Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
8 Conclusion 30
References 33
ii
1 Introduction
The explosive growth of the Internet over the past two decades has created an environ-
ment where the quantity and speed of information that can be transmitted increase daily to
historically unprecedented levels. Physically, the Internet is composed of a large set of local
networks that connect globally to other networks. The Internet protocol suite, which includes
the basic protocols for transferring data across the Internet, provides the logical structure for
this web of networks1 . Exponential growth in both network capacity and the number of users
has contributed to an increasingly complex market for access to the Internet. The classical
Internet, which for the public consisted primarily of the World Wide Web and Email, is now
only a subset of this market. The availability of broadband technologies has made VoIP, video
The combination of the widening use of these bandwidth intensive applications, and the
related convergence of firms seeking to profit from both the broadband technology as well as the
transmitted intellectual property, has provided incentives for firms to exploit network resources.
The fact that broadband providers effectively possess a natural monopoly over broadband service
(especially for last mile users), means that a market failure due to imperfect competition could
arise in the market for online content. This would cause content markets to be inefficient,
and create dead-weight losses to society. To support the argument of imperfect competition in
the broadband industry, it should be noted that as of 2003, over 60 percent of the broadband
industry was under the control of four firms2 . Broadband providers could use their market power
to raise prices for consumers, and increase prices for or purchase Internet content providers.
Thus, imperfect competition in the broadband market could have a spill-over effect.
Those concerned with this potential failure argue that regulation should be used to ensure
1
Major terms related to the operation of the Internet are defined in the Appendix in section 8.
2
These were Comcast, Verizion, AT&T, and Time Warner [15, p.13].
1
that the design of the Internet retains its classical roots. Variations of this argument fall under
the concept of Network or Net Neutrality. The classical Internet, using TCP/IP, treats all data
packets sent across the network with equal priority. Net Neutrality advocates argue that by
keeping this system in place, broadband providers will be unable to use their market power
to drive up costs to potential competitors, and will be unable to strategically control content
transmitted between users3 . Under a Net Neutrality Regime, consumer welfare would arguably
However, opponents of Net Neutrality assert that not allowing broadband providers to dis-
criminate their services will be counterproductive. Since VoIP, video streaming, and online
entertainment are bandwidth intensive, providers should be permitted to raise the cost for con-
sumers who use higher bandwidth. Finally, opponents argue that the inability of providers to
discriminate will actually be a barrier to innovation, weakening the incentive to increase their
Both sides agree that the broadband industry is imperfectly competitive. They disagree over
whether this can spread to the market for Internet content. Opponents feel that the radical
technological change in Internet access technologies will undermine firm’s attempts to use their
network strategically, and federal regulation could only slow this process. Newer technologies,
especially Wi-fi, tend to support their claims. Yet, Net Neutrality supporters counter that
inaction will allow the Internet to devolve into entrenched natural monopoly. The promised
innovation could then be suppressed by monopolistic practices. It is also unwise, the supporters
feel, to deviate from the architecture that should be credited with the initial success of the
Internet. In order to examine the faults and merits of these arguments, a closer investigation
2
1.1 Defining Network Neutrality
There are many versions and definitions of Net Neutrality. However, they all cover the
same basic principles. At its root, Net Neutrality specifies a set of rules for competition in all
markets that deal with content distributed via the Internet. The implicit goal of these rules is
provides a description of this idealized form of competition and Net Neutrality’s place in it:
A communications network like the Internet can be seen as a platform for a com-
petition among application developers. Email, the web, and streaming applications
are in a battle for the attention and interest of end-users. It is therefore important
that the platform be neutral to ensure the competition remains meritocratic [14,
p.146].
The absence of a role for broadband companies in this definition is no coincidence; Wu treats
the platform (the broadband providers) as passive in this context. Stanford and Berkeley Law
Professors Lawrence Lessig and Mark Lemley also expressed benefits of Net Neutrality. They
argue that:
By designing the network to be neutral among uses, the Internet has created a
competitive environment where innovators know that their inventions will be used
if useful. By keeping the cost of innovation low, it has encouraged an extraordinary
amount of innovation in many different contexts [9, p.8].
If the market for broadband service were perfectly competitive, then competition among
content providers would not be in danger. However, the presence of few firms in this section of
the industry, the very high costs incurred for entry, and the virtual monopoly firms operating at
the last mile of the network experience, all attest to imperfect competition between broadband
providers4 .
The presence of firms with market power, which control the platform through which web ap-
plications are distributed, raises the possibility of strategic action within the platform. Broad-
band providers could theoretically use their market power to price discriminate among their
4
[6][14] [15].
3
customers, to vertically integrate into the content market, or both. If either of these actions are
taken, the platform is no longer neutral and the incentive to innovate among content providers
will be suboptimal. Thus, advocates of Net Neutrality conclude that some regulatory action
must be taken in order to minimize strategic behavior by broadband providers. However, the
form that this regulatory action should take varies among advocates.
Attempting to condense Net Neutrality into a positive economic framework may yield the
following argument: The way to maximize social welfare across all Internet related services is
to maximize the incentive of content providers to innovate. Arguably, this requires ensuring
perfect competition among content providers. This requires a network that cannot be tilted
to favor any one content provider. However, the presence of imperfect competition in the
broadband market threatens competition among content providers. Firms with market power
can both price discriminate with consumers and content providers, as well as use this market
power to influence the content market. From the point of view of society, this might be treated
as a market failure. Strategic action resulting from imperfect competition in broadband could
create a market failure in the content market. If broadband providers favor certain content
producing firms, and all content producers must purchase the services of these providers to
distribute their product, unfavored firms would face artificially high transactions costs if the
broadband providers attempt to discourage competition with their own products. In order to
fix the problem, the behavior and pricing options of broadband providers must be regulated. If
broadband providers cannot price discriminate or strategically control the content distributed
over their section of the network, the neutrality of the Internet will be maintained.
This argument rests on several assumptions that Net Neutrality opponents question. Fur-
thermore, the response of the broadband providers are not taken into account in this analysis.
Relaxing some of these assumptions and examining the response of firms to this kind of reg-
ulation could undermine the validity of the optimality of a Net Neutrality regime. Further
4
discussion of this argument requires some knowledge of the history and structure of broadband
services.
Before the advent of Cable and DSL, the physical structure of the Internet differed more
radically than is apparent to end users both before and after these new services entered the
market. The aforementioned classical Internet operated over phone lines, sending data packets
across Networks using TCP/IP, primarily for the purpose of constructing and visiting web pages
on the World Wide Web, or for the use of email. Its capabilities were largely confined to these
functions for the majority of end users. A final well known experience included the temporary
Shortly before the new millennium, cable and telephone providers started to supply broad-
band service for end users in mass. In this environment, end users now experienced a permenant
connection to the Internet, with the capability of receiving and sending much larger quantities
of data. The early introduction of broadband also created a regulatory issue, which when exam-
ined closely, lends credence to the notion that broadband providers will attempt to strategically
While the rules require digital subscriber line(DSL) operators to carry any ISP,
the leading cable operators signed exclusive contracts with two broadband ISPs: Ex-
cite@home and Roadrunner. Other ISPs that wish to serve those customers cannot
do so over the cable plant. Moreover, the cable ISPs are able to impose content
restrictions such as limitations on the length of video streams that subscribers can
access [13, p.52].
The crescendo of this institutionalized asymmetry took place when the FCC classified cable
Internet offerings as information services which, by the Telecommunications Act of 1996 passed
by the Gingrich Congress under the Clinton Presidency, are excluded from any special price or
5
content regulation5 . This ruling recognized and endorsed the strategic behavior of broadband
cable providers. Interestingly, the FCC waited until August 5, 2005 to classify broadband offered
The fact that DSL did not have the opportunity to strategically control the network, whereas
cable did, was simply an accident of regulatory lag. The fact that regulatory lag led to a situation
where Cable had the ability to act strategically, and chose to do so, might support the claims
of regulatory ineffectiveness that opponents of Net Neutrality favor. Yet, it also demonstrates
that firms with the ability to strategically manipulate the network believe that they have an
incentive to do so. However, now that the regulatory differences no longer exist, deeper study of
the structure of the broadband industry is required to ascertain if strategic action still benefits
sifying all firms involved in an industry into three basic categories. This method, called the
vertical method, can be used to outline the structure of the broadband industry. The first
group contains manufacturers, the second category wholesalers who connect manufacturers to
retailers, and firms who distribute the products to consumers fall under retail7 .
The other theoretical structure is called the layered model. Unlike the general method, this
model has been tailored to the broadband industry after closer analysis8 . This approach divides
the industry into four different but overlapping layers. Net Neutrality advocates typically frame
6
3.1 Vertical Structure
The vertical paradigm of the broadband industry may be the easiest to comprehend, and it
also provides a basic structure to examine the problem at hand. Breaking up the industry into
manufacturing, wholesale, and retail reveals the source of the market failure. In the broadband
industry, there is a market failure in the wholesale category, which might spill over into the
retail category, due to the prospect of vertical integration between the two categories. The
Category Description
If the few firms in the wholesale industry were to vertically integrate into the retail section,
then the many firms that manufacture content would essentially be selling their content to
firms with some monoposony power, by standing between them and consumers. At the same
time, these firms facing consumers would have the ability to manipulate the price that these
services were sold to consumers. One could consider these problems as two sides of the same
coin, because any content consumers that decided to become a content producer would face
this situation. Those who disagree with Net Neutrality argue that regulating broadband, a
relatively new industry, might be premature. Given time, as more firms enter the industry, this
9
Derived from [15]
7
problem could be resolved on its own. Furthermore, the structure of the market might invalidate
the claim that vertically integrating into the retail sector would allow the wholesale firms any
greater market power. Evidence for this argument rests on analysis of vertical integration by
Net Neutrality advocates, however, stress that if these firms act strategically to control
prices and content, that the very foundation of the Internet would be destroyed. If this takes
place, assuming the rapid expansion of the Internet was due to this foundation, then immense
losses to social welfare could result. This fundamental principle, called End-to-End or e2e,
underlies the set of TCP/IP protocols that govern the Internet. This principle requires that
no strategic action take place within a Network, something obviously antithetical to firms with
market power[9]. Section five, Policy Approaches and Critiques, takes a closer look at both of
these arguments in terms of the layered model. Furthermore, the real chaos associated with the
rapid rise of broadband and the Telecommunications Act of 1996 resulted from the breakdown
of a horizontal classification system in place since the Communications Act of 1934, which uses
the vertical model implicitly. An attempt to bring structure and temporal ordering to the FCC’s
8
The problems with this framework have been alluded to earlier. Whereas cable fell under
Title IV restrictions, which allowed for strategic action, telephone providers were subject to
stricter Title II regulation. However, information services, although technically under Title II,
were by law not subject to the same content and pricing regulations as classic telephone and
service for both Cable and Phone companies11 , essentially leveling the playing field. With this
framework in mind, the industry can now be reinterpreted with the layered model.
The layered structure, created by technologist Kevin Werbach, better captures the com-
plexity of the broadband industry. It will allow for a more complete understanding of some of
the nuances of policy proscriptions, be they action or inaction. The rationale for the layered
model stems from the inability of the vertical model to handle the interconnectedness of the
broadband industry. In response to these shortcomings, Werbach created a model of the broad-
band industry that builds it up from several layers, namely: Physical, Logical, Applications,
Layer Function
Application software.
11
[3].
12
Derived from [15] and [13]
9
One of the distinguishing characteristics of this approach is that it does not suppose any
one particular firm to be confined to any one of these layers. The layers define the industry, and
firms can and do provide services that often go between these layers. For example, a company
that produces application software might create and distribute content with this software for
advertising or other proprietary purposes. Most importantly, it also acknowledges the possibility
that firms in charge of the physical infrastructure (which are bound to be large) could operate
in all four of these layers. Although not a direct appeal to Net Neutrality, Werbach makes the
Although Werbach does not deal with the issue of Net Neutrality explicitly, this observation
clearly echoes the opinions of Wu and Lessig regarding what kind of broadband competition is
best for society. The reason that Net Neutrality advocates frame their arguments in terms of
the layered model is that it clearly exposes the potential danger to competition in applications
and content. The status of the overarching firm as a telephone or cable ISP makes no difference.
Both have the ability to strategically control their networks, and the legal authority to do so.
The regulatory gap between 2002 and 2005 already demonstrates that at least one firm has the
incentive to act strategically when the other cannot do so. However, the behavior of firms when
both have the ability to act strategically is still an open question. Finally, the issue of the cost
effectiveness and the ability of regulation to correct a market failure in broadband still has not
been answered. The case for policy, through action or inaction, must now be considered.
10
4 Vertical Integration in the Broadband Industry
The technique of vertical integration provides the mechanism through which broadband
companies could undermine the neutrality of the Internet. When firms choose to vertically
integrate, it entails a merger or entry into adjacent or complementary markets for the good
or service which the firm in question supplies[5]. In the case of broadband, adjacent firms
can best be understood using the vertical structure, while the layered structure provides the
clearest layout of complementary services. From the point of view of the literature, the firms
in question are the wholesale category, which ideally corresponds to the physical layer in the
layered model. Vertical integration thus involves entry or acquisition by wholesale firms of
retail or manufacturing, which really involves merging the infrastructure of the physical and
application layers of the Internet. For example, if the broadband provider Comcast Cable (a
wholesale purchaser or owner of the physical layer in the respective industry models) merged
with or acquired Blizzard Entertainment (the developers of popular online video game World
of Warcraft), this would constitute vertical integration. Joseph Farrell and Phil Weiser explain
The applications market is competitive, whereas broadband providers certainly enjoy market
power due to barriers to entry. However, since the services that both provide complement
one another, there is a case for efficiencies gained from vertical integration. Furthermore,
broad legal13 and theoretical consensus follows the findings of the Chicago School on vertical
13
[1] cited the Chicago school to rule in favor of vertical integration.
11
integration14 . The Chicago School argued that for vertical integration to result in a Pareto
suboptimal allocation relative to the original allocation of goods and services, two requirements
must be met:
Requirement
might not hold. Thus, an argument can be made that vertical integration in the broadband
industry will at least be Pareto neutral. Furthermore, if efficiencies due to the complementary
nature of the services exist, it might even be Pareto improving to allow integration.
Net Neutrality advocates have responded to this argument by either asserting that that
second assumption holds once vertical integration has been established, or arguing that it is
irrelevant to the broadband industry. The stance that each party takes on these issues tends
to shape their policy argument. Those who accept the argument that vertical integration in
broadband is harmless feel that regulation should be confined to promoting entry of more firms
into broadband, and reject Net Neutrality as misguided. At the same time, those who question
the second assumption come down powerfully in favor of price and content regulation to assure
Net Neutrality. Finally, middle of the road scholars have attempted to re imagine Net Neutrality
12
5 Policy Approaches and Critiques
Having examined the industry and the prospects for vertical integration, the issue of policy
can now be addressed. As explained earlier, the stance taken on vertical integration in broad-
band tends to shape the policy recommendations of the literature. In the following section,
some of the major categories of policy recommendations will be examined and compared.
The first and oldest argument for Net Neutrality goes by the End-to-End argument. Pro-
ponents of this view feel that the neutral network of the classic Internet was optimal, and
any deviation from this architecture will destroy the incentive structures which have caused
the Internet to expand. Losses to innovation and productivity would consequently immense.
The second argument comes from those who accept the harmlessness and potentially efficient
prospects of vertical integration, concluding that supporters of e2e are shooting themselves in
the foot. Finally, advocates of what has been called a Broadband Discrimination Regime have
attempted to find a middle road that allows for vertical integration, while keeping the core of
The problem of optimizing communication networks has been a subject of study for some
time in computer science. One of the classic papers to offer a functional solution for an efficient
network design was Saltzer et al’s. “End to End Arguments in System Design”. The MIT
researchers made the observation that, when sending packets across a network between two
computers, there are a great many points where error checking functions could be deployed to
ensure that the packets have not been corrupted. An advantage to intermediate error checking
could be catching problems early and saving delivery time. However, as the probability of
packet corruption inside the network falls, error checking points become increasingly superfluous.
Finally, if the probability reaches some threshold, it would be more efficient to just have error
13
checking software at the ’ends’, or within the two computers, and just initiate a retry if a
packet failed to arrive intact16 . Many communications systems have subsequently been designed
incorporating their observations. Furthermore, the architecture of the Internet- i.e. the basic
protocols that all networks within the Internet share- follow this design principle.
In this environment, strategic action by the agents who own the respective networks would
be impossible. Since no underlying content function exists within the network, only at the ends,
the owners of the network have no mechanism to control the content shared between users. One
of the most noted supporters of e2e, Lawrence Lessig, also elaborates on result:
This is the result of the fundamental architecture of the Internet. Clearly, in order to allow
for the kind of content discrimination discussed earlier, broadband providers must place a func-
tion somewhere within their networks to control and monitor content. It has been established
earlier that these firms have the legal authority to do so. Thus, the criticism by advocates of
e2e that vertical integration into the content market by broadband providers would destroy the
Internet as it has been previously understood is not an exaggeration. However, this in itself
does not justify action to prohibit firms from making decisions which are currently legal.
In order to make the case for a government mandate of neutrality, e2e supporters typically
raise two issues. The first has been mentioned earlier, and involves the incentive to innovate
which arguably comes from a neutral network. However, advocates also raise a second issue
concerning freedom of information and expression[10]. The first has been considered in detail,
because it can be scrutinized theoretically. The second point, while it certainly should not
be dismissed, is mostly beyond the scope of this text. But, the reader should be aware that
16
[12].
14
this argument, like the last-mile argument, has a great deal of purely normative support. In
order to maintain Net Neutrality from an e2e perspective, the necessary policy action is open
access. This follows from the possibility that, if broadband providers vertically integrate into
the content market, they can erect barriers to entry in the content market, due to their special
The default design, of course, being End-to-End. Thus, in the ideal case of a Net Neutrality
regime under e2e philosophy, no firm could place functions inside of their own network without
making a legal case for its inclusion. This, one might imagine, would most likely involve some
kind of security protocol. Absent any other functions inside of the network, broadband providers
would be unable to control the content consumed by any particular user. In this case, vertical
integration into the content market would be completely ineffective in boosting the market
power of the broadband firms, because user choice is beyond their control. This would preserve
competition in the content market, where the incentive to innovate would be the strongest.
Consequently, if the assumption that maximizing content competition leads to maximum social
welfare, and this does not alter the firm’s behavior, then this could be the best policy course.
The approach of fostering competition where broadband firms are fewest is the closest to
a “hands off” method. Supporters of the hands off approach correctly see the end-to-end
argument as basically a call for price regulation. In order to restrain the market power of
broadband providers, end-to-end does call for restrictions on both prices and activities in the
broadband industry. Thus, for last milers, the issue then is that, “The government must weight
15
policy choices carefully: are the benefits of price regulation likely to exceed its costs?” [8, p.1].
One of the primary criticisms last milers offer of the e2e argument is that it might be
wholly counterproductive. Net Neutrality advocates do not consider the way price regulation
might affect the incentives of broadband providers. Regulatory movement towards standardized
pricing and services could severely limit innovation on the part of broadband providers. This
would place a bound on the ability of content providers to innovate, at which point the content
innovation assumption upon which e2e is based would fail. Wu concisely states this point of
view:
Simply put, allowing network owners to employ different protocols can foster
innovation by allowing a wider range of network products to exist. Conversely,
compulsory standardization can reduce consumer surplus by limiting the variety of
products available [15, p.18].
Furthermore, the issue of regulatory lag could be a significant hindrance to the effectiveness
of Net Neutrality policy, specifically because it seeks to target such a dynamic market. This
issue has been discussed previously in relation to the Werbach paper. Regulatory lag led to a
three year window, between 2002 and 2005, where Cable and DSL providers operated under
different legal requirements for the same service. Since the Internet market continues to evolve
so rapidly, price and content restrictions could become redundant or a barrier to innovation
quickly. A recent example involves the adoption of wireless Internet or Wi-fi technologies. Wi-fi
provides the same service as land line based broadband, but in a fundamentally different way.
It will be discussed in section 6, for now it is enough to remark on its existence and rapid
expansion.
16
Given these criticisms that end-to-end type regulation could either be counterproductive or
completely ineffective, the last milers assert that a method of fostering competition where the
broadband market is most concentrated is the best policy. Economists such as Hahn believe
that:
This call is echoed by Yoo[15, p.43]. In effect, last milers call for the exact opposite action to
be taken by federal regulatory agencies, though it still calls for them to act. Instead of a national
price and content standardization, the result would be a national policy of deregulation. Thus,
federal powers would be used as a tool to curtail local idiosyncratic regulations that contribute
The argument for the hands off approach raised the issue that regulatory lag and stan-
dardized pricing could be counterproductive to the goals of Net Neutrality. Supporters of e2e
have, to some degree, recognized these complications. Even Lessig acknowledges that,“...as a
practical matter, building security features and other content-distinguishing elements may be
inevitable, at least at the applications level,”[9, p.18]. In this spirit, law professor Tim Wu offers
competition in the content market, and the ability of broadband providers to have some control
of their own pricing. Thus, while it has roots in the e2e approach, it does address some of the
concerns of last milers. It has been saved as the last argument for both this reason, and the
fact that the FCC has tacitly embraced it as its approach to Net Neutrality policy17 .
17
See [2].
17
As a Net Neutrality supporter, Wu makes the case for the superiority of e2e design of a
network using the same reasoning about competition among application providers, arguing it
provides the best incentive for innovation. He calls the meritocratic selection of applications
an “evolutionary approach”. In attributing the rise of the Internet to this approach, he notes
that, “Backers of an evolutionary approach to innovation take the Internet, the fastest growing
However, this is a static setup that implicitly assumes that the given neutral platform has
bandwidth capacity enough to satisfy the needs of each offered application. It might still be
true that a neutral platform could allocate finite resources efficiently according to the tastes of
the users, but if this requires an artificial restriction of bandwidth capacity, then the process is
not technically efficient. Wu argues this in the context of quality of service (QoS) for bandwidth
To the extent open access regulation prevents broadband operators from archi-
tectural cooperation with ISPs for the purpose of providing QoS dependent appli-
cations, it could hurt the cause of network neutrality. By threatening the vertical
relationship required for certain application types, it could maintain IP’s discrimi-
nation in favor of data applications[14, p.150].
If the last mile criticism about the incentive for broadband providers to improve their net-
work service proves valid, then the market would be made statically efficient although dynami-
cally inefficient by Net Neutrality. For example, the movement as of 2010 to making real-time
streaming of events in high definition could be stopped in its tracks by mandated neutrality,
as it requires a massive expansion of bandwidth. But, the current popular applications might
be better refined to the tastes of users. Yet, this requires implicitly instituting a bias towards
less bandwidth intensive programs. In this situation, the accuracy of the positive claim that
mandated Net Neutrality is objectively better than doing nothing is at best unclear.
18
The conclusion that Wu derives from this observation is that discrimination by band-
width use does not conflict with Net Neutrality. He notes that, “certain classes of appli-
cations will never function properly unless bandwidth and quality of service are guaranteed.
Hence, the absence of bandwidth management can interfere with application development and
competition,”[14, p.155]. This insight provides the foundation for the Broadband Discrimina-
tion Regime. Wu develops a legal framework with the goal of allowing broadband providers
to discriminate among users by bandwidth, but forbidding the same providers from controlling
the user’s choice of application for that bandwidth. Since monitoring bandwidth use requires
providers to place functions or protocols inside their network, the pure e2e design would be
dead. However, since neutrality still exists in principle, this regime is a kind of hybrid of the
previous two.
Putting the regime into practice requires passing legislation that sets the rules by which
broadband providers can discriminate among their customers. Wu offers an example of such
a law in his paper, where he defines the rights of broadband providers in positive terms. The
following table lists the situations where Wu feels broadband providers should have the right to
QoS
19
The key to the success of this regime and the legislation putting it into practice is, according
to Wu, that they can “...distinguish between forbidden grounds of discrimination, those that
distort secondary markets, and permissible grounds, those necessary to network administration
and harm to the network,”[14, p.170]. Thus, the broadband discrimination regime defines a set
of rules to deal with the trade off between competition in the applications layer and innovation in
the physical layer. Broadband providers are allowed to discriminate, but not for the purposes of
discouraging competition among content providers. Consequently, the applications layer should
remain competitive. This should ensure that, absent other occurrences, the applications market
In the year 2005, the FCC issued several policy statements that attempted to address the
issue of regulating the broadband industry. One such policy statement FCC 05-153, placed
cable and DSL under the same regulatory restrictions, and has been mentioned earlier. An-
other statement, FCC 05-151, which closely followed the previous one, sought to define the
role the FCC felt it should play in regulating the broadband industry in general. It outlined
four principles, which the FCC felt would ensure the best environment for consumers. Further-
more, it read that, “...the Commission has jurisdiction necessary to ensure that providers of
operated in a neutral manner,”[2]. This is important because the Commission is stating that,
even without a law similar to the one proposed by Wu, the FCC has the authority to mandate
Net Neutrality. Furthermore, the four principles should also be familiar. They state that, to
encourage broadband deployment and preserve and promote the open and interconnected nature
20
Principles[2]
of law enforcement.
Although these principles have been defined from a consumer perspective, and their applica-
tion is discretionary as opposed to mandatory, one cannot deny the influence of the Broadband
Discrimination Regime in this policy statement. Furthermore, the fourth principle of compe-
tition seems to be a recognition of the last mile argument, as does the general format of the
statement. The FCC acknowledges its authority to mandate Net Neutrality, but it does not
annouce its intention to do so. It also issues principles that it would like to uphold, as opposed
to rules it will enforce. This reflects a clear appreciation for the potential pitfalls of regulation
mentioned by the last mile supporters. Thus, as far as policy intentions can be gleaned from
this statement, the FCC appears to have largely accepted the wisdom of Net Neutrality from
Wu’s perspective, but have taken into account some last mile criticisms.
21
6 Economic Experiments and Wi-Fi
The market for Internet services has and continues to experience rapid technological progress.
The rise of large-scale broadband by wireless methods that began just after the year 2000 is an
example of such progress. These events lend credence to the claims by opponents of Net Neu-
trality that it would be difficult to regulate such a dynamic industry effectively. Understanding
the process that has generated technologies such as wireless Internet can provide greater insight
into the nature of the competition among broadband providers, and might lead some to question
logical shocks, such as the market for Internet service. Greenstein states that such experiments,
“...pertain to any market experience that alters knowledge about the market value of a good
or service,”[6, p.2]. Firms in new markets see them as a laboratory, where knowledge about
methods for distributing and pricing goods are gained at some cost. When weighing the benefits
and costs of engaging in certain types of economic experiments, firms must consider current and
expected regulation requirements. Thus, regulation not only affects the good a firm currently
supplys in a market with frequent technological shocks, but also the goods a firms expect to
supply in the future. This relationship between the firm and regulator is more complicated than
According to Greenstein, there are two kinds of economic experiments: directed and undi-
rected. The difference being that directed experiments represent the purposeful actions of in-
dividual firms to gain knowledge about their markets, whereas undirected experiments include
groups of firms or sectors engaged in learning about some external change in their market.
For example, AOL’s decision to use email and login names with natural language in the run
22
ment18 , while the rise of Wi-Fi followed from an undirected economic experiment. According
to Greenstein:
Wi-Fi did not arise from a single firm’s innovative experiment. Rather, Wi-Fi
began as something different that evolved through economic experiments at many
firms. The evolution arose from the interplay of strategic behavior, coordinated ac-
tion among designers, deliberate investment strategies, learning externalities across
firms, and a measure of simple and plain good fortune[6, p.12].
Wi-Fi is an example of the kind of fundamental innovation that last milers argue should be
fostered by public policy, while strict price or content regulations should be avoided. One could
argue that such regulations would limit the ability of firms to undertake economic experiments.
The result would be a kind of dynamic inefficiency, where firms have a disincentive to pursue
better technologies due to regulation. Furthermore, in their paper on wireless network neutrality,
Hahn and his fellow writers make a similar observation that, “Given the high level of competition
in the wireless industry, an individual operator should be entitled to experiment with different
business models, especially where there is unlikely to be any anticompetitive effect,”[7, p.7]. This
argument extends the reasoning of the last mile argument that promoting new technologies is
a superior policy.
Finally, the presence of Wi-Fi also calls for a reexamination of the requirements for subop-
timal vertical integration. If Wi-Fi is a viable alternative to land-line based Internet service,
the assumption that broadband providers are a natural monopoly is now questionable. If all
providers of wireless services can now be considered competitors because of the ability of in-
dividuals to substitute away from landlines for Wi-Fi, then there is no longer a market failure
in broadband. However, since wireless still has limited availability and a bandwidth cap sig-
nificantly lower, on average, than landlines[7], its present status as a competitor to broadband
service is limited.
18
This example was taken from page 13 of [6].
23
7 Game Theory Applied to Broadband
Since the main providers of broadband service are cable and DSL companies, and these
companies are assumed to have market power resulting from economies of scale, insights into
Net Neutrality arguments might be gained by examining the effect of regulation on the strategic
interactions of the firms. Game theory is an ideal and standard method for examining this kind
of imperfect competition between firms. In the following setup, assume there are two agents: a
cable and a DSL firm. The behavior of these two agents will be analyzed with several games:
the Differentiated Bertrand, the Cournot, the Stackelberg, and the Sequential Differentiated
Bertrand. The firms will either compete with respect to content (which will be the same as
quantity) or prices. The Broadband Discrimination Regime will be in place when price is
considered, and no regulation when considering content. The models presented can be found in
many intermediate textbooks. The following work follows from the analysis of the author, and
to the best of his knowledge has not been conducted in this fashion elsewhere19 .
In a simple model of bertrand competition, two firms with market power and selling ho-
mogenous products set their prices simultaneously. There is no collusion, and the firm which
sets the lowest price captures the entire market. The mathematical setup of the model appears
as follows, where “BR” denotes the best response function of each firm:
19
Information on a related analysis is available at http://news.ufl.edu/2007/03/07/net-neutrality/
where a more sophisticated analysis by Kenneth Cheng found that “Abandoning net neutrality discourages
improvements in service” and a treatment of the general models can be found here[11].
24
The resulting nash equilibrium of this model is that each firm sets its price equal to its marginal
cost, which mirrors the efficient outcome under perfect competition. In the event that the cable
and DSL firms had virtually identical cost structures and provided a virtually homogenous
product, this model implies that a Net Neutrality policy based on Wu’s analysis would be ideal.
Even with market power, allowing the firms to strategically set their prices while forbidding
However, there are issues to applying this model to the broadband industry. Simply put,
while cable and DSL provide similar services, the products are not homogeneous and the cost
structures are fundamentally different. Another problem with this model is that, assuming
different marginal cost functions, the firm with the lowest marginal cost will win the entire
market share. Despite the differences in cost, this has not taken place in broadband. Still, it
could be the case that the services and cost structures of the industry will converge, in which
Another classic model involves firms with market power strategically setting the quantity of
the good which they will produce. This form of competition, called cournot competition, can
also be useful for the broadband industry. In this case, the setup is similar to the bertrand,
but the variable of choice is quantity. This mathematical model appears as follows, where “m”
25
In this nash equilibrium, the resulting quantity and price are less efficient than the simple
bertrand, but more efficient than a monopoly. One advantage of this model for the broadband
industry is that it continues to work if the cost functions are different. This would be a setup
without Net Neutrality, where cable and DSL companies are able to control bandwidth or
content. The lesson here is that, in the absence of Net Neutrality, broadband providers do
have an incentive to act strategically to control content. Unlike the simple bertrand, there are
long-run profits to be made in this market, which means there is deadweight loss to society. If
steps could be taken to move this market towards a simple bertrand, there are potential parteo
improvements20 . Finally, another result of the cournot model is that, as the number of firms
goes to infinity, the market asymptotically approaches efficiency. Thus, the last mile argument’s
The application of the cournot model to the broadband industry also has some shortcomings.
providers might have some fear that using their market power to its full cournot potential could
signal to regulators that steps should be taken to move them towards less profitable simple
bertrand competition. The threat of the Broadband Discrimination Regime could be a tool of
In order to address the heterogenaity of cable and DSL service, the bertrand model with
differentiated products offers another lense through which the broadband industry can be ex-
amined. In this model, the two firms compete with respect to price, but there is some level of
differentiation in the products that creates a kind of consumer loyalty. A consequence of this
assumption is that a firm does not immediately lose its entire market for raising its price above
20
I say, “potential”, because second best theory demonstrates that such improvements from incomplete adjust-
ments are sometimes uncertain.
26
its rival, only some variable portion. The setup of this model is as follows where “D1 ” and
This nash equilibrium is similar to the cournot equilibrium. Since each firm sets a price above
the simple bertrand price, there will be profits, deadweight loss, and thus inefficiency. The size
of this inefficiency is dependent on the relative size of some of the parameters in the model.
Thus, by this model, there is no ready assurance that a broadband discrimination regime would
be superior to a last mile policy. Assuming that pricing differentiated services and controlling
content are analogous in the broadband industry, the parameters of each model would need to
be estimated and evaluated in order to decide which one would be best from a social welfare
perspective. If the parameters could be reliably estimated using structural econometrics, then
regulators could justify that price and output under one model would be significantly closer to
the efficient outcome than another. If accounting for regulatory costs did not change this result,
a clear choice between the last mile and broadband discrimination policies could be reached.
Since a controversial point between supporters and opponenets of Net Neutrality is the
ability of other firms to enter the broadband industry, the point should be examined further.
Section 5.4 has already presented evidence that cable and DSL might face competition from
wireless internet services. However, it might be benefical to examine market entry in a more
general way under the two regimes. The Stackelberg and the Sequential Differentiated Bertrand
27
are the two most common models for market entry. The mathematical setup of these models are
similar to static coutnot and differentiated bertrand, but are now sequential games. They are
solved by backwards induction. In each game, there is an incumbant and a potential entrant,
and the incumbant can optimize after the entrant. Both models and their results will now be
presented where “qc” denote cournot outcomes “pdb” differentiated bertrand outcomes, and
Stackelberg Model
(1) (Player 2) Maximize Π2 = F (p1, D1 = f (p1, p2)) where ∂D2 /∂p1 > 0
p2
(2) (Player 1) Maximize Π1 = F (p2, D2 = g(p1, p2 = m(p1∗))) where ∂D1 /∂p2 > 0
p1
X
. Πi > Πdb p1 > p2 and Π2 > Π1 for i = 1, 2
In the stackelberg model, the incumbent has the advantage, and will make higher profits than
the entrant. However, the resulting price and quantity are closer to the efficient outcome than in
the cournot model. Conversely, the sequential bertrand results in the follower obtaining larger
profits than the incumbent, and yeilds an outcome that is less efficient than the differentiated
bertrand. From the perspective of broadband industry regulators, it appears that the last mile
proscription of fostering entry into the market might be complicated by the very act of allowing
the incumbent firms control over content. Their control over content weakens the incentive for
other firms to enter the market. A Broadband Discrimination Regime, on the other hand, is
friendlier to those seeking to enter the market, but the outcome is actually less efficient than
its static bertrand counterpart. As with the static models, making the optimal policy choice
28
would once again require a structural approach to estimating the parameters of the models,
and determining the relative distance from the efficient outcome. If one model of entry were
significantly closer to the competitive outcome (after accounting for regulatory costs), a correct
One of the issues not yet treated by this analysis is how the probability of Net Neutrality
regulation might affect the behavior of broadband providers. For example, given the assertion by
the policy statement FCC 05-151 that the Commission has the authority to mandate neutrality,
firms face a choice of which game they would voluntarily play, given their assessment of the
credibility of the FCC’s claim. Since the FCC only stated their ability but not their intention
to act, the firms can still legally pursue a route of content control. However, this might provoke
the FCC to act, forcing the broadband providers to accept regulation that will make them worse
off. Consequently, the firms will face a tradeoff between pursuing cournot profits and raising
the probability of intervention. For a simple mathematical illustration, assume the broadband
provider perceives the probability that the FCC will mandate Net Neutrality if they engage in
content control as δ, and δ is an increasing function in cournot profits i.e. ∂(δ)/∂(Πc ) > 0.
Clearly, the firm’s decision to engaged in open cournot competition depends on the size of the
cournot profits relative to the differentiated bertrand, and whether or not the corresponding
increase in δ will push the probability to unity. If cournot profits are larger, but not large enough
29
to prompt action, the firms should engage in cournot competition. Otherwise, the providers
are larger, broadband providers might prefer the regulation. However, this would make them
vulerable to falling into the simple bertrand, and make the entry of competitors more likely.
This analysis is key to the interpretation of the April 2010 ruling by the U.S. Court of
Appeals circuit in the District of Columbia that currently, the FCC legally “cannot support its
exercise of ancillary authority over Comcasts network management practices,”[4]. From a math-
ematical perspective, this might dramatically weaken the expected increase in the probability of
intervention by the FCC if broadband providers were to engage in cournot competition. Thus,
one consequence of this ruling, according to this analysis, is an increase in the possibility of
the broadband industry using its power to control content i.e. engage in cournot competition.
However, if the current ruling leads to actual legislation defining the powers of the FCC in
relation to Net Neutrality, then the bayesian game ends. In this case, the previous sequential
8 Conclusion
The arguments for and against Net Neutrality rest, as they should, on assumptions about
what kind of policy would be best for social welfare. Supporters of Net Neutrality contend
that it has already proven its worth in the success of the Internet, and should be protected if
threatened. Opponents argue that attempting to enforce Net Neutrality could be self defeating,
and a better policy would be to simply promote compeition where the original market failure
is– among broadband providers. However, examination of the structure of the industry reveals
a unique interconnectedness between broadband providers and content providers, which could
be exploited by broadband firms to the detrement of the content market. Furthermore, the
30
fast pace of technological change presents a challenge for network regulation in general. As the
rapid rise and spread of Wi-Fi demonstrates, even the imperfect competition among broadband
providers is not certain to last. Yet, there is no denying that these same providers could have
the capacity to hold off such technological improvements, and this would only be strengthened
A look into the broadband industry from the perspective of game theory reveals that de-
termining a clear best policy might be possible, but it rests on econometric and benefit-cost
analysis that has, to the knowledge of the author, not been undertaken. The actions of the FCC
until April of 2010 could be interpreted as a compromise between supporters and opponents.
By asserting the potential to mandate Net Neutrality, and the ability but not the intention to
do so, the FCC creating a bayesian game which created the possibility of having Net Neutrality
without the cost of regulation, while still acknowleding the importance of last mile competition.
From a social welfare perspective, this seems like a reasonable soulation. However, the decision
by the Court of Appeals in April 2010 changed the dynamic of the bayesian game. Without
legislative action, the probability of FCC intervention has fallen, and the incentive to control the
content market has risen. This assumes that profits from content control are superior to price
competition, which seems reasonable over the long run, although it has not been empirically
justified. If this is true, however, restoring the ability of the FCC to mandate Neutrality would
be more efficient, with the important qualification that it is not compelled to do so.
31
9 Appendix: Terms and Concepts
• IP or Internet Protocol: This includes the group of many standard systems of rules
that control the transformation and transmission of data across the Internet. It typically
converts raw data into a packet form, which is then sent to other users and reassembled
upon arrival by similar procedures. For more see TCP/IP or Internet Protocol Suite.
• ISP or Internet Service Provider: These are firms, typically privately owned, that
sell access to the Internet as a commodity. The form of this access is determined by the
physical infrastructure used to connect to the network. For example, cable companies
typically use cable, and phone companies use DSL. Finally, use of wireless technology by
ISP’s has made access by Wi-fi more common.
• TCP/IP or Internet Protocol Suite: This set of protocols includes the fundamental
logical systems that govern the classical Internet. Email, simple web browsing, and small
file transfers are controlled globally by these protocols.
• TCP or Transmission Control Protocol: A higher level protocol that governs the
networks that make up the Internet. TCP oversees the activities of the many IPs, with
the goal of ensuring the accuracy of data sent by these IPs. While IPs operate on the
micro level, TCP exists to govern the macro level of networks. For more see TCP/IP or
Internet Protocol Suite.
• VoIP or Voice Over Internet Protocol: A bandwidth intensive technology for con-
ducting voice communication via the Internet. The process requires speech to be converted
into a format that can be transmitted in the form of data packets to other users, and then
reassembled with minimal delay. It serves as a substitute for traditional telephone com-
munication.
32
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