq has nonaspirated variant fcit^tj.
28. This is also true for many unrelated languages of the region. See Verma
(1976).
29. The prefix khu- is no longer productive in Meithei. Recall that the third
person possessive prefix is also ma-. This homophony between the
pronominal prefix and the derivational prefix is also attested in Tibetan
where the prefix 9- has a pronominal use (indicating the third person
pronoun) and a homophonous prefix has a nonpronominal use, since it is
used to derive nominals from verbs. These are considered as derived
from a Proto-Tibeto-Burman third person pronoun (Wolfenden 1929,
Benedict 1972).
30. See also Chomsky (1982: 211) for a definition of governing category.
31. (6b) is accepted but characterized as "poetical". Some consultants except
(7b) whereas others feel it is ungrammatical with a third person pronoun
and better with a first person pronoun and reflexive.
32. In my judgement, however, (9b) is grammatical without the complement-
izer: ' Who did you say went in first?'

Notes 499
33. Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1984) states that a reflexive can be the actor of
an imperative sentence and provides (i) as an example; however,
examples such as (ii) indicate that the argument in (i) is in fact an
unrealized second person pronoun and that the reflexive is just a
resumptive emphatic.
i. ndsmdkna thabik adu taw

na -s -mak -na thabak 9 -tu taw -u
2P -body -ONLY -CNTR work ATT -ddet do -IMP
yourself work that do
'(You) do that work yourself!'
ii. 9! nakhoy nasdmakna

naq na -khoy na -s -mak -na
you 2P -hpl 2P -body -ONLY -CNTR
you you all yourself
catlaga makhoyda hdyyu

cat -laga ma -khoy -ta hy -lu -u
go -AFTER 3P -hpl -LOC say -ADIR -IMP
having gone to them say
'You go and tell them yourself !'
34. However, the functional equivalent of a passive construction can be de-

rived through the omission of an actor or agent argument from a clause.
35. Foley and Van Valin base much of their classification on work done by
Dowty (1979) who develops a classification of verbs to account for basic
aspectual/modal distinctions made in languages.
36. The arguments in such sentences cannot be bare noun phrases unless
they are plural or have collective interpretation.
i. bvak muy ii. cinni thummi

kwak mu -i cinni thum -i
crow black -NHYP sugar sweet -NHYP
'Crows are black.' 'Sugar is sweet.'

500 Notes
37. Bhat (as cited in Dixon 1991), notes examples like (i) where the goal
(what he call the indirect object) is marked by the patient (what he calls
the accusative) marker. I can find no examples of this sort in my data.
P. Madhubala Devi (1979: 73) gives the equivalent with the locative
marker.
i. ayna mdbu sei pi

ay -na m -pu sei pi -i
I -CNTR he -PAT money give -NYHP
I to him money gave
gave him money.'
If Bhat is correct, then three argument predicates might subcategorize for

an actor, patient (in (i) md will be patient, one who is unwillingly affected
by an action) and theme (in (i) sei 'money' will be the theme, the object
transferred through an action).
38. I could find no examples with inanimate causees as in English: I caused
the ball to hit the window or I caused the ball to hit John. Such sentences
are usually expressed by means of a noncausative construction.
39. This point is also noted in Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1991: 139) and Bhat
(1991: 132) for Meithei. Also, the facts presented here are in keeping
with Cole (1983), where Bolivian Quechua is shown to mark, the causee
on a semantic rather than a syntactic basis; that is, on the basis of the
extent of agency exhibited by the causee rather than the transitivity of the
verb.
40. Although the agentive and contrastive -na are homophonous they are
distinct: the agentive marker does not add contrastive meaning and it is
always present with agents of causative constructions, whereas the
contrastive marker is optional and always adds pragmatic information.
The causative marker may occur only once in a sentence whereas the
contrastive may occur on more than one argument.
i. ayna masuna olli

ay -na ma -su -na on -i
I -CNTR NM -color -CNTR change -NHYP
I color change
'It is I who changed the color (but not the design).'
41. A possible reading is, love Ram more than I love Tomba.'
42. Based on the fact that it is impossible for a speaker to be distanced from
himself/herself, the first person pronoun ay cannot occur with the distal
determiner.
Notes 501
43. Like other markers of this category, adversative -pu can function as a
clausal subordinator and here it conveys the meaning 'even S', 'in spite of
S\
makhoy pumnamskna paybabu

ma -khoy pumna -mak -na pay -p9 -pu
3PP -hpl all -ONLY -ADV hold -NOM -ADVR
they each one even having held
thgatba
thq -khat -pa qam -ta -e
lift -UP -NOM able -NEG -ASRT
to lift up not able
'Even though they all took hold of it, they were not able to lift it.'
44. Some consultants say that the sequence -punabu is grammatical but
others find it only marginally acceptable. It occurs in older published
literature (e.g. Pettigrew 1912); it can be elicited but never occurs in
naturally occurring speech.
45. Bhat (1991: 130-132) uses (i) and (ii) to support the claim that sentence
initial arguments are identified as actors.
ay ma uy 11. ma ay uy
I he saw I he saw
saw him.' 'He saw me.'
The lack of overt pragmatic or semantic role marking is highly marked

and my consultants uniformly preferred sentences with some pragmatic or
semantic marking on at least one of the arguments. Sentences such as (i)
and (ii) were more often considered ungrammatical than ambiguous.
46. For some reason, this sentence is not possible with the verb pirammi
which is composed of pi 'give' -lam the indirect evidential marker and -/
the nonhypothetical marker.
47. I have found one example of -o 'solicitive' used to prohibit an action (i).
This might warrant a reanalysis of the negative imperative -nu as indicat-
ed as in (ii).
i. hay cano
hay c -no
fruit eat -NEGIMP
'Don't eat fruit!'

502 Notes
ii. ttd 'negative' + u 'imperative' = -nu 'prohibitive'

na 'negative' + 'solicitive' = -no 'mild prohibitive'
48. However, the negative marker may occur with the permissive in idioms
(see Chapter 6).
49. Examples where the interrogative is suffixed to the bare verb stem are
marginally acceptable in the Imphal dialect for some verbs. Whereas
forms like *cdra from cd 'eat' and *citra from cdt 'go' are clearly
ungrammatical, consultants are ambivalent about forms like setra as in (i).
I have yet to determine the distribution of this dialectal feature.
i. 9 phiron setra
qsq phi -Ion set -Is
you cloth -weave wear -INT
you pant do you wear
'So you've worn pants?'
50. The quotative hdy 'say' is especially prone to being shortened or deleted,
thereby causing the quotative to merge with the preceding word phono-
logically. This process might involve the deletion of the initial laryngeal
of the quotative as shown in examples (i) and (ii). Note that in (i) inter-
vocalic r has also been deleted. The entire quotative may be deleted with
a glottal stop marking the place of the deleted stem as in (iii) and (iv).
i. ksmdynd
ksrem hay -na
how say -INST
'how was it that'
ii. yumbanbsydudi
yum -pan -pa hay -padu -ti
house -rule -NOM say -DCOMP -DLMT
'it is what is called household management'
iii. cille?bd iv. lakke?bd

cil -la -e hay -pa lak -ke hay -pa
wore -PERF -ASRT say -NOM come -OPT say -NOM
'that she wore it' 'that (he) wants to come'
51. This is similar to Chinese constructions like ni Idi bu Idi 'Are you
coming'?, where a positive and a negative statement are juxtaposed to
form a question.
Notes 503
52. In interrogatives, this marker always occurs with the interrogative enclitic
-la. As seen in (10b), it may also be used independently. In such cases it
is a polite imperative. See Chapter 9 for further discussion of the solici-
tive marker.
53. The question words have the following composition, kana 'who' contains
-na, possibly the 'agentive', but it does not mark case any more as
evidenced by the form kanana 'by whom', kdri 'what' contains -ri, the
meaning of which is unknown, kaydaw 'doing what' contains kdri 'what'
and taw 'do'; km becomes kay by a fast speech rule which has been
lexicalized in question words, ksydawqay 'when (exact time/ day)'
contains kdri 'what', taw 'do' and qay 'during'. 'How much, how many' is
ksydm (for mass noun) which contains ydm 'lot' and kaya (for count
nouns), karam 'how, in what way' contains lam 'path, way', karamba
'which' contains lam 'path, way' and -pa 'nominalizer', kaday 'where'
contains -tagi 'ablative' (-tagi becomes tay through a fast speech rule
which in its lexicalized form becomes toy), kamdawna 'how do V' contains
karam 'how', taw 'do' and -na 'instrumental', kamayna 'how' contains
karam 'how' and hay 'say' and -na 'instrumental', kamdaw 'to what extent'
contains karam 'how' and taw 'do', kadomda 'which way' contains som
'side' and -ta 'dative', karigi 'why' is composed of kari 'what' and -ki
'genitive but the expected meaning 'of what, from what or belonging to
what' is not obtained. Possibly, karigi might can be translated as 'from
what (cause)' thereby yielding the meaning of 'why'.
54. The similarity between the solicitive -o and the inquisitive enclitic -no is
apparent both in a segmental sense and from their meanings: both
contain the segment -o and both soften the communicative force of the
speech act they signal. It is probable that -no is the lexicalized com-
bination of na 'be' and the solicitive marker. In the synchronic grammar
-o affixes to verbs whereas -no affixes to nominal forms.
55. Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1984: 179) states that kadawijay refers to an exact
time but P. Madhubala Devi (1979: 219) differentiates kadawqay from
karamkanda by stating that the first asks for an approximate time and
that the second asks for a specific time.
56. Alternatives are:
i. noqmadi kamdawwi
-ma -ti karam -taw -i
day -one -DLMT how -do -NHYP
one day how done

504 Notes
ii. 3 kdmddwge hybdbu

-mg -ti kam -taw -ke hy -ps -pu
day -one -DLMT how -do -OPT say -NOM -ADVR
one day how wanted to do that
57. Ironba is a chutney made of dried fermented fish, green chilies and star-
chy vegetables.
58. There are idiosyncratic instances where adjectives can be formed on non-
state verb roots.
i. dcdbd pot
a -c -pa pot
ATT -eat -NOM thing
for eating thing
'something edible'
59. This is similar to the difference of meaning between post and prenominal
adjectives in French. For example, the French un grand garqon means 'a
grown-up boy' but un gargon grand means 'a tall boy'.
60. These examples were reported to me by Th. Harimohon Singh whose
source is Ch. Yashawanta Singh (p.c.).
61. This sentence most probably indicates beginning of menstruation.
62. The verb man 'seems' also functions to indicate mood, indicating a prob-
ability based on indirect evidence, that some event or state has taken
place or been attained. The verb occurs in the frozen expression
oyrdmanne.
i. cdhi dmsgi oyramanne

cahi 9 -ma -ki oy - b man -ne
year ATT -one -GEN be -PRO resemble -SI
year of one be seems
'It seems it is going to go on for a year.'
Both the evidential and mood values of oyrzmanne are reflected in these
restrictions: the verb cannot be used with present tense since it indicates
future probability or with first person actors since the verb indicates only
indirect information.

Notes 505
63. The sequence -nma can also be -ni 'copula' and -na 'contrastive'. In this
case the clause has a comparative reading.
i. mahak kmnd hotnsbdnins

ma -hak kan -na hotna -pa -ni -na
3P -here intense -ADV try -NOM -COP -CNTR
he intensely having tried
pmkhya
parikhya qam -la -e
test success -PERF -ASRT
test succeed
'Because he studied harder (than you), he passed the exam.'
64. In this section, I provide the criteria I used to distinguish inflectional

from derivational morphology.
65. I use phrase structure rules to derive the ordering of categories within
the word since other ways of deriving the linear ordering of morphemes
do not work here. For example, linear ordering may be derived through
the interaction of phonology and morphology as in the theory of Lexical
Morphology and Phonology (Kiparsky 1982, 1983; Mohanan 1986). Al-
though it can be stated that inflectional morphemes do undergo later
level phonological rules and thus occur outside of the derivational mor-
phology, there is nothing on the basis of phonology to preempt a particu-
lar order for the morphemes in the second and third derivational level.
Secondly, the notion that the "head of a word" will always be at the right-
most edge of a word and thus be ordered to the right of the constituent
of which it is the head (Di Sciullo and Williams 1987) is of no use here.
Since derivational markers signal things like the person for whom or with
whom some action is performed or the manner some action is performed,
but do not derive intra or intercategory changes, there is no reason to
consider them as heads. It would be possible, following Di Sciullo and
Williams (1987: 26) to diacritically mark the noncategory changing
rightmost suffix to indicate that it carries the category of stem it is
concatenated with. This would be an unrevealing solution for Meithei,
since all 19 second and third level derivational suffixes will have to be so
marked. Finally, a purely templatic formula is not in evidence for
Meithei, since second level derivational morphemes do not occur in a
fixed position.

506 Notes
66. -na adverbial does not enter into the ordering of morphemes described in
7.1 since it must affix to a verb root, -pa 'nominalizer' may affix to a
verb root, after verb derivation or verb inflection (see examples (2a), (2e)
and (2c) in Chapter 6). The nominalizing prefixes do not occur with
other prefixes and occur with only nominal suffixes.
67. For some consultants it is possible for the two markers to appear togeth-
er in a lexicalized sequence to indicate an action that is performed in
conjunction with and at the same time as another person as in (i).
i. cnaminnanabani
cna -min -na -naba -ni
feast -TOGETHER -RECIP -IN ORDER TO -COP
'It is in order to have a feast together.'
Evidence that -minna is not a productive sequence is that both -na 'recip-
rocal' and -minna can occur in the same word as in (ii).
ii. catnaminnahawbana
cat -na -minna -haw -pa -na
go -RECIP -TOGETHER -START -NOM -INST
'It is better if you go together with her.'
68. Matisoff argues, based on discussion of grammaticalization of give in Yao

Samsao, Vietnamese, Khmer and Mandarin, that this is a universally
available pattern of grammaticalization.
69. There is also a small class of words where -pi is used as a classifier for
things which branch off of larger entities: Iambi 'path' from lam 'road',
khambi 'fire' from kham- 'envelope, encompass', khubi 'thumb' from khut
'hand', khoqbi 'big toe' from 'foot'.
70. According to Bhat and Ningomba (1986b: 4), -haw is used to signify
causation. Sentences such as (i) are given as evidence; however, it is
clear that causation is signalled by the subordinating morphology.
i. mahakna puraktuna ay cdhawwi

ma -hak -na pu -lak -tna ay c -haw -i
3P -here -CNTR bring -DIST -ING I eat -START -NHYP
he bringing I start eating
could eat because he brought something.'

Notes 507
71. Since -khi refers to an action already completed in the past, it often car-
ries the implication that the subject has left the place of action after the
action has been performed. I assume that this is what has led both Bhat
and Ningomba (1986b: 5) and N. Nonigopal Singh (1987: 59) to analyze -
khi (analyzed by both writers as being underlying l-khal with an allo-
morph [khi]) as a directional marker meaning to 'V away from some
place or time.'
72. It is this reading that underlies the analysis of -khi as a progressive aspect
marker in Bhat and Ningomba (1986b: 3) and N. Nonigopal Singh (1987:
55).
73. Note that when -khi 'still' is followed by -h 'perfect', -li 'progressive' or -o
'solicitive', the final vowel of -khi deletes. Thus -khi + -la, -khi + -li and
-khi + -o are -khra, -khri and -kho, respectively. The sequence -khra may
occur with an epenthetic a, so that khra surfaces as khara. See section
2.6.4 for further discussion.
74. This reading for -hm is not currently attested in Meithei. It is, however,
present in other Tibeto-Burman languages: for example, Michailovsky
(1980) describes a locative particle lo in Hayu which is a reflex of Proto
Tibeto-Burman, *lam 'road, way' (Matisoff 1989: 7).
75. is a complex form consisting of 'sun' and ti for which I am
unable to find a gloss, most probably due to avoidance of the homo-
phonous form ti 'testicle, penis'.
76. The negative marker can only be used to describe future or hypothetical
situations in idioms such as (i).
i. noksi kaday noktssi foday
nok -si kaday nok -t9 -si kaday
laugh -SUP where laugh -NEG -SUP where
let's laugh where let's not laugh where
'I'm at a loss as to what to do.'
The sentence literally means, 'Let's laugh, then where (am I)?, let's not
laugh then where (am I)?'
77. Out of nine speakers I questioned, five felt that this was a possible form
but four felt it was unacceptable. The duplicated form of -khi 'still' adds
a level of politeness to the sentence.
i. naq cdk cdkhikhinu

naq ck c -khi -khi -nu
you rice eat -STILL -STILL -PROBH
you rice don't yet eat
'Don't eat (until I can join you).'
508 Notes
This form was originally noted in Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1984); however,
when I checked the form with native speakers 2 out of 4 thought the
form was ungrammatical, the other two saying such forms can be found
in poetry or in the stylized language of plays.
78. Also, nouns do not have a third level of derivation and do have a prefixal
category that verbs do not.
79. Pettigrew (1912: 14) also lists -sa which he calls vocative case. As seen in
(i) and (ii) -sa additionally acts to pluralize the noun it is suffixed to. It
cannot be suffixed on inanimate nouns: *layriksa; nouns which cannot
substitute for proper names *huysa (hify 'dog'), *misa (mi 'man') or prop-
er nouns *Tombasa. There are no examples of this marker in my data
and native speakers consider it to be archaic.
i. 3
s -qq -s
ATT -child -body
'Children!'
ii. nupi mdcs nskhoy

nu -pi ms -c -s ns -khoy
person -FEM NM -small -body 2P -hpl
girl young ones you all
la?o
lak -la -o
come -INT -SOLCT
come, won't you
'You girls, why don't you come here.'
80. The -pa suffix is related to the Proto-Tibeto-Burman agent noun suffix -
as seen in Tibetan rta-pa 'horseman'; c'u-pa 'water carrier' (Matisoff
1991a: 19).
81. A possible variant of khoy is khay. The reduction of the vowel to schwa
is a common alternation seen in stems that have been lexicalized to serve
as suffixes (see Table 3). The alternation of and d indicates that the
stem khoy is in the process of becoming a suffix.
i. dijdtjkhaygi
9 -qq -khoy -ki
ATT -child -hpl -GEN
'the children's'
Notes 509
In a small class of stock phrases it is possible to suffix this marker to

verbs as in (ii).
ii. catkhay cdtlurdgz

cat -khay cat -lu -lags
go -hpl go -ADIR -AFTER
going to many places after going there
'has gone to so many places'
To one consultant catkhay meant 'more than one person going some-
where'.
82. -su is a lexicalized shortening of -suq 'also' which occurs in the frozen
form dmasurj 'and' composed of -d 'attributive', ma 'one' and -suij 'also'
(Ch. Yashwanta Singh 1984: 258). The deletion of the final in l e g a l -
ization is seen again in the development of the exclusive marker ta from
the stem 'rare, exclusive'. See endnote 88.
83. I adopt the view put forward in Sadock (1991) and Woodbury (1995),
however, that the morphological status of a clitic might differ from its
phonological status. For example, the nonhypothetical inflectional affix -i
has high tone and therefore, according to the phonological criteria I have
stated, it must be treated as a clitic. In the morphology, however, this
marker is clearly an inflectional suffix since it can only be suffixed to a
verb. Thus the phonology offers a probable but not necessarily defining
characteristic of affixes and enclitics.
84. This is well motivated: since -no 'inquisitive' contains -o 'solicitive' the
question of whether they combine is irrelevant. Furthermore, since -ni
indicates a statement, it would be semantically anomalous for either the
interrogative or solicitive to be affixed to -ni.
85. The copula may also suffix to verbs in the future tense that, as discussed
in section 6.1, are nominal forms. Further discussion of the functions of
the copula is in Chapter 6.
86. The etymologies of -ni 'copula'; -ne 'shared information'; -no 'inquisitive'
and ndtte 'no' can be hypothesized as shown below:
*
ni = nd + -l 'nonhypothetical' 'it is'
no = nd + -0 'solicitative' 'is it?'
ne = na + e 'assertive' 'is it not so?'
natte = na + -t9 'negative' + -e 'assertive' 'it is not so'
The derivational function of -ni is an artifact of its etymology. A similar

special status can be attributed to -no 'inquisitive' which suffixes to nouns
510 Notes
to derive verbs but, as explained in section 7.3.1, has the distribution of

an enclitic.
87. See (14a) in Chapter 5 for analysis.
88. The exclusive enclitic -id is derived from the stem - 'rare'. The devel-
opment of this enclitic from a related stem provides an illustration of a
common pattern of lexicalization in Meithei. First, - 'rare' occurs as
stem and as a verbal suffix where its original meaning is modified to
mean 'distinct, exclusive' and the vowel appears as a. Both uses are
shown in (i).
i. ?
tag -tag -ps
rare -exclusive -NOM
'explicit, obvious'
The final consonant of the suffix is lost so that - alternates with -la.
89. yponiene results from the following phonological processes:
yapot+natte+ne -*
yapotnatene (tt reduces to t, see 2.6.2) -*
yaponatene (tn reduces to n, see 2.6.2) -*
yaponiene (nat becomes nt, see 2.6.5).
90. A useful semantic classification of Meithei compounds is given in Bhat

and Ningomba (1986b: 2).
91. I found only one example of a right headed verbal compound: lanjen
'evacuate during war' from 'war' and ce'n 'run'.
92. See for example a description of similar phenomena in Tibetan (Uray
1954), Lahu (Matisoff 1973b) and as an areal feature for the Indian sub-
continent (Abbi 1992, Masica 1991).
93. Ch. Yashawanta Singh (1988) analyzes these stems as prefixes that trigger
or occur with duplication.
94. As shown in Ch. Yashwanta Singh (1984: 104-117), the meaning of
reduplication with i 'full', and 'idiot' is changed to 'hardly V' when it
occurs with a negative verb.
i. patjka kade
psq -ka ka -t8 -e
idiot -attend attend -NEG -ASRT
'hardly attends'

Notes 511
ii. yetjde
i -yeg yeg -ta -e
full -attend attend -NEG -ASRT
'hardly sees'
95. Recall that a root is a bound morpheme with no derivational or

inflectional morphology, a stem is a root with additional morphology.
96. There are examples of productive compounding with poy- in noun-verb
compounds as in (i); however, this is not available in verb-verb com-
pounds except in idiomatic phrases. Similarly, with the exception of du-
plicated forms, kum- is used to modify nouns (as in (ii) and (iii)) but not
verbs.
i. smboy ii. ^ iii. laybdkum

sen -poy - -kum lay -pak -kum
cow -wander ATT -child -like god -get -like
'stray cattle' 'like a child' 'like fate'
97. The phdnek refers to the traditional garment worn by Meithei women. It
is a single piece of cloth which is wrapped at the waist and falls to the
ankles.
98. NUIJ also appears in nonduplicated words like unutj 'trees and the like'.
99. The compound thswjdn is interpreted idiomatically as 'kindness' (N.
Kelchandra Singh: 1964a).
100. This fact contradicts the claim, presented in Ch. Yashawanta Singh
(1984), P. Madhubala Devi (1979) and N. Nonigopal Singh (1987), that -o
'solicitive' -u 'imperative' are morphophonemic variants of the same
morpheme.
101. When opposing imperatives to solicitives in issuing commands, native
speakers will often note that the former are used to issue commands on
a single occasion whereas the latter are used for habitually issued com-
mands. Clearly, this impression that imperative marking conveys some
aspectual notion is related to the fact that a familiar is seen on regular
basis (hence the command to the familiar may be made on a regular
basis), whereas a command to a stranger or commands to equals who are
not well-known to the speaker are made on a single or limited number of
occasions.
102. This explains the analysis of -haw being a marker of co-occurrence by
Bhat and Ningomba (1986b: 4), in that the speaker is present at the same
time as the occurrence of V (e.g. cdhdwwi 'began eating (while I was
there) which also consists of ca- 'eat' and -// 'progressive.'

512 Notes
103. Note the curious semantic relationships between kuy- 'be long' and kuy-
'long ago'. As illustrated by the following list, a pattern of such
relationships between minimal tone pairs exists.
koy fence koy- garden

khun village khun furrow
cay percentage cdtj average
*
con- fill a container to the brim con length of trouser
ton low caste ton- on top
thum- sweet thum- salty
nan- caress ndn- slip, slime
naw- soft, new ndw- young
pu- bring, carry - borrow
pun- tie, bind pun- dense, crowded
pha- belt phd- arrest, catch,
complete
mdn- old mm- too much
maij- wasted by touching at an mdtj- lose, disappear
inappropriate time
mu- black, dirty mu- roast slightly over
coals
law- shout, noise Idw- soft, downy, broad
sok- touch sok- injure
hen- be more hen- be more beautiful
than others
104. For a female tay might refer to her husband; the elder brother of her
husband; husband of her older sister; son of her maternal uncle or son of
a paternal aunt older than herself.
105. The assimilation of /n/ to [m] before [p] or [b] is restricted to ton- 'top'.
106. Nit) appears as the first stem in several compounds where it has the
meaning of 'head, mind'. I am following N. Khelchandra Singh (1964a)
by assuming that niqthi 'nice' and niqthaw 'king' are composed of the
same first stem. I am not sure what the meaning of the second stem in
these words is.
107. sum alternates with dum (i.e. ddum 'thus') and suk alternates with duk
(i.e. aduk 'all'). This is the only example of variation between [s] and [d].
108. When this play was broadcast, eighteen rupees equalled approximately
one U.S. dollar.

References
This list contains works cited in this book and includes all the materials on the
Meithei language that I have collected. For materials that are hard to access,
I have indicated whether I have the item (H), have the item and have had it
translated from Meithei into English (HT), or have not yet acquired or seen
the item (NS).
Manipuri personal names have three parts which appear in this order: (1) a
family name; (2) a given name; and (3) a caste or religious title (the most
common titles are Sharma for Brahmin men, Singh for non-Brahmin men, Devi
for Hindu women, Begum for Muslim women and Malik for Muslim men).
Those reacting against the imposition of Hinduism on Manipuri culture have
adopted final names that do not refer to caste: Meitei or Meetei for men and
Chanu for women. A married woman might add Ongbi after the family name,
a single woman might add Ningol after the family name. If Ongbi or Ningol
are used, the final titles Devi and Chanu cannot be used. In current usage, the
family name may occur as an initial, in other cases the caste/sex/religion/race
title has been dropped and the family name is used as the last name. I have
alphabetized names according to the last name used by the author.
Abbi, Anvita-Jawaharlal K. Mishra

1985 "Consonant Ousters and syllabic structure in Meitei", Linguistics
of the Tibeto-Burman Area 8.2: 81-92.
Abbi, Anvita
1989a "Reduplication in Tibeto-Burman", Paper read at the 2nd Natio-
nal Seminar on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics, Manipur University,
Imphal.
1989b "Distributional Constraints of Meitei Vowels and Consonants",
Paper read at the 2nd National Seminar on Tibeto-Burman
Linguistics, Manipur University, Imphal.
1992 Reduplication in South Asian Languages. An Areal, Typological and
Historical Study. New Delhi: Allied Publishers Limited.
Ahluwalia, B. KShashi Ahluwalia
1984 Social Change in Manipur. Delhi: Cultural Publishing House.
Anderson, Stephen R.
1978 'Tone Features", in: Victoria A. Fromkin (ed.), Tone: A Linguistic
Survey. New York: Academic Press, 133-176.
1988 "Inflection", in: Michael NoonanMichael Hammond (eds.),
Theoretical Morphology. New York: Academic Press, 23-43.

514 References
Archangel), Diana
1984 "An Overview of the Theory of Lexical Phonology and Mor-
phology", Working Papers in Linguistics, MIT, 1-14.
Arokianathan, S.
1980 Tangkhul Naga Phonetic Reader. Mysore: Central Institute of
Indian Languages.
Aronoff, Mark
1976 Word Formation in Generative Grammar. Cambridge, Mass.: The
MIT Press.
Bach, KentRobert Harnish
1979 Linguistic Communication and Speech Acts. Cambridge, Mass: The
Press.
Baruah, Sanjib
1989 "Indigenous People, Cultural Survival and Minority Policy in
Northeast India", Cultural Survival Quarterly 13.2: 5358.
Bauman, James J.
1975 Pronouns and Pronominal Morphology in Tibeto-Burman.
[Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California,
Berkeley.]
Benedict, Paul K.
1972 Sino-Tibetan. A Conspectus. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
1983 "This and that in TB/ST', Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area
7.2: 75-98.
1984a "Proto-Sino-Tibetan interrogative *ga(ng) ~ *ka", Linguistics of the
Tibeto-Burman Area 8.1: 1-10.
1984b "The Sino-Tibetan existential *s-ri", Linguistics of the Tibeto-
Burman Area 8.1: 1113.
Bhat, D. N. S.
1967 "Some Notes on Manipuri", Journal of the Asiatic Society IX. 1:
12-17.
1991 Grammatical Relations: Evidence against their Necessity and
Universality. London: Routledge.
Bhat, D. N. S.-M. S. Ningomba
1986a "The Concept of Subject in Manipuri Sentences", Paper read at
the National Seminar on Tibeto-Burman Languages and
Linguistics, Manipur University, Imphal.
1986b A Manual of Manipuri Grammar. [Unpublished MS, Manipur
University, Imphal.]
Bhogeswar, O. Madhumangol
1985 Manipuri Lok Warita [A Compilation of 60 Manipuri folk tales].
Imphal: Manipur State Kala Akademi. (H)
References 515
Bloch, Bernard
1969 Bernard Bloch on Japanese. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Booij, GeertJerzy Rubach
1987 "Postcyclic versus Postlexical Rules in Lexical Phonology",
Linguistic Inquiry 18.1: 1-44.
Borjars, Kersti
1992 "An Argument in favour of a syntax-morphology distinction:
Scandinavian and Balkan noun phrases", in: Berkeley Linguistics
Society eds., Proceedings of the 18th meeting of the Berkeley
Linguistics Society, University of California, Berkeley.
Bossong, George
1985 Empirische Universalienforschung. Differentielle Objektmarkierung
in den neuiranischen Sprache, Tuebingen: Gunter Narr.
1991 "Differential Object Marking in Romance and Beyond," in:
Douglas Kibbee and Dieter Wanner eds. New Analyses in
Romance Linguistics, Amsterdam and Philadelphia: Benjamins
1991, 143-170.
Britannica Book of the Year
1994 Events of 1993, Encyclopedia Britannica. Charles P. Turmbull,
(ed.), Chicago, 628-629.
Brown, RogerAlbert Gilman
1960 "The Pronouns of Power and Solidarity", in: Joshua A. Fishman
(ed.), Readings in the Sociology of Language. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter, 252-281.
Burling, Robbins
1984 "Noun Compounding in Garo", Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman
Area 8.1: 14-42.
Bybee, Joan
1985 Morphology. A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Chafe, Wallace
1976 "Givenness, Contrastiveness, Definiteness, Subjects, Topics, and
Point of View", in: Charles N. Li (ed.), Subject and Topic. New
York: Academic Press.
Chelliah, Shobhana L.
1984 Case Morphemes and their Functions in the Case System of
Manipuri. [Unpublished Master's thesis, University of Delhi.]
1987a An Interlinear Morphological Analysis of Two Manipuri Texts.
[Unpublished MS, University of Texas at Austin.]

516 References
1987b Organizational Components and Rhetorical Structure in a

Manipuri Narrative. [Unpublished MS, University of Texas,
Austin.]
1987c "Case Assignment and Morphological Case Markers in Manipuri",
Proceedings of the Third Pacific Linguistics Conference. Eugene:
University of Oregon, 7192.
1988 "Subject Marking in Manipuri", Proceedings of the Western
Conference on Linguistics. Fresno: California State University,
30-40.
1990a "Complementizers and Evidentiality in Manipuri", Paper read at
the 23rd International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages
and Linguistics, Arlington, TX.
1990b "Experiencer Subjects in Manipuri", in: Manindra K. VermaK. P.
Mohanan (eds.), Experiencer Subjects in South Asian Languages.
Stanford: Center for the Study of Language and Information,
195-212.
1990c "A bibliography of Meiteiron (Manipuri) Linguistics", Linguistics
1992a "Bracketing Paradoxes in Manipuri", in: Mark Aronoff (ed.),
Morphology Now. Albany: State University of New York Press,
33-47.
1992b A study of Manipuri grammar. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Texas, Austin.]
1995a "An Autolexical analysis of Voicing Assimilation in Manipuri", in:
Eric Schiller, Elisa Steinberg, Barbara Need (eds.), Developments
in Autolexical Syntax. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1130.
1995b "Animation and Indirect Speech the Manipuri Narrative Hanuba
Hanubi Pan Thabagi Puqg-wri," Paper read at the 5th meeting
of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, University of Arizona,
Tucson.
1995c "Competing language ideologies in Manipur", Paper read at the
28th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and
Linguistics, University of Virginia, Charlottesville.
Chomsky, Noam
1982 Lectures in Government and Binding. Dordecht: Foris.
Chomsky, Noam-Morris Halle
1968 The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper and Row.
Cohn, Abigail C.
1989 "Stress in Indonesian and Bracketing Paradoxes", Natural
Language and Linguistic Theory 7: 167216.

References 517
Cole, Peter
1983 "The Grammatical Role of the Causee in Universal Grammar",
International Journal of American Linguistics 49.2: 115133.
Comrie, Bernard
1976 Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Damant, G. H.
1875 "Notes on Manipuri Grammar", Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal XLIV.i: 173-180.
1877 "Notes on the Old Manipuri Character", Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal XLVI.i: 36-38.
DeLancey, Scott
1980 Deictic Categories in the Tibeto-Burman Verb. [Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Indiana, Bloomington.]
1984 "Etymological notes on Tibeto-Burman case particles", Linguistics
1987 "Sino-Tibetan Languages", in: Bernard Comrie (ed.), The World's
Major Languages. London: Croom Helm, 797810.
1989a "Verb Agreement in Proto-Tibeto-Burman", Bulletin of the School
of Oriental and African Studies. Vol LII.2:1989: 315-333.
1989b "Case Marking Patterns in Tibeto-Burman Languages",
[Unpublished MS, University of Oregon, Eugene.] (H)
1995 Summary of discussion on Burmese posted by Bert Peters,
Moderators: Anthony R. Aristar and Helen Dry: The Linguist
List, April 28th, 1995.
Devi, B. Premavati
1988 "Imperative Formation in English and Manipuri", Paper read at
the weekly Department of Linguistics Seminar, Manipur
University, Imphal. (H)
Devi, Chungtham Nandakumari
1985 Reduplication in Meiteilon. [Unpublished M.Phil, thesis,
University of Manipur, Imphal.] (H)
Devi, Ibemhal
1975 Meiteirongi Syllable [The Manipuri Syllable]. [Unpublished
Master's thesis, Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)
Devi, Nameirakpam Promodini
1989a Social Grammar of Meiteilon. [Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation,
Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)

518 References
1989b "Kinship terminology in Meiteilon: a Sociolinguistic Study",

Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 12.2: 123-136.
Devi, O. Memchoubi
1988 A Comparative Analysis of Meiteilon and Thadou Phonology.
[Unpublished M.Phil, thesis, Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)
Devi, P. Madhubala
1979 Manipuri Grammar. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Deccan
College Postgraduate and Research Institute, Poona.] (H)
Devi, Pasotsana Rajkumari
1988 A Comparative Study of Imphal and Phayeng Dialects in
Morphophonemic Changes in Compounding. [Unpublished
M.Phil, thesis, Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)
Devi, Phazabi
1979 Tone and Toneship in Meiteilon. [Unpublished Master's thesis,
Manipur University, Imphal.] (HT)
Devi, Sanasam Samorani
1987 Magic Tales of the Meiteis: A Study. [Unpublished M.Phil, thesis,
Manipur University, Imphal.] (HT)
Devi, Soibam Sanatombi
1987 Animal Tales of the Meiteis: A Study. [Unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, Manipur University, Imphal.] (HT)
Devi, Thangjam Bimola
1988 A Comparative Study of Standard and Pangal Dialects.
[Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Manipur University, Imphal.]
(H)
Devi, W. Mema
1988 "Coinages in Manipuri", Paper read at the weekly Department of
Linguistics Seminar, Manipur University, Imphal. (H)
Devi, Y. Nungshitombi
1989 "Syllabic Structure in Meiteilon", Paper read at the weekly
Department of Linguistics Seminar, Manipur University, Imphal.
(H)
Devi, Yumlembam Ranibala
1987 Manipuri Word Formation. [Unpublished M.Phil, thesis,
Dixon, R. M. W.
1972 The Dyirbal Language of North Queensland. London: Cambridge
University Press.
1991 Prototypical versus Direct ~ The Semantic Bases of Grammatical
Marking. [Unpublished MS, Australian National University.]
1994 Ergativity. Cambridge University Press.

References 519
Dowty, David
1979 Word Meaning and Montague Grammar. Dordrecht: Reidel.
Dube, Mahendranatha
n.d Purvottara Bharatiya Bhashaom ke Sarbanama: Hindi Bangla,
Asamiyam, Maithili, Manipuri aura, Oriya [Pronouns of Hindi,
Bengali, Assamese, Maithili, Manipuri and Oriya]. Agra: Shakti
Prakashan. (H)
Dun, E. W.
1886 Gazetteer of Manipur. Calcutta: Superintendent Government
Printing. [Reprinted in 1975 by Delhi: Manas Publications]. (H)
Farkas, Donka F.-Jerrold M. Sadock
1989 "Preverb Climbing in Hungarian", Language 65: 318-338.
Foley, William-Robert D. Van Valin
1984 Functional Syntax and Universal Grammar. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Genetti, Carol
1988 "From postposition to subordinator in Newari", in: Bernard
HeineElizabeth Traugott (eds.), Grammaticalization. Philadel-
phia: John Benjamins.
Goldsmith, John
1990 Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Greenberg, Joseph. H.
1966 Universals of language. (2nd edition.) The Hague: Mouton.
Grierson, Sir G. ., Konow, S. eds.
190328 Linguistics Survey of India. Volume III, Parts 13, Tibeto-Burman
Family. Reprinted 1967 by Motilal Banarsidass (Delhi, Varanasi,
Patna).
Gupta, Manorama
1976 "Verb Structures/Compositions in Hindi and Manipuri", Gaveshna.
Agra: Central Hindi Institute, 14-28. (NS)
Hale, Austin
1982 Research on Tibeto-Burman Languages. (Trends in Linguistics,
State of Art Report 14.) New York: Mouton.
Hale, Kenneth L.
1983 "Warlpiri And The Grammar Of Non-configurational Languages",
Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 1: 5-47.
Halle, Morris-K. P. Mohanan
1985 "Segmental Phonology of Modern English", Linguistic Inquiry 16:
57-116.

520 References
Hanks, William F.
1984 "The Evidential Core of Debris in Yucatec Maya", Papers from the
20th Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society,
Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society, 154172.
Hazarika, Sanjoy
1993 "100 Dead in India in Religious Strife." The New York Times
International, Wednesday, May 5.
1994 Strangers of the Mist. Tales of War and Peace from India's
Northeast. New Delhi: Viking.
Hodson, T. C.
1908 The Meitheis. Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation.
1911 [Reprinted in 1989] The Naga Tribes of Manipur. Delhi: Low Price
Publications.
Hoeksema, Jack
1985 Categorial Morphology. New York: Garland.
Hope, Edward Reginald
1974 "The deep syntax of Lisu sentences: a transformational case
grammar", Pacific Linguistics B.34.
Ibopishak, Pebam
1981 W. Tomchou Singh gi Meiteirongi Grammar dmssung Kampojision
part one mityeng dma [Comments on part one of W. Tomchou
Singh's Manipuri Grammar and Composition], Imphal: 16th No.
Manipur Literary Council. (H)
Indrakumar, H.
1989 "Social Status and Role of Meiteilol: An approach to crisis
maintenance", Paper read at the 2nd National Seminar on Tibeto-
Burman Linguistics, Manipur University, Imphal. (H)
Jaeschke, H. A.
1881 A Tibetan-English Dictionary with special reference to the prevailing
dialects. London: Routledge-Kegan Paul.
Jha, Lambodar
1989 "Kinship terms in the Languages of Manipur", Paper read at the
2nd National Seminar on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics, Manipur
Johnson, Rod
1992 The Limits of Grammar: Syntax and Lexicon in Modern Spoken
Burmese. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor.]
1995 Summary of discussion on Burmese posted by Bert Peters,
Moderators: Anthony R. Aristar and Helen Dry: The Linguist
List, April 28th, 1995.

References 521
Kanjum, I. S.
1977 Longi Varen (The syntax of the language). Imphal: Vina Publica-
tion. (NS)
Karam, Sushini
1985 Meiteirongi Negative. [Unpublished M.Phil, thesis, Manipur
University, Imphal.] (H)
Kiparsky, Paul
1982 "From Cyclic to Lexical Phonology", in: Harry van der
Hulst-Norval Smith (eds.), The Structure of Phonological Repre-
sentations, Part I. Dordrecht: Foris, 131-176.
1983 "Word-formation and the Lexicon", in: Frances Ingemann (ed.),
1982 Mid-America Linguistics Conference Papers. Lawrence, KS:
University of Kansas.
1984 "Lexical Morphology and Phonology", in: The Linguistic Society of
Korea (ed.), Linguistics in the Morning Calm. Seoul: Hanshin.
1985 "Some Consequences of Lexical Phonology", Phonology Yearbook
2: 85-138.
Kiparsky, Paul-Carol Kiparsky
1971 "Fact", in: Manfred Bierwisch-K. Heidolph (eds.), Progress in
Linguistics. The Hague: Mouton, 347369.
Kiss, Katalin E.
1988 "Is the VP universal?", in: Istvan Kenesei (ed.), Approaches to
Hungarian. Vol. 2. Szeged: Jate, 13-85.
Klavans, J. L.
1979 "On clitics as words", in: P. R. Clyne-William F. Hanks-C. L.
Hofbauer (eds.), The elements: a parasession on linguistic units and
levels. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society, 68-80.
1983 "The morphology of cliticization", in: J. F. Richardson et al. (eds.),
Parasession on the interplay of phonology, morphology and syntax.
Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society, 103119.
1985 "The independence of syntax and phonology in cliticization",
Language 61.1: 95-120.
Konow, Sten
1909 'The Tibeto-Burman Family", in: George Abraham Grierson (ed.),
Linguistic Survey of India. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent
of Government Printing, 3: 131.
Kumar, Braj Bihar-Singh, S. Yadumani
1977 Hindi-Manipuri Dictionary, Kohima: Nagaland Bhasha Parishad.
(H)

522 References
Kumar, S.
1984 An Introduction to the Study of Language and Meiteilon, Imphal: P.
K. Singh, Kongpal Porompat Road. (NS)
Laishram, Jamuna
1980 Meiteilongi Verb [The verb in Meiteiron]. [Unpublished Master's
thesis, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Imphal.] (H)
1985 A Contrastive Analysis of Meiteiron and Rongmei Phonology.
1989 "Metrics in Thainagi Seireng", Paper read at the weekly
(H)
LaPolla, Randy
1992 "On the dating and nature of verb agreement in Tibeto-Burman",
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Vol
LV.2:1992: 298-315.
1994 "Parallel Grammaticalizations in Tibeto-Burman Languages:
Evidence of Sapir's 'Drift'" Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area
17.1: 1-18.
Leben, William
1978 "The Representation of Tone", in: Victoria A. Fromkin, (ed.),
Tone: A Linguistic Survey. New York: Academic Press, 177-219.-
Lehman, F. K.
1976 "Wolfenden's Non-Pronominal a-prefix in Tibeto-Burman: Two
Arguments From Southern Chin And Some Proposed Semantic
Correlates", Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 2.1: 19-44.
Levin, Juliette
1987 "A place for lateral in the feature geometry", Paper presented at
the annual meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, San
Francisco.
Li, Charles NSandra A. Thompson
1976 "Subject and Topic: A New Typology of Language", in: Charles Li
(ed.), Subject and Topic. New York: Academic Press, 457-489.
McCarthy, John J.
1988 "Feature Geometry and Dependency: A Review", Phonetica
43/45: 84-108.
McCawley, James D.
1979 "Some Tonal Systems That Come Close to Being Pitch-accent
Systems but Don't Quite Make It", Adverbs, Vowels and Other
Objects of Wonder. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
41-47.
Manipuri Sahitya Parishad
1969 Manipuri Language and Literature. Imphal. (H)
References 523
1970 Glimpses of Manipuri Language, Literature and Culture. Imphal.

(H)
1982 Manipurigi Marathadd Warsng [Essays on Manipuri]. Imphal. (H)
Manorama Year Book
1994 "Manipur", Madras [No indication of publisher.] pages 647-649.
(H)
Marantz, Alec
1988 "Clitics, Morphological Merger, and the Mapping to Phonological
Structure", in: Michael NoonanMichael Hammond (eds.),
Theoretical Morphology. New York: Academic Press, 253270.
Masica, Colin P.
1991 The Indo-Aryan Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Matisoff, James A.
1973a "Tonogenesis in Southeast Asia", in: Larry Hyman (ed.),
Consonant Types and Tone. Los Angeles: University of Southern
California.
1973b The Grammar of Lahu. Berkeley: University of California Press.
1989 "Areal and Universal Dimensions of Grammaticization in Lahu",
in: Elizabeth Traugott-Brend Heine (eds.), Approaches to
grammaticalkation Vol II. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John
Benjamins, 1-79.
1991a "The Mother of All Morphemes: "big mama" in Sino-Tibetan and
elsewhere", Paper read at the First Annual Meeting of the
Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, Wayne State University,
Detroit.
1991b "Sino-Tibetan Linguistics: Present State and Future Prospects",
Annual Review of Anthropology. 1991.20: 469-504.
Meetei, Ito W.
1989 "Meitei Affinal Kin Terms", Paper read at the 2nd National
Seminar on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics, Manipur University,
Imphal. (H)
Michailovsky, Boyd
1980 Grammaire de la langue Hayu (Nepal). [Unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, Berkeley, University of California.]
Miglani, Sanjeev.
1989 "The Battle Continues in the Northeast", Cultural Survival
Quarterly 13.2: 40-42.
Mohanan, K. P.
1986 The Theory of Lexical Phonology. Dordrecht: Reidel.

524 References
Musuksana, R. K.
1982 Phonological Comparison: Old and Modern Manipuri. [Unpub-
lished M.Phil, thesis, Deccan College, Poona.] (NS)
Musuksana, W. H.
1980 Meiteilongi Bawnd Root [Bound Root in Meiteilon]. [Unpub-
lished Master's thesis, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Imphal.] (H)
Naoba [No last name given]

1988 "Studies on Dialects", Paper read at the weekly Department of
Nespor, M.-I. Vogel
1986 Prosodic Phonology. Dordrecht: Foris.
Ningomba, M. S.
1974a "Meiteirongi Nawn [The Meiteiron Noun]", Matamgi Khongthang
14, Imphal: ULA. (NS)
1974b "Manipuri Imperative", Matamgi Khongthang 14, Imphal: ULA.
(NS)
1980 "Meiteilonda Tens [Tense in Meiteilon]", Sahitya 44: 1-44,
Imphal: Manipuri Sahitya Parishad. (NS)
1981 Meiteilonmit [Meitei Language]. Manipur: Imphal Board of
Secondary Education. (NS)
1982a "Meiteirongi Morphology [Meitei Morphology]", Manipurigi
Maramda Wareng. Imphal: Manipuri Sahitya Parishad. (NS)
1982b "Meteilongi Nattatap [Negative in Meitei]", Lamjing Meira 17,
Imphal: Manipur Literary Council, Lamlong Bazar. (NS)
1983 "Bound Roots in Meitei", Nepalese Linguistics 2: 53-62.
Ningthongjam, Sushila
1982 Meiteilongi Watap [Meiteiron Morphology]. [Unpublished
Master's thesis, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Imphal.] (H)
1986 Tone in Manipuri Orthography. [Unpublished MS, Manipur
University, Canchipur.] (H)
Noonan, Michael
1985 "Complementation", in: Timothy Shopen, (ed.), Language typology
and Syntactic description, Vol 2., Complex constructions.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 42140.
Oinam, Anandini
n.d. Compound Words in Meiteilol. [Unpublished Master's thesis,
Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)
Pathak, R. C.
1946 Bhargava's Standard Illustrated Dictionary of the Hindi Language.
Varanasi: Bhargava Book Depot. (H)

References 525
Pesetsky, David
1985 "Morphology and logical form", Linguistic Inquiry 16: 193-246.
Pettigrew, R. W.
1912 Manipuri (Mitei) Grammar. Allahabad: Pioneer Press.
1956 Meteilongi Grammar [A Grammar of Meiteiron]. Part 2. Imphal
[No indication of publisher.] (NS)
Pierrehumbert, JanetMary Beckman
1988 Japanese Tone Structure. Cambridge, : Press.
Primrose, A. J.
1887 Manipuri Grammar. Manipur: Government Press.
Pulleyblank, Douglas
1986 Tone in Lexical Phonology. Dordrecht: Reidel.
Ransom, Elizabeth
1986 Complementation: its meanings and forms. Amsterdam: John
Benjamins.
Riddle, Elizabeth
1977 "Some Pragmatic Conditions on Complementizer Choice", Kaigai
Eigogaku-ronso [Selected Papers in Linguistics]. Tokyo: Eichosha,
155-166.
van Riemsdijk, Hendrik C.-Edwin Williams
1986 Introduction to the Theory of Grammar. Cambridge, Mass.: The
Press.
Roy, Joytirmoy
1973 History of Manipur. Imphal: D.M. College. (H)
Rubach, Jerzy
1984 Cyclic and Lexical Phonology: The Structure of Polish. Dordrecht:
Foris.
Sadock, Jerrold M.
1974 Toward a Linguistic Theory of Speech Acts. New York: Academic
Press.
1991 Autolexical Syntax. A theory of parallel grammatical representation.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Sagey, E.
1986 The Representation of Features and Relations in Nonlinear
Phonology. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, MIT, Cambridge.]
Sahai, Chaturbhuj
1975 Hindi Manipuri Self-Teacher. Kohima: Nagaland Bhasha Parishad.
(H)
Sanahai, R. K.
1989 "Adverbs in Meiteilon", Paper read at the weekly Department of

526 References
Sapir, Edward
1921 Language. An Introduction to the Study of Speech. New York:
Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich.
Saxena, Anju
1989 "Ergative or Nominative-Accusative?: The Tibeto-Burman Case",
Proceedings of the Fourth Meeting of the Pacific Linguistics
Conference, Eugene: University of Oregon, 420-447.
di Sciullo, Anna-Edwin Williams
1987 On the Definition of Word. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press.
Searle, John
1975 "Indirect speech acts", in: Peter Cole and Jerry Morgan (eds.),
Syntax and Semantics. Vol. 3.
Selkirk, Elizabeth
1982 The Syntax of Words. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
1984 Phonology and Syntax: The Relation between Sound and Structure.
Cambridge, : Press.
Sen, Sipra
1992 Tribes and Castes of Manipur. New Delhi: Mittal Publications. (H)
Shafer, Robert
1966/1967 Introduction to Sino-Tibetan. Part I, 1966, Part II 1967.
Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
Sharma, A. Krishna Mohan
1972 Hindi Aura Manipuri Parasargom ka Tulantamska Adhyayna [A
Comparative Study of Hindi and Manipuri Case]. Agra: Central
Hindi Bureau. (H)
Sharma, C. R. S.
1989 "Universal Semantic Types: Counter Evidence from Telugu and
Meiteiron", Paper read at the 2nd National Seminar on Tibeto-
Burman Linguistics, Manipur University, Imphal. (H)
Sharma, D. Dwijamani
1969 Manipuri Byakaran [Manipuri Grammar]. Imphal: Shekhar
Brothers. (NS)
Sharma, L. Narayan
1979 Meiteilon Grammar, Part 4. Imphal [No indication of publisher.]
(NS)
1984 Meiteilon Byakaran [Manipuri Grammar]. Imphal: Waheng Leikai.
(NS)
n.d. Manipuri, Hindi, Angrazi ka svayan Shigyak [A Manipuri, Hindi
and English vocabulary]. [No indication of publisher.] (H)

References 527
Sharma, .
1968 Meiteilol Byakaran [Manipuri Grammar]. Imphal: Ibomcha
Sharma. (NS)
1965 Meiteilon. Imphal: Orient Book Depot. (H)
n.d. Meiteilon. Vol 1. Imphal: Raj Store. (NS)
Shastri, Kalachand
1960 Glossary of Manipuri Grammar. Imphal: T. Abir Singh (O.K.
Store). (NS)
1964 Literary History of Assamese and Manipuri. Imphal: Friends and
Company. (NS)
1971 Manipuri Vyakaran Kaumudi [Manipuri Grammar]. Imphal: T.
Abir Singh (O.K. Store). (HT)
Shitaljit
1986 Friends English to Manipuri Dictionary. Imphal: Keishamthoy. (H)
Silverstein, Michael
1978 "Debris and deductibility in a Wasco-Wishram passive of
evidence", in: Jeri J. Jaeger-Anthony C. Woodbury et al. (eds.),
Proceedings of the 4th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics
Society. Berkeley: University of California Press, 238-253.
1979 "Language Structure and Linguistic Ideology", In R. Qyne, W.
Hanks and C. Hofbauer eds., The Elements: A Parasession in
linguistic units and levels, Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society,
p. 193-247.
Singh, A. Chandramani-M. S. Ningomba-I. R. Babu
1978 Anaubz Meteilongi Byakaran [New Manipuri Grammar for classes
6 and 7]. Gauhati: The Assam State Textbook Production and
Publication Corporation. (H)
1981 Meitei Lonmit [Meitei Grammar]. Imphal: Board of Secondary
Education. (H)
Singh, Ch. Manihar
1984 "The Meiteis: Origin and Affinity", Journal of Manipur University
1:1: 9-25.
Singh, Ch. Nishan and D. Jagmal Singh
1987 Manipuri Lokkatha [Manipuri Folktales (in Hindi)]. Imphal:
Numitthoy Prakashan. (H)

528 References
Singh, Chungkham Yashawanta

1981 "Word Order in Meiteilon", in: Chauncey Chu-W. South
Coblin-Feng-Fu Tsao (eds.), Papers from the Fourteenth
International Conference in Sino-Tibetan Languages and
Linguistics. Taiwan: Student Book Company, 323341.
1984 Some Aspects of Meiteilon (Manipuri) Syntax. [Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.] (H)
1988 "Reduplication in Meiteilon", Quarterly Journal of African, Asian
and Latin American Studies 56: 230-242.
1989a 'Terms of address in Meiteilon", Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman
Area 12.2: 137-146.
1989b "Linguistic Situation in Manipur: Problems and Prospects", Paper
read at the 2nd National Seminar on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics,
Manipur University, Imphal. (H)
1991 "Causativization in Meiteilon", Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman
Area 14.2: 133-144.
Singh, Dhanbir-Dhanindra Meithei-V. Y. Jayapaul
1978a Ahangi Manipuri Mopi Lairik [Manipuri Reader for Adults].
Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Languages. (H)
1978b Manipuri Khuti Lairik [Manipuri Exercise book for Adults],
Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Languages. (H)
Singh, E. Nilakanta
1993 Fragments of Manipuri Culture. New Delhi: Omsons Publications.
(H)
Singh, Inder
1974 "Tone Sandhi In Manipur", Anthropological Survey of India, XXIII,
1 and 2: 92-97.
1975 Manipuri Phonetic Reader. Mysore: Central Institute of Indian
Languages.
Singh, . B.
1976 An Introduction to Tribal Language and Culture of Manipur (7
Tribes). Imphal: Manipur State Kala Akademi. (H)
Singh, K. Kulachandra, et al.
n.d. Meiteirongi Byakaran amasung Rachana [Manipuri Grammar with
Exercises for class 8]. Gauhati: The Assam Textbook Production
and Publication Corporation. (H)
Singh, Kh. Madhumangol
1972 Meiteilongi Byakaran [Manipuri Grammar] Imphal: Manipur
Students Emporium. (NS)

References 529
Singh . S.-S. Manoharan

1993 Languages and Scripts. Delhi-Oxford: Anthropological Survey of
India, Oxford University Press.
Singh, L. Priyokumar
1988 "A note on Lexical Borrowing in Manipuri", Paper read at the
weekly Department of Linguistics Seminar, Manipur University,
Imphal. (H)
Singh, Laishram Mahabir
1982 A contribution to the study of tone in Manipuri. [Unpublished
Master's thesis, Deccan College Postgraduate and Research
Institute, Pune.] (NS)
1988 'Tone in Manipuri", Paper read at the weekly Department of
Singh, Laishram Mahabir- L. Priyokumar Singh
1986 Kabui Language. A short description. Monthly report of the
University Grants Commission sponsored project Sociolinguistic
Survey of Dialects Spoken in Manipur. P. C. Thoudam ed.,
Monograph 1. (H)
Singh, Longjamba Saratchandra
1982 Noun Phrase (Discussion of the Noun Phrase in Manipuri and
English). [Unpublished Master's thesis, Manipur University;
Imphal.] (HT)
Singh, Haobam Sarojkumar
1988 A Comparative Study of Meiteiron Dialects (Compounding).
Singh, M. Chandra
1954 Longi Pathap [Rules of the Language]. Vol 1. Imphal [No
indication of publisher.] (NS)
Singh, M. Kirti
1988 Religion and Culture of Manipur. Delhi: Manas Publications. (H)
1993 Folk Culture of Manipur. Delhi: Manas Publications. (H)
Singh, M. Nilamani
1979 Changdamnabs Khonthiklon [translation of title not known].
[Unpublished Master's thesis, Jawaharlal University Center,
Imphal.] (NS)
1985 An Outline of Manipuri Interrogative. [Unpublished M.Phil,
thesis, University of Manipur, Imphal.] (H)
Singh, Meenketan
n.d. Meitei Lonjan [Things included in the Meitei Language], Part 1.
Imphal [No indication of publisher.] (NS)

530 References
Singh, . Amusana
1978 Anauba Meiteilongi Byakaran [New Meiteilon Grammar for 9th
and 10th groups]. Gauhati: The Assam Textbook Production and
Publication Corporation. (H)
n.d. Meiteilongi Byakaran dmssung Rachana [Manipuri grammar and
exercise book]. Cachar: A Loskor. (H)
Singh, N. Ibohal
1989a "Noun Phrase in Meiteilon", Paper read at the weekly Depart-
ment of Linguistics Seminar, Manipur University, Imphal. (H)
1989b Hindi-Manipuri Kriya Sanrachna [The verb structures of Manipuri
and Hindi]. New Delhi: Praveen Prakashan. (H)
Singh, N. Inder Kumar
1982 Meiteirongi Wdpurol [Sentences of Meiteiron]. Nongthonba
Library, Amtola, Hojai, Nowgang, Assam. (NS)
Singh, N. Lalitkumar
1989 "A note on the lexical items on the Kakching dialect", Paper read
at the weekly Department of Linguistics Seminar, Manipur
Singh, N. Tomba
1969 Meitei Lonmit [Meitei Grammar]. Imphal: [No indication of
publisher] (H)
1982 Hindi aura Manipuri ki Vyakarnik kotiyon ka Tulnatmak adhyan
[Comparative Study of Hindi and Manipuri Grammatical
Categories]. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Agra University,
Agra.] (NS)
1984 Vyakarnik Kotiyon ka Adhyan: Hindi aura Manipuri ke Sandharbh
men [Comparative Study of Hindi and Manipuri Grammatical
Categories]. New Delhi: Gyanbharathi. (NS)
Singh, N. Tombi
1975 Manipur and the Mainstream. Imphal: Chitrebiren Tombi Chand
Khoijeirup. (H)
Singh, Naorem Saratchandra
1982 Meiteilongi Grammar amssung Kamposition Part Tugi Neina
saktam amp [Manipuri Grammar with composition]. Imphal:
Manipur Literary Council. (NS)
1986 An analysis of two Manipuri aspectual verbs: pha 'complete' and
loy 'finish'. [Unpublished MS, Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)
Singh, Ningthombam Nonigopal
1987 A Meitei Grammar of Roots and Affixes. [Unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)

References 531
Singh, Ningthoukhongjam Khelchandra

1964a Manipuri to Manipuri and English Dictionary. Imphal: Government
of Manipur. (H)
1964b Manipuri Language Status and Importance. Delhi: Sahitya
Akademi. (H)
1978 Ariba Manipuri Longei [Old Manipuri to modern Manipuri
Dictionary]. Imphal: Manipur State Kala Academy. (H)
Singh, O. Gokulchand
1969 Manipuri Byakaran [Manipuri Grammar for classes 6 to 8].
Imphal: Singh Book Stall. (NS)
1978 Manipuri Vyakaran [Manipuri Grammar]. Imphal: Gita Book
Store. (NS)
Singh, Rajendra Sapam
1988 A Comparative Study of Standard and Sekmai Dialects
(Morphophonemic Changes in the Suffixes). [Unpublished M.Phil,
thesis, Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)
Singh, S. Imoba
1989 "Lexicographical Requirement in Manipuri", Paper read at the
2nd National Seminar on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics, Manipur
Singh, Salam Gourababu
1988 Tense and Aspect in Meiteilon. [Unpublished M.Phil, thesis,
Singh, T. Kunjkishore
1968 Hindi aura Manipuri ki Triya-Sanrachana ka ek Tulnatmak
adhyan [Comparative Study of Hindi-Manipuri Verb Structures].
[Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Central Hindi Institute, Agra.]
(NS)
Singh, Thounaojam Harimohon
1989a "Social Dialects in Manipur", Paper read at the weekly
(H)
1989b "Echo Words in Manipuri", Paper read at the 2nd National
Seminar on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics, Manipur University,
Imphal. (H)
Singh, U. Chetan
1976 Structural Analysis of the Manipuri Language. [Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Gauhati, Assam.] (NS)
1985 "Segmental Phonemes in Modern Meitei", Tibeto-Burman 1.1:
1-2. (H)

532 References
Singh, W. Ragumani
1986 A Comparative Study of Imphal Kwatha Dialects. [Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Manipur University, Imphal.] (H)
1989 "The Kwatha dialect of Meitei", Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman
Area 12.2: 101-122.
Singh, W. Tomchou
1982 Meiteilongi grammar dmdsung composition [Grammar and
Composition of Meiteilon], Part 1 and 2. Imphal: Student Store.
(NS)
1983 Meiteilongi grammar dmdsung composition [Grammar and
Composition of Meitei]. Part 3. Imphal: Student Store. (H)
1986 A Study of Meitei Phonology. Imphal: Students Store. (H)
Singh, W. Yumjao
1932 Longi Wayel. Imphal: The State Library. (NS)
1949 Longi Wayel Ahnbd [The primary constructions of the language].
Imphal: The State Libraiy. (NS)
1977 Longii Wayel [The constructions of the language]. [No indication
of publisher.] (NS)
Sinha, Kali Prasad
1974 "Bishnupriya Manipuri: A Descriptive Sketch", Indian Linguistics
35: 185-99.
1981 The Bishnupriya Manipuri Language. Calcutta: Firma KLM Private
limited.
1986 An Etymological Dictionary of Bishnupriya Manipuri. Calcutta:
Punthipustak.
Smith, Carlota
1991 The Parameter of Aspect. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
Sonamani
1980 Meiteilon Phonology with a supplement in Morphology. Imphal: N.
Megha Singh, Lillsing khongnangkhong. (NS)
Sproat, Richard
1985 On Deriving the Lexicon. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, MIT,
Cambridge, MA.]
1988 "Bracketing Paradoxes, Cliticization and Other Topics: The
Mapping between Syntactic and Phonological Structure", in:
Martin Everaert-Arnold Evers-Riny Huybregts-Mieke Trommelen
(eds.), Morphology and Modularity. Dordrecht: Foris, 339-360.
Teachers' Forum, Manipur
1984 Consonant dmdsung Vowel Classification [The classification of
vowels and consonants]. Imphal, 3rd issue. (NS)

References 533
Tensuba, . C.
1993 Genesis of Indian Tribes: An approach to the history of the Meiteis
and Thais. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications. (H)
Thoudam, Purna Chandra
1980 Grammatical Sketch of Meiteiron. [Unpublished Ph.D. disserta-
tion. Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.] (H)
1988 "Inalienable Meitei Kin Terms", Paper read at the weekly
(H)
1989a "Conjoined Construction in Meiteiron", Paper read at the 2nd
National Seminar on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics, Manipur
1989b "Conditioning factors for morphophonemic alternations of manner
in Meiteiron", Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area, 12.2: 93100.
Uray, Geza
1954 "Duplication, Gemination and Triplication in Tibetan", Acta
Orientalia Academiae IV, 177244.
Verma, Manindra K. (ed.)
1976 The Notion of Subject in South Asian Languages. Madison:
University of Wisconsin.
Vidyadharan, Aravind
1989a "Manipur: The search for Kangleipak", Cultural Survival Quarterly
13.2: 43-51.
1989b "The Enemy Within: India's Separatist Movements", Cultural
Survival Quarterly 13.2: 48-51.
Voegelin, Charles F.-Florence M. Voegelin
1965 "Languages of the world: Sino-Tibetan Fascicle Three", Anthro-
pological Linguistics 7.2.3.1: 1-57.
Weidert, Alfons
1987 Tibeto-Burman Tonology. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. (H)
Willet, Thomas
1988 "A Cross-Linguistic Survey Of The Grammaticization of
Evidentiality", Studies in Language 121: 5197.
Wolfenden, S. N.
1929 Outlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistic Morphology. London:
Royal Asiatic Society.
Wolleng, Ayo
n.d. English Word Book and Translation: English, Tangkhul, Manipuri
[For class 4 and 5 or equivalent std.]. Imphal: Women's Hospital.
(H)

534 References
Woodbury, Anthony C.
1995 "On Restricting the Role of Morphology in Autolexical Syntax",
in: Eric Schiller, Elisa Steinberg and Barbara Need (eds.),
Developments in Autolexical Syntax. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter,
319-363.
Wheatley, Julian
1982 Burmese: a Grammatical Sketch. [Unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.]
Zhang, Zhi
1990 Imperatives. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Arizona, Tucson.]
Zwicky, Arnold M.
1985 "Clitics and Particles", Language 61.2: 283-305.
Zwicky, Arnold M.-Geoffrey K. Pullum
1983 "Cliticization vs. inflection: English n't", Language 59.3: 502-513.

Index
Abbi 264,281 Bloch 118

Abor-Miri-Dafla 1 Bodo-Garo 1
adjectives 72, 86, 155, 164, 165, 244, Bolivian Quechua 112
245, 271, 281 Booij and Rubach 48
adverbial participial 176, 191,193 Borjars 248
adverbs 87, 88, 252, 266, 267, 287 Bossong 109
agglutinative morphology 2 British 7, 12
agreement 106 Brown and Gilman 91
Ahluwalia 5 Burling 89
Anderson 33 Burmese 121,226
animacy hierarchy 109 Bybee 204, 295
Arokianathan 17 case markers 82, 125, 137, 172, 184,
Aronoff 202, 203 196, 243, 244, 246, 248, 250, 266
aspect causative verbs 110,215
and directional markers 226, 227, causative 293
229 Chinese 1, 141, 213
in questions 309 Chingangbam, Pravabati 14
in subordinate clauses 306 Chomsky 98
inceptive 216 clause structure
inchoative 227 ambiguity 121
overlap with mood 238, 295 chaining 193
meaning signalled by verb root 168 deletion of arguments 96
perfect 177, 224, 226, 227, 231, ordering of clauses 189, 191
238-240, 269, 304, 307, 309 subcategorization 107
progressive 231, 238, 239, 269, 304, word order 190
307 Cole 112
prospective 177,211,226,229,240 complementizer 76, 299
with derivational morphology 210 compounds 25, 49, 55, 61, 85, 88, 261-
Assam 2-4 263, 270, 276, 280
Assamese 2, 78 computer hardware/software 15, 25,
Autolexical Syntax 62 494
Baic 1 Comrie 226
Baro 89 conjunction 82, 142, 166
Bauman 2 contrastive focus 114
Begum, Janatam 13 coordination 1%
Benedict 1, 81, 97, 144 copula 231, 232, 249, 250, 275, 297
Bengali 2, 5, 6, 78 coreference
literature 14 anaphor 97, 98, 100-102,107
script 6 and relative clauses 165
Bhat 12, 94, 102, 109, 112, 120, 124, between main and subordinate clause
224 96
Bhat and Ningomba 12, 18, 39, 124, Binding theory 98
210, 216, 218, 219, 261, 309 emphatic reflexives 102, 214
Bhutan 1 long distance reflexives 101
Bishnupriya Manipuri 2 pronominal 97, 98
536 Index
Damant 365 English 2, 3, 12, 18, 24, 78, 93-97, 99,

definiteness 116 102-104, 106, 120, 152, 191, 226,
DeLancey 1, 2, 90, 121, 128, 162, 193, 255, 262
226 evidentiality
derivation 71, 88 and -khi 'certainly will' 220
determiners 81, 160, 176, 248, 250, 298 and deixis 224
Deva Nagari 5 and indefinite pronouns 80
Devi, P. Madhubala 18, 72, 74, 81, 83, and propositional attitude predicates
91, 109, 144, 146, 174, 289, 307 302
Devi, . Promodini 2, 6, 40, 78, 91,13, and prospective aspect 310
365 and quotatives 184
Devi, Ch. Nandakumari 264 and the copula 297
Devi, R. Pasotsana 11 and the interrogative 296
Devi, . Premavati 285 and the nonhypothetical marker 132
dialects of Meithei 6, 11, 22 attitude markers 295
Differential Object Marking 109 definition 295
discourse 78, 152 direct perceptual evidence 305
districts of Manipur 3 future 301,306
Di Sciullo and Williams 201 in complements 295
directional 224, 225 indirect evidence 170, 205, 211, 218,
Dixon 93, 109 221, 222, 224, 237, 240, 295
Dowty 107 inference 222
Dutch 102 quotative complementizer 300
echo words 274 shared information 255
enclitics 92 undisputed fact 298
and affix order 248 Foley and Van Valin 93, 107
and alternative questions 141 French 91, 120, 165
and case marking 72, 107 Garibniwaz 5
and inflection 131, 242 Garo 89
and information structure 114 gender 244
and interrogatives 131 Genetti 172
and mood 234 German 91, 102
and semantic roles 72 Goldsmith 26
and syllable structure 23 Government and Binding 98
and tag questions 144 grammaticalization
and tone 26 and homophony 118, 204, 205
attitude markers 249, 253 aspect marker from directional 229
contrastiveness 72 aspect from verb roots 168
evidentiality 295 in echo words 272, 273, 276
in question words 80 metaphoric extension 87, 128, 209,
interjections 91 227
scope 250 modality from verbs roots 168
Total assimilation of 1 62 of case markers 172
with adverbial clauses 172 of'give' 213
with relativization 159 origin of verbal derivational affixes
with subordinate clauses 179 204-207, 210
with verbs 201 semantic bleaching of verbs 2
Grassmann's Law 54
Greenberg 203
Index
Grierson 1, 12, 360 Lehman 86

Hayu 90,224 Lepcha 86
Hazarika 7 Levin 48,
heroin 9 Lexical Phonology and Morphology 61,
Himalayish 1 62, 201
Hindi 2, 3, 6, 9, 12, 156, 170, 179, 233 lexicalization 90, 144, 170, 204, 212,
Hinduism 214, 226, 247, 251
caste system 6 lexicon 26, 77, 88
classical dance 10 Li and Thompson 93
conversion to 5, 6 Lisu 93
dating early influences 5 loan words 6, 22, 78, 17, 156, 179, 204,
food habits 9 233, 313, 494
Hinduism 5 Lolo-Burmese 1
music 10 Mahabir 40
resisted conversion to 5 Masica 264
Vaishnavism 5 Matisoff 1, 2, 213, 224, 226, 244, 264
Hodson 2, 3, 11,12, 85, 354 McCarthy 55
Hoeksema 77, 262 Michailovsky 224
Hope 93 Mikir 1, 109
Indo-Aiyan languages 2, 162 Mohanan 61, 201
inflection 71, 131, 201, 274, 265, 269 mood 155, 170, 220, 231-233, 235-237,
interrogative 131,138, 141 285
intonation 21, 151, 279, 294, 494 Moreh 11
Italian 91 Mru 1
Jaeschke 269 Myanmar 1, 3, 4, 6, 7
Japan 9 negation 48, 80, 87, 135, 136, 142, 143,
Japanese 118 211, 218, 219, 228, 229, 236, 268,
Jinghpaw 226 278
Johnson 121 Ningomba, M. S. 12
Kabui 11 Ningthongjam, Sushila 12, 13, 35, 374,
Kachin 1,86 494
Kamarupan 1 Nocte 90
Kanauri 162 nouns 72, 78, 85, 244
Karenic 1 Obligatory Contour Principle 55
Kathmandu Newari 162 Pathak 233
Khmer 213 person 97, 104-106, 219, 222, 233, 234,
kinship terms 78 291
Kiparsky 61,201,204, Pettigrew 12, 40, 80, 224, 243
Kiss 103, 106 phonological rules
Klavans 248 and Deaspiration 54
Konow 172 Dcbuccalization 67
Kuki-Chin-Naga 1 Diphthongization 64, 65
Ladakhi Tibetan 162 Dissimilation 67
U h u 93,213,226,264 Flapping 20, 68
Laos 1 Gemination 64, 66
LaPolla 2, 128, 494 Glide/glottal slop insertion 66
Latin 124 homophony
Leben 26 Lateral deletion 59, 61

538 Index
Schwa deletion 69 Selkirk 48

Simplification of rC clusters 69 semantic roles
Total assimilation of 1 61 actor 72, 90, 95, 96, 104, 105,
Velar deletion 61 107-109, 113-116, 120, 124, 148,
Voice Assimilation 20, 48, 248 157, 163, 190, 206, 209, 212-214,
Vowel heightening 64 218-220, 222-224, 226, 227, 233,
plural markers 79, 203, 245 234, 262
postpositions 90 agent 72, 93, 97, 107, 110-113, 121,
prefixes 123, 124
and Gemination 66 goal/recipient 112
and Lateral Deletion 61 patient 72, 95, 104, 105, 107, 109,
and syllable structure 22 157, 158, 243, 250, 262
and the root vowel 86 recipient/goal 72, 107, 109, 157, 158
and tone 37 theme 72, 103, 105, 107-109, 157,
and Velar Deletion 61 158, 169
and Voice assimilation 49 Sen 3,4,494
derivational 72 sentence types
homophony 97 declarative 131-133, 149, 151, 249,
in numerals 85 255, 256, 288, 309
in question words 89 exhortative 105, 131, 136, 137, 242,
nominalizing 97 293
noun marker 87 imperative 104, 131, 135, 140, 203,
pronominal 78, 84 219, 223, 242, 278, 285, 286, 289,
the attributive 72, 81, 85, 86, 164, 292, 293
264, 281 interrogative 131, 137-141, 143, 144,
the nominalizer 72 151, 249-251, 256, 285, 288-290,
with nouns 242 296, 311
within compounds 264 optative 131, 133, 141, 162, 203, 242,
Primrose 12 292
pronominal agreement 78 permissive 292
pronominal marking 2, 494 prohibitive 131, 134-136, 219, 242,
Pulleyblank 48 285, 292, 311
Qiangic 1 solicative 293
quantifiers 75, 89, 245, 249 supplicative 105, 131, 136, 242, 285,
question words 80 288, 291
and indefinite pronouns 80 Shafer 1
as discourse markers 152 Sharma, Bishwajeet 13
as relative pronouns 162 Sharma, M. C. 13
in duplication 266 Sherpa 222
morphology of 144 Sikkim 1
position in sentence 148 Silverstein 224, 312
verbalized 145 Singh, Guru Amubi 10
Ray, Sohini 2 Singh, Th. Harimohon 149, 165, 206,
Roy 354 264
Russian 102 Singh, Inder 40
Sadock 248 Singh, K.S. and Manoharan 3, 355, 494
Sagey 48 Singh, N. Khelchandra 22, 24, 264, 281,
Sanskrit 1, 2, 6, 124 286, 333, 353, 354, 366, 374
Sapir 204 Singh, M. Kirti 6, 353
Index 539
Singh, L. Kalachand 14, 377 and Glide/Glottal Stop Insertion rule

Singh, L. Mahabir 11,40 66
Singh, Ch. Manihar 355 and syllable structure 23
Singh, . Nonigopal 12, 18, 136, 218, and tone 25
219, 224, 289, 292 and Voice assimilation 49
Singh, L. Priyokumar 11 derivational 71
Singh, S. Gourababu 224 inflectional 71, 131
Singh, . Saratchandra 13, 14 lexicalized combinations 34, 175,
Singh, Th. Birjit 13, 14 177, 178
Singh, Th. Harimohon 13, 14, 22, 25, tense
70, 375 future 163, 215, 217-220, 222-224,
Singh, W. Tomchou 40 230-233, 236-240, 298, 300, 301,
Singh, Ch. Yashawanta 91, 104, 112, 304, 306, 308
142, 144, 146, 148, 151, 165, 230, past 215, 217, 218, 220, 222, 224,
247, 264, 272, 273, 285, 289, 290 228, 232, 233, 236-240, 298, 299,
speech acts 285 303, 304, 308
blessings 293 present 219, 222, 228, 238, 239, 304,
commands 285, 290 308
indirect commands 217 Tensuba 360
indirect questions 294 Thoudam, P.C. 11, 12, 18, 23, 24, 38,
questions 145 40, 140, 494
speech styles 91 Tibetan 90,264,269
colloquial 140 Tibeto-Burman 213, 226
politeness 91, 141, 147, 230, 255, tribes of Manipur 3
285, 291, 292 Tomchou 365, 371
respect 91 tone 25, 313, 355
sarcastic 269 Uray 264
social distance 91, 289, 290 van Riemsdijk and Williams 98, 102
stylistically marked 160 Verma 93
Strict Cycle Condition 61 Vietnam 1, 213
Subharao 13 Voegelin and Voegelin 1
subordination Wasco-Wishram 224
adverbial clauses 77, 155, 172, 175, Wheatley 121
176, 178, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193, Willett 295
195, 199, 244, 307 Wolfenden 97
and interrogatives 137, 155 Woodbury 222,248
infinitival clauses 94 writing system 70
quotative complementizer 76, 140, Yao Samsao 213
141, 162, 163, 171, 172, 183-185, Zwicky 248
187, 188, 189-191, 294, 300 Zwicky and Pullum 248
relative clauses 76, 155, 157, 161,
163-167, 306
suffixes
and alternation of vowels with schwa
70
and Deaspiration 54
and Diphthongization 64


(Mouton Grammar Library 17.) Chelliah, Shobhana Lakshmi-A Grammar of Meithei-Mouton de Gruyter (1997)

Hochgeladen von

Dokumentinformationen

Copyright

Verfügbare Formate

Dieses Dokument teilen

Dokument teilen oder einbetten

Freigabeoptionen

Stufen Sie dieses Dokument als nützlich ein?

Sind diese Inhalte unangemessen?

Copyright:

Verfügbare Formate

(Mouton Grammar Library 17.) Chelliah, Shobhana Lakshmi-A Grammar of Meithei-Mouton de Gruyter (1997)

Hochgeladen von

Copyright:

Verfügbare Formate

Mouton Grammar Library

Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Chelliah, Shobhana Lakshmi, 1961

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Chelliah, Shobhana Lakshmi:

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

2.6 Post-lexical rules 63

4.3.4 Word order and ambiguity 120

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

6.3 Adverbial clauses 172

7.3 Enclitics 248

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

9.2.2 Other evidential markings 309

Appendix I: Meithei - English glossary 313

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Map 1. Location of the Northeastern States in India

Map 3. Administrative map of Manipur

Map 4. Physical map of Manipur

Plate 1. Woman in traditional Manipuri dress of phanek (lower garment) and

Plate 2. A Manipuri Muslim family in Leelong, 1990

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Plate 3. The Imphal fish market, 1990

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Plate 6. Dancers of the leima jagoi, a dance traditionally performed in the

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Plate 8. Manipuri dance troupe members wearing Rasa Lila costumes, in

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Plate 9. Details of the Rasa Lila costume

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Plate 10. Pungcholom dancer

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Gloss Meaning Morpheme

GPL generic plural -chiq/siq

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

PROBH prohibitive -nu

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

This book is a grammatical description of Meithei, a Tibeto-Burman language.

Group Approximate location

Kamarupan Northeast India, Western Myanmar

Meithei falls in the geographically determined group Kamarupan (from the

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Meithei is spoken predominantly in Manipur State. Smaller populations of

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

A sizeable proportion of the population lives below the poverty line. In

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

social isolation of these groups, as well as by their ideologically motivated

1.4 Political history

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

1.5 Material culture

There is a great emphasis on cleanliness and decorous appearance. When in

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

1.6 Performing arts and sports

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

This book is a study of the Imphal dialect of Meithei which is considered to be

1.8 Review of literature on the Meithei language

In general the inaccessibility of Northeast India to foreign and Indian scholars

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417

Brought to you by | Max-Planck-Gesellschaft - WIB6417