Women Empowerment

By: Ghulam Jaffer Bhutto

Defining Empowerment:

The Marxist versus Poststructuralist Concept of Power

Multi-Dimensional Concepts of Power
The Contextual Nature of Power
Self-Empowerment versus External Sources of Power
Instrumental View of Women's Empowerment
Economic and Social Empowerment

Economic Empowerment:
Women's Land Rights, Food Security and Livelihoods
(i) Women and Land Rights
(ii) The Right to Food
(iii) Women and Agriculture
(iv) Women and Forestry and Fisheries

Women and Employment in the Formal and Informal Sectors

National and International Commitments to Women's Economic Empowerment
Women's Participation in the Labor Force
Working Conditions in the Labor Market
Women's Participation in Labor Unions
Women and Poverty Reduction

Social Empowerment
Women and Education
(i) National and International Commitments
(ii) Expenditure on Education
(iii) Literacy and Enrolment Rates
(iv) Gender and Education
(v) Conditions of Public Schools
Women and Health
(i) National and International Commitments
(ii) Expenditure on Health
(iii) Gender and Health
Main Issues/Challenges:

Structural Issues/Challenges
Institutional Issues/Challenges

Functional Issues/Challenges

Structural Issues/Challenges

Social and cultural barriers, including issues like restrictions on womens mobility that affect
their access to information and resources

Entrenched patriarchal mindset that defines womens rightful place only in the home.

Politics is considered as male domain in the public view.

There is a lack of a societal acceptance of womens political role;

Women are hindered to participate as voters and as candidates by the local power brokers

Women are disenfranchised

Strategies Adopted:

Networking and Advocacy

Using Radio and Talk shows

Sensitization of local political leadership

Mobilization and support to women

Development and dissemination of print material

Capacity building of local CBOs

Institutional Issues/Challenges

Male domination in power politics;

Lack of interest of political parties to orientate themselves toward the political participation of
women;
 Lack of government will to create enabling environment for womens political participation and
representation

Lack of representation of women in the decision making bodies of political parties;

Masculine model of politics and decision making;

Prohibiting women from casting their votes

Male resistance to women politicians in the political structures

Lack of democracy and democratization of political structures

Independent Election Commission

Strategies Adopted:

Develop the capacity of local groups for advocating women rights

Regular coordination with political parties and government agencies

Linkages developed among line department and communities

Capacity building of local organizations to tap public resources as CCBs

Gender sensitization trainings

Capacity building of line agencies and political parties

Functional Issues/Challenges:
Inadequate political training of women;

Lack of capacities and know-how of the political system

Lack of education and awareness of women of their political rights;

High level of illiteracy among women

Lack of confidence and trust among women;

Lack of political skills

Lack of financial resources and social capital

Lack of experience in playing a decision-making roles

 Lack of voters education

Non-registration of voters

Voters do not have National Identity Cards

Strategies Adopted:

Training of women on importance of political education

Getting support of the local leadership for enhancing womens political participation

Voter registration and support in getting ID cards

Material development and use of media

History of Women Empowerment in Pakistan:

The issue of empowerment is being conceived in the perspective of gender related

development which has been checked due to inequality in the socio-cultural patterns of the
society and it inherited some of the cultural constraints before partition. It was also noted in
the Indian environment before partition that women were engaged in a quest for self-
expression and representation. Here the role of some of the women is worth mentioning in the
perspective of their mobility which developed some dents in the socio-political structures of the
society. This description will throw light on the structural constraints which had checked the
movement of ordinary women for her right. Before partition some of the Muslim women were
active in social sphere and they led the movement of social reformism. The efforts of Begum
Shah Nawaz were indeed worth mentioning. She was an active member in many organizations
including the All India Womens Conference. She on the platform of womens Indian Association
demanded the 10% quota for women in the legislative assembly but 3% was accepted in the
franchise committee in 1935. The same kind of quota of seats was also accepted for women in
1954 at the last meeting of constituent assembly on the basis of charter of women rights
presented by Begum Shah Nawaz.

In 1935 Begum Shah Nawaz was the part of the discussion of second and third round table
conferences and to its joint select committee in 1934, on behalf of women and minorities. It
was her dynamic personality that took the responsibility of womens rights in India, and
furthered the cause of the community in general after the death of Bi-Amma. Begum Shah
Nawaz presented womens rights at international level in 1931 when she was invited to attend
the League of Nations session in Geneva, and later at the International Labour Organization in
1935.After independence, elite Muslim women in Pakistan continued to advocate women's
political empowerment through legal reforms. They mobilized the support that led to the
passage of the Muslim Personal Law of Shariah in 1948, which recognized a woman's right to
inherit all forms of property. Begum Shah Nawaz and Begum Shaista Ikramullah represented
women in Pakistans first constitution making body the constituent assembly. In 1956
constitution, universal suffrage and reservation of special seats in the legislature were accorded
to women on the basis of direct female suffrage. They were also behind the futile attempt to
have the government include a Charter of Women's Rights in the 1956 constitution. The 1961
Muslim Family Laws Ordinance covering marriage and divorce, the most important sociological
reform that they supported, is still widely regarded as empowering to women. Another
organizationAPWA (All Pakistan Women Association) was also effective in projecting the
cause of women that was founded by Begum Liaqat Ali Khan in 1949 and soon after many other
organizations sprang up all over the country. All these organizations could not become a
platform for demanding the socioeconomic and political rights for Pakistani women as their
base was squeezed to influence the legislative bodies, and the scope of its demands remained
confined to political representation and legal rights. Womens political participation remained
confined to supporting roles for their political families, while the discourse for women rights
continued to be shaped by invoking religion and as an extension of their domestic role.

Current Scenario:
In Pakistan, the growth of a militant Islamic fundamentalism has included special forms of discrimination
against women which are justified by appeals to Islamic tradition. This happened In-spite of equalitarian
provisions in the original constitution of the undivided Pakistan. The situation worsened dramatically
with the "Islamist" regime of Zia ul-Haq. Measures dating from Zia's times include the Law of Evidence,
in which a women witness has a status of half that of a male witness, and the Hudood Ordinances under
which the vast majority of women in prison today have been charged. February 12 is celebrated as
Pakistan Women's Day to memorialize a massive protest against the Law of Evidence in 1983 which met
with state brutality. Still, at the central level, women's participation in governance has seen a very slow
movement forward. Programmes of special representation have gone through several stages. The 1954,
1956, 1962, 1970. 1973 and 1985 constitutions all provided for reserved seats for women at both the
provincial and national assemblies. The allotment of seats ranged from 5 to 10 per cent and was only
through indirect elections by the members of the assemblies themselves. A request for a 30 per cent
reservation was expressed in 1988 by the National Campaign for Restoration of Women's Reserved
Seats and figured again in a "national consultation" organized by the ministry of women and
development in 2001. Eleven political parties endorsed a 30 per cent quota for women in the provincial
and national assemblies. President Musharraf then presided over an act passed in 2002 which allocated
17 per cent seats in the national and provincial assemblies and the senate to women. The 60 (of 342)
seats in the national assembly are three times more than the previous 20 seats they held. Women
improved this quota when elections were held winning 21.2 per cent of the total seats, the highest
percentage of all South Asian countries. However, the seats are allocated to the political parties in
proportion to their electoral standing, and there is again a system of nomination the names are picked
from the top of a list of 60 women that each party presents to the electoral authorities before the
election. The electoral form, then, is doubly undemocratic first in giving male dominated political parties
direct control over their nominees, and then in giving male top power holders the right to choose from
the list. Women chosen under such a system cannot be called in any real sense representatives of the
people (let alone a women's constituency).

The 1973 Constitution, which was enacted with remarkable consensus, declares, under the Fundamental
Rights and Principles of Policy, the equality of all citizens, specifically stating under 25(2): There shall be
no discrimination on the basis of sex. This is further elaborated in Article 26(1) which states that: there
shall be no discrimination against any citizen on the ground only of race, religion, caste, sex, residence or
place of birth. Both Articles also declare the principle of affirmative action thus: 25(3): Nothing in this
Article shall prevent the State from making special provision for the protection of women and children;
and 26(2): Nothing in clause (1) shall prevent the State from making any special provision for women
and children; thereby reinforcing the principle. However, these fundamental principles of equality and
affirmative action have been negated by other Articles, clauses and retrogressive laws introduced over
the succeeding years. As such, in practice the ability to enjoy human rights and access basic services
differs among population groups, as per their sex, age, class, economic and educational status,
occupation, ethnicity, religious and sectarian affiliation, and urban or rural place of residence.

On January 29, 2010, the President signed the Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace
Bill 2009', which Parliament adopted on January 21, 2010. Two additional bills were signed into law by
the President in December 2012, criminalizing the primitive practices of vani, watta satta, swara and
marriage to Holy Quran, which used women as tradable commodities for the settlement of disputes, in
addition to life imprisonment for acid throwing.

Against this backdrop of conventional social biases, policy neglect and lack of necessary exposure,
capacity and advocacy skills and women representation and empowerment needed a boost. The need of
the hour is drive for change not only from the legislative corridors, but also the civil society
organisations, including NGOs, media and opinion leaders, in terms of working closer with women
groups and leaders

The 1973 Constitution, which was enacted with remarkable consensus, declares, under the Fundamental
Rights and Principles of Policy, the equality of all citizens, specifically stating under 25(2): There shall be
no discrimination on the basis of sex. This is further elaborated in Article 26(1) which states that: there
shall be no discrimination against any citizen on the ground only of race, religion, caste, sex, residence or
place of birth. Both Articles also declare the principle of affirmative action thus: 25(3): Nothing in this
Article shall prevent the State from making special provision for the protection of women and children;
and 26(2): Nothing in clause (1) shall prevent the State from making any special provision for women
and children; thereby reinforcing the principle. However, these fundamental principles of equality and
affirmative action have been negated by other Articles, clauses and retrogressive laws introduced over
the succeeding years. As such, in practice the ability to enjoy human rights and access basic services
differs among population groups, as per their sex, age, class, economic and educational status,
occupation, ethnicity, religious and sectarian affiliation, and urban or rural place of residence.
Challenges:
Absence of an institutional mechanism at the national level impedes the process of
mainstreaming gender across national governance structures
Numerous gaps between the implementation of the national and international
commitments
Efforts regarding women development are more reactive than proactive
Low level of resource investment in women compounded by negative social and cultural
norms makes difficult the eradication of gender discrimination and disparities in all
realms of society.
Persistent gender disparities in the education, health, economic, and political spheres.
Precarious domestic environment breaching human rights through gender based violence.
Lack of gender dimensioning in public policies and plans at all levels
Women comprise more than half of the human capital, therefore a sustained development
can be attained only by economically, socially, culturally and politically developing and
empowering women. In this context, economic growth can be fostered by prioritizing
Investments in human capital, especially girls and women's education
Investments in physical capital, particularly women's access to employment and labor
productivity

Pattern of Inequalities:
Inequalities related health at family and state levels

Food distribution;

Nurturing by family members;

Education services provided by state and demand by communities

Protection in the immediate and extended environment;

In adolescence girls mobility and economic opportunity are restricted by customs, tradition,
child labour, and marriages;

Legal laws that protect women not being applied

Barriers:
 Intensifying focus on removing barriers to girls education, including by providing scholarships,

cash transfers and eliminating user fees; expanding the support for girls,

secondary level, and in particular for the most vulnerable girls; and to accelerate interventions

Support districts moving beyond gender parity towards gender equity and the empowerment of
girls and women.

Social norms - The goal is to develop an analytical framework and guidance to countries on
addressing social norms in relation to education and work on a strategy for gender
empowerment.

This effort will have to be undertaken within UNICEFs cross-sectorial work on the issue.

Why the Gender Gap in Education?

Higher earnings for males

The social organization of families.

Children as a form of insurance.

Protecting honour and modesty.

The Ultimate Solution:

1. Government Machinery for Women's Empowerment

Ministry of Commerce
Ministry of Education
Ministry of Environment
Ministry of Finance
Ministry of Food Agriculture and Livestock (MINFAL)
Ministry of Health
Ministry of Human Rights
Ministry of Industries and Production
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting
Ministry of Labor and Manpower
Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs
Ministry of Minorities
 Ministry of Population Welfare
Ministry of Religious Affairs
Ministry of Social Welfare and Special Education Division
Ministry of Women Development (MoWD)
National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW)
Planning Commission
Women's Studies Centers

2. Agencies/NGOS Working in different parts of Pakistan for the Empowerment

of Women

Islamabad Based Agencies/NGOs

(i) Rozan
(ii) Strengthening Participatory Organizations (SPO)
(iii) Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI)

Punjab
(i) Adult Basic Education Society (ABES)
(ii) Applied Socio-Economic Research/Institute of Women's Studies, Lahore (ASR/
IWSL)
(iii) AURAT Publication and Information Service
(iv) Bunyad Foundation
(v) HomeNet Pakistan
(vi) Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP)
(vii) Idara-e-Taleem-o-Agahi (ITA)
(viii) Kashf Foundation
(ix) Organization for Participatory Development (OPD)
(x) Society for the Advancement of Education (SAHE)
(xi) Shirkat Gah Women's Resource Center (SG)
(xii) Simorgh Women's Resource and Publication Center
(xiii) South Asia Partnership Pakistan (SAP-Pk)
(xiv) Women Workers' Helpline (WWHL)
(xv) Working Women's Organization, Lahore (WWO)

Sindh
(i) Baanh Beli
(ii) Behbud Association
(iii) Health and Nutrition Development Society (HANDS)
(iv) Indus Resource Center (IRC)
(v) Lower Sindh Rural Development Association (LRSDA)
(vi) Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF)
(vii) Pakistan Institute of Labor Education and Research (PILER)
 (viii) Participatory Village Development Program (PVDP)
(ix) Roots for Equity
(x) Thardeep Rural Development Program (TRDP)

Khyber-Pukhtunkhwa
(i) Association for the Creation of Employment (ACE)
(ii) De Laas Gul Welfare Program
(iii) Khwendo Kor Women and Child Development Program (KK)
(iv) Sungi Development Foundation

Balochistan
(i) Balochistan Rural Support Program (BRSP)
(ii) Development Association of Youth (DAY)
(iii) Institute of Development Studies and Practice (IDSP)
(iv) Society for community Support for Primary Education, Balochistan (SCSPEB)

Role of Donars and International NGOs

ActionAid Pakistan (AAPk)
Asian Development Bank (ADB)
Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID)
Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA)
Catholic Relief Services (CRS)
Church World Service Pakistan/ Afghanistan (CWS P/A)
Department for International Development (DFID)
European Union Delegation of the European Commission in Pakistan (EC)
Food & Agricultural Organization (FAO)
Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung (FES)
German Technical Cooperation (GTZ)
Heinrich Boll Foundation (HBF)
ICCO & KerkinActie
International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)
International Development Research Center (IDRC)
International Labour Organization (ILO)
Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA)
Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD)
OXFAM Great Britain (OGB)
Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund (PPAF)
Royal Netherlands Embassy (RNE)
Save the Children (UK)
Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC)
Trust for Voluntary Organizations (TVO)
 United Nations Development Program (UNDP)
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA)
United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF)
United States Agency for International Development (USAID)
World Food Program (WFP)
The World Bank (WB)
World Health Organization (WHO)
World Population Foundation (WPF)