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Telenovelas: A Latin American Success Story by Everett M. Rogers and Livia Antola Data on production, import-export, and audience ratings for television programa in the five most fctive Latin American countries suggest a new pattern for Spanish-longuage program markets. Telenovelas, a type of soap opera, are the most popular genre of television fare in Latin America. They help account for the recent Geerease in the number of television programs imported into Latin ‘America, particularly from the United States. Further, Mexican and Brazilian exports of telenovelas to other Latin American nations have in large measure replaced U.S. program exports to those nations. Telenove- las are also exported from Latin America (mainly Mexico) to the Spanish- speaking audience of 22 million people in the United States by the Spanish International Network (SIN), controled by the Mexican televi- sion systom Televisa, ‘Our interest in telenovelas gréw out of broader concerns with the international flow of television programming in Latin America (I) Since 1972, when Nordenstreng and Varis (23) found that Latin American nations imported between 10 and 84 percent of their total television programming (with about 80 percent of the imports coming from the United States), major changes have occurred in Latin American televi- sion systems, The technology of TV production and distribution has changed, and Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, and Venezuels have become {important television producers and exporters to other countries, includ: ing the United States. Table 1 shows that, in the decade 1972-1982, the ere M, Rogers Walter H,AnneshergPrfesaof Compiantaton and Assosite ‘Dean for Boston Stuer at te Annenberg Sehool of Commusteations, University of ‘Souther California Live Anil ean M.A cand nthe Insta for Commaseaton Tn heute ws sbpported By 2 [put fo th Latin ArescanStadies Gente ator! previous wor (D- ‘elenavelas A Succ Story 1 Changes in elevsion program importation fr stalin Ametian nations, Porantage of imported TY programming ma "ee ange country = * = Venera se 3 2 eal « % oh Gre se a a Neco st a . Pew a x “0 ‘pening a a 0 ‘Ale nations Ss = Ee Souree: For 1972 data, Nordensveng and Vas 03). Oat for 1862 come from our ess of weal clei program gues telewsin ofc In each county study Fp os identity the non produc each Imported program tha they brand. percentage of TV programs imported into Brazil declined from 60 to 39 percent, in Venezuela from St to 33 percent, and in Chile from 56 to 44 pereent. However, Peru and Argentina show an opposite trend, due partly to the interruption of >eogram production and distribution that resulted from interventions by military governments (1). In general, Jatin American television broadcasting, systems produce more, and {import les, than a decade age-* Telenovelas have become the dominant Latin American television export, representing 70 percent of the total hous of exported programs ‘We focus here on three issues: how the telenovela in Latin America eveloped its present form; how telenovelas have come to replace {imported U.S. television programs In Latin Amerioa; and what are the directions of the flow of telenovelas from country to country in Latin America. We visited Mexico, Peru, Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela in mid-1982 to conduct interviews with some 65 television executives, Ptoducers, actors, distributors, managers of language dubbing facilities, and communication scholars, and to obtain quantitative data on TV. {imports and exports and television ratings (mainly fiom television ta updating his stacy 189, Vrs (83) epoted only evo counties with which he ‘ould daw comparisons fom his 1973 daizArgetin, whore imported teleiston ogra hows increase, and Mexico hore he smoent of inprtog esned boat oe ‘i over the decade Ocr esate age with Vass nt at fete bre mations (ee Tile), tis goneral conclusion fru 60 counties of say, however, that “few over hangin tlevxion importing occured rom 173 t 1989 contradict ous Bg Buk Yat nclodesbosh Third Wold ond adustlzed sean fone comers only the 15 ‘Tend Wold ations in bis Table 1 fr which both 1973 snd 1963 daa ar vaable 12 ‘owed a deers nmpored television roganining nd 4 showed ea increnre verte kei, Th the decrease i importing that we End in Lain Ameren lo charactors ‘he Ana and Alas nation in Vn dy Journ of Communication, Aut 1985 offi). Our fous on the five major television-producing nations in {tin America necessarily means that we investigated the production End export of television progame more toroughly than detsons to import them a imports ate mare important t the nations that produce Tene programing “Gur dats gathering was facilitated by the fact that one of ws (Antola) had previously worked in Persvin television and. was personaly Zequained with tlevsion industry ail in several Latin American atons. These offcials provided us with such sensitive data as their Tdlonce ttings, the reasons for thir porting decisions, and the prices they pid for TV programs. One of the direct predecessors of the telenovela is the feuilleton (“chapbook”) of nineteenth-century Europe. Watton by authors such as Balzac and Dickens, feilletons appeared one chapter por week and bad an andience of devoted readers faithfully fwalting adh invalieat. Dusing the 1890s in Europe, photographs ‘placed print in telling a continuing sory in fotonavela, Rado soap pera began inthe United Sates ia the 1990, developed by tans Alona! companies to sll their products. In the 1840s the radionovela Spread throughout Latin America. 0). During the 1050s and 1960s ttlovison took onthe production of soxp oper, wth the felenvets an ineceasingly popular gente In Latin Americn. Th compotion to U.S, television sap opera telenovelas exhibit diferent themes (for example, upward social bili), contnsting urpoces (or example, educational and other gals in addition to Enterainment) and a shorter duration, The maf distinction of telenoee- fas, however is thor centlity to television content. Ta the United Stets, dayne soup operaeairat& 0 perent female audience (2, p 3), and the 4 or 9 suceesafl nighttime serials are still a minority in progam types. But in Latin Arperia, telenovela ae the dominant TV ents for tho mace sudionoe Tn Bran, “telenovelas became the paramount form of ..popalar colture inthe 1070, and thelr manifest conten thee lots themes, and Shatacteriaations are quite dstnetve” (2). The wemendous financial Saeces of TV Globo, the largest television network in Brazil, and the Comparable growth ofits Mexican counterpart Televisa canbe faced to thett ably t crete telenovelas that act mass audlences; these * The poplesity fro an television soup poms with U.S. audiences has pared much reser especialy on he content of tap opens the sz ofthe audience reached, Sate pags’ carntoreies (ue 25,658 10,10, 18 19,14 1617 18, 18,20, 32,25, 20,29, 3. “elegovais A Sues Story programs can therefore be sold to international and domestic advertisers tte considerable profit (21). Once Televisa and TV Globo hed become vistual monopolies (thanks in part to favorable government policies), they began to export TV grograms, especially telenovelas, to other tations in Latin America and around the world. Presently, TV Globo texports to more than 90 nations. ‘Audience ratings obtained on the television systems in the five Latin American nations were incorporated into a measure thet we call “audi tence hours.” This measure is derived by adding the number of televi sion hours filled with particular programmaing to the audience ratings for those hours of programming. Audience ratings were obtained from television officials. Sume of these ratings are not perfectly accurate (due to oversampling in urban areas and to other possible sampling biases), but they are in any ease the basis for programming decisions and for determining advertising rates ‘Most Latin American television systems show 9 to 1d telenovelas daily, 5 06 times a week, sometimes in the afternoon but mostly during prime time. They consistently attract larger audiences then comedy, variety, nes, spots, films, or cartoon programming, whether domesti- cally produced or imported. Table 2 (p. 32) shows that, in Mexico, telenovelas represent 16 percent of television broadeast hours but attract 21 percent of the audience hours. In contrat, TV series and feature fms imported from the United States represent about 26 percent of television broadcast hours but only about 14 percent of audience hours. In Brazil, ‘one chapter ofa prime-time telenovela on TV Globo is typically watched by 50 to 60 million viewers (8). Telenovelas make up 20 to 40 percent of each of the five Latin Amerizan countries” domesti television produc- tion and 50 to 100 percent oftheir exports. (The comparable figure forall television production in Lain America is 70 percent) Although the telenovela is one of the most heavily imported program types from Latin America to Spanish-speaking audiences in the United States, except for cettain U.S. prime-time serials such as “Dallas” and “Dynasty,” US. soap opeias ave yenerally ao: imported by Latin American nations Like soap operas in the United States, most telenovelas are studio productions (and have correspondingly low production costs). But in ‘many other respects, telenovelas are quite different from their North ‘American counterparts. As alteady mentioned, the stories are much more likely to stress upward social mobility and class conflict (a favorite situation is a lowerclass maid working for an upper-class family) Further, Brazi’s TV Globo deliberately accentuates the exposure of certain products (for instance, a bottle of Coca-Cola ara toothpaste) that pear in a telenovela, an advertising practice known in Brazil as ‘merchandizing,” and also uses telenovelas to promote musical record- ings on its own record labels (practices discouraged for U.S. television). enema of Communication, Autumn 1985 Such differences led Straubhaar (28) to conclude that “programming ideas once imported from the United States have largely been ‘Brazilian- ized,’ almost beyond recognition If ean be argued that Mexico's Televisa and Brazil's TV Globo represent the same commercial television values as those of US. network television, The Latin American TV companies pursue profit making through the broadcasting of “least objectionable programming” designed to attract the largest possible audience of viewers forsale to advertisers. So, despite the diflerent ownership and different program Content, the sociocultural context of television broadcasting in Latin ‘America is basically similar to that of the United States. ‘Latin American audiences consistently prefer locally producer tele- vision-progzams, followed by imported programs from another Latin ‘American country, and, finally, imported television programs from the United States. Poo!’s observation that “domestic producers, as soon as they Team to produce the kind of attractive things that had come from abroad, have a distinct advantage in the competition for an audience” (24) is certainly true in Latin America. Fora 1989 sample week in each of the five Latin American nations, 82 percent of the television programs rated in the top ten programs are locally produced or, less frequently, {imported from another Latin American nation. For example, in Argenti- na, the Mexican telenonela “E] Derecho deNacer” was rated number One; in Peru, the Brazilian telenovela “Dancin’ Days” was rated tenth. Most Latin American TV broadcasters program telenovelas during the ‘arly evening and prime-time hours, displacing other types of imported ‘rogram to fringe times. Imported U.S. series have become “Aller” for the less profitable moraing, early afternoon, and very late evening time slots. Thus, while they representa good-size percentage of TV broadcast hhours, they are much less prominent in terms of ratings. From 1965 to 1078 on Séo Paulo TV stations, for example, the audience hours filled by imported U.S. series dropped from 34 to'17 percent, while Brazilian telenovelas increased in audience hours from 12 to 22 percent (2). In order to better understand the flow of television programs between the United States and Latin American ‘nations, we focused on nine television programs that represented the main producing nations and have been ‘widely broadcast in Latin America in recent years We gathered audience ratings data for “Dallas” and “Hart to Hart” from the United States; "Los Ricos También Lloran” and “Chespirito” from Mexico; “O Bem Amado” and “Escrava Isau “Bmilia” from Venezuela; “Rosa, .de Lejos” from Arges “Plaza Sésamo,” coproduced by Mexico's Televisa as an adaptation of ‘TelenovelasA Suet Story Se the Childen’s Television Workshop's “Sesame Steet” inthe United States Because ofits economle power (due to its Iarge market size) and strategic location, Mexico is the gatekeeper for television programs Imported fom the United Sates to Lain Ameri, Television sree fom the United States (and ether countes) have nat been broadest in ather Latin American ations unless Mexico purchased. them fis However, Braxlreoendy has begun to circumvent Mesto’ oe athe dubbing capital oF Latin Ameren Most productions are dubbed In Bra fon Paragsse in Sprint hl exo liouh ome me ed in Mesico City. By Brazilian law, dubbing in Portuese mus be done in Brazil. Sh By eeeeeees * Consider the “ow of “Dallas,” «series with top ratings in the sted States snd whieh war broadcast tn 1982 inal af th, Lata Amedcan nations of stay. “balla” dd not follow the unl pattern of other US. television series, Mexico's Televisa delayed buying it for evo Years. in pat because ofcinle felt they seedy had plenty of localy Produced primestime telenooslas and did not nced a US, "seep opera” Nevorthless his series was dubbed in Mesico Cty. "Dale went from the proicer (Loria in Hollywood tothe distibutor (Warde Hon), who had the sertes dubbed in Spanish becanse several smaller TV “in Latin America had bought the series. In Monica, after two alas” wes placed ina late-night slot (1:30 pa to 13.90 a) ‘nd it achieved a rating of orly 3.8 (ranking 109th among Mexican TV. Programs in mid-1989). However, in other Latin American nations such 4 Brazil and Peru, “Dallas” achieved very high ratings (as {thas also done in European and many other countries). But even in Brazil and Peru, “Dallas” was topped by locally produced telenovelas | soumat of Commniction, Auta 1985 In Peru, “Dallas” was shown in prime time on the most popular channel aguinst another U.S. series broadcast on a competing channel. “Dallas” achieved a rating of 30 points and thus was the most popular USS. programm. However, when the competing channel (which had lower ‘overall ratings) placed a domestically produced program aguinst “Dal- fas." the program's rating dropped to 26, while the other program had a rating of 40 points. So even USS. evening soap operas eannot compete ‘Reninst local programs in Latin America, and U.S. daytime soaps are never shown, “Los Ricos También Lloran,” produced by Mexico's Televisa, ob- tained the highest ratings of all programs broadcast in the 1982 sample week in most of the nations studied. The story is somewhat typical of| atin American telenovelas: A poor but beautifl village girl migrates to the city and is adopted by a zich family, falls in love with the family’s son, and, after many problems, marries him. This telenovela was very Suovessfal in Mexico (earning audience ratings of 40.0), Pera (42.3) and ‘Aegentina (22.7), In Brazil, "Los Ricos” earned an average rating of 16 points when broadesst by TVS-Silvio Santos, even with strong competi- tion from TV Globo's telenovelas. ‘Telenovelas with an educational bent earn both high ratings and ‘substantial advertising income. In the late 1970s, Televisa productions such es “Ven Conmigo” (Cone with Me"), “Accompatame” (Accompany Me"), and “Vamos Santor" (“Lees Go Together”) promoted adult literacy traning, family rertng, and the combating of child abuse, respectively (90). Each of sean onal telenovelas earned high rings of 29 oF 30 in Mexico. “The mupiation for these distinctively Latin American programs came ronan extremely popular series in the 1960s called "Simple- cae para” (CSimple Macy”), variant ofthe Cinderela tale (see 3). aa inn (elotpeela dont with cham gil who goes fn wavk 35 8 raid for rich familys thanks to her ability as a seamstress, Macia saa ity becomes an important fashion designer. Wherever “Simple- ae mn broadest in Latin America, te sale of Singer sewing werhincs skyrocketed and, infact, Singer ads often appeared befor Taning and afer brondcasts of this telenaoela). By 1977, “Simplomente diaree fad wamed net profts of 20 million dollars. The lesson of the weap as single: telenovelas in Latin Ameria could atact large erences (and profits while at the same ime promoting an educational theme thas eontibutes to national development. "Redience members are attacted to these fastmoving, emotionally changed sorter and gee them primarily ax entertainment. The education ‘Telenavelas: A Succ Story al svets ofthe Mexiontlenocelas ae subtle; fr example, esn Guracers i “Aeoompsnamne” ave peiive or neative male modal fo —————— Du 187, the Sear in eh “Acoomptiane’ as bade eo, the number of family planning adopters ineeased by about 5000; Teevina's esearch dearenen elaine ats es yor duo tho selene (0) Smith Televi erbenin oF ier oe —=e= ~~ ~=—E—rrr—s———. a )—hClrr—r——=B“ ti nt ave eno tt relents a a as tency Crosby lweinoue invicta eneation male Government regulat i Co regulations in Latin America tend to inhibit imports from other Latin American nations ‘and encourage imports from the United States, ‘There 4 voy nba ow of lenoe ow of tlenooelas among Latin Ames «an nations (see Table 8) Mexico and Breil are the min prodacieg fost Maacan enroute Spansapaling a Aco Fe xc import The tre oes nd ramen regulation parca each county alee the pean fron of TV programe in Latin Americ, or cups Chil oly one hour of frig television fom Moxie, Bra or Venezuela cane shown per channel per day, e hours of ( 05 shown per channel et day, but the hot ot U. opaning Teponal variation in speken Spanish re anoth J Spanish te another ost to p= tram importing within Lats Amerca, Mescan television sls tot buy a television seis sens ek dubbed in “neta” Ment Scent with ow tenable vgiona dome otherwise i led Mexican aidionoes will not watch the yorum The other Shane SPO tone Latin Ano hot i etal Man anish but have little choice other than to produce their o% sfon Sie a Cont fico wrk agnnt lal production and in vor Mos eeison stems in Lan Aria ae commited to continous dy brondarting The pil nan a te etry ech bead. sta sew 10 Hew gr wok aa of 100 how por cousty at. The cost ofa studio ration meh as felonauela aes fos $3,000 to $10,000 per hour, while the purchase of one Dalla cpnode t3000 nan averaged Lats eis atin suche Pah Sic thy bcos commited to tay beaeatg, ans wth fever television viewers and mone hinted preducton budgets have “elonoveas A Succes Story Jowrna of Communication, Autrn 1985 ‘atin american counts, 1 i : i £ 3 “able 2: Percentage of road re Acgentina telenovetss v and average ratings of flenvels by county a production and of Brodeast In “able 2: Percentage of broadest haus and audience hous 3 3 3 ‘counray he rales Teg Kad Ads ge Boat SE nef ae he emogeceg ogoescog ogoneceg * Rounding ero. COUNTRY OF PRODUCTION litle choice but to import. U.S. imports are being replaced by imports {rom other Latin American rations because of the relatively lower cost of the latter (which usually do aot have to be dubbed), As the number of TV households increases and the technology of television progratn produc- tion advances, economic infuences on the flow of television programs wwithin Latin America will shift Gortain obstacles have «lready been overcome. Mexico, Argentina, Venezuela, Puerto Rico, and Brazil are now important exporters, and eru and Chile are starting to export. A cooperative “barter system” has been proposed by Peruvien and Brazilian television executives, in which five television systems would each invest about $20,000 in making a one-hour program, make copies of the program, and send it to the other four collaborating countries. No funds would change hands, and dependency on U.S. imports could be further decreased. ‘The flow of television programs fom the United States to Latin ‘America is in part balanced by the letter’s exporting to the Spanish International Network, SIN has more U.S. afiliates than NBC: 5 owned and-opersted stations, plos 33 low-power UHF stations and 168 pa time Spanish-language stations (8). SIN attracts 77 percent of the Spanish-speaking audience in the United States (15). It buys 65 percent of its programming from Mexico's Televisa, mainly telenovelas and vatiety shows that have been broadcast on Televise’s Channel 2 in Mexico (this channel seeks to reach the mass audience of lower-income. individuals). The remainder of SIN, programming consists mainly of locally produced U.S. news and talk shows (30 percent) and telenovelas, films, and musicals purchesed from Spain, Argentina, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela, SIN’s broadcasts in the United States represent a special kind of “reverse media imperialism.” ono of the few cases in the world today where Third World nations penetrate the mass media system of an industrialized nation. Spanish-speaking audiences in the United States are thus provided with cultuzlly relevant content (there is essentially no other Spanish-language television in the United Stotes) However, Spanish-speaking individuals in the United States tend to be excluded from careers in television broadcasting, as most SIN programs are produced in Mexico City, nd Televisa refuses to employ Chicanos, claiming they do not speak & “correct” Spanish (32) Our surcey suggests that Latin America provides one example of how Third World nations can create their own products to Compete successfully with First World imports, Other Third World nations have already followed the lead of Latin America in using indigenous stories as the basis for television programs. ‘ing with an educational purpose. For example, inspired by the Mex ‘can experience with educational soap operas, India began broadossting & Journal of Conmunicetion, Autumn 1985 television series about family planning called “Hum Log” ("We Peo- ple") in mid-1984, twice a week during prime time. This talenovela-type Series attracted phenomenal ratings of 90, the highest of any program on. Indian television. A host of competing programs inthe soap opera genre followed, including one series, “Rajini,” that attained ratings of 95 in carly 1986, Several other Third World nations plan to broadcast educa tional soap operas in order to promote such national development goals as family planning and the equality of women. ‘The sucessful “Latinization” of telenovelas by Televisa in Mexico and TY Globo in Brazil has helped these television networks become Virtual monopolies in their respective nations and international televi- sion systems In their own right, each with exports to more than 50 other nations, ‘The rise of Televisa and TV Globo was accomplished without much dizect government involvement. In fact, our analysis suggests that the profit motive wae much more important to their rise than any national or International government policies to encourage their growth. 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