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Innovations in Wanano (Eastern Tucanoan) When Compared to Piratapuyo

Author(s): Nathan E. Waltz


Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 68, No. 2 (Apr., 2002), pp. 157-215
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1265637 .
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INNOVATIONSIN WANANO (EASTERN TUCANOAN) WHEN
COMPAREDTO PIRATAPUYO1

NATHANE. WALTZ
SUMMER INSTITUTE OF LINGUISTICS

1. Introduction. This article compares two closely related Eastern


Tucanoan languages, Wanano and Piratapuyo, and argues that the major
divergence from Proto-Tucanoan,as defined in Waltz and Wheeler (1972)
and more recently in Malone (1987), took place in Wanano.2In particular,

1EasternTucanoanis a majorsubgroupof the Tucanoanlanguagefamily. The following East-


ern Tucanoanlanguages are discussed in this article: Carapana(Car), Desano (Des), Macuna
(Mac), Piratapuyo(Pir), Siriano (Sir), Taibano/Edulia/Southern Barasano(Tai),Tatuyo(Tat),Tu-
cano (Tuc), Tuyuca(Tuy), Wanano(Wan),Waimaja(NorthernBarasanoself-designation) (Wai),
and Yuruti (Yur). Wanano (also written Guanano,Uanano) is sometimes referredto as k6tiria,
their self-designation. The Piratapuyo refer to themselves as waaikdda [wa'?ikhdna],which
translates'fish people'. According to Wanano legend, some of the Eastern Tucanoanstraveled
up the Vaup6s River on the southeasternborder between Colombia and Brazil in an ancestral
canoe, moving upriver from the Amazon and ultimately arriving at the village of Santa Cruz
(referredto in the lingua franca of that time [Geral] as Waracapuri)in Colombia, South Amer-
ica. This village marks the upper limits of Wanano territory.From there, the language groups
dispersed throughoutthat rainforest region. Tucanoans are exogamous, with few exceptions,
marryingonly outside their language groups. Since each Tucanoanlanguage is a symbol that
enables them to maintain a language group's distinct identity (Jackson 1983), each Tucanoan
language has kept its uniqueness, while intermarriagebetween language groups has created
a multilingual environment. The Piratapuyos settled on the PapuriRiver, which runs parallel
to the Vaupts River. Since the two groups have generally continued to live on separaterivers,
they seldom interact with each other, except in school. This is partly because they consider
each other too closely related to qualify as "preferredmarriageables."Consequently, very few
Wananosknow how to speak Piratapuyo,or vice versa, even though there are many similarities
between the two languages. They are more likely to use a mutuallyknown indigenous language
such as Tucano or Desano or, if in school, Spanish or Portuguese.
The data underlying this paper were collected by Nathan and Carolyn Waltz, members of
the Summer Institute of Linguistics, during many field trips among the Wananos from 1964
through 1996, and during field trips among the Piratapuyosfrom 1986 through 1996. I am very
gratefulto AlexandraAikhenvald, Paul Frank,Stephen Levinsohn, Mike Maxwell, and my wife
Carolyn for their valuable suggestions in editing and refining this article.
2The more recent Malone analysis of Proto-Tucanoanfurther subdivides the Eastern
Tucanoan languages beyond the Waltz-Wheeler analysis. According to Waltz and Wheeler,
there are three groupings of Tucanoan languages: Eastern, Central (Middle), and Western.
Malone adds a fourth category composed of Desano, Siriano, Taibano,and Macuna. However,
in this article, when I refer to "EasternTucanoan,"the Waltz-Wheeler groupings are used.

[IJAL, vol. 68, no. 2, April 2002, pp. 157-215]


? 2002 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.
0020-7071/2002/6802-0002$10.00

157

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158 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

the development in Wananoof (1) a contrastive series of voiceless aspirated


stops, (2) word-initial vowel/syllable deletion, (3) an alveopalatal affricate,
and (4) a front-to-back vowel shift, all of which contrast with Piratapuyo
and with other Eastern Tucanoan languages. Various kinds of language
change are evident in Wanano and Piratapuyo from the unique develop-
ments in their phonological, morphological, grammatical, and lexical sys-
tems. It is the purpose of this paper to present some of these changes and to
suggest how they took place by observing ways in which Wananodiverged
from Proto-Tucanoanand Proto-Wanano/Piratapuyo(Proto-WP), and, in a
much more limited way, how Piratapuyodiverged.
Although these two languages share a high percentage of cognates (94%
according to Aikhenvald 1999, following Malone, personal communica-
tion), they are not mutually intelligible (except superficially,as are Spanish
and Portuguese) to those speakers who have had no experience with the
other language. However, the morphology and syntax in Piratapuyo and
Wanano are very similar as are their phonologies, with exception of the
differences presented in the following pages. It is not my purpose here to
record similarities between these two languages; rather I focus on their
currentdifferences as well as historical changes that have taken place. Bar-
nes (1999) provides a description of some of the similarities this language
family shares.For a descriptionof the multilingualenvironmentof the East-
ern Tucanoans,see Sorenson (1967; 1985).3
The chart of phonemes in (1) includes eleven consonants and six vowels
for Proto-WP (see Appendix C). The same chart represents the phonemes
of Piratapuyo.For reasons explained in 2.1 and 2.2 below, Wanano has an
additional four consonants: a series of voiceless aspirated stops and an
alveopalatal affricate, ph th kh tf. Note that there are no nasal phonemes
in this chart since the nasals [m], [n], [r], [p], and [n] are allophones of [b],
[d], [g], [y], and [r], respectively (see the phonological statements in
Appendix A).
(1) Consonants Vowels
*p *t *k *i *i *u
*b *d *g *e *a *o

3Regarding multilingualism among Eastern Tucanoan languages, Sorensen (1985:142)


comments: "The communities along the middle stretch of the Vaupes River comprise the cli-
max area of multilingualism, with an intensified focus along its tributary,the Papuri, and its
tributaries.Here are interspersedUanano, Desano, Tukano,Piratapuyo,Tuyuka,Barasana,Sir-
iano, Yurutiand Karapanacommunities. Every individualknows several languages. In addition
to his or her father tongue and mother tongue, everyone knows Tukano, Spanish, Portuguese,
and two or three of some ten other Indian languages. Spanish is typically spoken with a slight
Portuguese accent."

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 159

*W *y4 *h Stress/pitch = phonemic suprasegmental/'/, /'/


*s Nasalization = phonemic suprasegmental/.-
*r Glottal stop [7]5
It is recognized that these two languages reflect a Proto-WPand it is clear
that Piratapuyo shows minimal changes (especially phonologically) and
Wanano major changes from Proto-WP.In order to facilitate a comparison
of these two languages, the examples of changes taking place given through-
out this article (when both languages are illustrated) show the more conser-
vative language which is closer to the Proto-WP, or Proto-WP itself, in the
left column. Then the example of the vernacularterm in which change has
been observed is shown in the right column. Most of the Proto-WP exam-
ples (in the left column), with few exceptions, are the same as the Piratapuyo
terms. Since the terms in the left column usually representboth Proto-WP
and either Piratapuyoor Wanano,the proto * is not used in the chartsunless
the term does not exist in either language (see 18 and 22 below). The re-
constructions of Proto-WP are supported by a comparison with the other
Tucanoanlanguages (see Appendix C).

2. Phonological developments in Piratapuyo and Wanano. Phono-


logically, there is very little divergence in Piratapuyofrom Proto-WP, even
though there are signs of potential future change if we look at this language
synchronically.However, both the consonants and vowels of Wananoreflect
some major changes from Proto-WP.First, I look at two specific innova-
tions in Wanano: a contrastive series of voiceless aspirated stops and the
voiceless alveopalatal affricatetf. Then I discuss other consonant and vowel
changes found primarilyin Wanano.

4The y represents the high front semivowel which could also be represented by the IPA
symbol j.
5The
glottal stop is recognized as a vestige of a geminate vowel cluster (Brandrupand
Nagler 1979), separatingthe vowels, in which the second geminate vowel, if it has low pitch,
has been dropped before a stressed syllable. The glottal stop has developed as a result of the
second geminate vowel occurring with a low pitch, which encourages laryngealization,which,
in turn, promotes the occurrenceof the glottal stop, plus a droppingof that second vowel: e.g.,
waatd- [wa7'ta](Wan) 'to sand'.The glottal stop also occurs between geminate vowels in which
the first vowel has low pitch and the second vowel is stressed with high pitch. In such envi-
ronments,the second vowel is not droppedbut is simply separatedfrom the previous geminate
vowel by the glottal stop; e.g., bit [bi'?] 'rat' (Wan). There are a number of minimal pairs in
both languages which appear to involve the glottal stop but which, in fact, simply reflect a
contrast between single vowels and geminate vowels. In Wanano and Piratapuyo,sidl'- [si'ni]
'to ask for' contrasts with siidi- [si?'nT]'to drink'; diubiro [niu'mno] 'woman' contrasts with
diubf-ro [ni?'mino] 'girl';duti- [dui'ti-] 'to command'contrasts with duuti- [du?'ti-]'to escape'.

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160 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

2.1. Aspiration in Piratapuyo and Wanano. Among members of the


EasternTucanoanlanguage family, Wananois the only language to develop
voiceless aspirated stops extensively, resulting in a series of phonemic
voiceless aspirated stops which contrast with voiceless unaspiratedstops.
This led Waltz and Wheeler (1972) to propose only one set of voiceless
stops for Proto-Tucanoan.Piratapuyo, Tucano, and possibly other Eastern
Tucanoanlanguages share with Wananoa few of the characteristicsthat led
to the development of aspirated stops which in those languages appear to
be phonetic variants for the sequences of simple voiceless stops and h (see
2.1.3.B). It is only in Wananothat initial voiceless stops are so pervasively
aspiratedand phonemically contrastive.Because of this divergence from the
general pattern of related languages, it is desirable to explain this unique
development of Wanano aspiration.
Therearetwo majorkinds of aspirationin WananoandPiratapuyo:preaspi-
rated voiceless consonants (2.1.1) and postaspiratedvoiceless stops (2.1.2).
2.1.1. Preaspiration in Piratapuyo and Wanano (synchronic). Pre-
aspiratedvoiceless consonants are predictablein both languages: preaspira-
tion always occurs before a voiceless stop, affricate,or sibilant which is the
initial consonant in a stressed second syllable. This preaspirationis realized
as a voiceless vowel preceding a voiceless consonant, e.g., in Wanano:

(a) V > Y I C 'CV (C = Voiceless consonant)


(b) V > Vy C_'CV (C = Voiced consonant)
(2) [phi'tJaka]'fire', [kh9'sa] 'to wash', [dii'ki] 'manioc plant', [da#'tfo]
'day', [mif'si] 'vine', [mao'si] 'to know'
Even though preaspiration is written phonetically here as a voiceless
vowel, it does not representa VV syllable pattern since it is not phonemi-
cally contrastive and is predictable, as illustrated in (2).
The above examples show that if the initial unstressed syllable begins
with a VOICEDconsonant, there is some voicing in the following vowel
which terminatesin voicelessness before the stressed syllable voiceless con-
sonant, as in [daa'tfo] 'day' (see (b) above). If the initial unstressed syllable
begins with a VOICELESS consonant, there is no initial voicing in the fol-
lowing vowel in Wanano, so that vowel is completely voiceless when it
comes between two voiceless consonants, as in [phi'tfaka]'fire' (see (a)
above). Piratapuyois slightly different,in that even between voiceless con-
sonants, the vowel begins with some voicing, as in [pee'ka] 'fire'(V > Vy |
C_'CV). Both preaspirationand postaspiration,especially the former, con-
tribute to the "breathy"sound of Wanano and Piratapuyo.
2.1.2. Postaspiration in Wanano (synchronic). Synchronically, there
are four statements we can make about postaspiratedstops in Wanano.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 161

(A) Voiceless stops at the onset of word-INITIAL UNSTRESSED syllables


which occur before a stressed syllable are always aspiratedphonetically in
Wanano; e.g., [kha7ma-]'to want'. In the INITIAL STRESSED syllables there
are also voiceless aspiratedstops which contrastwith initial stressed unaspi-
rated stops (see 2.1.2.D and 2.1.5.1 below).
(B) There is a small list of morphemes which only occur in the post-
stress position of phonological words whose morpheme-initial voiceless
stops are aspirated,such as aaripha [a?'li,pha]'this time', aariphi [a?'li,ph]
'this sharp object'. The development of this aspiration is discussed in
2.1.4.2.
(C) Aspiration on a voiceless stop also occurs in Wananothroughvowel
deletion between two stressed syllables, somewhat similar to the English
contraction don't from do not. Wananos say d thi-ra ['a 'thira]'it is thus' in
normal speech, but in slowed-down speech they say a-ta hi-ra ['ata 'hira](a
'thus',-ta specifier, hi- 'to be', -ra 'presenttense'). This short clause is made
up of two phonological words with a stress on the d of a-ta ['ata] and an-
other stress on the hi- in hi-ra ['hira]. The final a in a-ta ['ata] is lost in
fast speech because of its occurrence between two stresses. So the t of -ta
combines with the h of hi-ra, resulting in the aspirated stop th in thi-ra
['thira].
(D) Approximately 30 minimal or near-minimalpairs occur in Wanano,
which argues for postulating a contrastive series of voiceless aspiratedstops
(see Appendix B for a fairly inclusive list). These contrasts always occur
morpheme-initially.

(3) Wanano Wanano


Unaspirated Stops Aspirated Stops
pa ['pa] 'other' pha [pha] 'to desire'
kd ['ka] 'cebus monkey' kha'['kha]'hawk'
pari tuu [pha'li ,tu?u] 'mound' pari thi [pha'li thu] 'book'
tiro kiro ['tiro ,kiro] 'he, the old, tiro khiro ['tiro khiro]'he, the
honored one' late one (dead)'

2.1.3. Postaspiration in Piratapuyo (synchronic). Postaspirationis not


phonemic in Piratapuyo;it differs from that in Wanano in three significant
ways and is similar in one aspect (C below).
(A) Voiceless stops at the onset of INITIAL UNSTRESSED syllables in
Piratapuyoare not aspirated;e.g., [ka?'mekoari] '(they) gathered together',
[ti'?oaha]'I hear'.Nor are voiceless stops aspiratedat the onset of STRESSED
syllables in Piratapuyo;e.g., ['ka] 'hawk'(contrast ['kha]'hawk'in Wanano).
(B) Only a few morphemes with fluctuating postaspiration occur in
Piratapuyomorpheme-initially,illustrated as follows:

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162 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

(4) aaripehe [a?'li phe] ~ [a?'lipe,he] 'this time'


However, when one compares slow and rapid speech, it is apparentthat this
kind of aspiration results from vowel deletion before a stressed syllable,
which occurs only in rapid speech. Since no significant aspiratedstop con-
trasts have developed in Piratapuyo, only one series of voiceless stops is
postulated in that language. This same kind of aspiration is reported to
occur in Tucano (Welch and West 2000:420) and has been analyzed as pho-
nemic in that language since some contrasts have been encountered.
(C) The same vowel deletion which occurs in Wanano in one particular
expression (e.g., a thf-ra ['a 'thira])also occurs in Piratapuyo,as in ['sa 'thire]
from sdta ihire ['satai'hire] 'it is thus'.
(D) Unlike Wanano, Piratapuyo has no significant contrasts between a
series of aspiratedstops and a series of unaspiratedstops.
2.1.4. Development of aspirated stops in Wanano (diachronic). The
reason for the development of voiceless aspirated stops word-initially in
Wananois not revealed by comparing Piratapuyoand Wanano.However, a
non-Tucanoan influence toward voiceless aspirated stops possibly came
from Tariana,the Arawak language of a tribe whose Periquitos group con-
sider the Wanano their preferentialmarriagepartners. (The Tarianaof the
village of Santa Rosa consider the Piratapuyo as their preferential part-
ners.) The Tarianahave a contrastive series of voiceless aspirated stops
which could easily have influencedthe Wananostowardextensive aspiration
(Aikhenvald,forthcoming).When aspirationdeveloped in Wananoon word-
initial voiceless stops, it took place in ALL such stops, both stressed and
unstressed. It was only later, when a large number of initial syllables were
dropped in Wanano, that a new set of initial stressed voiceless unaspirated
stops developed (see 2.1.5).
2.1.4.1. Development of aspirated stops word-initially. (A) Recall
that currently,Wanano voiceless stops in word-initial unstressed syllables
which occur before stressed syllables are always phonetically aspirated,in
contrast to Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan,illustrated as follows:
*p, *t, *k > ph, th, kh I _V'CV/V'V (e.g., {Wan} [t'i'niha] 'I walk',
[thu'aha]'I stay').
(5) Wanano6
kddba- [kha?'ma] 'to want'
kddf [khd'n] 'sugarcane'
pay [pha'yi] 'many'
piiti- [phi?ti] 'to finish off'

6 Since voiceless
aspirated stops in Wanano have been analyzed as contrastive and, there-
fore, phonemic, and since initial aspirated stops are predictable before a stressed syllable, it

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 163

taatia .[tha'tia] 'room'


toodti [tho'?ati] 'drum'
tuuti- [thu?'ti] 'to scold'

There are many occurrences of these word-initialunstressed aspiratedstops


before stressed syllables. The cognates in Piratapuyoand other Eastern Tu-
canoan languages to these Wanano words begin with unaspiratedvoiceless
stops. It is not clear at what stage of historical developmentWananodiverged
from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoanto begin this patternof aspiration.
(B) As mentioned above, Wananoalso developed aspirationon all words
in which the initial syllable is stressed and begins with a voiceless stop. In
Proto-WP and Piratapuyothose initial voiceless stops are unaspirated,but
in Wanano they are aspirated;e.g., (Proto-WP/Pir)td ['ta], (Wan) ta ['tha]
'grass';(Proto-WP/Pir)kd ['ka], (Wan) khd['kha]'hawk'.It was only after the
INITIAL VOWEL/SYLLABLEDELETION before stressed syllables took place in
Wanano that some INITIAL VOICELESSUNASPIRATEDSTOPS developed in that
resultantinitial stressed position (see 2.1.5.1).
2.1.4.2. Development of aspirated stops following stressed syllables.
Some Wanano aspiration in post-stressed syllables reflect a parallel devel-
opment of a variable aspiration in Piratapuyo,Tucano, and possibly other
Eastern Tucanoanlanguages in a limited list of examples, such as:
(6) (Proto-WP/Pir) [a?'rikoho,e] ~ [a?'rikho,e] and (Wan) [a?'rikho,a]
'this coin, pill'
(Proto-WP/Pir) [a?'ripe,he] ~ [a?'ri phe] and (Wan) [a?'ri,pha]'this
time'
The two variant forms in Proto-WP and Piratapuyoshow that aspirationin
this post-stress position results from vowel deletion in that post-stress syl-
lable (e.g., {Proto-WP} *pe,he > *,phe > {Wan} pha), thus explaining how
aspiration in that position developed in Wanano. The following formula
describes how the second vowel was dropped in Wanano, developing the
aspiratedstop in the post-stress position:
'CV V ,hV > 'CV ,ChV (C = Voiceless stop)

would be proper to write the latter with archiphonemes;e.g., {K), as in Kaama- [kha?'ma]'to
want'; {P}, as in Pay6 [pha'yo] 'to place (on top of)' and Po'aye [pho'aye] 'rapids'.These
archiphonemeswould representthe [ph], [th], and [kh] which are predictably aspiratedin their
word-initial unstressed position, as in Pay6- [pha'yo]'to place (on top of)', and the [p], [t], [k]
which are predictably unaspiratedword-medially, as in du?tiPayb- [du'?upa,yo] 'to leave and
place (on top of)'. Throughoutthis article, the archiphonemeis not written in orderto facilitate
the comparison between Piratapuyoand Wanano.

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164 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

The lower stress symbol here (,) marks a secondary stress7 since this mor-
pheme always occurs as a postclitic (in a phonological word) with an ini-
tial primarystress on the first morpheme and itself takes a secondary stress
on [pe,he], e.g., (Pir) [a?'ripe,he] 'this time'. The Wanano cognate is [a?'ri
,pha].Similarly, the word for 'sharp object, knife' in Piratapuyo is [pi,hi],
alternatingwith [,phl] in rapid speech. The Wanano cognate is [,phi]. Even
though this appears to be a somewhat parallel development in Wanano
and Piratapuyo,the two languages continue to maintain distinctive devel-
opments in other cognate pairs which reflect aspiration, especially word-
initially, in Wanano, with no aspirationin Piratapuyo.
2.1.4.3. Development of aspirated stops before *h in stressed sylla-
bles. In a limited number of Proto-WP words, there is vowel deletion in
Wanano, due to stress patterns,which results in aspiratedstops. In particu-
lar, when an unstressed syllable (beginning with a voiceless stop) occurs in
Proto-WP before a stressed syllable which begins with the glottal fricative
h, it is not unusual for Wanano to have dropped the vowel of that un-
stressed syllable. For example, the word for 'large'in Proto-WP and Pirata-
puyo is pahi-ri [pa'hiri]; in Wanano it is ph-ri ['phiri]:
(Proto-WP) CV'hV > (Wanano) 'ChV(C = voiceless stop)
The a of pahi-ri [pa'hiri]has been dropped in Wanano, creating an aspi-
rated stop in ph'-ri [phiri] 'large', which contrasts with piri ['piri] 'teeth'.
Similarly, the verb meaning 'to return' in Proto-WP and Piratapuyo is
tohod- [toho'a] but has become thud- [thu'a]in Wanano, which contrasts
with tua- ['tua] to be strong'.Thus the first unstressed o of tohod- [toho'a]
has been droppedin Wanano,creating an aspiratedstop. Of course, a vowel
change has also taken place in Wanano in this example.
2.1.5. Development of word-initial unaspirated stops in Wanano
(diachronic). Although WORD-INITIAL VOICELESS STOPS are not exten-

7 Secondary stress is marked with a grave accent or phonetically with a subscript stress
mark. It occurs when a phonological word consists of an initial morpheme, which carries the
primarystress, and a second morpheme, which also has stress but, due to the decrescendo and
falling off of the phonological word at its end, is weaker than the initial primarystress. Positing
secondarystress enables one to explain and predictthe preaspirationwhich often occurs on two-
syllable morphemes which are either affixed or compounded with an initial morpheme, which
carries primarystress in the phonological word; e.g., [wa'?a-n6o,ka-re]'(he) really went'. Also,
predictable aspiration morpheme-initially before a stressed syllable is sometimes explained
by recognizing secondary stress; e.g., [phi'?irokha,n6]'basket strap (tumpline)'.The fact that
[,n6] carries secondary stress explains why the initial voiceless stop kh of the morpheme is
aspirated. Positing secondary stress also more accurately describes morphemes which follow
primary stress syllables but also have secondary stress. The intervening vowel between those
two stresses was historically dropped in Wanano;e.g., (Proto-WP) *[a?'lipe,he] > *[a?'li phe]
> (Wanano) [a?'li pha] 'this time'.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 165

sively aspiratedcontrastively in other EasternTucanoanlanguages, at some


point in the history of Wanano such aspirated stops developed. Another
change which subsequently took place in Wanano was the development of
a limited number of WORD-INITIAL VOICELESSUNASPIRATED STOPS. The
development of these unaspiratedstops in Wanano is discussed next.
2.1.5.1. Word-initial syllable deletion. A major change that has taken
place in Wanano,causing it to diverge from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan,
has been the dropping of many word-initial syllables in Wanano (predomi-
nantly single vowel syllables, but also some VV and a few CV{V} sylla-
bles).8 There are many examples where Proto-WP and Proto-Thcanoan
word-initial unstressed syllables of cognate nouns and verbs were dropped
in Wanano.This word-initial syllable deletion may be due to the unstressed
voiceless vowel or glottal stop coda of the word-initial syllable preceding a
stressed syllable (see 2.4.1 for details on where initial syllable deletion
does and does not occur). Aikenvald (1996) reportsthat this process of ini-
tial syllable deletion is pervasive in the Periquitos dialect of Tarianaand
suggests that this could be attributedto Wanano influence. The following
examples illustratethat certainProto-WPwords with these initial unstressed
syllables lost those syllables in Wanano, resulting in an initial, stressed,
unaspiratedstop.
(7) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
akd-ro [a#'karo] > kd-ro ['karo] 'box'
ako [a#'ko] > k6 ['ko] 'water'
ak4a- [a#'kia] > kia- ['kia] 'to be surprised'
ita [ii'ta] > tda ['taa] 'rocks'
upiri [uu'piri] > pri ['piri] 'teeth'
upi-ro [ui0'piro] > pi-ro ['piro] 'owner'
aatd- [a?'ta] > td- ['ta] 'to come'
iiyd- [i?'ya] > tfi- ['tfi] 'to eat'
All of the other Eastern Tucanoan languages retained these word-initial
syllables in most instances when there are correspondingcognates. Wanano
is the only Eastern Tucanoanlanguage that dropped most of its initial un-
stressed vowels, resulting in only a limited number of Wanano words that
8There are
only a few examples in which a CV(V) syllable has been dropped instead of a
vowel or geminate vowel cluster: (Proto-WP/Tucanoan)tutua- [tui'tua], (Wan) tua- ['tua] 'to
have strength';(Proto-WP/Tucanoan)kiitd blsi-da [ki?'tamnl'sida], (Wan) ti b!si-da ['ti mn'si
da] 'intestines'. Since the initial syllable deletion in these examples is parallel to the initial
vowel/syllable deletion in the much larger set of examples with initial V and VV patterns,and
since all other Eastern Tucanoan languages have retained the initial CV(V) syllable (or, in
some instances, the initial V syllable) in the term for 'intestines'and most of them retainedthat
initial syllable for 'to have strength',it is very probable that Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoanare
correctly written retaining those initial prenuclearsyllables.

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166 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

start with a vowel and resulting in some word-initial voiceless unaspirated


stops.
2.1.5.2. Word-initial voiceless unaspirated stops. The development of
word-initialunaspiratedstops in Wananois primarilya result of the TIMING
of word-initial syllable deletion as Wanano diverged from Proto-WP and
Proto-Tucanoan.The inception of word-initial voiceless aspirated stops in
Wanano took place first. At that time only word-initial voiceless stops
became aspirated,leaving word-medialstops without aspiration.Then, pos-
sibly much later, when Wanano dropped many word-initial unstressed syl-
lables (IUS), those word-medial stops remained without aspiration, even
though they are now word-initial stops, formalized as follows:
{Proto-WP} *IUS V/VV/CV/CVV >{Wanano} 0 | 'UnaspiratedStop
V(V)...
Elsewhere are word-initialaspirated
stops in Wanano
For example, {Proto-WP} *[uu'piri] > {Wan} ['piri] 'teeth'; {Proto-WP}
*[tuu'tua]> *[thV'tua]> {Wan} [tua] 'to be strong' (see n. 8).
Since Wanano has retained this pattern of unaspirated voiceless stops
inherited from word-initial syllable deletion, it has many forms with word-
initial stressed unaspirated voiceless stops and thus it developed the en-
vironment for minimal or near-minimal contrasts between aspirated and
unaspiratedvoiceless stops (see Appendix B).
2.1.6. Summary of aspiration in Piratapuyo and Wanano. Preaspira-
tion is predictable in Piratapuyoand Wanano; that is, one can define pho-
nologically where it will occur. Therefore, it is not phonemic in either
of the two languages. Also, the majority of occurrences of postaspirated
voiceless stops in Wanano are predictable,in that voiceless stops occurring
word- or morpheme-initiallyin unstressed (prenuclear)position are always
aspirated (see 2.1.2.A). However, even though many voiceless stops in
word-initial stressed syllables in Wanano are also aspirated, a significant
numberof Wananowords begin with unaspiratedvoiceless stops in stressed
syllables, because of the historical deletion of many word-initial syllables.
As a result of this, contrastive aspiration occurs in a number of words in
Wanano (see 2.1.2.D and Appendix B). Both following stressed syllables
and before stressed syllables, vowel deletion plays a part in the develop-
ment of this contrastive series of aspirated stops in Wanano (see 2.1.4.2
and 2.1.4.3).
There is no significant list of aspiratedstops in Proto-WP or Piratapuyo.
There are only a few words in which variable aspiration can be explained
by recognizing vowel loss before a stressed syllable with an initial glottal
fricative h (see 2.1.3.B and 2.1.4.2). This aspiration in Piratapuyo,though
much more limited and not considered yet to be phonemically contrastive,

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 167

is a development only slightly parallel to that found in Wanano.Postaspira-


tion has a very limited occurrencein Piratapuyo,Tucano, and possibly a few
other Eastern Tucanoanlanguages. In contrast, postaspirationin Wanano is
not only predictable to a large extent on word-initial unstressed syllables,
but it is also contrastive in a significant number of morphemes in word-
initial stress positions as well as post-stress positions. This representsa ma-
jor shift in Wanano away from Proto-WP and other Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages that did not develop the extensive voiceless aspiratedstops found in
Wanano.

2.2. Development of Wanano voiceless affricate tf. There are four


Proto-WP correspondences with the Wanano alveopalatal affricate tf: s, k,
g, and y. The latter two have the fewest cognate sets, while the former (s
and k) are represented by larger sets of cognates. All of the Eastern
Tucanoan languages (see Appendix C) have y, k, and g, and all of them
have s except for Waimajaand Tatuyo. However, Wanano is the only East-
ern Tucanoanlanguage to have developed tf as a phoneme. So it is reason-
able to assume that tf was not a phoneme in Proto-WP or Proto-Tucanoan.
A similar affricate was originally posited for Proto-Tucanoan(Waltz and
Wheeler 1972) but not as a correspondencewith the Wanano tf.
As the following examples show, the primaryinfluence toward the devel-
opment of the tf in Wanano is the process of palatalizationdue to the con-
tiguity of the proto-phonemewith front vowels. The examples given below
represent an exhaustive list of occurrences of the alveopalatal affricate in
Wanano which have correspondencesobserved so far in Proto-WP.
2.2.1. Proto-WP *s reflected as tf in Wanano. The *s in Proto-WP is
reflected WORD-INITIALLY as tf in Wanano, illustrated in the following
examples:
(8) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
siiki- [si?'ko] > tfiitfo- [tji?'tfO] 'to crawl'
siik6 ko [si?'koko] > tfaatf6 ko [tJa?'tJoko] 'saliva'
stpe ['slpe] > tfipe ['tjipe]
'medicine for the stomach'
In word-initial position we posit an intensified articulationof the sibilant
s and the high front position of the vowel following that sibilant as the
influence in Wanano toward affrication at a similar point of articulation,
producing tf. The only example above in which there is a vowel change is
the word for 'saliva'.The sequence of change in this example for the sibilant
s becoming tf in Wanano would be as follows:

(9) {Proto-WP} *siiko ko [si?'ko ko] > *tfiitf6 ko [tfi?'tfo ko] > {Wan}
tfaatf6 ko [tfa?'tfo ko]

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168 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

A few examples with a high back vowel following the word-initial con-
sonant do not fit this pattern:
(10) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
pod subi-ri-kiro [po'a su'birikiro] > pod tfubi-riro[pho'atfu'biriro]
'curly-hairedperson'
suuiti [su'?iti] > tfuu'ti [tfu'?iti]
'bird,moriche blanco'
In these examples, the high position of the back vowel plus an intensified
articulationof the sibilant may have influenced the change from the word-
initial s in Proto-WP to tf in Wanano.
2.2.2. Proto-WP *k reflected as tfin Wanano. The *k in Proto-WP is
reflected WORD-MEDIALLYas tf in Wanano, e.g.:
(11) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
wek4 [wee'ki] > watfi [wa#'tfi] 'tapir'
wek6 [wee'ko] > watif [wa#'tfo] 'parrot'
yeki [pe-'k+] > ytJf [pi'tI] 'leg'
deko [de 'ko] > datf6 [da#'tfo] 'day'
siiko- [si?'ko] > tfiitfd- [tfi?'tf ] 'to crawl'
In all of these examples, we posit the front position of the vowels preced-
ing the consonant in focus as the influence in Wananotoward affricationin
an alveopalatal position from the velar position of the k in Proto-WP and
Proto-Tucanoan.This is very similar to the Old English k correspondence
with tf _i in Modern English.
The sequence of change for the Proto-WP *k in *weki [weq'ki] 'tapir'
(and similarly for *wek6 [wee'ko] and *dek6 [deq'ko]) becoming tf in
Wanano would be:
(12) (Proto-WP) *wek4 [weq'ki] > *wetft [wee'tji] > (Wan) watf#
[waa'tfi]
It is evident that the fronting influence of the vowel on the velar toward
changing to an alveopalatal affricate took place before a subsequent vowel
change occurredin Wananofrom e to a. This vowel change is discussed in
2.4.2.1 below.
The sequence of change from Proto-WP to Wanano with *yek [pei'ki]
becoming y;t.J [ji'tji] would be:
(13) (Proto-WP) *yeki [pe1'ki] > *yetJf [jpe'tj+] > (Wan) ygtfi [pt'tj+]
(some dialects of Wanano have y7tfi [pi-i'tJS])
Again, there is a fronting influence of the vowel preceding the Proto-WP *k
toward developing an alveopalatal affricate tfin Wanano.
Otherexamplesof this word-medialcorrespondenceof Proto-WPandProto-
Tucanoan*k with Wananotfin both post-stressedand stressed syllables are:

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 169

(14) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano


bidtkt~ [mi'nlkia] > bdittfa-ka [mi'nitJka] 'bird'
dikd [dil'ka] > ditfd [dii'tfa] 'fruit'
epeko [eq'peko] > petfo ['petJf] 'milk'
kaabekei- [ka?'meke] > kaabatfe- [kha?'matfe]
'to fight'
kaabekod- [ka?'mek6a] > kaabtfiu- [kha?'matSfi]
'to gather together'
pekd [peq'ka] > pitfd [pi'tfa] 'firewood'
piko-ro [pii'k6n6] > pitfi-ro [pi'to6n6] 'tail'
piko turu [pii'k6 turu] > pitfJ turu [pi'tJo turu]
'chucuto monkey'
yabkd:aa [la'nmika7a] > yabftfaa [pa'mfltfaa]
'afternoon'
yeJkT [pe'k+] > yRtfO [pit'tr+]
'grandfather'
yaaplkooa-ga [pa'pik6?aia] > yaapttfooa-ka [pja7'pTto7aka]
'star'
yikuar deko ['jiikuni de'ko] > yttJuridatf6 ['jiitfunif da y'tfo]
'cloudy day'
2.2.3. Proto-WP *g reflected as tf in Wanano. The *g in Proto-WP is
reflected WORD-MEDIALLY as tf in Wanano, as seen in the frequently used
Piratapuyochange-of-subject marker(switch-reference) -gt [Irj], which cor-
responds with -tfi [tfi] in Wanano.In some dialects of Wanano,the change-
of-subject suffix is still nasalized; e.g., -tfi [tJi]. The final vowels of many
of the potential stems to which the change-of-subject suffix -gt [rj4]attaches
are front vowels; e.g., (Proto-WP/Pir) wi(-gi [wi'?ir-] corresponds with
(Wan) wif-tfi [wi'?itfi] 'if (he) arrives'.As with the examples in 2.2.2, these
front vowels are a probable influence toward the development of tf in
Wananofrom Proto-WP *g. However, before the *g was realized as tfit first
had to go throughthe change described in 2.3.2 in which *g was realized as
*k. Subsequently, that *k was finally realized as tf, as described in 2.2.2.
One other example of this correspondence of *g in Proto-WP to tf in
Wanano is (Proto-WP) *segi ['segi], which is reflected as sdtfi ['satfi]
'wooley monkey' in Wanano. Again, the front vowel influence toward pala-
talization is clear when we recognize that the development of the affricatetf
in Wanano took place before the vowel change from e to a (see 2.4.2.1).
2.2.4. Proto-WP *y reflected as tf in Wanano. The *y in Proto-WP is
reflected WORD-MEDIALLY as tf in Wanano, as seen in the frequently used
morpheme (Proto-WP) *iiya- [i?'ya]'to eat', which is cognate with tf4- [tfi]
in Wanano.The sequence of change including initial syllable deletion may
be as follows:

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170 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

(15) (Proto-WP/Pir)*iiyd- [i?'ya]'to eat' or iiy4 [i?'yi] 'I/we ate' > *iid3
[i?'d3i]> *dj3- ['d3i] > (Wan) tf#- ['tfi] 'to eat'
Before word-initial syllable deletion in Wanano, the y intensified to the
point of becoming an affricate *d3. After word-initial syllable deletion and
the change to an affricate, the only step left was devoicing of the word-
initial affricate to tf.
Another example of this correspondence is seen in the Proto-WP mor-
pheme *puuid- [pu?i'a-] 'inside' which changed to puuitfd- [pu?i'tfa-] in
Wanano. One may write the Proto-WP morpheme [pu?i'ya-] though the y
is barely audible except as a transitional epenthetic [y]. The sequence of
change for this morpheme might be as follows:
(16) (Proto-WP) *puuid- [pu?i'a-]or [pu?i'ya-]> *puuid3d- [pu?i'd3a-]
> (Wan) puuitfd- [pu?i'tfa-]
In both (15) and (16) we posit the front vowel position of *i and *y,
slightly intensified to produce friction, as the influence toward affrication
and the development of the alveopalatal affricate tf in Wanano. Other
examples of this particularchange are:
(17) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
bida or
['mia] ['miya] > bitfa ['mitja]
'today'
ydbfa [ja'nria] or [pa'miya] > dblitfaka [pia'mitfaka]
'tomorrow'
bdreiro [ma'niiiro]or [m'niiyiro] > baretfiro] [ma'niitfino]
'father-in-law'
2.2.5. Summary of development of voiceless affricate tf in Wanano.
The alveopalatal affricate tf in Wanano, not found in any of the other East-
ern Tcanoan languages, primarilyowes its development to contiguity with
front vowels. It is clear that the change from *s, *k, *g, and *y to tf took
place before there was any vowel change from front to back position or ini-
tial syllable deletion in Wanano (see 2.4.2.1 and 2.1.5.1). In this way, the
influence of the front vowels in Proto-WPtoward developing an alveopala-
tal affricate (tJ) in Wanano is recognized. Another possible influence to-
ward Wanano developing the alveopalatal affricate could have been from
the non-TucanoanTariana(Arawakan) who intermarrywith the Wananos
and who also have an alveopalatal affricate tf (Aikhenvald 1996).
2.3. Other consonant changes in Piratapuyo and Wanano. Apart
from the development of the series of voiceless aspirated stops and the
alveopalatal affricate tf in Wanano (2.1 and 2.2), the following consonant
changes took place in both Piratapuyoand Wanano.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 171

2.3.1. Proto-WP *w deletion in Piratapuyo. This is an unusual in-


stance in which Wananois the more conservative of the two languages and
Piratapuyodiverges from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan.There are a num-
ber of cognate pairs in which a word-initial consonant is absent in Pirata-
puyo, although present in Wanano,Proto-WP, and Proto-Tucanoan.Its form
was that of a bilabial stop *b in Proto-Tucanoan,modified to a bilabial semi-
vowel w in Proto-WP.Twelve of these cognate pairs are illustratedhere:
(18) Proto-WP Piratapuyo
wabobdkd [wa'momaa,ka] > oboka [o'moka] 'hand'
wapoa waa- [wa#'poawa,?a]> opoa waa- [o9'poawa,?a]
'to fade (color)'
wapo wihi- [wa#'powi,hi] > apo wihi- [a#'powi,hi]
'to get moldy'
wlbl [wi'mi] > ibi [i'nm]
'hummingbird'
wiibt da- [wi?'mina] > iibi de- [i?'mine]
'to absorb'
wiibo- [wi?'bo] > iibo- [i?'bo]
'to take care of'
*wiiy6 waro [wi?'yowaro] > iiyo waro [i?'yowaro]
'unnecessarily'
wipi [wii'pi] > ipi [ij'pi] 'raccoon'
wipo ta- [wij'p6 ta] > ipo ta- [ij'p6ta]
'to cut with a scissorlike motion'
wipi [wi''pi] > ipi [ij'pi] 'spider'
wipi pokO [wii'pi p9,ko] > ipipakb [ii'pi pa#,ko] 'owl'
witi- [wii'ti] > iti- [ii'ti] 'to share'
Out of 12 Eastern Tucanoanlanguages, Retaura,Cubeo, and three Western
Tucanoanlanguages, only Piratapuyodroppedthe initial consonant on most
of the terms in (18) above, signaling its divergence from both Proto-
Tucanoanand Proto-WP.
2.3.2. Devoicing of Proto-WP velar stop *g in Wanano. In at least
25 cognate pairs, the velar stop is voiced in Piratapuyo but voiceless in
Wanano.Even though it is likely that the intervocalic environmentof these
velar stops could have influenced their voicing in Piratapuyo,the following
data contradictthat interpretation.Seven EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc,
Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir) have the classifier (postclitic which indicates a
small semantic subset) -gi 'treelike'. This supports the interpretationthat
Wanano, with its classifier -ki for 'treelike',is the language which has di-
verged from Proto-WPand Proto-Tucanoanand has devoiced the velar stop.
Also, several Eastern Tucanoan languages (including Tucano, Piratapuyo,

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172 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

and Desano) reflect the g in their masculine, singular verb suffix -gi, again
supporting the interpretationthat Wanano, with its masculine, singular -ki
verb suffix, has diverged from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan.This proba-
ble interpretationis illustratedin the following cognate pairs:
(19) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
biadogd-ta ['mianoqata] > bitfdpuka-ka ['mitfapu,kaka]
'rightnow'
gf [r71] > km [kh-+]
'also' (postclitic)
kad-gd [ka'?aja] > kad-kd [kha'?aka] 'near'
kadi-g! [ka'nmrj] > kadi-ki [kha'niki] 'sugarcane'
ba-gd ['mIana] > bd-kd ['maka] 'stream'
pdgi ['pagi] > phaki [lphak] 'body'
sioga [si'oga] > sioka [si'oka] 'hoe'
yuki-gi [yuy'kigi] > yuki-ki [yuy'kiki] 'tree'
More examples of Tucanoancognate sets are needed for a more definitive
analysis of the direction of change between g and k in these contexts (see
'near'and 'tree'in Appendix C).
2.3.3. Proto-WP semivowel *y as it developed in Wanano. The al-
veopalatal semivowel *y, both oral and nasal in Proto-WP, is realized in
Wanano as [g] / [r], [y] / [p], or zero, depending on the environment.
2.3.3.1. Proto-WP semivowel *y reflected as a velar g in Wanano. In
a few cases the alveopalatal semivowel *y (oral or nasal) in Proto-WP
changed to a velar stop [g] or nasal [q] in Wanano between identical back
vowels:
(20) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
aya [aia] > aga [a'ra] 'snake'
basd-ya [ba#'saya] > basa-ga [bat'saga] 'sing!'
baya-ro [ba'yaro] > bagd-ro [ba'garo] 'musician'
buuiyue- [mu?'lPu] > biiuigi- [mi?'riu] 'to get old'
uyu [u'ii] > ugu [u'jui] 'avocado'
waha-ya [wa'hajla] > waha-ga [wa'hian] 'kill!'
A probable influence in Wanano toward this change from the alveopalatal
consonant to the velar consonant is the back position of the contiguous
vowels; e.g., (Proto-WP) *y > (Wan) g/ I VI VI (VI = identical back
vowel).
2.3.3.2. Semivowel y develops in Wanano between *e and *o. In at
least 11 cognate pairs, Wananodeveloped a semivowel y [y] and [p] due in
part to a transitionin Proto-WPfrom the front vowel e to the back vowel o.
This palatalization probably developed in Wanano as a result of retaining

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 173

the fronting of the vowel e at the same time the vowel shift from e to a
took place (see 2.4.2.1), influenced by the front vowel e, with the alveopal-
atal semivowel y developing as a transitionalconsonant. Two examples, in
which no front to back vowel change (e to a) took place between Proto-WP
and Wanano, supportthis interpretation.In these examples, no semivowel y
developed without the vowel change e to a: (Proto-WP/Pir)deeo- [ne'o]
and (Wan) deeo- [ne'?o] 'to cause to lick'; (Proto-WP/Pir)keoro [ke'oro]
and (Wan) kiiodo [khi'?ono]'correctly'.
(21) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
beeo- [me'?o] > badyo- [ma?P'] 'to lie'
keo- [ke'o] > kayo- [kha'yo] 'to imitate'
peeo- [pe'?o] > pddyo- [pha7'io] 'to complete'
peo- [pe'o] > pay6- [pha'yo] 'to place on top of'
par' teo [pa'ri t6o] > part tdyo [pha'ritajio] 'crosspiece'
seo- [se'o] > sayo- [sa'yo] 'to spreadout'
wee6- [we'?o] > waayo- [wa'?yo] 'to pour liquid into'
weo- [we'o] > way6- [wa'yo] 'to soak'
yeoro [ye'oro] > yayoro [ya'yoro] 'collaredjaybird'
yeeo- [ye'?o] > yddyo- [ya?a'6o] 'to be caught'
yeo- [ye'o] > yayo- [ya'lp] 'to spark'
Most EasternTucanoanlanguages follow the Proto-WPpatternof maintain-
ing the *e when they have cognates with the terms above. For this reason,
the Proto-WP terms above are posited with the subsequent development of
the semivowel y ([y] and [p]) in Wanano following the front vowel *e and
preceding the back vowel *o at the same time that a vowel change took
place changing that initial syllable nucleus to the central vowel a and retain-
ing that semivowel y as a vestige of the front proto-vowel *e.
{Proto-WP} 0 > {Wan} y Iae} _o. The {e} here representsa vestige of
the proto-vowel *e after the major vowel shift from e to a in Wanano.
2.3.3.3. Semivowel *y is dropped in Wanano. In at least nine cognate
pairs, the semivowel *y (usually the nasal counterpartpn) in Proto-WP is
dropped in Wanano between two vowels, the second of which is a back
vowel, if the first vowel is not an e (see 2.3.3.2). This semivowel deletion
took place after the major vowel shift in Wananofrom e to a (see 22a, 22f,
and 22i below). The most probable explanation for this change is that
Wanano relaxed its articulationof the *y (oral and nasal), thus losing that
consonant. The assertion that this change has taken place in Wanano (and
not in the opposite direction in Piratapuyo)is supportedby the fact that 11
of the Eastern Tucanoan languages have a nasal semivowel (nine with y
and two with w) in their words for 'miriti palm' in (22a) below (Tuc, Pir,

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174 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Wai, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai; Thy, Yur; see Appendix C). However,
Wanano has dropped the semivowel in that context. Consequently, the
Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoanwould be written with the semivowel y.
This would mean that again Wananois viewed as being the language which
diverged from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoanby dropping this intervocalic
semivowel in the following examples.
(22) Proto-WP Wanano
(22a) de-yo [ne?Jlo] > daa-6 [na'?ao] 'miritipalm'
(22b) *wiiyo' waro9 [wi?'yowaro] > wiio waro [wi'?owaro]
'unnecessarily'
(22c) iyo [i6o] > io [i'6] 'mama(vocative)'
(22d) kuyd- [kaila] > koa- [kh6'a] 'to lie down'
(22e) klya- [li'ja] > kf- [kI'?a]
'to be tight (shoes, etc.)'
(22f) ooye- [o?'le] > oa- [o'a] 'to twist (thread)'
(22g) saya- [sa'pa] > saa- ['saa]
'to put on clothing'
(22h) waaya- [wa?7a] > waa- [wa?a] 'to adhere'
(22i) yooye- [yo?'ye] > yood- [yo'?a] 'to fish'
One could also postulate a change in the opposite direction, in which Pirata-
puyo developed a transitional [p] between usually differing vowels. How-
ever, for the reasons given above, this particularinterpretationhas not been
adopted. More data on the other EasternTucanoanlanguages are needed to
provide furthersupportfor this interpretation.
2.3.4. Dropping and retaining glottal fricative *h in Wanano. In a
few cases, a glottal fricative *h is droppedin Wanano:
(23) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
sdha- [sa'ha] > ['saa] 'to enter'
saa-
sahdya si [sa'hayasi] > sdya si
['saya si] 'skirt'
sihoro [si'horo] > ['soro] 'different'
soro
sohdro beeda [so'harome?na] > rso'arome?ne]
sodro beede
'quickly'
The following rules are applicable to sharedcognates between Piratapuyo
and Wananoin which h is the onset of a stressed second syllable in a Proto-
WP/Pir phonological word:

9See 2.3.1 and (18) where Piratapuyo is viewed as having diverged from Proto-WP and
Proto-Tucanoanby dropping the initial semivowel w: (Proto-WP) *wiiyd waro > (Pir) iiy6
waro 'unnecessarily'.However, in (22), (Proto-WP) *wiiy6 waro becoming (Wan) wii6 waro
reflects dropping the intervocalic semivowel y, which is a divergence of Wanano from Proto-
WP in that same term.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 175

(A) All such words which have the voiceless sibilant s at the onset of the
previous syllable lose the h and sometimes the vowel preceding it in
Wanano (see 23 above):
(Proto-WP) *h > (Wan) 0 1sV'
(B) If the consonant of the syllable preceding the h is voiced, then the h
is retained; e.g., baha [ma'ha] 'macaw' and wiho [wi'ho] 'sleepy' are the
same in Piratapuyo and Wanano, also yehe [ye'he] (Pir) and yahd [ya'ha]
(Wan) 'egret'.
(Proto-WP) *CV'hV > (Wan) CV'hV (when C = voiced consonant)
(C) If the consonant of the syllable preceding the h is a voiceless stop,
the vowel before the h is droppedbut the h is retained in the form of aspi-
ration on that voiceless stop in Wanano;e.g., (Proto-WP/Pir)*tuhu > (Wan)
thiu [,thu] 'book' (see 2.1.4.2):

(Proto-WP) CV,hV > (Wan) ,ChV (when C is a voiceless stop)


Notice that since thu''book' is a postclitic classifier, it takes a secondary
stress (grave accent or subscript,; see n. 7).
2.3.5. Summary of other consonant changes in Piratapuyo and
Wanano. The majorinstance in which Piratapuyobut not Wananodiverged
from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoanis illustrated in the list of cognates in
(18). Only Piratapuyodropped the initial consonant; all of the other Tuca-
noan languages retained it, as w in Wanano and as b, p, or h in the other
Tucanoanlanguages.
Even though it might be more logical to conclude that the voiceless velar
stop in Proto-WP developed voicing intervocalically in Piratapuyo,at least
seven other EasternTucanoanlanguages also have voicing (unlike Wanano)
in the velar stop of the classifier for 'tree'.This supports the interpretation
that Wanano diverged from Proto-Tucanoanby droppingthe voicing in that
stop. Other cognates in several Eastern Tucanoan languages also support
this interpretation.However, more data are needed to draw a more definite
conclusion (see 'tree' and 'near'in Appendix C).
The alveopalatal semivowel *y in Proto-WP is reflected as a velar stop g
or its nasal variant [q] between like back vowels in Wanano. Between the
vowels *e and *o, the semivowel y and its nasal variant [ji] developed in
Wananoat the same time as the majorvowel shift from *e to a (see 2.3.3.2).
The semivowel y, both oral and nasal, is dropped in Wanano between two
vowels, one of which is a back vowel, unless one of the vowels is e. This
change took place after the vowel shift from *e to a.
The glottal fricative h, in the cognates in (23), was very likely in Proto-
WP originally and later lost in Wanano. More information from other Tu-
canoan languages is needed to determine if that is, in fact, what happened.

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176 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Cognates which begin with voiced consonants retain the h medially in both
Piratapuyoand Wanano.Those which begin with a voiceless stop retain the
h medially in Wanano with vowel loss. That h then becomes aspirationfor
the initial voiceless stop. Piratapuyo also retains the h but maintains that
glottal fricative as a segmental consonant.
2.4. Vowel changes between Proto-WP and Wanano.
2.4.1. Word-initial vowel/syllable deletion in Wanano. As mentioned
in 2.1.5.1, a change which took place in Wanano as it diverged from Proto-
WP and Proto-Tucanoaninvolved the dropping of a fairly large number
(over 60 identified) of word-initial vowels/syllables which immediately
preceded a stressed syllable. The extent of this initial vowel/syllable dele-
tion is unique to Wanano among all the Eastern Tucanoanlanguages. This
deletion is probably a result of the initial syllables being unstressed and
their having a syllable coda of either a voiceless vowel or a glottal stop
(see 2.1.5.1). This deletion occurred with syllables having the following
characteristics:
(A) If the word-initial vowel/syllable is unstressed and it occurs before
a voiceless consonant in a stressed syllable, that initial unstressed vowel/
syllable is deleted. The word-initial vowel/syllable may be:
(a) A single vowel; e.g., ako [a#'ko] (Proto-WP) > k6 ['ko] (Wan)
'water'.Most examples in Wanano, where the word-initial vowel is lost,
reflect the dropping of this particularkind of V syllable (see 7).
(b) Two geminate vowels, the second vowel with low pitch, resulting in
a glottal stop between the geminate vowels and ultimately dropping the
second vowel, phonetically giving the appearanceof a CV? syllable (see
n. 5); e.g., (Proto-WP) *aatd- [a?'ta]> td- ['ta] (Wan) 'to come'. For a few
Wananoexamples thatreflect the droppingof this type of syllable, see (7).
(c) A consonant plus one vowel or geminate vowels with low pitch,
resulting in a glottal stop as described in (b); e.g., (Proto-WP) *tutua-
[tuu'tua]> (Wan) taa- ['tua]'to be strong';(Proto-WP) *kitd wihi- [ki?'ta
wi,hi] > *kiiti wihi- [ki?'tiwi,hi] > (Wan) t4 wihi- ['ti wi,hi] 'to rust'. Very
few examples reflect this type of syllable deletion (see n. 8).
(B) If an initial Proto-WP back (central or back) vowel occurs before a
voiced bilabial consonant [b] or [m], it is deleted in Wanano, as in:
(24) Proto-WP (Pir) Wanano
ibido [i'mfn6] > bido ['m4no] 'man'
ubl [u'mi] > bf ['mi] 'honey'
If the initial vowel is not deleted but is retained as a front vowel e in
Wanano, a similar retention of the initial vowels of such words is found
in most of the other Eastern Tucanoan languages. Thus, in the following

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 177

examples, where even Wanano retained the initial vowel, little diachronic
change has taken place in the initial vowels.
(25) Piratapuyo Wanano
ebo [e'mo] correspondswith ebu [e'mi] 'howlermonkey'
aburi [a'buli] correspondswith ewiri [e'wili] 'moss'
ebut [e'mu+] correspondswith eboa [e'moa] 'fire ants'

(C) If the word-initial Proto-WP syllable occurs before a voiced conso-


nant b or y and includes geminate vowels, phonetically closing the syllable
with a glottal stop before the voiced consonant, that initial syllable will be
dropped (see n. 5 on glottal stops):
(26) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
aabd- [a?'ba] > baa- ['baa] 'to rot'
eebeo [e?'m6o] > be ['me] 'smoke'
iiyd- [i7'ia] > yt- ['Ji] 'to see'
iiyd- [i?'ya] > tfi- ['tfi] 'to eat'
oobe- [o?'be] > be- ['be] 'to inject'
iibd-ro [i?mr'an6] > btd-ro [m+'an6] 'up high'
(D) If the word-initialvowel/syllable occurs before a nasal semivowel *y
[p] in Proto-WP (a velar nasal g [r] in Wanano) or a flap r, that syllable is
not deleted in Wanano:

(27) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano


aya [a'ja] aga [a'ria] 'snake'
uyu [u'Jfi] ugu [u'rj] 'avocado'
ire [i'ne] ire [i'ni] 'chonta palm fruit'
uru-ri [u'ruli] uru-re [u'rure] 'it got dull'
uurf-di [u?'iidi] uurt-re [u?'iire] 'he snorted'

This particularrestriction against word-initial syllable deletion before the


velar nasal [r] and the flap [r] (nasal and oral) reflects the fact that neither
the velar nasal nor the flap ever begins a word in Wanano.
(E) If the word-initialvowel is stressed, it will not be deleted in Wanano;
e.g., (Pir) otu-ri ['otuli] corresponds with (Wan) utu-ra ['utura]'to drive'.
The only exception is the following cognate set: (Proto-WP) obaa ['6ba7]>
(Wan) b'aa ['bia?]'I don't know (interjection)'.This initial vowel deletion in
Wanano could be attributedto a stress shift from the initial syllable to the
second syllable. A suggested sequence of change, involving the positing of
a transitionali, is:

(28) (Proto-WP) *obaa ['oba?]> *obiaa ['obia?] > (Wan) b'aa ['bia?]

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178 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

2.4.2. Vowel shifts between Proto-WP and Wanano. The following


describe vowel shifts between Proto-WP and Wanano, some attested by
many cognate pairs and others by only a few.
2.4.2.1. From *e in Proto-WP/Proto-Tucanoan to a in Wanano. This
vowel shift is from e, at the front position of the vowel chart, to the central
vowel a and has been observed in over 280 cognate pairs. For example, all
of the other Eastern Tucanoan languages have e in words such as sebe
[se'me] 'paca' and weki [weq:ki] 'tapir'.Only in Wanano have the vowels
shifted in such words to a, as in saba [sa'ma] 'paca' and watfi [waa'tfi]
'tapir'. Similarly, the verb stem for 'to wash' in all of the other Eastern
Tucanoan languages ends with e, the most common forms being kose-
[ko9'se] and koe- [ko'e], whereas the same term in Wananois kosd- [kog'sa].
In these examples, the Wananovowel has shifted to a more neutralposition
in the mouth (a centralizationof the vowel), which may provide, at least in
part, a phonological motivation for this major shift.
2.4.2.2. From *a in Proto-WP/Proto-Tucanoan to i in Wanano. The
next best exemplified vowel shift diverging from Proto-WP and Proto-Tu-
canoan in Wanano is from the low, central, neutral position a to the higher
central vowel i. Twenty-one examples of this vowel shift have been iden-
tified. In contrast to the major vowel shift toward the neutral, centralized
tongue position, this shift away from that position results, in most cases,
from Wananoreforming its verb stems by using the vowel i. This vowel in
Piratapuyoand Proto-WP is the verb suffix meaning first person, past tense
which follows stems with final central vowels. For example, (Proto-WP/Pir)
iiyd-i [i?'yai]'I ate (it)' is usually pronouncediiyi [i?'yi].In Wanano,the y be-
came tf due to its proximity to the preceding front vowel I (2.2.4), a tight-
ening of the articulation of that semivowel resulted in *iitf4- [i?'tfi], and
finally Wanano dropped the word-initial syllable, resulting in the Wanano
verb stem tf4- ['tfi]. The following examples furthersupportthis hypothesis.
(29a) and (29b) also involve initial vowel/syllable deletion in Wanano:
Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
(29a) [ee'sa] 'to arrive there' or [ee'si] 'I arrived there'> ['si]
'to arrive there'
(29b) [i?'j1a]'to see' or [i?'ji] 'I saw (it)' > ['P?]
'to see'10
(29c) [ku?'sa] 'to bathe' or [ku?'si] 'I bathed' > [khu?'si]
'to bathe'

10The other EasternTucanoan


languages which sharecognates with Wananoand Piratapuyo
for 'to eat' and 'to see' have the mid central vowels a and a, respectively, as the final vowel of
the stem; e.g., (Car, Tat) igd- [i'ga], (Cub) a- ['a], (Tuy) yad- [ya'a], (Yur) yda ['yaa] 'to eat';
(Des, S. Bar, Ret, Wai) id- [T'a],(Sir, Tuc) ?Pa-[1'?a],(Tuy) yad[ipia], (Yur, Cap) iyd- ['jila] 'to
see'. However, in the Wanano cognate word stem the final vowel is i.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 179

(29d) [tu?a'sa]'to finish' or [tu?a'si]'I finished' > [tu?'si]


'to finish'
The number'one' in Wananodeveloped from the first- and second-person
numberform in Proto-WP/Pir,even though, later, Wananodroppedthe per-
son distinction with nouns and numbers. The person distinction with num-
bers in Proto-WP/Pirutilizes one form, iike [i?'ki],for referringto oneself or
to the addressee, but anotherform, iika [i?'ka],when referringto a thirdper-
son; e.g., o-pi iike-ta ihi-aha [6pi i?'kitaihi'aha] 'I am here alone (lit., just
one)'. (30) illustrates the development from the basic root form in Proto-
WP/Pir, reflecting Proto-Tucanoanexcept for the glottal stop, to the current
form in Wanano:
(30) (Proto-WP) *iikd [i?'ka]'one' or iiki [i?'ki]'I/you alone' > (Wan) ki
['ki] 'one'11
Another process which produces the shift from a to i (and o) in Wanano
is ASSIMILATION. A primary reason for this change is that, even though
Proto-WP/Pir does not follow the rule that prenuclear vowels between
voiceless consonants are completely voiceless (see 2.1.1), Wanano does
follow that rule. The first vowel in Wanano,which is completely voiceless,
assimilated to the second vowel in [pi'ki] 'father' and [pQ'ko]'mother',
whereas the slightly more resonant first vowel in Proto-WP/Pirretained its
mid central vowel quality a in [paa'ki]and [paa'ko].In the following exam-
ples, there is some vowel voicing in that first syllable in Proto-WP/Pirbut
none in Wanano:
(31) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
paki [paa'ki] > pi'ki [pi'ki] 'father'
pako [paa'ko] > poko [p9'ko] 'mother'
All other Eastern Tucanoan languages, as well as Retaura and Cubeo,
which have cognates with Wananofor 'father'and 'mother',have the vowel
a in the first syllable in contrast to the Wananoi and o respectively:
(32) 'father' 'mother'
[paa'ki] [paa'ko] (Tuc, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Wai, Car, Tat, Cub)
[pa'gi] [pa'go] (Des, Sir)
[ha'ki] [ha'ko] (Mac, Tai)
['paki] ['pako] (Ret)
So Wanano is the only Eastern Tucanoanlanguage to shift away from the
first vowel a and to assimilate with the second vowel in the words for
'father'and mother'.

11All the other EasternTucanoanlanguages which share cognates with Wanano and Pirata-
puyo for 'one' have a as the vowel in the second syllable; e.g., (N. Bar) hikd [hi'ka], (Car, Tat)
hika [hi'ka], (Ret) irad['ra], (Tuc) diikd [di?'ka],(Yur) rkd [i'ka].

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180 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

2.4.2.3. Vowel changes in initial unstressed syllables. The vowels e, i,


and u, when they follow a voiceless obstruent(p or s), are partiallyvoiceless
before a stressed syllable beginning with a voiceless obstruent in Proto-
WP/Pir.In Wanano,however, they are totally voiceless and all become i [i],
as seen in the following examples:

(33) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano


pekd [pee'ka] > pitfd
[pi'tfa] 'firewood'
pesd- [pee'sa] >
[pi'sa]pisd- 'to perch'
siti- [sil'ti] >
[si'ti]sitf- 'to smell'
sis6- [sij'so] >
[si'so]siso-
'to smoke (fish, etc.)'
susuri kope [suu'suriko9,pe] > sisuri kopa [si'suri kQ,pa]
'opening, crack'
sutu [suuo'tu] > situ [si'tu] 'pot'

With only a few exceptions (e.g., Des si'yo- 'to smoke {fish}'), Wanano is
the only Eastern Tucanoan language with high front i in these particular
cognates. The change from *e, *i, and *u to i in Wanano is at least in part
due to the total voicelessness of that initial unstressed vowel. Another pos-
sible influence in Wanano toward the change to the high front vowel could
be the alveolar/alveopalatal position of the following consonants in the
Wananowords. There is no vowel assimilation in these cognates. However,
in the following examples, assimilation affected the initial unstressedvoice-
less vowel in Wanano; Proto-WP *u assimilated to a lower position o in
Wananopreceding a.

(34) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano


kusa pihl [kuy'sapihi] > kosa phI [k9'saphi] 'purlinfor roof'
kuya- [kiiia] > koa- [ko'a] 'to lie down'

2.4.2.4. Vowel assimilation in stressed syllables. Vowel assimilation


also plays a part in some cases where *e in Proto-WP/Pir became i in
stressed syllables in Wanano:

(35) Proto-
WP/Pir Wanano
kirepe- [ki'repe] > kiripe- [ki'ripe] 'to tickle in the ribs'
(the second vowel e assimilated to the height
of the first vowel i in Wanano)
bue'-ye[bu'eye] > bui-a [bu'ia] 'incense'
(initial e assimilated to the height of the first
vowel u becoming an i in Wanano)

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 181

A vowel shift from *u in Proto-WP/Pirto o in Wanano, also in a stressed


syllable, is influenced primarilyby assimilation to the lower position of the
preceding or following vowel:
(36) u > o I a(C)
paabu- [pa?'mi] (Proto-WP) > paabo- [pa?'m6](Wan) 'to ferment'
Assimilation also accounts, in a similar way, for a shift from o to i in
Wanano:
(37) o > i Ci
porilta [,p6nii?ta](Proto-WP) > phtdi-ta [,phinPta](Wan)
'specifically'
2.4.2.5. Vowel assimilation word-finally. Examples of vowel assimila-
tion resulting in changes in word-final vowels in Wanano are:
(38) o > u uC
Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
ahuro [a'huro] > wahuru [wa'huru]
'bag'
blsfki tuukuro [mli'si tu?'kuro]> bist tuukuiru [mli'si thu?'kuro]
'small jaguar'
kubddo [ku'muin] > kubddu [khu'mfini]
'bench'
aari tuhuro [a?'li tu?uro] > aari thuru [a?'li thuru]
'this generation'
tuturo [tuu'turo] > tuturu [tu'turu]
'trunk(of tree)'
yese butro [yee'se bu,?uro] > yese buuru [yee'se bu,?uru]
'wild pig'
2.4.3. Summary of vowel changes between Proto-WP and Wanano.
Similar to the extent of word-initial vowel/syllable deletion, the most
widespread vowel change in Wanano, diverging from Proto-WP and Proto-
Tucanoan, is the shift from mid front *e to the more neutral (centralized)
mid central a. Although the shift to a more centralized position could at
least partially explain the motivation for this shift, any other reason for this
change in Wananois not clear. In a more limited set of examples, a second-
ary shift from mid central a to high central i is the result of reforming the
verb stems by using the high central vowel -i, which in Proto-WP/Pir is
the verb suffix meaning first person, past tense (see 29). All other dia-
chronic vowel changes identified in this article are the result of vowel
assimilation and, at times, a greater degree of voicelessness in initial un-
stressed syllables in Wanano, in contrast to a retention of some voicing in
parallel syllables in Proto-WP.

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182 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

3. Morphophonemic developments in Piratapuyo and Wanano. In


this section, I compare morphophonemic alternation in Piratapuyo and
Wanano.It is not my purposeto posit a "Proto-WP"or to suggest any theories
about the direction in which change is taking place morphophonemically.

3.1. Morphophonemic alternation between i, i, and u in Piratapuyo.


In Piratapuyo,the past tense, first-personevidential verb suffix assimilates
to the backness and rounding of the final vowel of the verb stem, e.g.:
EV lst-person past > i Ii/e_; i Ii/a ; u u/o
This suffix is represented in Piratapuyo with the morphophoneme I.
Wanano does not have any suffixes which assimilate in this way, nor does
this particularcognate suffix assimilate; rather it is always high front i in
Wanano:
(39) Piratapuyo Wanano
i after front vowels: { wii-I} [wi'?i-i] wif-i [wi'?i-i]
'I/we arrived'
{bese-I} [beq'se-i] bese-i [beq'se-i]
'I/we chose'
i after back unround:{birf-I} [bi'ri-i] biri-i [bi'r-i]
'I/we went down river'
{wad-I} [wa'?a-i wad-i [wa'?a-i]
'I/we went'
u after back round: {yaau-I} [ya'?u-u] yaau-i [ya'?u-i]
'I/we explained'
{iiyol} [i?'jao-u] yo-i ['jlo-i]
'I/we showed'

3.2. Alternation between d and r in Piratapuyo and Wanano. Accord-


ing to the phonological analysis of Klumppand Klumpp (1973), d and r are
contrastive in Piratapuyo,although in some words there is free fluctuation
between the two phonemes.12In Wanano, d and r are also contrastive but
with much less fluctuation between the two phonemes.13Both Piratapuyo
and Wanano also have morphophonemicalternationbetween d and r (dis-
cussed below). Aikhenvald (personal communication) points out that "All

12The following examples demonstratethe contrast between d and r in Piratapuyo:dieri


[di'eri] 'eggs', biedi [bi'edi] 'arrow';booeda [bo?'eda] 'rainbow',ditdra [dij'tara]'lake'; pad4
[pa'di] 'sand',peru [pe'ru]'beer'.
13 The following examples demonstrate the contrast between d and r in Wanano: dieri
[di'eri] 'eggs', biedi [bi'edi] 'arrow',bieri dete [bi'eri ne,te] 'bow'; payuru [pha'yuru]'beer',
phirirodu ['phirirodu]'a very large person (masc.)'; daard- [da7'ra]'to work',paadd [pa?'da]'a
type of fish (aguj6n)'.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 183

of the East Tucanoan languages appear to have a d/r alternation;so does


Tariana,and so do quite a few languages around them, e.g., Guahibo lan-
guages, and even Barbacoanin Colombia and in Ecuador.This could be an
old areal feature."
3.2.1. Free fluctuation in Piratapuyo between d and r. One dialect of
Piratapuyoalmost completely avoids pronouncing the alveolar flap r. Fur-
thermore, Piratapuyo in general tends to slow the tongue down and pro-
nounce the voiced alveolar stop d rather than speeding up its articulation
and pronouncing the alveolar flap r as Wanano does. However, depending
on the speaker, there is often free fluctuation between d and r in Pirata-
puyo, as shown in the following examples. Such fluctuation is much less
noticeable in Wanano.
(40) Piratapuyo Wanano
biero bieroa 'species of ant'
[bi'ero]~ [bi'edo] [bi'eroa]
duu'-dokeso- duu-rokaso-
'to put in vertically'
[du'7uro9,ke 'sa] [du7udo9,ke 's6] [du'7uro9,ka'so]
sahd-dika sd- sda-riki s4- 'to penetrate'
[sa'harii,ka'sa] - [sa'hdii,ka 'sa] ['saari,ki 'si]
yHd4-dika- yiHd-rika- 'to disobey'
[yi?'diri,ka] [yi'didi,ka]
[yii''diri,ka]
ye-duku- yod-ruki- 'to do continually'
-
['yeruo,ku] [yeduu,ku] [yo'aruu,ku]
3.2.2. Morphophonemic alternation between d and r in Piratapuyo
and Wanano. Morphophonemicalternationin Piratapuyois differentfrom
Wanano when certain suffixes beginning with or containing the flap r are
affixed to stems with final nasal vowels. This usually occurs in Piratapuyo
when the suffix follows a stem which ends in a front vowel, or when that
suffix has a front vowel occurringbefore e, as in -era negative. This results
in morphophonemic alternation between the phonemes d and r in Pirata-
puyo in a nasal context, as discussed in 3.2.2.1-3.2.2.4. In the cognate
morphemes in Wanano, there is no such morphophonemicalternation, ex-
cept in the verb suffixes in 3.2.2.4 below. In all of the examples below,
R represents morphophonemic alternation between d and r. In 3.2.2.1-
3.2.2.4, the morphophonemesare representedthis way (with the R) but they
are not written in other sections of this article (except for Appendix C) in
order to focus more clearly on the comparison of these two languages.
3.2.2.1. Morphophonemic alternation in the negative. The negative
verb suffix in both Piratapuyo and Wanano is unique in that its first sylla-
ble is stressed and this stress supersedes and neutralizes the stress in the

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184 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

stem. However, the Piratapuyonegative -eRa is slightly different from the


Wananonegative -era. Following a nasal stem vowel in Piratapuyo,the first
vowel of the negative takes nasalization and R is realized as d. This mor-
pheme in Wanano never takes nasalization, with the exception of one
Wanano dialect.

(41) Negative Suffix with the Indicative


Piratapuyo Wanano
{waa-eRa-ri} [wa?a'erali]waa-era-re [wa?a'erale]'(He) did not go'
{iiyad-Ra-ri} [i?jia'dali] yi-era-re [pi'erale] '(He) did not see'

In the negative third-person imperative, following nasalization the R is


realized as d in Piratapuyo.14

(42) Negative Imperative


Piratapuyo Wanano
{wehe-eRa-kdddo} wahd-era-ta- hi-haro 'May he not kill!'
[wehe'edaka?do] [waha'erata'hiharo]
kill-neg-3impv kill-neg-spec be-3impv

3.2.2.2. Morphophonemic alternation in the positive third-person


imperative. In the positive third-personimperative, R is also realized as d
in Piratapuyofollowing a nasal stem vowel. This morphophonemicalterna-
tion does not take place in the Wananocognate suffix.

(43) Positive Imperative


Piratapuyo Wanano
{wad-aaRo} wad-haro 'Let (him) go'
[wa'?aa?ro] [wa'?aharo]
go-3impv go-3impv

{wehe-idRo} waha-haro 'Let (him) kill (it)'


[we'?hea?do] [wa'haharo]
kill-3impv kill-3impv

3.2.2.3. Morphophonemic alternation in the nominalizer. Ris also re-


alized as d in Piratapuyowhen the participial suffix {-Ri} plus the nominal-
izer suffix -kiro is affixed to a stem whose final vowel is nasal, provided it
is a front vowel. This does not occur in Wanano,as these examples indicate:

14Additionalabbreviationsin this article are as follows: third-personimperative (3impv),


exclusive (excl), inclusive (incl), negative (neg), nominalizing suffix (nom), plural (pl), present
tense (pres), singular (sg), specifier (spec), Sibilant/Affricate(Sib/Affr).

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 185

(44) Piratapuyo Wanano


{bese-Ri-kiro} [beq'serikiro] bese-riro [be'seriro]
'one (masc.) who chooses'
{keedd-Ri-kiro [ke?'nfiikiro] kaare-riro [kha7'niriro]
'male who scrapes the ground'
{kart-Ri-kiro} [ka'ridikiro] kari-riro [kha'iiriro]
'one (masc.) who sleeps'

When the Wanano verb nominalizer suffix -iro follows the participial
suffix -ri, the result is the masculine singular nominalizer suffix -riro, after
droppingof the extra vowel; e.g., -ri + -iro > -riro. Since this particularcom-
bination of two suffixes in Wanano never takes nasalization and therefore
does not have morphophonemicalternation,these two suffixes fuse because,
in all other environments,the participialsuffix -ri can take nasalization, e.g.,
{kar--Ri-koro}[kha'iilnkoro]'one (fem.) who sleeps' and {kart-Riwaawac}
[kha'niiniwa?,wa]'cradle'.The masculine nominalizer suffix, however, can-
not take nasalization in Wanano karl-riro [kha'iiriro].
3.2.2.4. Morphophonemic alternation in other verb suffixes. In con-
trast to the examples above, where morphophonemic alternation occurs
only in Piratapuyo,some verb suffixes have morphophonemicalternationin
both Piratapuyoand Wanano. [d] and [n] are allophones of the phoneme d
in both languages. The phoneme r alternatesmorphophonemicallywith the
nasal allophone of d in the suffix for third person, singular {-Ro}:

(45) Piratapuyo Wanano


Oral {waha-Ro} [wa'haro] {waha-Ro} [wa'haro]
'paddling (canoe)'
Nasal {wehe-Ro} [we'heno] {waha-Ro [w[wa'han] 'killing'

Morphophonemicalternationbetween d and r occurs in both the second-


and third-person,past and present tense EVIDENTIAL15
"visual" verb suffixes
in Piratapuyobut only in the present tense in Wanano:

15Evidential verb suffixes in


Piratapuyo and Wanano reflect how the speaker received
his/her information. If the speaker is relating something s/he saw happen, the 'visual' third-
person verb suffix -Re [re] (present) or -Ri [ri] (past) is used in Piratapuyoand -Ra [ra] (present)
or -re [re] (past) in Wanano.If the speakeris relating something s/he did not witness, the 'non-
visual' verb suffix -aaye [a?ye] (past) is used in Piratapuyoand -aa [?a] (past) in Wanano.If the
speaker is relating something which was told to him/her the 'related information'verb suffix
-yooka [po6?k] (present) or -yooti [po?ti] (past) is used in Piratapuyo and -yuuka [yu?ka]
(present) or -yuuti [yu?ti] (past) in Wanano.If the speaker sees only some evidence indicating
that what s/he is relating is true, the 'evidenced information'verb suffix (including the past par-
ticipial suffix plus the verb 'to be') -ri hire (present) or -ri hiri (past) is used in Piratapuyoand
-ri hira (present) or -ri hire (past) in Wanano.

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186 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

(46) Past Tense


Piratapuyo Wanano
Oral {iiyd-Ri} [i?'yali] tfi-re ['tfile] '(you/he) ate'
Nasal {bast-Ri} [ma'sidi] basi-re [ma'sire] '(you/he) knew'
(47) Present Tense
Piratapuyo Wanano
Oral {wahd-Re} [wa'hale] {wahd-Ra} [wa'hara]
'(you/he) paddle(s)'
Nasal {wehe'-Re} [we'hene] {wahd-Ra} [wa'hana]
'(you/he) kill(s)'
3.3. Summary of morphophonemic developments in Piratapuyo and
Wanano. The two majordistinctions between Piratapuyoand Wananowith
respect to morphophonemicalternationare reflectedin the verb suffixes. The
verb suffix for first person, past tense in Piratapuyoassimilates to the back-
ness and roundingof the final vowel of the verb stem, with three allomorphs
of thatverb suffix.Wananohas no such morphophonemicalternationand has
only one form of the first-person,past tense suffix. Also, verb suffixes such
as the negative, the imperative, and the nominalizer suffixes show morpho-
phonemic alternation between d and r in Piratapuyo but not in Wanano.
Other verb suffixes show morphophonemic alternation in Piratapuyo be-
tween d and r but only in a limited way in Wanano. It is only in the third-
person singular verb suffix -Ro and the second-/third-person,present tense
evidential suffix -Ra that Wanano manifests morphophonemicalternation.
Despite these differences between Piratapuyoand Wanano,more data on
morphophonemicalternationin other Tucanoanlanguages are needed to pos-
tulate a "Proto-WP"and to draw any conclusions regardingwhich of these
two languages has diverged most from Proto-Tucanoanmorphophonemically.

4. Grammatical developments in Piratapuyo and Wanano.

4.1. Differences between nominal forms in Piratapuyo and Wanano.


Nominal suffixes in Piratapuyohave more person distinctions than those in
Wanano. For example, nominalized verbs in both languages are formed by
the addition of a nominalizer suffix to the verb stem. In Piratapuyo,different
suffixes are used for first/secondperson and for thirdperson. Wananomakes
no such distinction. Seven out of nine Eastern Tucanoan languages from
which informationhas been obtained follow the Wananopattern.This may
indicate that Piratapuyois the language which has slightly diverged gram-
matically by developing more person distinctions in its nominalizer suffixes
than most of the other Eastern Tucanoanlanguages. Person distinctions in
Piratapuyo(P) and Wanano (W) are compared in (48).

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 187

(48) Nominalized Verb Forms


(48a) y#' to-pi yohd-gi ihid-ha. (P)
I there-to go up river-nom be-i pers
to-pi yohd-riro hi-ha. (W)
I there-to go up river-nom be-1 pers
'I'm the one who goes up river there'.
(48b) b4 t6-pi yohd-gi ihi-re. (P)
you there-to go up river-nom be-2,3pers
t6-pi yohd-riro hi-ra. (W)
you there-to go up river-nom be-2,3pers
'You'rethe one who goes up river there'.
(48c) ti-kiro t6-pi yohd-ri-kiro ihi-re. (P)
he there-to go up river-nom be-2,3pers
tiro t6-pi yohd-riro hi-ra. (W)
he there-to go up river-nom be-2,3pers
'He's the one who goes up river there'.
(48d) isa t6-pi yohd-dd ihid-ha. (P)
we there-to go up river-nom be-lpers
sd t6-pi yohd-idd hi-ra. (W)
we there-to go up river-nom be-lpers
'We (excl.) are the ones who goes up river there'.
(48e) bisa to-pi yohd-dd ihi-re. (P)
you there-to go up river-nom be-2,3pers
bisd t6-pi yohd-ida hf-ra. (W)
you there-to go up river-nom be-2,3pers
'You'rethe ones who go up river'.
(48f) tf-kida t6-pi yohd-ri-kidd ihi-re. (P)
they there-to go up river-nom be-2,3pers
tidd t6-pi yohd-idd hf-ra. (W)
they there-to go up river-nom be-2,3pers
'They're the ones who go up river there'.
Other examples of Piratapuyonominal suffixes being more specific than
Wanano suffixes can be found in some animate nouns. In Wanano, -ro with
some animate nouns means simply SINGULAR. The same suffix in Piratapuyo
refers specifically to THIRD-PERSON SINGULAR. Nine Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages in which informationwas obtained follow a patternmore like that in
Wanano;i.e., no person distinction is made in nouns like base [maa'si] (Pir)

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188 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

and basd-ro [maa'sino] (Wan) 'person'.This distinction between Piratapuyo


(P) and Wanano (W) is illustratedin (49).
(49) Nouns
(49a) yt' bdas wad-ha. (P)
I person go-lpres
yni bas4-ro wad-ha. (W)
I person-sg go-lpres
'I, a person, go'.
(49b) bt' base wad-re. (P)
you person go-2,3pres
bi'H ba~s-ro wad-ra. (W)
you person-sg go-2,3pres
'You, a person, go'.
(49c) ti-kiro bads-ro wad-re. (P)
he person-sg go-2,3pres
tiro bas4-ro wad-ra. (W)
I person-sg go-2,3pres
'He, a person, goes'.
(49d) ti-koro baso-ro wad-re. (P)
she person-sg go-2,3pres
tf-koro baso-ro wad-ra. (W)
she person-sg go-2,3pres
'She, a person, goes'.
(49e) tf-kidd basa wad-re. (P)
they people go-2,3pres
tidl basa wad-ra. (W)
they people go-2,3pres
'They, people, go'.
4.2. Personal and possessive pronouns in Piratapuyo and Wanano.
Piratapuyohas one set of forms for both personal and possessive pronouns,
while Wananohas two separatesets of forms for these, as shown in table 1.
In addition to being slightly different segmentally from the personal pro-
nouns, Wananopossessive pronounsdo not have stress, instead functioning
as proclitics to the item being possessed. The possessive pronouns are not
prefixes, just proclitics. As Metzger (1998) points out when discussing ka-,
a borrowed prefix in Carapana:"What makes the study of ka- interesting,
firstly, is that when it does occur, it occurs as a prefix; this in a family of

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 189

TABLE 1

Piratapuyo Wanano
Personaland Possessive Pronouns PersonalPronouns Possessive Pronouns
yi' [yi?i] 'I, y ] my' i [yi] '
biS [mn'i 'you, your' bi [ri'I] 'you' bi [n] 'your'
ti-kiro ['tikoro] 'he, his' tfro ['tiro] 'he' to [to] 'his'
ti-kiro ['tikoro] 'she, her' tt-koro ['tikoro]'she' to [to] 'her'
bar' [ml'nii] 'we, our (incl.)' barm'[ma'ii] 'we (incl.)' bari [manfi] 'our (incl.)'
isa [i'sa] 'we, our (excl.)' sd ['sa] 'we (excl.)' sa [sa] 'our(excl.)'
bisd [mn'sa] 'you, your (pl.)' bisa [m"'sa] 'you (pl.)' bisa [mn'sa] 'your (pl.)'
ti-kida ['tikina] 'they,their' tida ['tina] 'they' ti [ti] 'their'

languages in which inflection is almost exclusively expressed as a suffix."


Even though possessive pronouns in Wanano clearly developed from and
overlap with the personal pronominal forms, this particulardistinction is
significant for two reasons:
(A) This is one more example of the patternof Wananodivergence from
Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan,since seven out of nine Eastern Tucanoan
languages for which we have informationdo not have a separateset of pos-
sessive pronouns either.
(B) The presence of distinct possessive pronouns in Wanano gives rise
to differentword orders,thus separatingit from Piratapuyoeven furthersyn-
tactically, resulting in less mutual intelligibility. In Wanano, the personal
and possessive pronouns(underlined)can occur contiguous to each other, so
that 'he saw the one he hit (his hit one)' is tiro to kha-riro-reyi-re 'he his
hit-one saw (lit.)' (Subject + Possessive + Object + Verb). In Proto-WP(and
Piratapuyo),because the personal and possessive pronounsare identical, the
subject occurs at the end to avoid juxtaposition of the same word: ti-kiro
ke-do6-ri-kiro-re iiya-ri ti-kiro 'his hit-one saw he (lit.)' (Possessive +
Object + Verb + Subject).
4.3. Numbers in Piratapuyo and Wanano. Numbers are treateddiffer-
ently in Piratapuyoand in Wanano with respect to when the accompanying
classifier nouns are pluralized. Classifier nouns in Wanano and Piratapuyo
are bound morphemes functioning as postclitics; they do not take primary
stress in the phonological word. In Piratapuyofor 'one' to 'four', classifier
nouns are considered paucal (few), 'five and above' are plural. In Wanano
for 'one' to 'three',classifier nouns are considered paucal (few), while 'four
and above' are plural, as shown in table 2.
In both languages, the classifier indicating 'paucal/few'is -ria. The plural
classifier on Piratapuyopaka 'canoes' does not occur until the number five
is reached. In contrast,the plural form of Wananobiso 'canoes' occurs when

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190 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

TABLE2

Piratapuyo Wanano
Paucal (Few) Plural Paucal (Few) Plural
iikd-riayuk4sa ki-ria bis6ka
'one canoe' 'one canoe'

pid-ria yukisa pid-ria bis6ka


'two canoes' 'two canoes'
iitid-ria yukisa tid-ria bis6ka
'threecanoes' 'threecanoes'

pititia-ria yuktsa piftitd bts6


'fourcanoes' 'fourcanoes'
iikd obaoka-pakdi ki wabobdkapiitia bisb
'five canoes' 'five canoes'

the number four is reached. Six out of nine of the Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages have the same pattern of number pluralization as Wanano, so it is
likely that Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoanalso pluralized at four.
4.4. Pluralization of certain animate nouns in Proto-WP and Wanano.
Many animatenouns in Piratapuyoand Wananoare pluralizedby adding the
suffix -a to the singularstem, e.g., (Pir)aya-a [a'iaa] and (Wan)agd-a [a'jiaa]
'snakes'.However, a small numberof animate nouns that end in e in Proto-
WP/Pir and Proto-Tucanoanunderwentthe major vowel shift from e to a in
Wanano (2.4.2.1), e.g., (Proto-WP, Proto-Tucanoan)*yehe > (Wan) yahd
'egret'.This small group of Wananonouns retainedthe previous pluralizing
patternof theirProto-WPcognates; e.g., (Proto-WP,Proto-Thcanoan)*yehe-
a (ratherthan *yaha-a) > (Wan)yahe-a 'egrets'.In otherwords, a stem change
(underlinedin the examples in 50) occurs in the plural Wananonouns:
(50) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano
Sg. P1. Sg. P1.
bee bee-a bad baae'-a
'bass'
dase dase-a dasa dase'-a
'toucan'
sebe sebe-a saba sabe-a
'paca'
yehe yehe-a yahd yahe-a
'egret'
is
There one example of an animate noun stem ending in a, bha 'macaw',
in
which pluralizes Piratapuyo and Proto-WP as described above with long
a: bdha-a. However, the same noun in Wanano,bhad, pluralizes as if it cor-
responds to a Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan stem that ends in e. In this
case, Wanano pluralization of bdha reflects a plural form developed by
analogy with the Wanano plurals such as yahea 'egrets'.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 191

(51) Proto-WP/Pir Wanano


Sg. P1. Sg. P1.
bdha bdha-a bdha bdhe-a 'macaw'
4.5. Summary of grammatical developments in Piratapuyo and
Wanano. (a) Piratapuyonominal forms have more person distinctions than
those in Wanano (see 4.1). This patternappearsto be a divergence by Pira-
tapuyo from Proto-WP, since most other Eastern Tucanoan languages are
more like Wanano in this aspect. However, more information is needed
to determine which languages are diverging from Proto-WP and Proto-
Tucanoan with reference to nominal forms. (b) Wanano has retained a set
of personal pronouns similar to those of the other Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages but has also developed a separate, though overlapping, set of pos-
sessive pronouns (see 4.2). Seven out of nine Eastern Tucanoanlanguages
maintain a single set of pronouns functioning as both personal and posses-
sive pronouns, usually adding the genitive yd ['ya] to complete the pos-
sessive. So, in this regard, Wanano appears to be the language which has
diverged from Proto-WP and Proto-Thcanoan.(c) Regardingwhen numbers
with classifiers pluralize, Wanano is more like the majority of Eastern Tu-
canoan languages, which pluralize at the number four. Wanano, therefore,
reflects Proto-WP, with Piratapuyo diverging because it pluralizes at the
numberfive (see 4.3). (d) In a small numberof nouns, Wananohas retained
Proto-WPpluralizationby reformingthe final vowel of those Wananonoun
stems (see 4.4).

5. Lexical developments in Piratapuyo and Wanano.

5.1. Piratapuyo terms are more specific than Wanano terms. Pirata-
puyo is often more lexically specific than Wanano.The examples in (52) il-
lustrate how Wananohas a single root for 'afterwards','after',and 'back (of
person)',whereas Piratapuyohas three different roots for those three mean-
ings. Similarly, the Wanano word for 'many',which does not combine with
classifiers, correspondsto a term which does take specific classifiers in Pira-
tapuyo. Five out of nine Eastern Tucanoan languages on which informa-
tion was obtained follow the Wanano patternin that they usually have one
root for 'afterwards','after',and 'back (or person)'.However, eight out of the
same nine languages follow a patternsimilar to Piratapuyowith reference to
the term for 'many' in that they have a term which takes specific classifiers.
So, one might conclude that the lexical choices in Proto-WP and Proto-
Tucanoanfor 'afterwards','after',and 'back (of person)'could be specific (as
in Piratapuyo)or not (as in Wanano). However, it is much more likely that
the Proto-Tucanoanterm for 'many' does take specific classifiers, as does

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192 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Piratapuyo,and that Wananohas diverged from Proto-Tucanoanby simpli-


fying and droppingthe requirementfor classifiers on its term for 'many'.
(52) Piratapuyo Wanano
kabe badro 'afterwards'
wad-ri bato wad-ri baaro 'after going'
beero pee badro biisee 'back (of person)'
peye wii-se pay4 wii-se 'many houses'
peyepaka yukisa pay4 biso 'many canoes'
peyekidd basd pay4 bdsa 'many people'
5.2. Piratapuyo and Wanano cognates with different meanings. In
certain instances, cognates in Piratapuyo and Wanano express related but
different meanings, while noncognates convey the other meaning. For ex-
ample, the cognate basi [mda'si] means 'person' in Piratapuyobut 'image,
idol' in Wanano.To refer to an image or idol, the Piratapuyoword is keoye
[ke'oye]. Also, the cognate yodri plht [yo'ali pi,hi] (or [yo'ali ,ph]) means
'long knife' in Piratapuyobut 'machete'in Wanano.To refer to a machete, the
Piratapuyouse dii pih [di'?ipi,hi] (lit. 'meat knife'). More examples follow:
(53) Meaning in Meaning in
Cognate Piratapuyo Wanano Noncognate
base 'person' 'image, idol'
keoye
'idol' (Pir)
bihia witi- 'to be sad' 'to grieve' kaayd-
'to be sad' (Wan)
sidfbasa- 'to pray for' 'to ask on behalf of' sidtpayo-
'to pray for' (Wan)
tuku 'room' 'cove' taatia
'room'(Wan)
yaau- 'to crow (cock)' 'explain' du-
'to crow (cock)' (Wan)
yaauruku- 'to talk' 'explain continuously' diruku-
'to talk' (Wan)
yod-ri phi 'long knife' 'machete' diiplht
'machete'(Pir)
5.3. Piratapuyo and Wanano noncognates. There are also quite a few
noncognate equivalents (over 60 nouns and verbs identified so far), as illus-
trated in:
(54) Piratapuyo Wanano
bose deko bose'dcbi 'party'
ditdra bik4pariro 'lake'

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 193

dukui beruba 'grub'


iikddo saa- k1doph- 'to endure'
kaadd ibi kdada duru 'hummingbird'(ermitaiito rufo)
kadi puutiri kaiapo taatia 'parakeet'(perico calzoncito)
kdbe-4 badro 'afterwards'
kabesa- kootota- 'to change'
kadr-rikooro kari-ri waawa 'cradle'
ku-era- biio-era- 'to be unable'
oose- dere- 'to sew'
sihoro ihi- kaa yi- 'to menstruate'
s66dddi kosaka 'tick (insect)'
soyukdasa
yuk4sa bisoka 'canoe'
Even though these terms are not cognate in Piratapuyoand Wanano, they
are cognate in some of the other Eastern Tucanoanlanguages.
The term for 'day',dek6, which is the second partof 'party'in Piratapuyo,
is cognate with Wanano datf6, which is used almost interchangeably with
di-b in Wanano, except in compound terms such as 'party'bose dibi. How-
ever, dibf does not exist in Piratapuyo.But Wanano dAbiis cognate in 11
Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Wan, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car,
Mac, Tai) and Retuarawhen simply referringto 'day'. That same term also
appears to be cognate in the four Western Tucanoan languages (Kor, Sio,
Sec, Ore). Piratapuyodek6 'day' is cognate with six Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages (Wan, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car). Tuyuca, Yuruti, Tatuyo, and Cara-
pana have both the rekd and ib- (or bi) in their terms for 'day' and are thus
cognate with both Piratapuyoand Wanano (deko and dtbt).
Piratapuyoditdra 'lake' is a cognate in Thcano, Desano, and Siriano and
may be cognate with itd bikira in Tatuyo, Carapana, and Taibano; this
phrase could also be considered cognate with Wanano biki pariro.
The term for 'sew' in Piratapuyooose- appearsto have possible cognates
in six other EasternTucanoanlanguages (Wai, Tuy, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) with
stems such as hee, ee, and ed. The Wananoterm dere is cognate to Tucano
dero, and possibly to Cubeo dare.
Piratapuyo yukisa 'canoe' has cognates in Tucano and Thyuca. The
Wanano term bisoka has no cognates in any of the other Tucanoan lan-
guages. The most common cognate for 'canoe' in seven Eastern Thcanoan
languages (Wai, Yur, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara is kimui, which
happens to mean 'bench, fallen log' in Piratapuyoand Wanano.
None of this informationon which languages share cognates with Pirata-
puyo and Wananoprovides clear evidence about whether it is Piratapuyoor
Wanano that is diverging from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoanin regard to
the lexical items in (54). More information is needed.

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194 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

5.4. Summary of lexical developments in Piratapuyo and Wanano.


Lexically, Piratapuyo has more specific meanings for some terms, while
Wananotends to use just one term for several meanings. At times, both lan-
guages have cognates which have developed differentmeanings and require
noncognates to express the shared meanings of those words (see 53). Fi-
nally, there are a numberof additionalnoncognates between Piratapuyoand
Wanano, which hinders mutual intelligibility. Even though these noncog-
nates are found to be cognates in some of the other Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages, those cognates identified so far do not provide enough evidence to
determine the comparative degree to which Piratapuyo and Wanano are
diverging lexically from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan.

6. Conclusion. Phonologically, Wanano has definitely diverged more


from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoanthan Piratapuyo, especially with the
development of a contrastive series of aspirated stops and the alveopal-
atal affricate tf as well as changes in the alveopalatal semivowel y and a
major vowel shift from e to a. Morphophonemically,Piratapuyo reflects
more alternation than Wanano in the first-person as well as in the third-
person past tense evidential verb suffixes (see n. 15), the negative verb
suffix, the third-person imperative verb suffix, and the nominalizer verb
suffix. The second-/third-personpresent tense evidential verb suffix and the
third-personsingular verb suffix are the only suffixes which reflect morpho-
phonemic alternationin both Piratapuyoand Wanano. More data is needed
to determine which of these two languages has diverged the most morpho-
phonemically from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan.Grammatically,it ap-
pears that both languages have diverged in different ways from Proto-WP.
More data is also needed to analyze furtherthe lexical divergence of these
two languages from Proto-WP and Proto-Tucanoan.I hope that this article
will encourage subsequent comparative studies of the Tucanoanlanguages
and, at least, that some of the changes observed in comparing Piratapuyo
and Wanano will add to the data already available to give further insight
into how languages tend to change.

APPENDIX A
PHONOLOGICAL STATEMENTS

Thefollowingphonologicalinformation for PiratapuyoandWananois not intended


to be exhaustivebutsimplyto substantiatethe basicphonemesandallophonesdealt
with in this article.The phonemictranscriptionsincludeglottalstops ratherthan
doublevowels,eventhoughtheglottalstophasbeenanalyzedas a vestigeof double
vowels,in orderto moreclearlyreflectthephoneticsthephonemesarerepresenting.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 195

TABLE3
Consonants Vowels
Bilabial Alveolar Velar Front Central Back
Voicelessstops p t k High i i u
Voicedstops b d g Low e a o
Continuants w y h
Sibilant s
Flap r
Pitch/stress = phonemic suprasegmental/7, /'/.
Nasalization = phonemic suprasegmental /-/.
Glottal [?] (see n. 5 in text).

A.1. Piratapuyo phonological statement. The phoneme chart for Piratapuyois


shown in table 3.
Contrasts establishing the consonant phonemes in table 3 are:
/b p/ sa?bdro 'swamp' wa?pdye 'full'
/b w/ bi^i 'piranha' wii 'house'
/t d/ ta?roki 'frog' da?p6ka 'foot'
/k g/ pak 'father' pdgi 'body'
/d r/ bidi 'arrow' dieri 'eggs'
bo?eda 'Waiow' ditdra 'lake'
pad4 'sand' pairu 'beer'
/d y/ da?poka 'foot' ya?piro 'slippery'
/d s/ dai'stringlike' sd 'thus'
/r s/ da?re- 'to make' o?se- 'to sew'
/r t/ da?re- 'to make' di?te- 'to tie'
Variants of the consonant phonemes are:
b- m [bi'?i] 'piranha' [m?'?+]'you sg.'
m occurs in the environment of a nasalized morpheme; b elsewhere.
d~n [dii'so] 'thigh' [ni'ko] 'island'
n occurs in the environment of a nasalized morpheme; d elsewhere.
g~y ['paga] 'stomach' [ka'?aja] 'near' (-ya = dim. suffix)
y occurs in the environment of a nasalized morpheme; g elsewhere.
y-p ['ya] 'mine (things)' [jia] 'nettles'
fp occurs in the environment of a nasalized morpheme; y elsewhere.
r I [uu'piri] 'teeth' [da?'rali]'(he) worked'
r (flap) occurs between like or similar vowels (e.g., front or back); I (lateral flap)
follows central or back vowels and precedes front vowels. These two phones
never occur word-initially.
I n [a?'li] 'this' [m'nii] 'we inclusive'
I occurs in an oral environment following central or back vowels, and before front
vowels; n (nasal flap) occurs in the same environment as I except only in a nasal
environment. These two phones never occur word-initially.

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196 INTERNATIONAL
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r n [we'hero] 'a paddle' [we'heno] 'killing'


r occurs between like or similar vowels (e.g., front or back); n occurs in the same
environment as r except only in a nasal environment.
Contrasts establishing the vowel phonemes in table 3 are:
/i e/ pi?6ri 'it infected' pe?6ri '(he) completed'
/i i/ pi?dye 'contagious' pi?dri '(he) kicked'
bi?f 'rat' bi?i 'piranha'
/i a/ wi? 'house' wa?d- 'to go'
/u o/ dapu 'head' dapo- 'to put down'
/e a o/ y' 'pl. poss. pron.' yd 'sg. poss. pron.',yo 'corn'
Nasalization is a suprasegmental phoneme which functions on the morpheme
level (Waltz 1981). The following examples illustrate this oral vs. nasal contrast:
ba?d [ba'?a]'bass (fish)' bad? [ma'?a]'trail, road'
bi? [bi'?i] 'piranha' bi? [m+'?t]'you sg.'
ku-ri ['kuli] 'turtle' ku-ri ['kili] '(he) put'
so?d-ri [so'?ali] '(he) sopped' s6?a-ri [s6'?ali] '(it) was red'
wehe-re [we'here] '(he) paddles' wehe-re [we'hene] '(he) kills'
Each vowel has a voiceless allophone when occurring in a prenuclear syllable
before a voiceless consonant. Even following a voiceless consonant, Piratapuyo
slightly voices the prenuclear vowel before devoicing it:
bikiro [bij'kiro] 'old man'
dapu [da#'pu] 'head'
deko [dee'ko] 'day'
ipl- [ii'pi] 'to swell'
katf- [ka#'ti] 'alive'
kose'- [kog'se] 'to wash'
bfsa [ml'sa] 'you pl.'
pekd [pee'ka] 'fire'
sukddu [su'kunui] 'lower back'
A.2. Wanano phonological statement. The phoneme chart for Wanano is
given in table 4.
Contrasts establishing the consonant phonemes in table 4 are:
/p b/ wa?pdro 'full' sa?bdro 'swamp'
/p ph/ pdro 'toy' phdro 'stomach' (see Appendix B)
/b w/ bi?4'piranha' wi?4'house'
/t d/ tu'ara'(he) is strong' dudra '(he) sells'
/t th/ td- 'to come' tha'grass'
/k g/ kori 'soup' gori 'attracting'
/k kh/ kd 'cebus monkey' khd'hawk'
/d r/ biedi 'arrow' dieri 'eggs'
bu?fdi da 'rainbow' buira 'to smoke up (e.g., house)'
yi?d6- 'cause to pass' do?ro- 'to have ocelot skin design'

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IN WANANO
INNOVATIONS 197

TABLE4
Consonants Vowels
Velar
Bilabial AlveolarAlveopalatal FrontCentralBack
Voicelessstops p t k High i i u
Voicedstops b d g Low e a o
Continuants w y h
Sibilants/Affricates s tf
Flap r
Pitch/stress = phonemic suprasegmental /7, /'/.
Nasalization = phonemic suprasegmental/-/.
Glottal [7] (see n. 5 in text).

/d y/ da?p6ro 'foot' ya?piro 'slippery'


/d s/ yi?d6- 'cause to pass' yi?s6- 'to cut'
/r s/ da?re- 'to make' ye?se- 'to be white'
/r t/ da?re- 'to make' di?te- 'to tie'
Variants of some of the consonant phonemes are:
b- m [bi'?i] 'piranha' [m?'?t]'you sg.'
m occurs in the environment of a nasalized morpheme; b elsewhere.
d~n [dij'so] 'thigh' [nj'ko] 'island'
n occurs in the environment of a nasalized morpheme; d elsewhere.
g~O [pha'?aga]'harvest (corn)!' [phi'?aa] 'cross the river!'
y occurs in the environment of a nasalized morpheme; g elsewhere.
y -~ ['ya] 'mine (things)' ['li] 'nettles'
y occurs in the environment of a nasalized morpheme;y elsewhere.
r~ ['piri] 'teeth' [da?'rali]'(he) worked?'
r occurs between like or similar vowels; I follows central or back vowels and pre-
cedes front vowels. These two phones never occur word-initially.
I n h [a?'li] 'this' [ma'ni] 'we inclusive'
I occurs in an oral environment following central or back vowels, before front
vowels; n occurs in the same environment as the 1 except only in a nasal environ-
ment. These two phones never occur word-initially.
r n [wa'haro]'paddling' [wa'hano] 'killing'
r occurs between like or similar vowels; n occurs in the same environment as the
r except only in a nasal environment (cf. 3.2.2.4; allomorphs are underlined in the
examples above).
Contrasts establishing the vowel phonemes in table 4 are:
/i e/ sf 'that' se 'oil, gasoline'
/i i/ pi?to 'mouth of river' pi?t6ro 'chief, boss'
bi?f 'rat' bii 'piranha'
/i a/ wi?i 'house' wa?d- 'to go'
/u o/ dapu 'head' dapo- 'to put down'
/e a o/ se 'oil, gasoline' sa''Let's go!' so 'bat'

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Nasalization is a suprasegmental phoneme which functions on the morpheme


level (Waltz 1981). The following examples illustrate this oral vs. nasal contrast:
ba?d [ba'?a]'bass (fish)' ba?d [ma'?a]'trail, road'
bi?i [bi'?i] 'piranha' bi7 [m?'7t]'you sg.'
ku-ri ['khuli]'turtle' ku-ri ['khili] '(he) put (it)?'
so?d- [so'?a] 'to sop' s6?d- [s6'?a] 'to be red'
wahd- [wa'ha] 'to paddle' wahd- [wa'ha] 'to kill'
The past interrogative verb suffix (underlined above) does not take nasalization.
Each vowel has a voiceless allophone when occurring in a prenuclear syllable
before a voiceless consonant. Even following a voiceless consonant, Piratapuyo
slightly voices the prenuclear vowel before devoicing it. Wanano completely de-
voices that prenuclear vowel between voiceless consonants:
bikiro [bij'kiro] 'old man'
dapu [daa'pu] 'head'
datf6 [da#'tfo] 'day'
kati- [kk'ti] 'alive'
kose- [k9'se] 'to wash'
pitfdka [pi'tfaka] 'fire'
sukudu [su'kiunu] 'lower back'
tetere- [tete're] 'to tremble'
wipi- [wi'pi] 'to swell'
Pitch stress is phonemic in Wanano but there are only a few minimal pairs in
contrast (acute accent represents high pitch and zero represents low pitch):
bikidd [bij'kina] 'insects' (lo-hi-hi)
bik4na [bii'kina] 'old people' (lo-hi-lo)
koro ['k6r6] 'rain' (hi-hi)
koro ['k6ro] 'umbrella' (hi-lo)
yoro [6ono] 'white crane' (hi-hi)
yoro ['Jon] 'mirror' (hi-lo)

APPENDIX B
CONTRASTSBETWEENUNASPIRATED
AND ASPIRATEDSTOPSIN WANANO

The following are examples of minimal and near-minimalpairs for voiceless un-
aspiratedand aspiratedstops in Wanano:
Unaspirated Aspirated
Bilabial (1) pa 'other' phda- 'to thunder'
(2) pd-ro 'other thing, toy' phd-ro 'stomach'
(3) piri 'teeth' phiri 'big'
(4) pu-ra '(he) jumps' phuru'quail'
(5) pu-ca 'blowgun' phuru'quail'
(6) putu 'coca' phUru'quail'
(7) pi-ro 'boss' phi b*iseri 'two sides'

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 199

(8) pa 'leaf' p^U'hammocks'


(9) poro 'boss (feminine)' phd 'white-tailedtrogon (bird)'
Alveolar (10) pari taro 'swamp' aari tha-ro 'this overgrownland'
(11) td-ro 'coming' thd-ro'overgrownland'
(12) td-re '(he) came' t^d-re'grass (object)'
(13) td-ra '(he) comes' tha-ra'(he) picks fruit from tree
with hooked pole'
(14) te tedo 'groundcuckoo (bird)' the 'tick (insect)'
(15) tod-ra 'to vomit' thod-ra'to sting'
(16) pari tuu 'mound' pari th 'book'
(17) tki 'mountain' tht? 'gray-wingedtrumpeter'
(18) tiu'chimono (fish)' thu kosd- 'to erase'
(19) tta-ra '(he) is strong' thud-ra'(he) stays'
(20) t6a-ri yapa 'seed' thod-ri'a sting'
(21) tiro-ta 'he specifically' tiro thoa 'he again'
(22) pari tuu 'mound' pd thuru'anothergeneration'
Velar (23) tiro kiro 'he, a respected one' tiro khiro'he, the late (who is
dead)'
(24) kd 'cebus monkey' khd'hawk'
(25) kro 'rain' kho-ra'(he) envies'
(26) kia- 'to be surprised' khid-'to have'
(27) kad 'some' khd-'to hit'
(28) kaa'some' kha'red-wingedtinamou (bird)'
(29) kod- 'to taste good' khoasee 'side (of river, etc.)'
(30) kod-re 'it desolved' khoa-re'pill (object)'
(31) ko bi?is?e 'left side' khd-ba-?a'(he) put it on floor
(frust)'
(32) kurua 'group'(postclitic) khdri'turtle'
(33) ku 'type of monkey' khu-'to put on floor'
Even though (15), (19), (20), and (26) appear to show minimal contrast, it is clear
that those examples with aspirated stops follow the rule for phonetic aspiration
(see 2.1.4.1) and, therefore, do not qualify as contrastive (e.g., phonemic). They
are listed here simply to illustrate how Wanano has developed apparentcontrasts
of unaspirated and aspirated stops even with predictable phonetic (nonphonemic)
aspiration (see n. 6 above).

APPENDIX C
PROTO-WANANO/PIRATAPUYO
Abbreviations for Eastern uTcanoan: Tuc = Tucano; Wan = Wanano; Pir = Pirata-
puyo; Proto-WP = Proto-Wanano/Piratapuyo; Wai = Waimaja;Tuy = Tuyuca; Yur =
Yuruti; Des = Desano; Sir = Siriano; Tat = Tatuyo; Car = Carapana; Mac = Macuna;
Tai = Taibano; Central Tucanoan:Ret = Retuara;Cub = Cubeo; Western Thcanoan:
Kor = Koreguaje; Sio = Siona; Sec = Secoya; Ore = Orej6n.
The following Proto-WP examples and correspondences are written with glottal
stop instead of double vowels (which representthe phonemic analysis) in order to

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200 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

allow the reader to more readily see the correspondences.Also, the allophones are
not usually written since such information is not needed to support Proto-WP
choices.
abdomen WP = *pd-(ga/Ro) (Pir) pd-ga (Wan)phd-RO.Nine Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Des, Sir, Car) have cognates. Only
Wananocontrastively aspirates the p.
agouti WP = *bu(u) (Pir) buu (Wan) bu. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan languages
have cognates. Cubeo, Retuara, and three Western Tucanoan languages also have
cognates. No information is available on Orej6n.
alive WP = *kati- (Pir) kati- (Wan) katf-. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan languages
have cognates.
anaconda, water boa WP = *pido-Ro (Pir) pido-Ro (Wan) pido-Ro. All 12
Eastern Tucanoanlanguages have cognates.
ant WP = *bekadsi-(V/iro) (Pir) bekdsi-i (Wan) bdtf-iro. Fifteen Tucanoanlan-
guages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai, Ret, Cub, Kor, Sio, Ore)
which have cognates have e as the first vowel. Only Wanano has a as the first
vowel. Ten Eastern Tucanoan languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Tat, Car,
Mac, Tai) and Retuarahave a velar stop k/g as the second consonant. Only Wanano
has tf.
armadillo WP = *pabo (Pir) pabo (Wan)pabo. Seventeen Tucanoanlanguages
have close cognates, with only Orej6n not cognate.
ash WP = *dahd (Pir) duhuad(Wan) duha. In Piratapuyo,the second u is tran-
sitional; eight Eastern Thcanoanlanguages (Tuc, Wan, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai)
have a uCa patternwithout a transitionalu, as in uCua.
at WP = *-pi (Pir) -pi (Wan) -pi. Ten Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Wan,
Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates with this postclitic.
axe WP = *kobe (Pir) kobe (Wan) k6ba. Eleven Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara have cognates
with e as a second vowel; only Wananohas a as a second vowel.
banisterium WP = *kdpi (Pir) kdpi (Wan) khdpi. All Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages and Retuara have either kdpi, gdpi, or kdhi; Western Tucanoan languages
have cognates to yahe instead. Of the Eastern Tucanoanlanguages, Wanano is the
only language to have an initial aspiratedvelar stop k^.
bat WP = *oso (Pir) oso (Wan) so. All 18 Thcanoanlanguages have cognates.
Wanano is the only one of these languages that droppedthe initial vowel.
bed WP = *kUya-(Ro/Ri kasdrio) (Pir) kuya-Ro (Wan) koa-Ri ka'sario. Cf. lie
down.
bee (honeybee/bumblebee, sg.) WP = *ubfklda (Pir) ubifktda(Wan) bikida.
Five Eastern Tucanoan languages (Tuc, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Des) and Retuara have an
initial CV or V syllable before bf- ['mi]; four others (Sir, Tat, Car, Tai) have two- or
three-syllable morphemes before bf- and are questionable as cognates. Only
Wanano droppedthe initial syllable before bf ['ml].
big WP = *pah(-(Rikiro/riro) (Pir) pahi-Rikiro (Wan) phf-riro. Nine Eastern
Tucanoan languages (Thc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have apparent
cognates and their first vowel is a. Only Wananodroppedthat first-syllable nucleus
a, resulting in the aspiratedstop ph (see 2.1.4.3).

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bite WP = *ba?kd- (Pir) ba?ke- (Wan) ba?kd-. Only Piratapuyo and Tatuyo
have the e, as in bake-. Waimaja, Tuyuca, Yuruti, and Carapanahave final a, as in
baka-, similar to Wanano. The remaining Eastern Tucanoanlanguages do not have
cognates.
black WP = *yT-di (Pir) yl-di (Wan) y(-d/. Twelve Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Cubeo
clearly have cognates. Retuara, Secoya, and Orej6n may also be cognate but not
as close.
blood WP = *di (Pir) dii (Wan) di. Eight Eastern Tucanoan languages (Tuc,
Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Tai) have cognates with double vowels. Four (Wan,
Des, Sir, Mac) and Retuarahave single vowels.
blow (into a flute/on a fire/blowing of the wind) WP = *put'- (Pir) puti- (Wan)
putt-. Twelve Eastern Tucanoanlanguages plus Retuarahave cognates.
blowgun WP = *upu- (-ga/-ka) (Pir) upu-ga (Wan) pu-ka. Eleven Eastern Tu-
canoan languages and Retuarahave an initial syllable (V or CV) before the usually
stressed syllable pu. Wananodroppedthat initial syllable. If Orej6n (hu) is cognate,
it too dropped that initial syllable.
burn (transitive/intransitive) WP = *ih4- (Pir) ihd- (Wan) h/-. Six Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Tuc, Pir, Des, Sir, Mac, Tai) have an initial unstressed vowel in
clear cognates. Only Tuyuca and Wanano dropped that initial unstressed vowel;
four languages (Wai, Yur, Tat, Car) have more distant potential cognates with only
two geminate high central nasal vowels; e.g., 4i.
cat WP = *pisdda (Pir) pisdda (Wan) pisdda. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages plus Retuara and Cubeo borrowed this term from Spanish in a very similar
form. Western TucanoanKoreguaje, Siona, and Orej6n borrowed it in a form much
closer to the Spanish term for calling a cat bLtfi.
cebus monkey WP = *ake (Pir) ake (Wan) kd. Sixteen Tucanoan languages
have cognates with an initial syllable a or ta before ke or ki. Only Wanano dropped
that initial syllable and changed the ke to kd.
charcoal WP = *dift (Pir) ditf (Wan) ditt All 12 Eastern Tucanoan languages
have very close cognates. Cubeo also appearsto have a cognate.
chicha WP = *peyuru (Pir) peru' (Wan) payuru. Tucano and Piratapuyo both
have peru', Desano and Siriano peydru. Tuyucapeyu'ru(assimilation) probably de-
veloped later. So peru probablycame from peydru, which went to peyuru in Tuyuca
and to payuiru in Wanano. Proto-Tucanoanwould be *peydru; so the sequence
would be: peydru (Des, Sir) > peyu'ru(Tuy) peru'(Tuc, Pir); then (Proto-Tucanoan)
*peydru (Proto-WP) > *peyuru > payuru (Wanano after vowel shift).
chili pepper WP = *bid (Pir) bid (Wan) bid. Seventeen Tucanoan languages
have this same term for 'chili pepper';Koreguajehas pia.
chonta palm WP = *ire-yo (Pir) 1re-yo (Wan) ire-6. All EasternTucanoanlan-
guages which have classifier cognates (y6/w6 'palm tree' classifier) with this have a
semivowel (y/w) at the onset of that classifier, between the two final vowels. Only
Wanano does not. Siona, Secoya, and Orej6n do not express this term with a
classifier (see 2.3.3.3).
clouds at rest WP = *bue'-ri(Pir) bue-ri (Wan) but-ri. Five Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Pir, Wai, Car, Mac, Tai) have e as the second vowel in this cognate.

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Wanano has i as the second vowel. Other Tucanoanlanguages appearto have non-
cognates here; informationon some is not available for this term. See fog.
coca WP = *pdtu (Pir) pdtu (Wan) putu. Seven Eastern Thcanoan languages
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car) and Cubeo have cognates with a as the first
vowel. Only Wananohas u as the first vowel, probably due to assimilation. The re-
maining four EasternTucanoanlanguages (Des, Sir, Mac, Tai) do not have cognates
for 'coca'.
come WP = *a?td- (Pir) a?td- (Wan) td-. Nine Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Wan, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) and Retuara have cognates and all
except Wanano and Carapanahave an initial syllable before the nuclear CV sylla-
ble, usually the vowel a or a?. Wanano dropped that initial syllable; only Retuara
has initial i?. If Cubeo (dd-), Koreguaje(rdi-), Siona and Orej6n (ddi-) are cognate,
then those languages also dropped an initial syllable. However, it is questionable
whether they are cognate.
cooking pot (metal pot/common clay pot) WP = *sutu (Pir) sutu (Wan) situ.
Ten Eastern Tucanoanlanguages plus Retuara, Koreguaje, Siona, Secoya, and Ore-
j6n have cognates. Eight EasternTucanoanlanguages (Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car,
Mac, Tai), Retuara, and the Western Tucanoan languages have a back vowel o/u
as the first vowel. One (Tuc) has high a central vowel i as the first vowel. Only
Wananohas a high front vowel i in that position.
crocodile WP = *isO (Pir) iso (Wan) so. Nine Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tic, Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuarahave cognates with an ini-
tial syllable before the nuclear CV syllable (so/ho/hu). Only Wanano droppedthat
initial syllable.
cultivated clearing WP = *wese (Pir) wese (Wan) wese. Ten EasternTucanoan
languages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates as well
as four Western Tucanoanlanguages (Kor, Sio, Sec, Ore). Only Central Thcanoan
terms do not have cognates.
dark WP = *dafttia- (Pir) da~tda- (Wan) da?ftid-. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan
languages have cognates as well as Retuara.
day WP = *deko (Pir) deko (Wan) datfd. Six EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc,
Pir, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car) have k at onset of the second syllable. Only Wanano has
tf there. Those same six languages have front vowels e/i as the vowel in the first
syllable of dek6/rek6. Only Wananohas a in that position.
deer WP = *yaba (Pir) yaba (Wan) yaba. Seventeen Tucanoanlanguages have
the same term for deer, with only the Orej6n term not being cognate.
dig WP = *se?e- (Pir) se?e- (Wan) sa?d-. Only four Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tic, Wan, Pir, Des) have cognates and Tucano, Piratapuyo, and Desano
have e as the first vowel. Only Wanano has a for both vowels. Desano has a as its
second vowel: se?d-.
doorway WP = *sope-(ka?a/ka) (Pir) sope-ka?a (Wan) sopd-ka. Nine Eastern
Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuarahave
cognates sope/hope ratherthan sopd, as in Wanano.
drink WP = *si?d- (Pir) si?df- (Wan) si?df-. Eight EasternTucanoanlanguages
(Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir) have close cognates; four (Tat, Car, Mac,
Tai) are possible cognates; e.g., (Tat, Car) eti, (Mac, Tai) id.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 203

drink! WP = *si?dc-yd (Pir) si?dl-ya (Wan) si?di-ga [si?'ni-ira].Eight Eastern


Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Des, Sir) have close cognates
here. See go! regardingthe proto-form for the imperative suffix -ya.
earth (dirt/earth) WP = *ye?pd (Pir) ye?pa' (Wan) ya?pd Eight Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) have e as the first vowel.
Tucano also has the term ye?pa'with a much more limited meaning and use. Only
Wananohas a as the first vowel.
eat! WP = *i?yd-ya (Pir) i?yd-ya (Wan) tfi-ga. Three Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Pir, Tat, Car) which have cognates have an initial vowel/syllable; three lan-
guages (Wan, Tuy, Yur) droppedthat initial vowel/syllable. In the process, Wanano
developed tf (see 2.2). Six Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Wai, Des, Sir, Mac,
Tai) and Retuara do not have cognates at all. That is, each one begins with bd-,
which is clearly not cognate with *i?yd-. See go! regarding the proto-form for the
imperative suffix.
eye WP = *kape'-(a/riaka) (Pir) kape-a (Wan) kapd-riaka. Nine Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates and
have e as the second vowel. Only Wananohas a as the second vowel.
father (referent/vocative) WP = *paki (Pir) paki (Wan)piki. All Tucanoanlan-
guages have cognates with a as the first vowel except Wanano, which has i.
fear WP = *kui- (Pir) kue- (Wan) kui-. Eleven Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Wan, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates with i as the
second vowel; only Piratapuyohas e.
fingernail WP = *wabo se-ro (Pir) 6bo se-Ro (Wan) wabo se-Ro. Eleven East-
ern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Tai) and
Retuara have cognates to se-Ro, which obviously came from ka?sd-Ro/ka?se-Ro
'skin, bark',since Waimaja,Yuruti, Siriano, Taibano,and possibly other EasternTu-
canoan languages actually end with forms similar to that; e.g., kahe'ro(Wai), gasiro
(Sir). See hand.
fire WP = *pekd (Pir) pekd (Wan) pitfdka. Five Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur) and Retuarahave cognates with k as a second consonant.
Only Wanano has tf as a second consonant. Six languages (Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac,
Tai) dropped the second consonant. Eleven Eastern Tucanoanlanguages and Retu-
ara have e as the first vowel. Only Wananohas i as the first vowel.
fishnet WP = *weye-(ki/Ro) (Pir) weye-ki (Wan) wayf-Ro. Three Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Thc, Pir, Des) and possibly Retuarahave cognates, both vowels
being e. Also, Wanano has a cognate with a as its first vowel, similar to the vowel
change in waha- 'to kill'.
fish WP = *wa?i (Pir) wa?f (Wan) wa?i. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan languages,
Retuara, and three Western Tucanoanlanguages (Kor, Sio, Sec) have almost exact
cognates for 'fish'.
flesh (as used with a piece of meat, i.e., not generic) WP = *di?i-Ro(Pir) di?i-Ro
(Wan) di?i-Ro.All 12 Eastern Tucanoanlanguages and Retuarahave cognates.
fly WP = *w*- (Pir) wi- (Wan) w#-. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan languages and
Retuara have cognates. Seven languages (Tuc, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Tat, Car) have
double geminate vowels, as in w"-; five (Wan, Pir, Sir, Mac, Tai) and Retuarahave
single vowels, as in w#-.

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204 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

fog WP = *bue-ri (Pir) bue-ri (Wan) bui-ri. Five Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Pir, Wai, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates with e as a second vowel. Only Wananohas
i as a second vowel. Tucano has a verb which involves 'firing a clay pot'. In one
Brazilian dialect of Tucano, a form of bue means 'fog'. Siriano is the other Eastern
Tucanoanlanguage which has i as a second vowel but for a verb bui-ri '(smoke/fog)
rises'. The Taibano term for 'smoke' is bue-ri, as is the second part of the Macuna
term for 'smoke' hea bue-ri.
foot WP = *da?p6-(ro/kd) (Pir) da?p6-ka (Wan) da?po-ro. Eight Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Tuc, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have i as a first vowel;
two languages (Des, Sir) have u. Only Wanano and Piratapuyohave a.
front teeth, incisors WP = *upiri (Pir) upiri (Wan) pfri. Seven Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Tat, Car) and Retuara which have cog-
nates have an initial back vowel u/o. Only Wananodroppedthat initial vowel.
fruit WP = *dikd (Pir) dikd (Wan) ditfd. Seven Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Wan, Wai, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara have cognates with i as the first
vowel. Only Piratapuyoand Tucano have i. All Eastern Thcanoanlanguages which
have cognates for 'fruit' have the velar k as the second consonant, except for
Wanano, which has tf.
give WP = *o?6- (Pir) o?6- (Wan) wd-. Three Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Pir, Des) have cognates with an initial o; four languages (Wan, Des, Tat, Car)
droppedthat initial vowel. Desano has both the single 6- and the double o?6- forms.
The choice of a proto-formis somewhat inconclusive, though the choice of o rather
than a is clear since only the Wananoterm has an a for its nucleus.
go! WP = *wa?d-ya (Pir) wa?d-ya (Wan) wa?d-ga. Ten Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Mac, Tai) have cognates with wa?d-/
wd(a)-. Four of these (Tuc, Pir, Tuy, Yur) have the command form -ya. Only
Wananohas -ga.
good (adj.) WP = *ke?doa- (Pir) ke?doa- (Wan) doa-. Six Eastern Thcanoan
languages (Wan, Pir, Des, Sir, Mac, Tai) have probable cognates; two of those
(Mac, Tai) have a similar initial syllable as that in Piratapuyoke?-. Desano and Sir-
iano droppedthat initial syllable and the following d [n] (which Wan, Pir, Mac, and
Tai all have), resulting in oa- and 6?a- for Desano and Siriano respectively. Six
Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car) appearto have noncog-
nates with Wanano and Piratapuyo, since the Proto-Thcanoanform for those lan-
guages is *dyu-. Retuara, Cubeo, and the WesternTucanoanlanguages do not have
cognates to either of the Eastern Tucanoanterms for 'good'.
gourd (drinking gourd) WP = *wahd-ga (Pir) wahd-ga (Wan) wahd-ka. Three
Eastern Thcanoanlanguages (Pir, Wai, Tuy) have the classifier -ga. Only Wanano
has -ka. Four languages (Tuc, Tat, Car, Tai) have -ro. Others do not have cognates.
grass WP = *td (Pir) td (Wan) thd. Eleven Eastern Tucanoanlanguages, Retu-
ara, Siona, and Orej6n have an initial unaspiratedalveolar stop t. Only Wananoand
Koreguajehave a phonemic initial aspiratedalveolar stop th. Six Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Des, Sir, Mac) have a single vowel and six (Wai, Thy,
Yur, Tat, Car, Tai) have double vowels aa. Retuara, Koreguaje, Siona, and Orej6n
have two syllables with two consonants; e.g., tayd.
grease WP = *i?se (Pir) i?se (Wan) se. Eleven EasternTucanoanlanguages and
Retuarahave cognates with initial vowel(s)/syllable, which only Wanano dropped.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 205

hammock WP = *pdo (Pir) p6do (Wan)pIdo. Ten EasternTucanoanlanguages


(Tuc, Wai, Tly, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have iuas the first vowel. Wanano
and Piratapuyo have K.
hand WP = *wabo-(baka/ka) (Pir) obo-ka (Wan) wdbo-baka. Five Eastern
Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Mac, Tai) have cognates which begin with the
vowel (o/a) and five Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Wan, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car) begin
with the consonant w. Only Desano and Siriano retainedthe second syllable as their
first syllable and have ho as a second syllable; the choice of initial consonant w for
Proto-WP is made by analogy with other examples where Piratapuyo dropped w;
e.g., (Pir) ipt- vs. (Wan) wipi- 'to swell up' (see 2.3.1). More information is needed
here.
hear WP = *ti?6- (Pir) ti?6- (Wan) ti?6-. Eight Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Car, Mac) have cognates here. Five Eastern Tu-
canoan languages, Retuara, Cubeo, and the four Western Tucanoanlanguages have
cognates to totally different proto-forms: (Des, Sir) pe-, (Tat) api-, (Tai) ahi-, (Ret)
damtiti-ri-ka,(Cub) hdpia-, (Kor) dsa-, (Sio) atfd-hi, (Sec) asa-hi, (Ore) asd-yi.
heavy WP = *dcki- (Pir) dikA-(Wan) dick-. All 12 Eastern Tucanoanlanguages
have close cognates. Retuara, Cubeo, and the three Western Tucanoan languages
also have close cognates (data not available on Secoya).
here WP = *6?6 (Pir) 6?o (Wan) o. Three Eastern Tucanoan languages (Pir,
Des, Sir) and Retuara, which have cognates, have an initial unstressed vowel.
Wanano drops that initial syllable. Terms for 'here' in other Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages (Tuc, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) are not clearly cognate (a?to, ado,
dti).
hold WP = *kio- (Pir) kid- (Wan) kid- [khi'a]. Six Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Yur, Car, Tai) with cognates have a second vowel o; only
Wanano has a. Also, apparently only Wanano has the phonetic aspiration on the
velar stop [kh].
hot (to be hot) WP = *asf- (Pir) asi- (Wan) si-. Eleven Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) plus Cubeo have cog-
nates which begin with a before the second CV syllable. Retuara has an i as its
initial vowel. Only Wanano drops that initial syllable.
house WP = *wi?i (Pir) wi?i (Wan) wi?i. Ten EasternTucanoanlanguages (Thc,
Wai, Tly, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuarahave cognates with i as the
vowel(s). Only Wanano and Piratapuyohave the high central i.
howler monkey WP = *ebo (Pir) ebo (Wan) ebu. Five Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages (Tic, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur) have cognates which end with o rather than u.
Wanano is the only Eastern Thcanoanterm ending with u. Western Tucanoanlan-
guages and Cubeo terms also end with u.
hummingbird WP = *wlbi (Pir) ibi((Wan) wibt. All 12 other EasternTucanoan
languages have cognates with an initial consonant in the first syllable. Only Pirata-
puyo dropped that initial consonant.
I WP = *yi? (Pir) yi?4(Wan) yi?. All 18 Tucanoanlanguages have close cog-
nates. The nine Tucanoanlanguages which have a glottal stop (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Des,
Sir, Ret, Kor, Sio, Sec) have two syllables in this word. The rest have one syllable.
intestines WP = *ki?tdblst da (Pir) ki?tdbisl da (Wan) ti b1si da. Eleven East-
ern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and

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206 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Retuara have cognates with an initial syllable (before -ta, -da-, or -ra in the first
morpheme). Wananodroppedthat initial syllable.
island WP = *d&ki6(Pir) dakio (Wan) diko. The loss of the i in Wananois pos-
tulated as a result of stress on the second syllable 6. Six EasternTucanoanlanguages
(Tuc,Pir, Tuy,Yur, Des, Sir) with cognates have t ratherthan6 in the second syllable.
jaguar WP = *ydi-Ro (Pir) ydi-Ro (Wan) ydi-Ro. All 18 Tucanoan languages
have cognates here; 16 have very close cognates; two (Des, Sir) have slightly differ-
ent cognates: ye.
kill WP = *wehe- (Pir) wehe- (Wan) waha-. Only five Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Des, Sir) have cognates here and Wanano is the only one
with geminate a vowels rather than geminate e vowels. Seven other Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara could possibly
have distant cognates but, if so, have gone through more radical changes; e.g.,
(Wai) hid-, (Tuy, Yur, Mac, Tai) sia-, (Tat) h'a, (Car)pd-had, (Ret) had-ri-ka.
knife (classifier for sharp object) WP = (di?i/yi?sori) *pih) (Pir) ... pihl
(Wan)... phi. All 12 EasternTucanoanlanguages have possible cognates as well as
Retuara;only Tucano and Wananohave a phonemic aspiratedbilabial ph.
know WP = *basf- (Pir) bast- (Wan) basl-. Twelve Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have almost
exactly the same cognates and three Western Tucanoan languages (Kor, Sio, Sec)
also have very close cognates.
lie down WP = *kuya- (Pir) kayd- (Wan) kdo-. Seven Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir) have cognates here. Four of them (Tuc,
Pir, Des, Sir) have transitionaly; Wanano, Tuyuca, and Yuruti do not. The Yuruti
term is not nasalized at all.
long WP = *yod- (Pir) yod- (Wan) yod-. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan languages
and Retuarahave almost identical cognates.
lower leg WP = *ylkd (Pir) yekd (Wan) yttfj/yitt. Nine Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages (Pir, Wai, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara, which have cog-
nates, have a velar stop k/g as the second consonant. Only Wanano has tf in that
position. Nine Eastern Tucanoan languages (Wan, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Car,
Mac, Tai) and Retuarahave i as the first syllable vowel. This includes one dialect of
Wanano which also has i, as in yitf. Depending on the speaker, the first vowel can
also be i, e, or i in Tuyuca.
macaw WP = *baha (Pir) baha (Wan) bdha. Twelve Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai), Cubeo, and
three Western Tucanoan languages (Kor, Sio, Ore) have close cognates. No infor-
mation is available on Secoya.
male WP = *ibY-(Ro)(Pir) WbZ-Ro (Wan) bt-Ro. Eleven Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages, Retuara,Cubeo, Koreguaje,Siona, and Orej6nhave cognates with an initial
vowel before the nuclear syllable with b [m]. Only Wanano dropped that initial
vowel.
manioc flour WP = *po?kd wetd (Pir) po?kd wetd (Wan) po?kd wete. Eleven
Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Thc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Tai, Ret)
have wetd or a form close to that; but Wananohas wate.
manioc WP = *ki (Pir) ki (Wan) khi. All 12 Eastern Thcanoan languages and
Retuarahave cognates here, but only Wanano and Piratapuyohave the vowel i; the

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 207

rest have the high front i. Among the Eastern Tucanoan languages, only Wanano
has an aspirated velar stop kh;the rest reflect an unaspiratedvelar stop k. Western
TucanoanKoreguaje also has an aspiratedvelar stop k^.
milk WP = *opek6 (Pir) opko6 (Wan) petfo. Eleven Eastern Ticanoan lan-
guages and Retuarahave cognates with an initial unstressed vowel o, u, or a. Only
Wanano droppedthe initial vowel. Ten Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Wai,
Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Tai) and Retuarakept k as the second consonant (Ma-
cuna has a g). Only Wanano changed that consonant to tf. Four Western Tucanoan
languages (Kor, Sio, Sec, Ore) have an initial unstressed o but no nasalization, as is
found in all of the EasternTucanoanlanguages, and no second morphemereferring
to 'water,juice'; e.g., ko/k6. Cubeo is also cognate without nasalization but with the
ko morpheme:ope-ko.
miriti palm WP = *de?~-y6 (Pir) de?e-yo (Wan) dd?d-6. All Tucanoan lan-
guages except Wanano have cognates with e as a first, and usually a second, vowel
in this morpheme. Only Wanano has a. Cf. chonta palm regarding the final
classifier morpheme -y6/-6.
mosquito WP = *bitt-(iro) (Pir) b~te (Wan) bi~t-iro. All 18 Tucanoan lan-
guages have cognates.
mother (referent/vocative) WP = *pak6 (Pir) pako (Wan) poko. Seventeen Tu-
canoan languages have cognates with a as the first vowel. Only Wanano has o due
to assimilation.
mouth WP = *dise-ro (Pir) dise-Ro (Wan) dise-Ro. Eight Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Wan, Pir, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara have initial d or r.
Four Eastern Tucanoan languages (Tuc, Wai, Tuy, Yur) dropped the initial conso-
nant (d/r).
name WP = *wabe (Pir) wabe (Wan) wabd. Nine Eastern Tucanoanlanguages
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara have cognates with e as
the second vowel; two (Des, Sir) have i. Only Wananohas a as its second vowel in
this term.
navel WP = *s!bL-(a/ka) (Pir) sib-ad (Wan) sibi-ka. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan
languages, Retuara, and Cubeo have cognates.
near WP = *ka?d-(gd/kd) (Pir) ka?d-gd (Wan) ka?d-ka. Only Wanano and
Piratapuyohave cognates, and possibly Carapana.With regard to final diminutive
-ga vs. -ka, four (Tuc, Wan, Wai, Car) have -ka/-ka and five (Pir, Tuy, Yur, Des,
Sir) have -ga/gd.
new WP = *wd?ba- (Pir) wd?ba- (Wan) wd?ba-. All 12 Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages have cognates, as do Retuara, Cubeo, and all four Western Tucanoan lan-
guages (Kor, Sio, Sec, Ore). Only five (Wan, Pir, Wai, Tat, Car) begin the cognate
portion of 'new' with w. The rest begin with a bilabial nasal [m], allophone to b.
night WP = *ydbl (Pir) ydb~ (Wan) ydbi. All 18 Tucanoanlanguages have the
same term for 'night'.
nose WP = *e?ke(d/Ro) (Pir) e?ke-a (Wan) ki-Ro. Eleven Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates
with an initial (usually unstressed) vowel/syllable. Only Wanano dropped that
syllable.
old woman WP = *biki6-ro (Pir) bikio-Ro (Wan) biko-Ro. Eight Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Tai) which have close cognates

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208 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

reflect the high central vowel i as the first vowel in the second syllable; e.g., bikid-.
Only Wanano and Macuna droppedthat vowel, as in bik6-.
one WP = *di?kd (Pir) di?ka (Wan) k?. Seven Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car) and Retuara have cognates which end with a.
Only the Wanano term ends with i. Also, all except Wanano have two syllables
(see 4.3).
other WP = *ape- (Pir) ape- (Wan)pa-. Six Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc,
Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Car), Retuara,and Cubeo have an initial unstressedvowel. Only
Wanano drops that vowel. The other Eastern Tucanoanlanguages do not have cog-
nates with this term.
otter WP = *didyo?o (Pir) didyo?o (Wan) dieyo?o. Nine Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara have did or rid
'river'as the first part of this term. Only Wanano changed a to e, as in die'-.
owl WP = *wipi pakb (Pir) ipi pakb (Wan) wipi pokb. Ten Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Tuc, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates with ini-
tial b; Wanano has an initial w. Only Piratapuyo dropped the initial consonant.
Three EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Tuy) have a as the third vowel as part
of a morpheme meaning 'mother'.Six EasternTucanoanlanguages (Wan, Pir, Wai,
Tat, Car, Tai) have o as the third vowel as part of the same morpheme 'mother'.
Cf. mother, which is the reason for the Proto-WP choice of pako.
paca WP = *sebe (Pir) sebe (Wan) saba. All 18 Tucanoan languages have
cognates here and 17 of them have e as their two vowels. Only Wanano has a for
both vowels.
paddle WP = *wehe-ro (Pir) wehe-Ro(Wan) wehe-Ro.All 12 EasternTucanoan
languages have cognates. Retuaraalso appearsto have a cognate.
palm leaf for thatching a roof WP = *bahl (Pir) buhlt (Wan) bahl. All 18
Tucanoanlanguages have cognates.
parrot WP = *wek6 (Pir) weko (Wan) watfo. Sixteen Thcanoanlanguages (Thc,
Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai, Cub, Kor, Sio, Sec, Ore) have e as
the first vowel. Only Wanano has a. The same (16) Thcanoanlanguages have k as
the second consonant. Only Wananohas tf there. The Retuaraterm does not appear
to be cognate.
path, trail WP = *ba?d (Pir) ba?d (Wan) ba?a. All 18 Tucanoan languages
have cognates.
people WP = *basa (Pir) basa (Wan) basa. All 12 EasternThcanoanlanguages
have cognates here. Four WesternThcanoanlanguages have possible cognates.
pierce WP = *yose- (Pi) yose- (Wan) yosa-. Three EasternTucanoanlanguages
(Tuc, Pir, Des) which have cognates have e as a second vowel. Only Wananohas a.
Other Tucanoanlanguages have terms which are noncognate.
piranha WP = *bi? (Pir) bi?f (Wan) bi?i. Eight Eastern Thcanoan languages
(Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Tat, Car) have close cognates. The rest of the Tu-
canoan languages do not have cognates.
pull (pull canoe by hand) WP = *wehe- (Pir) wehe- (Wan) wahd-. Six Eastern
Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Mac) have apparentcognates and five
of those have e as the first vowel. Four (Tuc, Pir, Thy, Yur) have e as the second
vowel and Macuna has a as one of its vowels. Only Wananohas a for both vowels.

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 209

rain WP = *ak6-ro (Pir) akd-Ro (Wan) k6-Ro.Cf. 'water'.


rainbow WP = *bu?edi da (Pir) bu?edi da (Wan) butdi[ da. Nine Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates with
e as a second vowel. Three (Wan, Des, Sir) have i as a second vowel.
rapids WP = *poe(ye) (Pir) peo (Wan) podye. Eight Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have poe, hoe, or poowea. The
Wanano second vowel shifted to pod-ye. Piratapuyometathesized the vowels (ped).
rattle WP = *yasa-ga (Pir) yasa-ga (Wan) yasa-ka. Four Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur) which have suffixes have the classifier -ga. Only
Wanano has -ka.
red WP = *so?d- (Pir) sO?d- (Wan) so?d-. Ten Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara have fairly close
cognates.
river WP = *did (Pir) did (Wan) did. All 18 Tucanoan languages have
cognates.
rotten WP = *baa- (Pir) a?bda- (Wan) bda-. Nine Eastern Tucanoanlanguages
(Tuc, Wan, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) have cognates which do not have an
initial vowel, unlike Piratapuyo, which is the only language with an initial un-
stressed vowel. This may have developed by analogy with other initial unstressed
vowels; but Retuarahas an initial syllable ra- before the possible cognate indicator
ba-. Waimaja,Tuyuca, Yuruti, Desano, Siriano, Tatuyo, and Carapanaall have cog-
nates similar to bod-. It is likely that Proto-Eastern-Tucanoanis *boa-.
rub, to plane (with carpenter'splane) WP = *tuhu de- (Pir) tuhu de- (Wan) thu'
dd-. At least nine Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des,
Sir, Mac) have cognates. Only Wanano has a contrastive aspirated stop. In the last
morpheme (de- 'take') e is preferable, since the a shifted from e in Wanano (see
2.4.2.1). Only Wanano and Piratapuyo appear to be cognate in the second mor-
pheme de-Ida- 'to take'. More information is needed on other Tucanoanlanguages
regardingthis term.
saliva WP = *si?kd ko (Pir) si?k6 ko (Wan) tfa?tf6 ko. Six Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Tuc, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car) have a high central i as an initial un-
stressed vowel. Three EasternTucanoanlanguages (Pir, Des, Sir) and Retuarahave
i as the first vowel in a CV syllable. Only Wanano has a as the first unstressed
vowel. A total of 11 languages have cognates. Regarding the tf, see 2.2.1.
seat, stool (seat/Thcanobench) WP = *kiub(-Ro) (Pir) kubu-Ro(Wan) kiub-Ru.
Nine EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have
cognates which end with o. Only the Wanano term ends with u.
see WP = *iyad- (Pir) i?ya- (Wan) y1-. Eight Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc,
Pir, Wai, Tuy, Des, Sir, Car, Tai) and Retuarahave initial vowels before the second
syllable a. Only Wanano droppedinitial i/i? and changed a to i (see 2.4.2.2).
shin WP = *yeka-(i/kf) ko?a (Pir) yekad ko?d (Wan) ytjfki ko?d. Eight Eastern
Tucanoan languages (Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) have a as the second
vowel. Three Eastern Tucanoan languages (Wan, Mac, Tai) have i as the second
vowel. Tucano has ad in its nuclear syllable. See leg regarding second consonant k
vs. tf. Six Eastern Tucanoan languages (Wan, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir) have initial
velar k or g where cognate with ko? 'bone'.Four EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc,

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210 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Wai, Tat, Car) begin ko?d 'bone' with a vowel but no velar consonant; e.g., o67
(Tuc).
sing WP = *basd- (Pir) basa- (Wan) basd-. Twelve Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages have cognates. The Retuaraterm for 'song' is baya, also a possible cognate.
If Western Tucanoanlanguages are cognate, they are very distant.
sit WP = *duhi- (Pir) duhi- (Wan) duhi-. Nine Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac) have cognates.
skin WP = *ka?se-ro (Pir) ka?se-Ro(Wan) ka?sd-Ro.Eleven Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Tai, Ret) have e as a second
vowel. Only Wananohas a as a second vowel.
sky WP = *?bd'a-ro (Pir) ?bd'a-Ro(Wan) b'a-Ro. Ten Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Tai) have cognates which have
an initial vowel/syllable i or i?. Only Wananodroppedthat vowel/syllable.
sleep WP = *karl- (Pir) kari- (Wan) karl-. All 12 Eastern Tucanoanlanguages
have very close cognates. Even Retuara, Cubeo, and the four Western Tucanoan
languages also have more distant cognates but three have dropped the second con-
sonant; e.g., (Sio, Sec, Ore) kai-(hi/yi).
sleep! WP = *karf-ya (Pir) kart-ya (Wan) karf-ga [ka'nl-ra]. Twelve Eastern
Tucanoan languages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai)
have cognates with karf-. Nine (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have
-yd as their command form. Only Wananohas -ga [rja].
small (person) WP = *be?-(dikiro/riro)-ga (Pir) be?-dikiro-gd (Wan) ba?d-
riro-kd. Six Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Wai, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir) which have
cognates here have e (or i) as the first vowel(s). Wananohas a. See near regarding
the diminutive -gd/-kd.
smell (transitive; smell something) WP = *whif- (Pir) wlhd- (Wan) wlhf-. All
12 Eastern Tucanoanlanguages, Retuara,and Cubeo have cognates.
smoke WP = *6obe (Pir) 6?be (Wan) be. Five Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Des) and Retuara appear to have cognates and have initial
vowel(s) before b [m]. Wananoand Siriano have droppedthat vowel. Other Eastern
Tucanoanlanguages do not have cognates with this term. See fog.
smooth WP = *ya?pf- (Pir) ya?pf- (Wan) ya?p'-. Ten Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) appearto have cognates.
snake WP = *dya (Pir) dyca(Wan) aga [a'ia]. Seventeen Tucanoan languages
have aya for 'snake';only Wananohas dga [ana].
spider monkey WP = *wa?u (Pir) wa?u (Wan) wa?u. Seventeen Thcanoanlan-
guages have close cognates. Only Orejon may not have a cognate.
spider WP = *wipi (Pir) ip4 (Wan) wip. Ten EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc,
Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have an initial b. Retuara and Cubeo
have an initial p. Koreguaje, Siona, and Orej6n have an initial h. Only Piratapuyo
drops the initial consonant.
star WP= *ya?pfk6?a-(gd/ka) (Pir) yd?pfko?d-ga (Wan) ya?pftfo?a-kd. Ten
Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have
k as the second or third consonant; only Wananohas tf in that position. See near re-
garding the diminutive -gd/-kd.
stomach WP = *pd-(ga/Ro) (Pir) pda-ga (Wan)phd-Ro.Nine EasternTucanoan
languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) have cognates with an initial

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 211

unaspiratedp. Only Wanano has a contrastive aspiratedph. Six languages (Wan,


Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) have a single vowel in the initial stressed syllable; four
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy) have double geminate vowels.
stone WP = *itd (Pir) itd (Wan) ta-ka. Eleven Eastern Tucanoan languages,
Retuara, and Orej6n have an initial syllable before the ta(i/gi/a/a). Only Wanano
droppedthat syllable. Cubeo, Koreguaje,and Siona may have cognates but they are
distant.
suck (suck on fruit/action of hummingbird) WP = *w7bf- (Pir) ?bf- (Wan)
wi7bf-. Five Eastern Tucanoan languages (Tuc, Wan, Des, Sir, Tai), Retuara, and
Koreguaje have an initial bilabial consonant (b/w). Only Piratapuyo dropped that
consonant.
sweet potato WP = *yapf (Pir) ydpf (Wan) ydpl. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan
languages plus Retuara and Cubeo are cognate here. No information is available
on Western Tucanoanfor this term.
swell WP = *wipi- (Pir) ipi- (Wan) wipi-. Eleven Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Wan, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuara, which have
cognates, manifest an initial bilabial consonant b/p/w. Only Piratapuyodroppedthe
initial consonant.
swim WP = *bd- (Pir) bd- (Wan) bd-. Twelve EasternTucanoanlanguages and
Retuari have cognates. Eight of them (Thc, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Tat, Car, Tai) have
two geminate vowels (bda-) and five (Wan, Pir, Sir, Mac, Ret) have single vowels
(bd-).
tail WP = *piko-ro (Pir) piko-Ro (Wan)pitfo-Ro. Eleven Eastern Tucanoanlan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai), Retuara,and Cubeo
plus four Western Tucanoanlanguages have k as the consonant for the second syl-
lable. Only Wanano has tf in that position.
tapir WP = *weki (Pir) weki (Wan) watfi. Sixteen Tucanoan languages have
wekf or beki. The Retuara term also seems to contain a cognate (wai bikira-ka).
Wanano is the only cognate with a for its first vowel. Also, 17 Tucanoan lan-
guages have k as the second consonant; Wananois the only language with tf in that
position.
that WP = *st- (Pir) st- (Wan) si. Seven Eastern Tucanoan languages (Tuc,
Wan, Pir, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) and Retuaraclearly have cognates.
there WP = *so?o-pi (Pir) s6?6-pi (Wan) s6?6-pi. At least eight Eastern Tu-
canoan languages (Tuc, Wan, Pir, Tuy, Des, Sir, Tat, Car) have cognates.
thou WP = *bi4 (Pir) bti (Wan) bif4. All 18 Thcanoan languages have close
cognates here. Those nine Tucanoan languages which have the glottal stop (Tuc,
Wan, Pir, Des, Sir, Ret, Kor, Sio, Sec) have two syllables in this word; the rest of
the Tucanoanlanguages have one syllable.
three WP = *i?tid (Pir) i?tid (Wan) tid. Nine EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc,
Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have cognates which have an initial pre-
consonant syllable. Only Wanano dropped that syllable. Desano and Siriano (i ?re)
may not have cognates.
throw (throw a rock/throwaway) WP = *dokd- (Pir) doke- (Wan) dokd-. Only
TucanomatchesPiratapuyowith the second vowel e. Five EasternTucanoanlanguages
(Wan, Yur, Tat, Car, Tai) which have cognates have a as the second vowel. Other
Tucanoanlanguages seem to have noncognates for 'throw'.

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212 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

thunder WP = *wip6 (Pir) ipo (Wan) wipo. Eleven Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Wan, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuarahave an
initial consonant b or w. Only Piratapuyodroppedthat consonant.
tobacco WP = *bi?d6 (Pir) bi?d6 (Wan) bi?d6. All 12 Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages and Retuara have cognates here. Three of the four Western Tucanoan lan-
guages (Kor, Sio, Ore) also have cognates, but there is no informationon Secoya.
tongue WP = *ye?be-ro (Pir) ye?be-Ro (Wan) ye?be-Ro. All 12 Eastern Tu-
canoan languages and Retuara have cognates. All except Wanano have e as their
stem vowels. Desano and Siriano have e as the first and 1 as a second vowel but are
questionable as to whether they are, in fact, cognates.
tooth WP = *upiria-(ka) (Pir) upiria (Wan) piria-ka. Eight Eastern Tucanoan
languages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Ret) have an initial unstressed vowel.
Only Wanano dropped that vowel. Four Eastern Tucanoan languages (Des, Sir,
Mac, Tai) do not appearto have cognates for 'tooth'.
toucan WP = *dase (Pir) dase (Wan) dasd. Nine Eastern Tucanoanlanguages
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) and Retuarahave e as a second vowel;
two (Des, Sir) have i. All four Western Tucanoan languages also have cognates
(yase')with e as the second vowel; only Wananohas a for its second vowel.
tree leaf WP = *yuki-gi pu (Pir) yuki-gi pu (Wan) yukt-ki pu. All 12 Eastern
Tucanoan languages and Retuara have cognates here, some with a single ui (Tuc,
Wan, Pir, Des, Sir, Tat, Mac, Tai, Ret) and fewer with double uu (Wai, Tuy, Yur)
for 'leaf'; e.g., pa/puu~.Seven EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur,
Des, Sir) have -gi as the classifier. Only Wananohas -ki. Cf. tree.
tree WP = yukt-gi (Pir) yuk4-gi (Wan) yuki-ki. Seven Eastern Tucanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir) have -gi as the classifier (see 2.3.2). Only
Wanano has -ki. Four Eastern Tucanoanlanguages (Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) do not have
classifiers on this term:just yuki, not yukt-ki/-gi.
two WP = *pid (Pir) pid (Wan) pid [phi'a].All 12 Eastern Tucanoanlanguages
plus Retuaraand Cubeo have cognates.
vomit WP = *etod- (Pir) etod- (Wan) tod-. Three Eastern Thcanoanlanguages
(Tuc, Pir, Des) which have cognates have an initial unstressed open syllable. Only
Wanano droppedthat syllable. Other Tucanoanlanguages have no cognates.
walk WP = *tVdl-(Pir) tdi'- (Wan) tidl-. None of the other Eastern Tucanoan
languages appearsto have cognates with Piratapuyoand Wananofor 'walk'.
wash WP = *kose- (Pir) kose- (Wan) kosd-. Eleven Eastern Thcanoan lan-
guages (Tuc, Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have e as the second
vowel. Only Wananohas a.
water WP = *ak6 (Pir) ako (Wan) k6. Ten Eastern Tucanoan languages (Tuc,
Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Tai), Retuara,Cubeo, and Western Tucanoan
languages (Kor, Sio, Sec, Ore) have an initial pre-CV syllable vowel a/o or the CV
syllable de. Only Wanano droppedthe initial vowel/syllable.
we (exclusive) WP = *isa (Pir) isd (Wan) sa. Five EasternTucanoanlanguages
(Tuc, Pir, Tuy, Yur, Tai) and Retuara, which have cognates, have an initial pre-
nuclear syllable. Four (Wan, Wai, Tat, Car) droppedthat initial syllable.
we (inclusive) WP = *barf (Pir) barn(Wan) badr.Twelve EasternTucanoanlan-
guages have exact cognates, including Wanano. Retuara and Cubeo have slightly

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INNOVATIONS IN WANANO 213

different cognates: bard and baha, respectively. Four Western Thcanoanlanguages


(Kor, Sio, Sec, Ore) also have cognates but do not have the second consonant;e.g., bai.
white WP = *ye?se- (Pir) ye?se- (Wan) ye?se-. None of the other Tucanoanlan-
guages has cognates with Wanano and Piratapuyo. The Wanano term for 'white-
wash (noun)' is bohtd, which refers to a sandy substance used to whitewash houses.
The Wanano term bohtd may be cognate to the other Tucanoan terms for 'white':
(Tuc, Tuy) buti, (Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) boti, and (Des, Sir) bore.
who WP = *doa (Pir) dda (Wan) d6a. Twelve EasternTucanoanlanguages (Tuc,
Wan, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have almost exact cognates.
wide WP = *e?sd- (Pir) e?sd- (Wan) sd-. Eleven Eastern ITcanoan languages
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, Tuy, Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) which have cognates have
an initial, usually preconsonantal, vowelsyllable. Only Wanano dropped that
vowel/syllable.
wind WP = *wi?do-ro (Pir) wi?do-Ro(Wan) wi?do-Ro.All 12 EasternTucanoan
languages and Retuara have cognates. Cubeo and Western Tucanoanlanguages do
not.
with WP = *be?da (Pir) be?da (Wan) be?de. Nine Eastern Tucanoanlanguages
(Tuc, Pir, Wai, TVy,Yur, Des, Sir, Tat, Car), which have cognates here have a as the
second vowel. Only Wanano has e as a second vowel, probably due to assimilation
in this postclitic.
women WP = *dubl-ro (Pir) dub(-Ro (wan) dubi-Ro. All 18 Tucanoan lan-
guages have cognates.
woman's breast WP = *epe-(Ro/R) (Pir) epe-Ro (Wan) pe-Ro. Eleven Eastern
Tucanoanlanguages have cognates with an initial vowel before the first consonant.
Retuara, Cubeo, and three Western Tucanoan languages (Kor, Sio, Ore) also have
cognates with an initial vowel before the first consonant. Only Wanano dropped
that initial vowel.
yam WP = *ya?buj(Pir) yd?bu (Wan) yd?bu. All 12 Eastern ITcanoan lan-
guages plus Retuara and Cubeo have cognates. Western Thcanoan languages may
have distant cognates with yaho.
ye WP = *bisa (Pir) bisd (Wan) bisd. All 18 Tucanoan languages have close
cognates.
year WP = *kt?ba (Pir) kV?bd(Wan) kV?bd.Ten Eastern Tucanoan languages
(Tuc, Wan, Pir, Wai, Thy, Yur, Tat, Car, Mac, Tai) have close cognates. Desano,
Siriano, Retuara,Cubeo, and the WesterniTcanoan languages do not have cognates
to this term for 'year'.

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