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RethinkingRedevelopment:Neoliberalism,NewUrbanism,

andSustainableUrbanDesigninCleveland,Ohio








JulianGeltman
OberlinCollege17
EnvironmentalStudiesHonorsThesis
May2017












AdvisingCommittee:
Md.RumiShammin,EnvironmentalStudies(mainadvisor)
PeterMinosh,ArchitecturalHistory
GreggorMattson,Sociology

Table of Contents

Abstract3
Introduction3
Research Agenda6
Methods7
Space and Place11
Spatial Imaginaries17
Neoliberalism as the Nexus of the Private and Public Realm23
History of Racism as Manifested in the Built Environment in Cleveland31
New Urbanism40
New Urbanism Inspired Sustainable Design Initiatives59
Neoliberalism and its Application in Sustainable Design Initiatives64
Analysis68
Tremont69
St. Clair Superior80
Kinsman90
Conclusion and Future Directions100
Appendix105
References120

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Abstract:

ThisarticleexploresunintendedconsequencesofrecenturbandesigninitiativesinCleveland,

Ohio.Historicallyrifewithenvironmentalinjusticeissues,Clevelandsbuiltenvironment

continuestoexhibitissuesofdistributivejusticeacrossracializedspaces.Inthisresearch

project,IfirstinvestigatewhetherandhowNewUrbanistaestheticsaregearedtowardsawhite

spatialimaginaryandsubsequentlydeconstructingitswhiteness.Iseektoanswer:isNew

Urbanisminherentlyracist?IthenexplorehowNewUrbanismintheU.S.hasspreadintocircles

ofsustainableurbandesign,pushingspaceandplacetowardsahomogenizednormativity.Third,

IexaminethehistoryofracialprejudiceinurbanplanninginCleveland.Lastly,Ianalyzecensus

datasurroundingneighborhoodsinwhichsustainableurbandesigninitiativeshavebeen

implementedorareunderway.Inanalyzinghowtheseneighborhoodsarechangingasaresult

oftheseinitiatives,IlookforthepresenceofNewUrbanistaestheticsortherealizationofsome

theirprinciplesandtheory.Ihopetouncoversomeoftheindirecteffectsofprojectsdeemed

sustainable.Thepurposeofthisprojectistolookcriticallyatinitiativesthataregaugedas

sustainable,wideningthediscussionofsustainabilityinplanningandarchitectureto

purposefullyencompassfactorsrelatedtosocialequityandjustice,beyondtheonesrelatedto

environmentalsustainability.

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Chapter1-Introduction

OnAugust24th,2016,ClevelandHustlesairedonCNBC.Theshow,producedbyNBA

superstarLeBronJames,focusedongivingClevelandbasedentrepreneursanopportunityto

competeforinvestmentwiththeirrevitalizationideas.Theshowisprompttodepicthowtheir

inwards-focusedprograminggravitatesonrevitalizationandnotgentrification,butitisnot

difficulttoseehowanentrepreneurial,self-empoweredspiritcansometimesbeco-optedby

ulteriorforces(Morona2016).ItisgoingtotakemuchmorethanLeBronJamesproducingand

inspiringindividualaction-thisisthesamecelebritywhoproclaimed:InNortheastOhio,

nothingisgiven.Everythingisearned.Youworkforwhatyouhave,inaninterviewwithSports

IllustratedonhisdecisiontoreturntoCleveland(James2014).Whilehisquotemaybe

representativeofhowprofessionalsportsregionalizeidentities,itsapplicationtoenvironmental

injusticerevealsmanyparallelsthatdepicthowgenerationalandentrenchedhierarchical

divisionsamongraceareinNortheasterncities.Cleveland,Ohio,acityattheheartoftherust

belt,hasseenitsreputationasaneconomicenginediminishintoalegacyofblightoverthepast

century.Peakinginthe1950swithapopulationover900,000people,contemporaryCleveland

withapopulationjustunder400,000hascometobeassociatedwithurbandecay,whiteflight,

suburbansprawlandariverthatcatchesonfire.Thoseleftintheinnercity,mostlyAfrican

Americans,liveintheaftermathofredlining,discriminatoryhousingpolicies,andfoodinsecurity

amongadecayinghousingstock(Shammin18).

Clevelandisexemplarywhenitcomestocitiesthatexhibitenvironmentalinjusticeand

racismembeddedinitsbuiltenvironment:Clevelandcanbeconsideredamongthemost

segregatedofcities,attributedtoahistoryofredlining,whichstillconfinesindividualstocertain

spaceswithinthegreatercitybasedonracetoday.TheCuyahogaCountyRegionalPlanning

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Commissionevendeclaredthecityasthesecondmostsegregatedareainthenationinthe

1980s(Rose1997).Whileinstitutionalracismmayindirectlygovernwhocanbeinwhichspaces

andforwhomcertainplacesbelongto,thepoliceforceofthecityhasbeenaccusedof

physicallyreinforcingthissegregation,notbeingafraidtouseviolence:ithasbeenfound

multipletimesbytheDepartmentofJusticeinthelast15yearsthattheClevelandPolice

Departmenthasanddoesexhibitexcessiveandunnecessaryusesofforce(Cevallos2014).The

policeforce,beingmajoritywhite,cancometobeinterpretedasasymbolfortheinequalitythat

existsanddictatesthepoliticsofspaceinacitythatismajorityblack,depictingasystemic

aspectofinstitutionalracism.

DespitebarrierstosocialandenvironmentaljusticetodayinCleveland,grassroots

organizingonlocal,neighborhoodscalesisworkingtoimprovethelivesofcitizensthattherest

ofthecountryhasseeminglyleftbehind.Forinstance,urbanagricultureisontheriseincertain

neighborhoodsofCleveland,exemplifiedbytheRid-AllurbangardeningprojectintheKinsman

neighborhood.Thisseekstochallengetheassociationsoffooddesertsbyempoweringresidents

withresiliencyandself-sufficiencywhilecontinuingahistoryofneighborhood-scalelocalfoods

initiatives(Shamminetal.27).Further,certainneighborhoodshavecometogetherand

organizedtoworkwithinthebureaucraticsystemsofpowerthatexistinordertosecure

organizationallongevityintheformofzoning:communitieshavegottenthecitytorecognize

greenspace,parksandgardensinthesameeconomictermsthattheyvalueotherlanduses,

gettingthecitytobecomeoneofthefirstmajorcitiesinthecountrytorecognizegarden

zoningasaviableformoflandallocationforcommunitygardensandmarketfarms(Shammin

etal.47).

Urbanplanninghasbeenusedatoolinthepasttopromotearacistagenda,the

lingeringissuesofwhichhaveplaguedClevelandfordecades.However,urbanplanningcanalso

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beusedasatoolthatintervenesatthepolicyandcitywideleveltoreversethosetrendsand

servesocialandenvironmentaljustice.OnesuchmovementiscalledSmartGrowth,codifiedin

theSmartGrowthManualwrittenbyAndresDuany,JeffSpeckandMikeLydon.SmartGrowth

hingesupontheideasofwalkability,urbanvillages,andplanningdensityalongtransects.

Seemingly,itallcomesdowntotheideaofthehumanscale.Ithasbecomesouniversally

acceptedasamodeofsustainableurbandevelopmentthateventheE.P.A.promotessmart

growth.Whilethemanualpromotesthenotionsofurbanvillagesthatareconduciveto

alternativemodesoftransportationbesidescars,itisinterestingtonotethatschoolofthought

outofwhichitarose,NewUrbanism,stillexiststodaythroughtheCongressofNewUrbanism.

Further,itisalsointerestingtonotethatNewUrbanismarosefromthemindsofarchitects,

confiningitsscopeandscaleofinfluencetoacertainperspective.AlthoughSmartGrowthhas

learnedfromthemistakesmadebyNewUrbanists,NewUrbanismisstillpracticedwidelyacross

theUnitedStates,despitebeingheavilycriticizedforitscontinuationofpracticesthatbecame

commonplaceundermodernistplanners.Thisincludesneglectoftheunderlyingpillarsofsocial,

environmentalandeconomicsustainabilitythatareconfiguredbythephysicalenvironmentsin

whichindividualsliveandoperateonadailybasis.Inasense,bothspaceandplacecanserveas

indicatorsforsustainabilitybystudyingtheirrelationtotheneoliberalpost-industrialsociety

thatisMetropolitanCleveland.Further,inunderstandingtheirrelationtothetriplebottomline

ofsustainabilitymightonebroadenthediscussionofsustainabilityinarchitectureandforwhom

itserves.

Research Agenda

Spaceandplacebothhaveacontextwithinpost-industrial/post-fordistsociety.

Numerousscholarshavestudiedthepowerinherentwithinbothofthesecontexts,butIseekto

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askabouttheapplicationoftheseconceptsoperatingwithinacontextofwhatisdeemedtobe

sustainableurbandevelopmentinCleveland.Morespecifically,Iseektostudytherelationof

theseconceptstoNewUrbanismandNeoliberalism,bothmechanismsthatoftenresultinthe

privatizationofspaceanddestructionofplace.InmyresearchIask:istheneoliberalizationof

spaceandplaceusingtheaestheticsandpoliticsofNewUrbanismapparentinsustainable

urbandesigninitiativesgoingoncurrentlyorrecentlycompletedinCleveland?Inpursuingthis

broadresearchquestionIhavebrokendownmyworkintosectionsontheimportantaspectsof

eachconceptandtheirimplicationsonthedailylivesofcitizenstoday.First,Ibroachspaceand

place,compilingdifferenttheoriesandcriticismsinhowurbanspacecomestoberecognized

andmanipulatedsocially.Similarly,Iconductthesameprocessforplace.Next,Iexamine

neoliberalisationandthereproductionofpublicspaces,askingthequestion:isNewUrbanism

inherentlywhite?Ifso,isitthusperpetuatinganormativityinthebuiltenvironment?AsI

continue,Iexaminewhetherornotneoliberalistgoverningandeconomictendencieshave

co-optednewurbanistaesthetics,usingthemtoprivatizepublicspaceanddestroyplacesby

convertingthemintowhiteplaces,intheprocessadvancinginstitutional,environmental

racism.Iask:Isneoliberalismactingasanexusbetweenpublicgoverningbodiesandindirect

continuationsofenvironmentalracism?Itheorizethatwhatisdeemedtobesustainableurban

developmentinClevelandisinfactaperpetuationofinstitutionalracism,furtheringinequality

inthebuiltenvironmentbynormalizingspaceandplaceandinfringingonthecitizensRightto

theCity

Methods

Thisresearchprojectisbasedonthesynthesisofresearchandobservationcomponents.

Theproductcanbethoughtofasdividedintotwodifferentsegments:thefirstbeingresearch

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basedonwhichIestablisharecordoftheintersectionofNewUrbanismasadesignmovement,

neoliberaleconomicmechanismsandstateofcurrenturbandesignandplanninginitiatives,

particularlythosegearedtowardthepublic.Ithenbroachwhatultimatelyaretheeffectsof

NewUrbanismonplacesandspaces,whatthepoliticsbehindsuchdesignchoicesare,andfrom

wherehistoricallyhavethoseaestheticsdevelopedinregardstotransformingthepublicrealm.

Forthesecondportionofthisproject,Iwillusethislenstoexplorehowneoliberalismhas

seepedintourbandesignbyexaminingcontemporaryprojectsthatarecurrentlyunderwayor

havebeenrecentlycompletedinCleveland,Ohio.Thisportionwouldentailcompiling

Master/Comprehensiveplansforprojectsandprojectproposals,inconjunctionwithobservation

andphotographyofthesespaces.Withthisapproach,Iseektoask:arespacesandplacesin

Clevelandbeingchangedintowhite,normalizedspaces/placesbasedonNewUrbanist

Aestheticsthathavebeenco-optedbyNeoliberalmechanisms?

First,Iwillexplorethedefinitionsoftheconceptsrelatedtomyresearch,space,place,

neoliberalism,andNewUrbanism.Muchofmyliteraturereviewconsistedofthiscomponentof

theproject.Isoughtresourcesfromanumberofsources:forthefirstportionofthisproject,I

consultedprimarysourcessuchasNewUrbanisttheory,architecturalanddesigntheorythat

precedesNewUrbanism,inconjunctionwithsecondarysourcesonexperiencesofracismin

urbandesignandplanninghistoricallyintheUnitedStates.Tofurtherexpanduponthese

perspectives,Ialsoresearchedsecondarysources,suchascriticismonNewUrbanism,

specificallyasadesignmovementandnotwhatithasgrowninto.Criticaltothisportionwillbe

identifyinganddescribingwhatexactlyNewUrbanistAestheticsentail,andbywhat

mechanismsitisbeingNeoliberalized.Ialsoexploredperiodicalsandencyclopediasof

Clevelandshistoryinordertopaintabroaderpictureofthesystemsdynamicsatplayinthe

historicaldevelopmentofCleveland.Slowly,Ihavebuiltanimageofcertainareasofthecity

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acrossdecades,spanningthe19th,20thand21stcenturies

Secondly,Iwillanalyzemycoreresearchquestionsinlightofdata,imagesandmaps.

Thisresearchprojectrevolvesaroundthesustainabilityofurbandesigninitiativesthatare

currentlygoingoninCleveland:TremontPointe,Hub55andtheOpportunityCorridor.Using

sourcessuchasprojectsdiscussedinpreviousEnvironmentalStudiescourses,Icreatedalistof

sustainableurbandesignprojects.Fromthislist,Inarrowedmyscopeandselected3projects,all

ofvaryingscales,inordertogetanunderstandingofhowsustainabilityisbroachedindifferent

architecturalapproaches.Uponselectingtheproject,Icompiledresourcesaroundeachand

theirspecificneighborhoodandsurroundingarea.Thisincludesmasterplansand

comprehensiveplans(dependingonthenatureoftheproject),planningnotes,andmedia,

literatureandpublicationsontheseprojects.Ivisitedthemaswellinordertoexperience

firsthandthesensesofbothplaceandspace.Fromtheseobservationsandcollectedmaterials

conductedanalysisthroughthelensofmyresearchagenda.

Observationalandsensoryexperiencessupplementmyanalysisbygroundingmy

researchintherealitiesthatClevelandfaces.Ivisitedeachsitenumeroustimes,takingcopious

photographsinordertobettergetanunderstandingofthedynamicsofthepublicspace,the

sensationsendowedbythearchitecture,andtherealitiesonthegroundincontemporary

Cleveland.InconductingthesesitevisitsIspecificallylookedforaspectsofblendingofNew

Urbanistaestheticsintotheexistingfabricoftheseneighborhoods.

Inconsideringhowspacesfunction,Iask:Howarespacesexclusionary?Inclusionary?

Contributingtoeconomicsegregation?Stylesconfinedtocertainethnicminorities?Howdo

spacesperpetuateviolentsegregation?HowdotheaestheticsofNewUrbanisminCleveland

catertosomeandnotothers?Wheredoesthisaestheticintersectwithcomplexissueslike

gentrificationandpublichousing?InordertoconductanalysisIwill:

- Examinemasterplansandcomprehensiveplansforsustainableurbandesign

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initiatives,lookingforaspectsofneoliberalizedNewUrbanism
- Examinecensusdata:howareneighborhoodsandspaceschangingintermsof:
- Homeprices
- Averagerent
- Whatpercentageofannualincomeisbeingspentonrentorhousing
- Thepercentageofhouseholdunitsrentingvs.owning
- Averageincome
- Unemployment
- Levelofeducation:thepercentageofindividualsintheneighborhoodthat
havenotachievedahighschooldiplomaorequivalent
- Racialdemographics

Insummary,myanalyticalframeworkisbuiltaroundamatrixofcomparisonthat

revolvesaroundtwoobjectiveobservationsandonesubjective.Iseektofindacorrelation,if

any,betweentrendsinthedatathatIhaveindicatedabove,therelativeGINIcoefficientsfora

measurementininequality,andtheappearanceofNewUrbanistinspiredaesthetics,bothin

formalrealizationofprojectsandtheirplanningprocesses.Sinceneoliberalismiscontingent

uponinequality,morewageandcapitalinequalityisbetterforitandthuscanbeseenasa

componentofanalysis.IthencomparewiththeaveragesofCleveland,CuyahogaCountyand

Ohioasawholeinordertogaugethegeneraltrendsininequalityacrossalldifferentspaces.

Incompilingdata,Ihaveusedonlycensusdata.Iveindicatedinfollowingsectionswhat

censustractsIhavechosenforeachneighborhood,correlatingthecensustractsthat

Clevelandsplanningcommissionusestoidentifyaneighborhoodwiththecensustractswith

whichurbandesigninitiativesinteract.Realitytranscendscensustracts,soIwantedtoinclude

allpossiblespacesthatmightbeimmediatelyaffectedbythesustainableurbandesign

initiativesthatIaminvestigating.ForTremont,thisincludesallneighboringcensustractsto

TremontPointe,whichhistoricallyasValleyviewHomeshasgottenitsowncensustract.ForSt.

ClairSuperior,Iveincludedallcensustractsdesignatedbythecityasitsfocusonredeveloping

thearea,inadditiontocensustractsthatneighborHub55immediatelyasitislocatedonthe

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westernedgeoftheneighborhood.Lastly,forKinsman/theForgottenTriangle,Iveincludedall

censustractsthatoverlapwiththecitysWard5MasterPlanfortheOpportunityCorridor.While

thisplandoesincludeotherareasoffocus,suchasUniversityCircleandSlavicVillage,Ive

chosentolimitmyresearchintotheareasthathistoricallyoverlapwiththespacesofthe

ForgottenTriangle.

Lastly,IhaveusedSocialExplorertohelpunderstandvisuallyhowthedatamanifests

itselfspatially,takingsomedatathatIcouldnotfindontheAmericanFactFinderfromSocial

Explorer.

Inthechaptersthatfollow,Iwillfirstdelveintodefiningspaceandplace.Secondly,Iwill

defineNewUrbanismanditsrelationshiptoneoliberalism.Third,Iwilldefinehowthis

neoliberalnexusbetweenpublicgovernmentandspace/placeisprivatizingspacesusingNew

Urbanism.Lastly,IwillanalyzeprojectsanddesigninitiativestofindoutifNeoliberalismand

NewUrbanismhaveseepedintowhatisuniversallydeemedtobesustainableurbandesign,

havingrealandphysicalimplicationsonsocietyandthedailylivesofcountlessindividualswho

liveinasocietalspaceoutsideofthepoliticalboundariesthatwouldconveyontothemagency

inchangingtheirbuiltenvironment,furthermarginalizingsuchindividualsandcommunities.

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Chapter2-SpaceandPlace

Spaceispermeatedwithsocialrelations;itisnotonlysupportedbysocialrelationsbutitisalso

producingandproducedbysocialrelations

HenriLefebvre

SpaceandPlacehavelongbeentopicsofstudyinurbansociologyandgeography

historicallyintheUnitedStates.Geographyandmotionhavealwaysbeencentraltothe

subjectiveexperiencesthatbegintocollectivelydefinespaceandplace.Thiscanbeexemplified

byErnestBurgessdepictionoftheChicagoschoolofurbandevelopmentasexpansionand

motionacrossconcentriccircles,eachhavingtheirownassociationwithdifferentuses,people

andidentitiesthatoverlapandinterrelate.MichaelDeartookdevelopmentmodelsfurtherwith

theconceptionoftheLosAngelesschoolofurbanism.Thisschoolsoughttocomprehendand

recordthegeographyofLosAngelesintoagridofcategoriesinwhichcertainplacesandspaces

fell,withmegastructures,dreamscapesandcarceralcitiesbeingsomeexamplesofthepiecesof

apuzzlethatfitintoamoreglobalizedschoolofurbanformanddevelopment.

Spacecanbeplacedinacontextofpost-industrialsocietybysynthesizingtheworkof

certainscholars.AmongtheseindividualsareHenriLefebvreandhisseminalworksonthe

productionofspaceanditsrelationshiptothestateandsociety,DoloresHaydeninherworkon

thepowerofplaceinLosAngeles,andGeorgeLipsitzinhisworkonthediscrepanciesbetween

theblackandwhitespatialimaginariesthataresubtextsforcontemporaryurbanspaces.In

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understandinghowtheseindividualshavecometodefinespaceascreatedandexperienced,

onecanbegintounderstandthecontemporaryconditionthatanindividualmightfind

themselvesinClevelandtoday.Further,inunderstandingthegreatersuperstructuresand

politicalmechanismsthathavehistoricallyconfiguredspaceinsociety,onecanbeginto

conceiveofhowinequalityandinjusticepersistsacrossgenerations,particularlyamongracial

divides.

HenriLefebvre,aFrenchMarxiansociologist,hascometoberegardedasamasterof

spatialtheory.CertainideascanbeextractedfromhisbookTheProductionofSpace,and

appliedtopostindustrial,neoliberalsocietysothatthattheconditionsonthegroundincertain

neighborhoodsmightbebetterunderstood.InthesecondchapterofTheProductionofSpace,

Lefebvrepositsthatspaceisnotproducedasacommodityisproduced,norisitameasureofthe

locationsofproducts:rather,spaceisapreconditiontoasuperstructure,suchasthestate,and

subsequentlyiscontrolledandorganizedbythatstate(Lefebvre85).Spaceisultimatelyasocial

relationship,butisinherenttopropertyrelationsandsubsequentlyboundupwiththeforces

ofproduction(whichimposeaformonthatorland)(Lefebvre85).Therefore,spacecannotbe

separatedfromeitherthesocialdivisionoflaborthatshapesitorfromthestateandthe

superstructuresofsociety(Lefebvre85).Theimplicationsofthisdefinitionoperatinginthis

contextarenumerous:first,thaturbanspacescanbereadorunderstoodassimultaneously

configuredbythesuperstructuresthatgovernitandsubsequentlytheforcewhichconfigures

thesuperstructure(whichcanbenumeroushere,butletustakeforinstanceneoliberalmarket

tendenciesconsolidatingcapitalincertainspacesofClevelandasonesuperstructurethat

operatessymbioticallywithinthefederalgovernmentanditsdevolutionofpower).Secondly,a

marxianreadingofthisdefinitioncouldinvolveascenariowhichdepictscurrentproperty

relationsasmeansbywhichthebourgeoisofClevelandpitsthestateagainsttheproletariatin

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ordertoseizepowerintheformofrepresentativedemocracy.Therefore,onecanreada

developmentschemeinwhichtheCityofClevelandcontractsaprivatefirmtoredevelopan

areaasameansofconfiguringaspacebasedontheextractionofthenaturalresourcesofthe

area(beingthelaborforceavailableintheareaandthelocalflavor,oraesthetics,thatwould

attractsuburbanitestocomestimulatetheeconomyofCleveland).

However,returningtoLefebvresearlierdefinitionofspaceasbeingproduced,it

becomesobviousthattheproductionofspacesinurbanenvironmentsisanactofwaronbehalf

oftherulingclassonthoseexcludedbyanattempttogaincontrolovertheirspacesandplaces

asameansofcontrollingresourceflows.Essentially,thisproductioncanentailtheperpetuation

andmanipulationofthewhitespatialimaginarybyspreadingittoencompassspacesthat

typicallyareunderthesphereoftheblackspatialimaginary.Thesenotionswillbeexpanded

uponlaterinthisessay.Thisiswherethenexusofplacelies:whileplacecanconfigurespace,it

canbeunderstoodastheforcesofproduction,orratherthenaturalresources,thatmightbe

extractedforthebenefitofindividualselsewhere,asexemplifiedinplace-basedrealestate

developmentorcommunitybuildingthroughplace-making.

ThepowerofplaceiswelldepictedinRichardLloydssociologicalstudyonWickerPark,

Chicagosprocessofgentrification.PowerofplaceasdevelopedherebyLloydcanbeplacedin

acontextofthecirculationofcapitalbetweenglobalcitiesascitiesintherustbeltemergehubs

atthecenterofnetworksofflowsofpeople,informationandideas.Despitebeingmuchlargerin

scalethanCleveland,muchofLloydsChicagostudyisrelevanttourbandynamicsinCleveland.

InWickerPark,ahistoricallyworking-classneighborhoodinnorthwesternChicago,Lloyd

experiencedfirst-handhowaneighborhoodtransitionedfromadodgyoneintoaplaceknown

nationallyasanartistichub:thepatternofpost-industrialdecaythatsetinduringthe

immediatepostwardecadeshasgivenwaytoanewstyleofredevelopment,combiningits

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celebratedartscommunitywithresidentialgentrificationbywhitecollarprofessionals,the

injectionofnewmediaanddesignenterprises,andathrivingentertainmenteconomy,writes

Lloyd,depictingsimplyhowafewplace-basedfactorssuchastheartscanbemanipulatedby

thosewiththemeanstoaccessexceptionalamountsofcapital(Lloyd14).UsingLefebvresideas,

LloyddescribesWickerParkashowitsurbanspacesarecontrolledandchangedbytheirsocial

production,reflectingnotonlyalegacyoffetishizationofpreviousmeansofproduction

(sweatshops)butthosethathavesupersededthem,beingtheglobaldispersalofproduction

andtheheightenedaestheticizationoftheeconomycreatingthecontextforformerChicago

sweatshopsbeingturnedintocoffeeshops(Lloyd27).Intheageoflatecapitalism,itisevident

thatDavidHarveysnotionofflexibleaccumulationisapparentintherenovationofdowntown

throughurbanrenewal,whilecapitalisinvestedintothecommodificationofneighborhoods

(suchasTremontorOhioCityinCleveland).Ultimately,LloydsawinNeo-Bohemiaameansof

transformedspatialpracticesthatdepictedtheneighborhoodastheultimatebuildingblockat

whichculturalproductioncouldbemanipulated(Lloyd244).Similarly,theCongressforNew

UrbanismandtheSmartGrowthmovementalsoseetheneighborhoodasthekeybuildingblock

ofasustainableurbanism,leavingmuchtobedesiredwhenanalyzingtheintentionandeffect

of(re)developmentstrategies.

Ananalysisofthecomponentsofplacebuildingcanbeconductedthroughstudyingthe

worksofKevinLynch,DoloresHaydenandJaneJacobs.KevinLynchfamouslydissectedthe

componentsofanurbanenvironmentinhisseminalworkTheImageoftheCity,analyzingthe

aspectsofanenvironmentsimagabilityinanArcadianmanner.UsingBoston,LosAngelesand

JerseyCityashiscasestudies,Lynchsoughttounderstandurbanspatialformasanaggregateof

images.Morespecifically,Lynchsawthelegibilityoftheseimagesintoacoherentwholeasthe

firstmeansofdirectingurbanredevelopment.SimilarlytohowJaneJacobsrespondedto

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modernistplanningwithcontempt,andwhosetheorywasultimatelyusedasatoolof

galvanizinganewformofcapitalinvestment(urbanredevelopment),Lynchsworktoocouldbe

deconstructed.Itcanbeunderstoodasanothertoolbywhichdeveloperscanapplyspatial

formsintocoherent,yetdeludingurbandevelopmentsthatmasqueradeasenvironmentallyjust.

Lynchpurportedfiveelementsthatcomposedtheimageofthecity:paths,edges,

districts,nodesandlandmarks.Whilehisdescriptionsoftheseelementsandtheirinterrelations

totheimageasawhole(bothgraphicallyandanalytically)arequitedevelopedandcoherent,

onesingleconcurrentthemerunsthroughtheentiretyofhisstudy:theimportanceoflived

experiencetoplace.Lynchpromotedexplorationasameansofurbandevelopment,andone

mighteasilybecomesweptupinhisstudyandlosefocusofitsimplicationsonplanningwiththe

ubiquitoususeofstreet,neighborhoodandlandmarknamesthataresointegraltoplace

building.Inunderstandingtheinterrelationoftheseelements,compoundedwithinsider

knowledgeonhowtheyareperceived,onecoulduseLynchsbookasahow-toguideon

creatingandimplementingdevelopmentplans.Itisunderstandingthemeaningofplacethata

placecanbechanged:iftheenvironmentisvisiblyorganizedandsharplyidentified,thenthe

citizencaninformitwithhisownmeaningsandconnections,writesLynchindescribingthe

use-valueofhisstudy(Lynch92).However,considerifthewordcitizenwasswappedforany

titlemoresinister,perhapsdeveloperorconsultant.

StephenCairnsrespondstoLynchinhisdeconstructionofthenotionoftheprimitivehut

inwesternarchitecturalhistory.Heposesthequestionofhowthehegemonyoftheprimitive

canbereadLynchsworkinunderstandingplacebeforemanipulatingit.Hepositsthatitis

politicallyessentialtoaddressaconceptsoseeminglyantiquatedasprimitiveinarchitectural

theoryandpractice,similarlytothewaythatplaceandspaceshouldbebroachedinsustainable

urbandesigninitiatives.Oftentheaestheticsofarchitecturalprojectsarenotscrutinizedin

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charrettesanddesignsubmissionbycommunitymemberswhohavecometounderstandtheir

contextasonethatoperatesintheclassicalsenseofwesternarchitecturalbeauty(suchasin

proportion).However,subtextmustbeexaminedandcriticizedinordertotrulydeconstructthe

hegemonythathascometobeinurbandevelopmentaesthetics.ThisappliestoNewUrbanist

inspiredHOPEVIprojectsandrefurbishingindustrialspaces,whichrecycleprevioususesinthe

nameofafetishismthatrejectstheinherentlypoliticizednatureofarchitecture.Itisimperative

notonlytounderstandthedynamicfactorsinplayunderlyingurbandesigninitiativesthatdeem

themsustainable,buttoalsoconsidertheprocessofparticipationandsecondaryeffectsthat

seektoalterurbanenvironmentstowardsaform-based,normalizedutopianvision.

JaneJacobssawplaceasaconceptdialecticallyopposedtowhatmodernistplanners

heldasdogmaticinherobservationofthedynamicsofherGreenwichVillage.Oncethe

cornerstoneofBoBo(bourgeoisbohemian)cultureintheU.S.thisneighborhoodcouldbe

consideredathrobbingexampleofloftrenovationforliving.SimilarlytoLynch,Jacobstheory

canseeninpostmodernistapproachestoplanning,namelyNewUrbanism.Providingthe

groundworkforwhatcanbeunderstoodasurbanvillagesorenclaves,Jacobssoughttopreserve

placenotonlyasthemainconfigurationofurbanspacebutalsoinsuchawaythatidealized

urbanenvironmentsasthosethatcateredtothehumanscale,asopposedtotheregional,

grid-centricplanningthatmodernistsfollowingLeCorbusiersadorationofthemachineadhered

to.NotonlyisJacobstheoryalsobornoutofthesameArcadianprimitivismonwhichlynchs

cognitivemappingrelieson,butitalsoconceivesoftheurbanenvironmentasaprimitive

landscapethatmustbemoldedinclassicalsensesoforderthatstretchallthewaybackto

Laugiers18thcenturytreatiseontheprimitivehutthathasdisseminatedratherominouslyinto

normativity.Infact,Jacobsinherconclusionattacksthenotionofthenoblesavage,admitting

toitsexistencewithinsociety,yetgoesnofurtherastodeconstructingthelowestofcastesand

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wheretheyfallintheadvancementofsmartcitiesthatintegrateboththenaturalandtheurban.

InstudyingDoloresHaydensconceptionofplacedoesonebegintogroundoneselfina

critiqueofJacobstheories,examiningtherolethatthebuiltenvironmenthasinsupporting

certainidentitiesandseekingtodestroyothers.Hayden,founderofThePowerofPlace,a

non-profitcompanybasedinLosAngeles,seekstoexploresomeoftheperspectivesand

experiencesofmarginalizedgroupsinurbanareasandempowerthemthroughprojectsthat

leadtourbanpreservationthroughcollaborativeartprojectsinpublicspace(HaydenPreface).

Forexample,whiletheNorthEndinBostonhascometobeknownasaunique,resilient

exampleofthetriumphoftheurbanvillage,similarlyisolatedortruncatedneighborhoodsin

Bostonreceivelittlepromotionbasedonhistoricallybeingnon-whitespace.Haydenbringsup

theexampleoftheCityofNewYorkshistoriclandmarkdesignation,whereatthetimeof

writingThePowerofPlace,wasoverwhelminglyaggregatedinaffluent,inaccessibleportionsof

Manhattan,thuscateringtoonespecificperspectiveofurbanhistory.Haydenseesthepowerof

placeasthepowerofordinaryurbanlandscapestonurturecitizenspublicmemory,to

encompasssharedtimeintheformofsharedterritory,goingbeyondsimpleaesthetic

indicatorsthataplannerorarchitectmightsee.HaydengoesbeyondJacobsincitingLefebvre,

seeinghowJacobswasanotherstepintheevolutionoftheplannerasmasterbuilder,not

envisioningspaceandplaceasreflectionsofdeeplyentrenchedinequalityinsociety.Sheeven

takesinfluenceinFredricJameson,quotingpostmodernismtoconveytheimportanceofnew

kindsofspatialimaginations(Hayden9,19).WhatLynchmisses,andJacobstoanextent,isthe

dialecticofsocialmeansofproductionandurbanspace:sociallifestructuresterritoryand

territoryshapessociallife,writesMichaelDearandJenniferWolch,deconstructinghowa

plannermightundermineamarginalizedculturalwayoflifebyspatiallymappingthen

changinganenvironmenttomeetanacademicstandardofcoherence.However,thatisnotto

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saythatLynchsworkwasnearsighted:ithasthecapacitytobuildsenseofplaceandevenraise

politicalconsciousnessaccordingtheJameson(Hayden29).Onesalienttakeawaypointfrom

theworkofHaydenistomapandraiseawarenessofthemundaneorcounter-space(Lefebvre),

suchasdecrepittenementsorcasitas(communitygardens)thatspeakmoretospatialandplace

meaningthanpreservingtheworkofesteemedneoclassicalarchitects.Findingthesebuildings

andinterpretingtheirhistoryisoneadditionalwaytofusethesocialandpoliticalmeaningsof

spacewiththehistoryoftheurbanlandscape,concludesHayden,speakingtotheimportant

deconstructionthatmustoccurinstudyingthehegemonyofaestheticsinsustainableurban

designprojectsandtheirimplications.

Destruction,invasionandrestructuringofplacesonanunprecedentedscale,causedby

changingmaterialpracticesofproduction,consumption,informationflows,andcommunication

coupledwiththeradicalreorganizationofspacerelationsandoftimehorizonswithincapitalist

developments

(HaydenquotingDavidHarveyontheimportanceofpoliticaleconomytounderstandingplace,

42).

Spatial Imaginaries

Aspatialimaginary,asdevelopedbyGeorgeLipsitz,canbeunderstoodasameansby

whichinstitutionalandenvironmentalracismiscarriedoutbysuperstructures(state,media)in

ordertofurtherextendthewhitespatialimaginarysdominationovertheblackspatial

imaginary.SpatialImaginariescandifferinthesamespace,whichcanbecommonlyexemplified

byhowthepolicemightdifferentlyperceivecommunitygatheringsbydifferentbodiesinthe

19
samespace,orhowcertainbodiesaredeemedundesirableinquasi-publicspaces,suchas

privatedevelopments(CrockerPark)ormegastructures(publiclibraries,onlyaccessiblebycar).

Forinstance,inhisessayTheRacializationofSpaceandtheSpatializationofRace,Lipsitz

confrontshowspatialimaginariescometobeprivilegedbyneoliberalmeansofcapital

accumulation,compoundedbydeeplyentrenchedinstitutionalracismthathasprevented

peopleofcolorfromaccumulatingassetsinthesamewaythatwhitefamilieshavebeenableto

intheexpansionofthesuburbsthroughamortizedmortgagesthatpropuphousing.Lipsitz

beginshisessaywithananecdotethatisentirelyrelevanttourbandevelopmentprojectstoday:

Systematicsegregationanddiscriminationprevent(blackpeopleinNewOrleans)from

freelyacquiringassetsthatappreciateinvalue,frommovingtodesirableneighborhoodswith

betterservicesandamenities,andfromreapingtherewardsofhomeownershipbuiltintothe

AmericantaxcodeUnliketheircounterpartsinthesuburbs,whoestablishprivategovernments

thatbenefitfromexclusionaryzoningandtaxsubsidizedprivatism,inner-cityresidentsdonot

andcannotcontroltheusestowhichtheirneighborhoodsareputbytherestofthecity,norcan

ftheirhomes.Theironlyrecourseistoincrease
theysecureincreasesintheexchangevalueo

theusevalueoftheirneighborhoodsbyturningsegregationintocongregationandfashioning

ferociousattachmentstoaplaceasameansofproducingusefulmechanismsofsolidarity

(Lipsitz11).

Lipsitzbeginshisessayonthediscrepanciesbetweenthewhiteandblackspatial

imaginarieswithananecdoteaboutpoliceclashingwithasocialclubofblackmenthathad

gatheredincostumeintheSeventhWardofNewOrleanstocelebrateMardiGras:thepolice

viewedthegroupasinebriated,andviolent,andthusitwasintheirrealmofpowertobreakup

20
thegatheringonthepublicbehalf.Ontheotherhand,theleaderoftheMardiGrasIndianssaw

thisconfrontationasanothermeansofneighborhooddestructioninadditiontourbanrenewal,

freewayconstructionanddisplacement.Thisincidentin2005wasthefirstduringwhichthese

socialclubsneededapermitinordertoparade,afteracenturyofregularorganizationwithout

everposingathreattocivicorder(Lipsitz10).Lipsitzthenimmediatelycontraststhisanecdote

withoneofsimilarrevelrythatoccursonanationalleveleverySundayforhalfofayear:

officers,inclinedtoprotectpropertyvaluesasaninherentrightofman,needtokeep

thoroughfaresopenforbusinessandcanvalidatedispersingthegroupofblackmen.However,

whenlargeamountsofmoneyaretobespentinstate-authorizedandsubsidizedfacilities(such

astheLouisianaSuperdome),poisingamuchlargerpublicthreat,nopoliceinterventionwillbe

seenasthisrevelryproducesprofitsforprivatebusinesses.Theirritualsandtraditionsare

importanttowealthywhites(Lipsitz11).

Historically,asLipsitznotes,ataxsystemthatsubsidizeshomemortgageinterest

deductions,propertytaxinheritanceandcapitalgainshascometorewardaracisthistoryin

planning.Forexample,considerthepositivefeedbackloopinschoolsystems:thisreinforcing

feedbackhasthecapacitytoperpetuateinequalitythroughsocialandculturalcapitaltiesto

jobsthatcomewithawell-connectedschool.Thoselivingintheschooldistrict,owningahome

andbenefittingfromtheirclassstanding,tendtostayintheirclassandconsolidatewealth.On

theotherhand,publicschoolsthathavebeenmiringinthevacuumcreatedbywhiteflightto

thesuburbslackthesamesocialandculturalcapitalconnections,impedinganyclimbinginto

themiddleclassthroughjobacquisition.Inthiswayeconomicstructurescancometobereadas

mapsorarchivesonwhicharchitecturalhistoryandpracticearebased.EventheYeomancould

bereadasamisguidedimaginaryinitsaestheticizationofacloserelationshipwithagricultural

productionandself-subsistence.FrankLloydWrightmadefeasibleforthesuburbanconsumerto

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liveintheyeomanidealthroughUsonia,whiletherealityisthatthisimaginaryconfigurationis

thefurthestthingfromtherealityoftheeconomicsystem.Thepartitioningofpropertyinthe

suburbsintotheindividualscaleofthehouseholdhasbeenmadeinvisiblebydesignchoices

thatbreakupthemonotony,namelynaturalbackyardsthatarefencedin.Inasense,nature

couldbeconsideredthephantasmagoriathatmakesoneforgetaboutlabor,blockingbothclass

formationandconsciousness.

IncontrastingLipsitzswhitespatialimaginarywiththeblackspatialimaginary,itis

evidenthowtheexchangevalueintheformerisfavoredovertheusevalueofthelatter.

AccordingtoLipsitz,thewhitespatialimaginaryisangledtowardsconvenienceforinvestors,

entrepreneursandowners,whereasblackspatialimaginariesarebasedonsocial

egalitarianismduetoalegacyofnecessaryresilienceagainstspatialracialization.Some

examplesofhowthesetwospatialimaginariesaremanifestedspatiallyareasfollowing:

housingandlendingdiscrimination(redlining),politicalboundaries(votingandschooldistricts,

privategovernmentsintheformofhomeownersassociations),policingpractices(InCleveland,

theJusticeDepartmenthasfoundthatthepolicedepartmentrepeatedlyhasusedabusiveand

excessiveforce,inacitywherethecivilianpopulationis53%/37%blackvs.whiteandthepolice

departmentis25%/65%blackvs.white,Oppel2014),zoningregulations(exclusionarypractices

inthesuburbsthatstipulateyardsneedingtobeacertainsize,lotshavingaminimumthatthey

canbesoldforinordertoexcludeaneconomicclass)anddesignoftransitsystemsand

highwaysthathavedestroyedneighborhoodshistoricallyhometopeopleofcolor-forinstance,

I95srejectedinJamaicaPlain,Bostonafterapredominantlywhitegrassrootsresistanceand

subsequentplacementinRoxbury,apredominantlyblackneighborhood).Allofthepreviousare

examplesofindirecttoolsofracialdiscriminationembeddedintotheplanningprocess,

indicatinghowpublicspacehasbeenprivatizedinordertosidestepcivillaw.

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Lipsitzarguesthatnopublicspaceexistsanymore:sidewalks,oncecriticalinJane

Jacobsvisiontomaintainingorder,arenowprivate,basedonthosewhoaretaskedwiththeir

maintenance.Privatespace,inthelensofboththeJeffersonianIdealandThoreaus

romantizationofnature,isaninherentlywhitevision,manifesteduniversallyinthesuburbsby

economicsystemsthatmadethempossible,Thisconnectsspaceandplaceasraciallycharged

withLefebvresanalysisoftheproductionofspaceinlatecapitalism.Whitenessframesthe

landscape,asseenintheoculusofunscathedwildernessthatimaginesthelandscapeaswild

andsavage,intheprocesserasingahistoryoftheinteractionofNativeAmericanswithnature.

TheAmericanSublimeandthenewnamesoftheNationalParksystemcreatemonumental

objectsinthewesterncanonafterNativeAmericanshavebeenpushedout,conservingthese

spaceswhiledevelopmentofquotidian,unnamedspaceoccurselsewhere.EvenEnvironmental

HistorianWilliamCrononpushesforthereconsiderationoftheconceptofwilderness,asitis

predicateduponaninherentlyviolentsystemofpatriarchyandracism.

Inmanicuredfrontlawns,backyardsthatneedtobedefendedinordertomaintain

safety,andcurvingstreetsnamedaftertreesandpoliticalfigures,doesonebegintounderstand

howtheaestheticsofthesuburbs,andsubsequentlyNewUrbanismandtheirHOPEVIcreation,

areameansofincorporatingthewhitespatialimaginaryintopublic,urbanspace.Inpublic

housingwecanseeatransitiontoprivatespaceseeninOscarNewmansseminalDefensible

Spacetheory.Publichousinginthepastthreedecadeshasemulatedprivatesuburban

development,usingplacebuildingasformulatedbylargescalerealestatedevelopmentasa

meansoferasingordisappearingspacesandplacesthatdonotconformwiththewhitespatial

imaginary.Spaceasawholeentersintothemodernizedmodeofcapitalistproduction:itis

utilizedtoproducesurplusvaluewritesLefebvre,summarizingprivatemeansofproductionof

spaceasithasseepedintopublichousing(Lefebvre187).Spacehasbecomeforthestatea

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politicalinstrumentofprimaryimportance.Thestateusesspaceinsuchawaythatitensuresits

controlofspaces,itsstricthierarchy,thehomogeneityofthewhole,andthesegregationofits

parts.Itisthusanadministrativelycontrolledandevenapolicedspace.Thehierarchyofspaces

correspondstothatofsocialclasses,andifthereexistghettosforallclasses,thoseofthe

workingclassaremerelymoreisolatedthanthoseoftheotherssummarizeshowstatecontrol

ofspacehasbeentransformedthroughtheprivaterealm,beingneoliberalizedinasense

(Lefebvre188).Spaceinthecityhasbeenprivatizedinordertomaintainhegemonicorder,and

asthatprivacydevolvesweeventuallyseeourselvespolicingstrangersastheyinteractwithour

ownprivatespacethathadoncebeenconfiguredaspublic.

Returningtoplacebuilding,wecanseehowacompositeofsocialrelations,orthe

illusionthereof,forminfluencesontheuseofaplace,renderingplacemorethanmaterial.

ConsiderOberlin,Ohio,atownwithaveryuniquesenseofplace.TappanSquare,asiteof

alumninostalgiaandcommunitygathering,inconjunctionwiththeBigParade,ayearlyevent

unitingtownandcollege,bothspatiallycreateanidentity,configuringplacebasedonitsuses

whilesimultaneouslyinfluencinghowpeoplerelatewithintheuseofthatspace.Similarly,as

ReinholdMartinarticulatesinTheArtofInequality, placeisformulatedbylargescalereal

estateinemulationofthemoreorganicmethoddevisedpreviously,creatingafunctioningtool

forcreatingcapitalbackedbylocalbanks.Theendofthisprocessisthegenerationofprofitby

capturingsurplusvalue.Aftergivingcopiousexamplesonformulasusedbydeveloperstoinfuse

theirluxurydwellingswithuniquesensesofplace,Martinconcludeswithhowtheimagination

ofhousingintheUnitedStates,bycorrelatingacertainlifestylewithacertainmarketby

helpingtoshapeaparticulartypeofhouseholdastheprimarysocioeconomicunitfromwhich

wealthisbuiltformsthebackboneofwealthinequalityinwhicharchitecture,togetherwith

housingpolicyandeconomicpolicy,helpstoproduceinequalitybyproducingandmanaging

24
wealth,asrealestate(Martin,125-7).Architecturalspecifics,fromfloorplanstoconstruction

materialstostylestobuildingnames,alsomixwithsocialcodesandregulatingnormstoshape

theeconomicsofinequalityalongracialandgenderlines,withthehouseholdastheirbasic

unit,writesMartin,succinctlyproclaiminghowarchitecturaltheory,forinstancethatofthe

CongressofNewUrbanism,canbeusedasaplanningtoolthroughwhichinequalityspreads

(Martin127).MartinpointsoutthataccordingtoU.S.Census,from2000to2011,white

householdsonaveragegaineda3.5%increaseinmediannetworth,whileontheotherhand

blackhouseholdsonaveragesawa37.2%decreaseinthenetworthoftheirhouseholds.He

concludesthatbasedonthesemetricscorrelatedwiththefactthatthedisparitybetween

mediannetworthbetweenwhiteandblackhouseholdsbeing$525,000,realestate,andmore

importantlythehousehold,correlateswithsocioeconomicstatusintheformofowning

architecture(Martin127).

Toconclude,wecanseesimilaritiesbetweenLipsitzandLefebvreinhowthesegregation

ofspatialimaginariescanbebrokendownandinequalitycanbecombatted:

...Afrontalattackonallthemechanismsthatpreventpeopleofcolorfromequalopportunities

toaccumulateassetsthatappreciatevalueandthatcanbepasseddownacrossgenerations

andtheembraceofaspatialimaginarybasedonprivilegingusevalueoverexchangevalue,

socialityoverselfishness,andinclusionoverexclusion-Lipsitz(10)

Turningtheworldbackonitsfeet,accordingtoMarx,impliesoverturningdominantspaces,

placingappropriationoverdomination,demandovercommand,anduseoverexchange-

Lefebvre(194).

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Chapter3-NeoliberalismastheNexusofthePrivateandPublicRealm

Inequalityinhousingisanintentionalconsequenceoftherealestatesystem,rather

thanahistoricalaccident(Martin92).

WhilefindingandapplyingadefinitionofNeoliberalismasitpertainstothebuilt

environmentcanbearathernebuloustask,declaringwhatisandisnotneoliberalismcan

occurmuchmorespontaneously.Traditionallyusedtorefertotheresurgenceand

popularizationof19thcenturyeconomicidealsi.e.laissez-faireeconomics,inthisdayandage

neoliberalismcanbeunderstoodtorefertotheliberalizationofmarketsthroughlimitingthe

presenceofgovernmentregulation.DevelopedbyMiltonFriedmanandFriedrichHayekasan

alternativetofordist-keynesianeconomics,neoliberalismcanbeunderstoodastheresurgence

ofmarket-basedinstitutionalshiftsandpolicyrealignmentsacrosstheworldeconomyduring

thepost-1980speriod(Brenner,Theodore,101-02).BrennerandTheodorehavecompileda

seriesofdefinitionsofhowneoliberalismoperates,fromwhichasynthesisofdefinitionscanbe

usedtoextractonesingular,encompassingdefinitionasitpertainstothisessay.Accordingto

BrennerandTheodore,neoliberalismis:1).Aprocessofmarket-drivenprocessesofsocialand

spatialtransformations,2).Articulatedspecificallyaccordingtospaceandplace,3).Dependent

uponarelationshipbetweenstateandeconomy,4).Acrystallizationofinstitutional

reorganizationthatreflectsthelegaciesofearliermodesofregulationand5).Aconditionthat

exacerbatesthecrisesofcontemporarycapitalismbyengenderingformsofmarketfailure,state

failureandgovernancefailure(Brenner,Theodore102).Asitcanbeseen,neoliberalismcould

26
bebroachedinthisessayfromnumerousangles,butIwillattempttosummarizeitsimpactsasa

schoolofthoughtandrealmofeconomicpolicy.Forexample,slashingofinner-citysocial

servicespendinginfavoroftransitspendingthatmitigatestrafficcongestioncouldbe

consideredaneoliberalpolicymove,inadditiontoaprojectthatinvolvesprivatedevelopment

corporationsdevelopingsaidtransitplans.

AblanketdefinitionofneoliberalismthatIwilluseisasfollows:theprivatizationof

developmentthatwouldhaveoccurredpubliclyinprevioustimesintheUnitedStates.Inother

words,itisthecontractionoftheprivaterealmusingpublicfundstochange,alter,ordevelop

thepublicsphere,presentingasrealestatedevelopmenttoonerealmandurbanrenewalor

sustainableurbandevelopmenttotheother.Itistheenhancedroleforprivate-sectoractorsin

(formally)public-sectormegaprojects(BrennanandTheodore104).

Sohowdoesneoliberalismrelatetoenvironmentalinjusticeandsustainableurban

development?Morespecifically,whateffectsdoesanabstractconceptsuchasneoliberalism

haveonspacesandplacesinCleveland?Itisinthetoolsthatitenablesinprivatecorporations

anddevelopersthatallowracistpolicytoindirectlycontinuetopervadeintothepublicrealm,

crystallizingenvironmentalinjustice.Neoliberalismisthenexusbywhichpublicgovernments

canexecuteindirectenvironmentallyunjustpoliciesthroughmanipulationofplaceandspace.It

doessothroughtheunionofrealestateandpolicy,changingthebuiltenvironmentinfavorof

thosewhocontrolspacesandplaces.

Copiousexamplesofthetoolsbywhichneoliberalismspreadsinequalitycanbe

extractedintheBuellCenteratColumbiaUniversitysGSAPPsTheArtofInequality.These

toolsareentirelyprecipitatedoneconomicinequality,thebackboneofwhichanyadvanced

capitalistsocietythrives:Economicinequality,whethermeasuredbyincomeorbyaccumulated

wealth,governsbysubmittingcitizensoftheglobal,neoliberalmarketplacetoacalculusthat

27
guidestheproductionandmanagementofcities,suburbs,towns,villages,andbuildingsby

projectingvirtueatanabstractlevelwhilewithholdingconcretelythepossibilityofgenuine

parity(Martin94).Realestateformsthebasisbywhichinequalitycanpervade,usingaplethora

oftoolsatitsdisposal,beingtextbooks,schools,architecturalrenderings,zoningandlanduse

code,andtheorytonameafew.

AsReinholdMartinexploresintheartofinequality,thebuildingNewYorkbyGehry can

beanalyzedintheperspectiveofhowinequalitygovernsspace,placeandtheurbanfabricof

citiesacrossthecountry:ThemarketperformanceofNewYorkbyGehrycontributedtoan

overallportfolioagainstwhichsharesinthedevelopersparentcompany,ForestCity

Enterprises,Inc.,tradeditiscapitaland...[ahouse]consideredasacapitalinvestmentfor

theirowners(ratherthanjustasexchangeablecommoditiesforthebuilderssummarizehow

differentspaces(home,dwellingandtheapartmentbuilding,place-madebythesignature

stylingofastarchitect,FrankGehry)incorporateaestheticsinordertocapitalizeoninvestment.

Thisdescribestheparasiticbenefitingoffofthenecessityofdomesticitywhilesimultaneously

inflatingwhatitdoescosttoliveincertainareas(Martin102,111).Developmentofanyform,

whenconsideredsimplyintermsofitsrelationshiptothedialecticsofsocialstructuresand

economicmovement,onlyexacerbatesinequality,whichmustultimatelybeconsideredand

reconciledwhendevelopmentisdeemedtobesustainable.

ThomasPikettyhasdescribedhighinequalityincapitalownershipasbeingillustratedby

10%ofapopulationowning70%ofwealth,andsubsequentlyveryhighinequalityoccurring

whenthetop10%ofapopulationowning90%ofwealth.Further,totalinequalityiswhen10%of

apopulationcontrolsnotonly60%ofcapitalinconjunctionwithwages(Martin104).While

sustainabledevelopmentprojectssuchasViaVerdeinNewYorkCityhaverelatively

successfullysoughttominimizethefactorbywhichurbandevelopmentlocallyamplifiesor

28
shiftsinequality,oftensustainabledesignprojectsunknowinglycontributetothisissuewhile

havingequalityatthecoreoftheirmission.

Forinstance,HOPEVI,theprogramthattookoverthetorchfrommodernisthousing

projectsasamodelofpublichousingintheUnitedStates,hasoftenbeencriticizedasfailingto

meettheneedsofthepopulationsthatitseekstoserve,despiteitsbestintentions.WhileHOPE

VIwasanefforttorecastpublichousingspecifically,twoofitsmaintenetshavebecome

commonlyacceptedforallaffordablehousingdevelopment.First,theprivatesector-whether

nonprofitorfor-profit-hasbecometheonlyacceptableleadactorinthefieldofaffordable

housingdevelopment.Second,affordablehousingisnotbuildtolookaffordable,perse,but

integratedwithandindistinguishablefrommarket-ratehousingdescribeshowthisneoliberal

policyinitiativehasfilledavacuumusingspatialtoolsasameansofgoverningspaceandplace

inurbancenters(Martin71).HOPEVIhasdrawnmuchcriticismbyfurtherpushingthosewho

reliedonpublichousingfurthertothefringesofsocietywhileprimingneighborhoodsfor

gentrificationthroughNewUrbanistaesthetics

ThetheoreticalbackgroundthatcanbeunderstoodtoserveasthebasisforHOPEVI

urbanhousingprojectscanbetracedbacktoOscarNewmansinfluentialDefensibleSpace

Theory,oftenalsoequatedwithBrokenWindowsPolicinginUrbanAmerica.Withconnectionto

JaneJacobsnotionofsecurityderivedfromeyesonthestreet,theDefensibleSpacetheory

postulatedthatindesigningtiersofprivacyandthusthesentimentofownershipanddomain

overacertainplace,securitycouldbeendowedthroughconfrontationofindividualsnavigating

aspace.Newmanpredictedtheprivatizationofpublichousing,whichcanbereadasa

disseminationoftheJeffersonianIdealsoprominentinsuburbandevelopmentbeing

transplantedintodense,urbanenvironments.Becauseofthelocationofresidences,becauseof

theirsocialposition,andbecauseofthedesignoftheirhousing,thepoorarethemost

29
consistentlyvictimizedofoururbanpopulationdescribesthesentimentbehindNewmans

rationale,inwhichallthosewhooccupypublichousingwillbegivenalawn,andcommunal

lived-inspacethatwassemi-public,beingopentothepedestrianbutultimatelybeingprivate

throughitsarchitecturalelements,suchasfences,stoops,andlowbrickwalls.

SimilarlytoNewman,theCongressofNewUrbanismhasbeencriticizedinfailingto

reachthebroad,sweepingsocialandeconomicsustainabilitythattheirorganizationpromotes

throughcomprehensivearchitectureandplanning.AtthescaleoftheBlock,StreetandBuilding,

theCNUpromotesastancemuchdifferentfromthemoderniststhatprecededthem,trumpeting

architectureofplacethatfocusesonthehumanpresenceorscale.

Forinstance,taketheexampleofSullivanStation,amixed-incomepublichousing

developmentinChicago.Thosepublichousingapplicantswhomakeitthroughthescreening

gauntlet(leasecompliancechecks,housekeepingchecks,criminalbackgroundchecks,credit

checks,employmentverification,anddrugtesting)areallowedintothequietisolationofplaces

withbucolicnameslikeParksideofOldTown,theVillagesofWesthaven,andOakwoodShores

writesMayaDukmasovainherpiecetheProblemWithMixed-IncomeHousingforJacobin

Magazine,examiningtheshortcomingsofloftysocialaspirationsmitigatedthrough

architecturalintervention.SullivanStationisanotherexampleofpublic-housingadopting

place-baseddevelopmentinordertoattractacertainincomebracket,turningpublichousingas

anassetthatdoesnotcreatevalueintoaspacerenderedascommoditywiththesolepurposeof

producingaprofit,withthesocialserviceofpublichousingbeinganafterthought.

Further,inordertoexperiencethisimprovementoflivingconditions,onehastomeeta

verystringentlistofrequirements,allowingonlyacertainsubsetofthosewhohadbeen

previouslylivinginpublichousingtheopportunityoflivingamongmixed-income.However,

thissocialupliftingintothemiddleclasscomesattheexpenseoftheinabilitytoown,sell,or

30
gainequityonanassetthathistoricallyhasbeenthefoundationofthemiddleclassinthe

UnitedStates.LowIncomeHousingTaxCreditsonlycatertothosemakingaboveathresholdset

unreasonablyhigh,andthosedisplacedthroughthedestructionofhousingprojectsoftendonot

haveaplacetoreturnto,despitereceivingSection8vouchers(Narefsky).Someequatelivingat

SullivanStationtoaprison,inthatthoselivinginthepublic-housingsubsidizedunitsneedto

havetheirunitsmonitoredbypropertymanagers,cannotutilizethespatialbenefitssuchas

gymsorgrills,andcannothavefriendsorfamilyvisitfreely(Narefsky).Despitethis,thoseliving

inSullivanStationdoappreciatethespacious,well-litdwellings,eventhoughthischange

involvesanerasureofthesocialcapitalbuiltwithinpublichousingprojects.

DavidHarveybuildsuponhowneoliberalismaffectsurbanformanddevelopmentinhis

essayTheRighttotheCity,continuingmanyoftheideasofHenriLefebvre.Neoliberalismhas

alsocreatednewsystemsofgovernancethatintegratestateandcorporateinterests,and

throughtheapplicationofmoneypower,ithasensuredthatthedisbursementofthesurplus

throughthestateapparatusfavorscorporatecapitalandtheupperclassesinshapingtheurban

process,hewritesintheessaypublishedin2008intheNewLeftReview.AsIambroachingthe

subject,theRighttotheCitycanbedefinedastherighttochangeourselvesbychangingthe

city(Harvey23).Consideringtheseideas,onemightaskthequestions:towhatextentdoesthe

averagecitizenofClevelandhavethecapacitytochangetheirbuiltenvironmentforthebetter?

Andtowhatextentdomarginalizedgroupshavethisright?

NewUrbanismasamanifestationofpostmodernidealscanbeunderstoodasaresponse

tothefailuresofmodernismthatmass-producesacommoditythatmasksthedeeply

entrenchedsocialissuesathand.Cateringtoindividualism,littlecollectiveactionandprivate

politicalorganizations,NewUrbanismcouldbesaidtobeatoolbywhichurbanelitecontinue

toconsolidatesurpluscapital,leavingtheurbanpoorandmiddleclasslittlemeansbywhich

31
theycanhavecontrolovertheutilizationandproductionofsaidcapital.Onceacquired,

propertyanditsdefensehenceforthformthebasisofajudicialsysteminwhichprivateproperty

isarightvaluedaboveallothers,asseentheuseofeminentdomaintodisplacecertainurban

undesirables:accordingtotheSupremeCourt,increasingataxbaseismoreimportantthan

displacement(Harvey,35).Neoliberalism,usingtheaestheticsendowedbyNewUrbanism,has

beenwidelycriticizedasafurtherperpetuationofaccumulationbydispossession,andits

theoreticalargumentscatertoalreadyexistingpowerstructureswithinmetropolitanregions.

NewUrbanisminNorthAmericaispredicatedonthreelevels,orscales,ofdesign

standards:theRegion,theNeighborhood,andtheStreet.Whilecoordinationbetweenallthree

scalesisimportant(andiscorroboratedbyapoliticalandeconomicperspectiveinthe

developmentofsmartgrowth),theneighborhoodisbyfarandwidestressedabovetheothers,

beingconsideredthebuildingblockofthecity.TheneighborhoodiskeytoNewUrbanisms

place-basedapproach,beingclearlydefinedbyedgeswhilecontainingvarietyofself-sufficient

uses,beingintrovertedtowardsitsciviccenter.TheChartercreatedbytheCongressforNew

Urbanism(CNU)isheavilyriddledwiththerhetoricofNewEnglandtownhallmeetings,

ultimatelypurveyingneotraditionaltownsasidyllic.Theform-basedcodethatitupholdscan

beseenasparadoxical,romanticizingahistoricistvisionofcolonialNewEngland,ultimately

placingpowerinthehandsofthearchitectsandthosewhopayfortheirwork:Theeconomic

healthandharmoniousevolutionofneighborhoods,districtsandcorridorscanbeimproved

throughgraphicurbandesigncodesthatserveaspredictableguidesforchange,headsa

chapterwithintheCharter,conveyinghowNewUrbanismseekstosolvesystematically

entrenchedinstitutionalissuesthroughdesign(LecceseandMcCormick109).Tofurtherconvey

theircomplacencyinaddressingsocialoreconomicissues:Traditionalbuildingtypesand

spacesoffermorethanarchitecturalform;theyalsocoincidewithhowoursocietyworks.Ifwe

32
followtraditionalprinciplesofpublicandprivatedomain-frontyard,backyard,correctdesign

ofstreetstopromoteneighborlinessanddiscouragethroughtraffic-wewillavoidtrouble.In

general,youwillfindopportunitiesforcrimewherethesebasicprincipleshavebeenviolated

(LecceseandMcCormick137).Thecharterlatergoesontolistthesurvivingcolonialareasof

Boston,ProvidenceandCharlestonasidealstandardsoftraditionaldesign,ashistorymeansthat

somethingmusthaveworked(LecceseandMcCormick156).Byrepackagingandorganizing

theirdesignmovementaroundwhatalreadywashegemonicurbandesignstatusquo(suburban

enclaves),andcompoundedbydefensiblespacetheoryandbrokenwindowspolicing,onecan

easilyextrapolatehowNewUrbanismisatoolbywhichthosewhocontrolspaceandplacein

capitalistsocietycanfurthermanipulateurbanenvironmentsattheexpenseofthose

marginalizedorwithlittleagencytotheirrighttothecity.

SoeffectiveandpunctualwastheorganizationoftheCongressforNewUrbanismthat

theDepartmentofHousingandUrbanDevelopment(HUD)undertheClintonadministration

turnedtotheCNUforleadershipanddirectionofurbanredevelopment.Insteadoftacklingthe

issueofpoverty,theresponsewastospreaditoutsothatitbecameinvisible,orassimilatedinto

whattheydeemtobetheirvisionofsocietalnorms.Thiswasaccomplished,orattempted,

throughthedevelopmentoftheHOPEVIprogramforHUD,orHousingOpportunitiesforPeople

Everywhere.ItwassocaptivatingthatHUDwouldawardgrantsspecificallytolocal

governmentsthatincludedNewUrbanismprinciplesintheirproposals(LecceseandMcCormick

93).ThekeyelementsofHOPEVI,aslaidoutintheCharterofNewUrbanism,areasfollows:

- NewDevelopmentsaredesignedtohumanscale.

- Civicusessuchasrecreationandmedicalfacilities,villagecentersandshopsand

smallbusinessesareincludedintheneighborhood.

- Residentincomesaremixed;unitedarerentedorownedbymiddle-class,

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working-class,andpubliclysubsidizedhouseholds.

- Homesareclosetothestreet,withfrontwindows.

- Residentshavestreetaddressesratherthanprojectaddresses.

- Backandfrontyardsbelongtoindividualunits,creatingdefensiblespace.

- Parksaresmallandplacedwheretheycanbeobservedcloselybyresidents.

- Newstreetsthatbreakupsuperblocksaredesignedtoberelativelynarrowand

haveon-streetparkingandtraffic-calmingdeviceslikecrosswalks.

- Tenantsarecarefullyscreened,andrulesarestrictlyenforced.

IitalicizedwhatIthinktobepillarsthatstickout,reinforcinghowplace-building

techniquesofNewUrbanismonlyperpetuateanormalizationofthebuiltenvironment,

supplantingsuburbanaestheticsusingpublicandprivatecapitalinordertofurthermarginalize

individuals.OnecaneasilyextracttheinfluencesofJaneJacobsandOscarNewman,bringing

intoquestionthepowerbywhichthisrhetorichasbecomethestatusquoforurban

development.Onecouldevengoasfarastosaythat,basedontheapplicationofNewUrbanism

byHUD,theAestheticsandidealsofNewUrbanism,orNeotraditionaltown-planning,couldbe

consideredstate-sponsoredgentrification,furtheringtheextentbywhichinstitutionalracismis

entrenchedinAmericansociety.

InconsideringhowNewUrbanismisappliedbyneoliberalism,andhowneoliberalismis

changingcitiesacrosstheglobe,Iseektoask:whatishappeningtospacesandplacesin

Cleveland,Ohio?Aretheybeingwhitewashedbyform-basedcodesimplementedatthe

regionallevel,andexecutedbyprivatedevelopmentfirmstakingpubliccapitalusingneoliberal

tacticsasaconduit(densitybonuses,inclusionaryzoning)?AreNewUrbanismtheoriesand

aestheticsbeingusedtoperpetuatethisnormalizationandfurthermarginalizationofgroups,

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especiallythosehistoricallyprejudicedagainstbyracisminurbanplanning?

ItheorizethatwhatisdeemedtobesustainableurbandevelopmentinClevelandisin

factaperpetuationofinstitutionalracism,furtheringinequalityinthebuiltenvironmentby

normalizingspaceandplaceandinfringingonthecitizensRighttotheCity.Iwillexamineand

explorethisquestionbyexamininganumberofprojects,havingstudiedthedemographic

changesandtrendsbeforeandaftertheseprojectswereimplanted.Additionally,Ihave

observedfirsthandandthroughresearchwhereNewUrbanistaestheticscomeupinproject

implementationandproduction(theplanningprocess:masterplans,designproposalsetc.).

Chapter4-HistoryofRacismasManifestedintheBuiltEnvironmentin

Cleveland

In1938LewisMumfordsawthewaysinwhichmodernistplanningcoulddisruptsocial

progressforgenerationsthrougharchitecture:Inthecity,timebecomesvisible:buildingsand

monumentsleaveanimprintuponthemindsevenoftheignorantorindifferent.Throughthe

materialfactofpreservationhabitsandvaluescarryoverbeyondthelivinggroupLayerupon

layer,pasttimespreservethemselvesinthecityuntillifeitselfisfinallythreatenedwith

suffocation:then,insheerdefense,modernmaninventsthemuseum(Mumford19,20).

Mumfordunderstoodhowsocialprogresscouldnotkeepupwitheitherthemeansortheforces

ofproduction,creatingwhathecalledacrystallizationofchaosinwhichdisorderprevailed

throughsocialdisruptionanddisorganization.ItiseasytoseetheinfluencesthatMumfordhad

insustainableurbanplanning,particularlyintheworkofJaneJacobs,butwhatistroublingis

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thattheprogressionoftheseanti-modernistidealscouldbereconfiguredtogiverisetoanew

formofplanningthatmerelysidesteppedtheissuesathandinNewUrbanism.

ClevelandisexemplaryinregardstoMumfordsdeclarationsaboutpastmindsand

hegemonybeingpreservedinthecrystallizationofthebuiltenvironment.Oneonlyneedsto

lookatcensusdata,whichconveystheleveltowhichthecityissegregatedspatiallybyclass

andwealthinequality.Cleveland,likeotherindustrialMidwesterncities,receivedagreatinflux

ofmigrantsduringtheGreatMigrationofAfrican-Americanstravelingnorthwardstoseekjobs

fromtheruralsouth.Duetorestrictivecovenantsandredliningpractices,thesenewlysettled

migrantsfacedhousingdiscriminationwhichconfinedthemtocertainspaceswithinthecity,

leadingtobothdecayinghousingstockthroughovercrowdingandtheconsolidationofcultural

andsocialcapitalintheseareas,creatingblackghettos.

RichardWright,authorofNativeSon,sawthisovercrowding,particularlyinkitchenettes

inChicagosBlackBelt,asameansofspreadingthegeographyofthecarceralsystemintourban

environments,legallyconfinedAfricanAmericancitizenstocertainspacesinthecities.As

RashadShabazzputsitinhisbookSpatializingBlackness,particularlyonhisfocusonthework

ofWright,hemakesitclearhowgeographymakessocialandpoliticalinequalitiesvisibleby

situatingthemwithinphysicalspace(Shabazz45).Thebodypoliticcomesintoplayhere,as

thesespaces,oncedeemedtrendyandmoderntothewhitespatialimaginary,soonbecome

physicalmanifestationsofcarceralpoweronceAfricanAmericanswereforcedtomoveinto

them.Thisexertionofsocietalpowerextendedbeyondthekitchenetteintomodernisthousing

projects:continuedeconomicandspatialdisenfranchisementofBlackresidentsalso

contributedtothefailureofthehousingprojectsandproduced,inmanyinstances,

intergenerationalpovertybasedongeography,Shabazzwritesontheuseofhousingpolicyasa

toolbywhichplannerssoughttomanagepopulationsandcommunities(Shabazz56).

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AhistoryofspatialracismiswelldemonstratedspatiallytodayinClevelandaswell,

leavinglastingrelicstoanageinwhichracismincityplanningwasmoreovert.Clevelandhasa

historyofcompetitionamongethnicpopulationsforspacewithinthecity,withmanygroups

beingdisplacedatthebehalfofanother.Asameansofimplementingmunicipalcontroland

subvertingtheethnicpopulationvote,middleandupperclassAnglo-Americansturnedto

education,adoptingastrategyofluringCentralEuropeanawayfromprivateschoolsintothe

publiceducationsystem.Settlementhomeswereoftenestablishedasameansofsocializingand

assimilatingEuropeanethnicenclavesintoAmericanculture,butoftentheresultwasopposite

ofintent.Inversely,interactionbetweenAnglo-AmericansandEuropeanethnicpopulations

oftenspawnedculturalpreservationandcelebrationoftheirdiversityinthenameofcultural

pluralism.TheinterwarandpostwarperiodinClevelandwasoneforgrowthforethnic

populations,butthisassimilationandcelebrationofdiversitywasnotextendedtoAfrican

AmericanpopulationsmovingtoClevelandduringtheGreatMigration.Deeplyentrenched

prejudiceandracismpreventedAfricanAmericansfromthesameopportunitiesasEuropean

ethnicimmigrants.AsnotedbytheEncyclopediaofClevelandHistoryatCaseWesternReserve

University:TheeconomicconsequencesofdiscriminationmadeitimpossibleforAfrican

Americanstoaccumulatetheresourcesforcommunitydevelopmentonaparwiththewhite

ethniccommunities(Rose).

Relationsbetweenblackandwhitepopulationsworsenedduringthe20thcentury

significantly.Increasingjobdiscrimination,inconjunctionwithspatialpatternsofhousing

segregationsuchasredlining,whitesonlypoliciesandrestrictivecovenantsconstrictedblack

populationsinawaythatwhiteethnicpopulationswerenotsubjectto.SimilarlytohowShabazz

highlightsRichardWrightsdocumentationoftheconfinementofblackpopulationsinChicago

intosubstandard,slum-likeconditionsinkitchenettes,blackpopulationsinClevelandalso

37
experiencedovercrowding,whichspurredhousingcrises.Clevelandsblackpopulation

increasedby300%between1910and1920,andwhitepopulationsthroughinstitutionalracism

andviolenceresistedthedispersalofthispopulationintowhiteneighborhoods.Black

leadershipinthesecommunitiesinthefollowingdecadesunitedtofightforequalityinpolitics

andthecourts,expandingintopoliticsasabattleground.However,thedefeatofcertainracist

policiesandpracticesstrengthenedanti-blackracism,raisingfearinwhitepopulationsofthe

specterofablackpoliticaltakeover(Rose).

Thislegacyoftensionisvery

apparentinCleveland,theoutrageoverwhichislegibleintheHoughriotsof1966.The

neighborhoodlocatedbetweenDowntownandUniversityCirclebecameahighlyconcentrated

residentialareaforAfricanAmericansduringtheearlytomidtwentiethcenturyforanumberof

raciallychargedreasons:restrictivecovenantsandmortgagelendingwerediscriminatoryin

decidingwhowasallowedtolivewhere,andlandlordswerequicktoreacttothispositive

feedbackloopbysubdividingtwofamilyhousesintomulti-unitapartments,advancingtherate

ofthedecay.ThecitygovernmentofClevelandwascomplicitaswell:whilepromotingtherate

ofsuburbanizationbybuildingfreewayinfrastructureandinducingcertainmortgagelending

throughincometaxsubsidization,cityinfrastructurewasexpandedtocatertoacertainwhite

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majoritythatwasnowfleeingtheslumsthatwereformingdowntown(spedupbyblockbusting).

Further,inordertointentionallydeemtheHoughneighborhoodasblighted,thecity

participatedinnumerouscriminalandracistpolicies:housingcodesandprostitutionlawswent

unenforcedforyears;garbagepickupslowedandevenhaltedformonthsatatime;police

harassmentandabusebecamearegionalstrategy;andMayorLocherinitiatedOperation

Demolitiontoclearabandonedpropertiesthroughburning,PaulHansonpointsoutinhis

researchontheriots(Hanson158).DespitetheelectionofCarlStokesin1967asthecitysfirst

AfricanAmericanmayor,whiteethnicpopulationsthatsawthesenewfocusesonracialidentity

andculturalprideasthreatstotheirneighborhoodidentityresistedtheresultsofdesegregation

duringthecivilrightseratenaciously.Infact,theNAACPfiledasuitin1973againstthepublic

schoolsystem,whichwasconvictedofsegregatingblackstudentsinschools.Someevenseethe

resistancetothecivilrightsmovementinClevelandasanexampleofanewethnic

consciousnessinthe1970sand1980s(Rose)

Mapdepicting redliningin

Clevelandin1936.SourcedfromtheOhioStateUniversityLibrarysMapsandGeospatialDataCollection

InHansonsworkwecanseecleartiestoLipsitzsnotionofthediscrepanciesbetween

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thewhiteandblackspatialimaginaries.Onecaneasilymaketheassociationbetweenhow

policeinteractandgovernthespaceofapredominantlyblackneighborhoodinLipsitzs

anecdoteonNewOrleanswithhowClevelandsplanningcommitteehashistoricallyfocusedon

certaindemographicsoverothers.EvenmoresalientishowLipsitzswhitespatialimaginary,

definedasonegearedtowardsconvenienceforinvestors,entrepreneursandowners,is

apparentinthecontemporaryurbanfabricofcertainneighborhoodsinCleveland,andevenat

theregionallevelasawhole.Forinstance,considerTremontPointe,aHOPEVIhousing

developmentintheTremontNeighborhoodofCleveland.Afterdemolishingthepreviously

existingpublichousingcomplexin2001(previouslynamedValleyviewHomes),theCityof

Clevelandengagedaprivatedevelopmentcorporation,McCormackBaronSalazar,Inc.to

developamasterplanfortheareainordertointegratethepublichousingcommunityintothe

neighborhood,eventuallyreceivingafederalgrantwhichtheCuyahogaMetropolitanHousing

Authoritysupplementedinordertobuildthe$43millionproject.Currently,thisprivate

developmentcorporationmanagesandoverseesthepublichousingproject.Thispublicspaceis

beinggovernedbythenationsleadingfor-profitdeveloper,managerandassetmanagerof

economically-integratedneighborhoods.

Clevelandstillfacesarangeofenvironmentaljusticeissues,rangingfromdecaying

housingstockofrentalunits(fromwhichcertainpopulationshavelittlemobility)toalackof

freshfoodinextensiveurbanareas.TheEnvironmentalHealthWatchnotesthatincertain

neighborhoodshistoricallyredlinedinCleveland,chronicasthma,obesity,highbloodpressure

anddiabetesarefoundinblackchildrenatoverwhelminglyhigherratesthantheirwhite

counterparts.Withhighpopulationnumbersintheseareasrentingfromlandlordslivingoutside

ofCleveland,itisevidenthowitcanbedifficulttopickupandmovewhenleadisdiscoveredin

wallpaint.Tofurthercompoundtheissue,theCityofClevelandhasnosuchdatabaseorregistry

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ofhomesthatareleadsafe.Stigmatizationofthesepublichealthissuesthatarecorrelated

spatiallywithhousingcanalsobetracedbacktoinstitutionalracism:inthe1950stheCleveland

PlainDealerpublicallyplacedblameonlead-poisoningnotonhousingconditions,buton

parentsthatwouldlettheirkidsnibbleonpeelingpaint.Ithasevenbeenpointedoutthat,at

thesametime,trade-associationswithinthelead-pigmentindustrycallednegroand

Puerto-Ricanchildrenastheculpritsofnationalleadpoisoningscaresinordertodampenfears

(DissellandZeltner).

Inregardstodistributivejustice,itisstillevidentthatontheneighborhoodscalepublic

participationandarchitectureseemtoresideacrossaboundaryimpermeabletotheordinary

citizen.AsJeremyTillpositsinhisessayNegotiationsofHope,publicparticipationin

architecturepresentsathreattothenormativearchitecturalvaluesthathavebecomecanonin

westernarchitecture.Tillpointsoutthatthestatusquoofparticipationistogetthepresumed

supportofcitizens,placatingthembyconveyingthefeelingthattheirneedsaremetwhilein

realityactionsofbuiltinterventionshavealreadybeendetermined.

Inhisessay,Tilldepictsaspectrumofdemocraticparticipationinthearchitectural

process,rangingfrompseudotopartialtofullparticipation.Whilefullparticipationis

impossible,Tillargues,anythingonthelessdemocraticsideofthespectrumoffersasocially

acceptableshieldbehindwhichtheauthorscandeveloptheirtechnicallydetermined

ideologies(Till4).Politicsisimpossibletoremovefromparticipation,andthedenialofits

inherentpresenceisameansbywhichthearchitectandplannerspreadsenvironmental

injusticeinspatialproduction.ThisisevidentinreadingtheworksofmanyprominentNew

Urbanists,suchasLeonKrierandRobertStern.Theperfectionachievedinthemindofthe

architectischallengedandsuspendedatcontingentreality,andthusparticipationcanbea

meansbywhichnormativityinspacecanbeundermined.

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Tillpromotestheideaoftransformativeparticipation,breakingdowntheroleof

architectasspecialized,alienatedexpert:architecturalknowledgeshouldnotbeappliedasan

abstractionfromtheoutside,butdevelopedfromwithinthecontextofthegivensituationhe

writes,asimilarconcepttoAntonioGramscisorganicintellectual.Todevelopthisknowledge

fromwithin,thearchitectmustprojectthemselvesintothespatialcontext,physicalandsocial,

oftheuser,hecontinues,thearchitectbecomesanactivist,workingonbehalfofandasa

dweller(Till7).Allmenareintellectuals,onecouldthereforesay:butnotallmenhavein

societythefunctionofintellectualswritesGramsciinThePrisonNotebooks,acloseparallel

thatTillseekstomakeinbreakingdownthedialectbetweenthearchitectandthecitizen

(Gramsci9).Ontheothersideofthedialecticofparticipationistheuser,thedweller,thosefor

whomthespaceisproduced,producethespaceandoccupythespace:theusershouldhavethe

opportunitytoactivelytransformtheknowledgeofthearchitect,writesTilldemonstratingthat

thearchitectasintellectual,orasmasterbuilderintheclassicist,westerncanonicalsense,can

ariseorganicallyoutofapopulationfromwithinthrougheducationandinteractionwithother

intellectuals(Till8).

IncurrentmaterialandsociopoliticalconditionsofurbanAmerica,allofthistheoryon

howurbanformthrougharchitectureandplanningcanseemlikeatenuousconnectionto

environmentaljustice.However,recentprotestmovements,suchasBlackLivesMatter,canuse

thisformofparticipation,negotiatinghope,asaheuristicmodelwhenbroachingurban

(re)developmentofpublicspacesandplacesthatarehistoricallyintegralpartsofmarginalized

identities.

CharlesDavisIIbuildsuponthisideainhisessayBlackSpacesMatter,elaboratingonthe

ideathatraceandplacearemutuallyreinforcingentities,perbothBookerT.Washingtonand

RobertRobinsonTaylor.Similarly,sotoodidredliningreinforcetheideathatraceandplaceare

42
interconnected.JustastheBlackLivesMattermovementforcesustochallengeanti-black

racisminthiscountryandtheimageryassociatedwithit,sotooshoulditchallengeustosituate

thesesubjectivitieswithinamaterialrealitythatsafelymaintainstheirlivelihood....Itmeans

consideringblackspaceasaconceptualsiteofsocialprotest(Davis3).UsingpoetJuneJordan

andherworkHisOwnWhere,Davisexploreshowanalternativeformofmodernismmanifests

itselfinarchitecturalwriting,onethatthrivesonfoundspacesandseeksopportunitiesto

influencethecityfromthebottomup,anotionthatisdiametricallyopposedtothemodernist

dogmaticplanningofthecityfromthetopdownasamachine,whilealsoallowingthose

marginalizedtoparticipateinsocial/spatialprojects(Davis5).MuchofDavisessayisfocused

onthescaleofarchitecture,buttherearesomeinterestingtakeawaysthathavethecapacityto

buildcommunityinaresilient,inwardfocusedmannerthattransformativeparticipationwould

enable.Whatwouldhappenifyoungboysandgirlswereredirectedtoreformingtheinteriors

ofinheritedandneglectedspaces?Davisasksus,callingintoquestionthatsuperficialityofthe

mindsetofthenobleplannerordeveloperseekingtoinvestinanarea(Davis7).

ThehistoricalrealityincitiesintheNortheasternUnitedStatesisthatpostmodernists

whopromoteNewUrbanismasameansofdisappearingpovertyhavefurtherneglectedspaces

alreadyneglectedmostbycityplanningofficials.Publichousingonlycameintoprominencein

the1950sasaresultofahousingcrisisforthepoor.Whileitmaybeatangentialpoint,Ithinkit

isinterestingtonotethatlessthan100ofthe67,000mortgagesissuesundertheG.I.Billafter

WorldWar2wenttoblackveterans.Inordertocombatwhite-flighttothesuburbs,citiessought

toattractbusinessesandmiddleclassfamiliesbackin,anddecidedthattheslumsthatoften

ringeddowntownsneededtobedemolishedinfavorofmiddleclasshousing.Clevelandisno

exception,asexemplifiedbythedemolitionofHoughandneighborhoodssurrounding

downtowninordertoattractthosecommutingthesuburbsback.Inconjunction,parkinglots

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werebuiltdowntownandtransportationinfrastructurewasexpanded.Theresultofthismass

disappearanceanddisplacementofpovertywasitsconcentrationinlarge-scalehighrise

apartmentbuildings,therootofwhichcanbetracedbacktoLeCorbusierstheoriesonsocial

housinginTowardsanArchitecture.AsNewmanpointsout,anymiddleclassneighborhood

wouldunifyinordertokeepoutthepoor(ortheelderlyforthatmatter)fromoccupying

small-lotinfillsitesiftheywereproposed,sotheconversetendedtohappen:themiddleclass

cametothepoorneighborhoodsinboththeformofgentrificationandNewUrbanism.

Furthercompoundingthisissueisthegovernmentsfailuretoinvestinpublichousing,a

trendofdeclinethatbeganinthe1970s.Thispointcanbeattributedtowhentheprivaterealm

tookonthemarketforworkingclassandlowerclasshousing.Asseeninsomeofthedensest

citiesinthecountrylikeNewYorkandSanFrancisco,atrickledownapproachtohousing

shortagesistaken.HousingdevelopmentishighlyrestrictiveinNewYork,butdeveloperscan

getaroundthesecodesthroughmeetingstipulatedrequirementsforaffordableunits.However,

theseunitsareoftennotintegratedwiththerestoftheluxurydevelopment,seeninarchitecture

thatexhibitsdifferententrancesbasedonunitlocation.Theargumentisthatthecreationofany

luxuryunitswillenticethewealthytomoveintothem,freeingupmiddleclasshousing.As

pointedoutbyKarenNarefskyonherarticleontrickle-downgentrification:nowheredocity

officialsaddresslower-incomeorpublichousingaddressed.GoneistheagewhenEisenhower

couldtaxthetopearners90%oftheirincomeinordertofundsociallyinterestedprojects,such

astheinterstatehighwaysystem(whichultimatelywouldbethebanetocitiesasitenabled

suburbanization).Further,subsidizedhousingvouchershavebeenstigmatizedamongpoliticians

ashandouts,confoundingthosewhobelieverightfullythataninvestmentinthewellbeingand

economicstabilityofworkingclassneighborhoodsisbeneficialasanindirectsubsidy.As

MichaelPyatokpointsoutinhisarticleUnpackingtheProblem:Isaffordablehousing

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capitalismshopelessquest?,publishedinArchitectureBoston(winter2016),attemptsatsolving

theparadoxofaffordablehousinginasocietypredicatedoninequality(andfurther,thatthose

whodonotachievearetoblameandnotthesystem)isonethathasyettobeanswered.

However,Pyatokbelievesthatarchitecturecannotshyawayfromthechallengeofoperating

undercapitalism;infact,hebelievesthatthroughgooddesign,wearemakingitseemlikethe

UnitedStatesissolvingitshousingproblemwhennothingofthekindishappening(Pyatok).

Theprivaterealmhasfilledthisvacuum,oftenbyusingcommunitydevelopment

corporationsusinglow-incomehousingtaxcreditsorsection8vouchers.However,thedefinition

ofaffordablehousingisalsomurky.Theusualindicatorof30%ofthemedianincomeofa

neighborhoodisusuallysetasthefloor,excludingthosemostinneed.Currentdevelopment

conditionscatertowardsluxuryapartmentsandcondos,andanyspacefreedupbysuchprojects

usuallystimulatesmoreofthem,pushingworkingclasshousingfurthertothefringes.Friedrich

Engelspointedoutsuccinctly:insuchasocietythehousingshortageisnoaccident;isita

necessaryinstitution,summarizingthedirectionthathousingshortagesareheadedin(Pyatok).

Theproductionofspacesasbothformandrelationshipshastransformeditselfduetoits

inherentrelationshiptosuperstructuresatthescaleofthecity.Whiletherehasbeena

governmentalresponsetomeettheneedsofurbanpoor,theirapproachesmirrorthoseofthe

modernists:todisappearthepovertybywhatevermeansnecessary.Whilenotasbluntas

neighborhooddemolitionforurbanrenewal,NewUrbanismisconsideredbymanyasjustas

sinisterinitsintentions.

"Participationisnotaworthysoptoourpoliticalmasters;itisnotanexcusefor

mediocrity;itisnotdistractionfromsupposedlyhighervalues.Participationisthespaceinwhich

hopeisnegotiated.Whatisclearisthatthishoperefersnotjusttoabetterfuturefortheusers

45
ofthebuiltenvironment,butalsoabetterfutureforarchitecturalpractice.JeremyTill(14)

Chapter5-NewUrbanism

Isuggestthatnewurbanismhassucceededineffectivelyframingthepopulardiscussionabout

howtoplanthegoodcommunity.Inthatprocess,ithasnarrowedthedebateandlimited

considerationofsocialjusticeissues-JillGrant

NumerousoriginstorieshavebeenproposedtoexplainthephenomenonofNew

Urbanism,asdistinctfromnewurbanism.SomemightarguethatLeonKrierstheoreticalwork

andpolemiccriticizingmodernisminthe70sprovidedtheacademicbackingthatthemovement

neededtogaintraction.OtherswouldarguethatitwasntuntiltherealizationofNewUrbanist

projects,suchasSeasideandCelebration,Florida,thatthemovementhadmovedintotherealm

ofadevelopmentparadigm.OtherswouldsaythatJaneJacobsmodernistcriticisminthe60s

wasthetippingpoint.ThedemolitionofthePruitt-IgoehousingcomplexinSt.Louisin1972,so

oftencitedbyNewmanasexemplaryofpoordesign,isincludedindiscussionsonthedeath

throesofmodernismaswell.

ThisresearchprojecttakesintoconsiderationcriticismofNewUrbanistprojectsasa

specificdesignmovementlocatedatacertainpointintime.Whileitmaybeevidentthat

aestheticsthatbecamepopularthroughtheexpansionofNewUrbanismareapparentinalmost

allprojectstodaythatareconsideredsustainable,thisessayconsiderstheirsocialand

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theoreticalorigins.NewUrbanismisadesignparadigmspecifictotheUnitedStatesand

Canada,whilenewurbanismisoftenassociatedwithEuropeandesignofthesameorigin.

Further,thisessayacknowledgesthattheideasandtheoryofNewUrbanismhaveevolvedina

self-consciousway,pavingthewayfortheirexpansionintothewidelyacclaimedSmartGrowth

Movement,amorecomprehensive,realisticandjustmodeofurbangrowth.ExaminingSmart

Growthwouldbetoolargeinscopeforthescaleofthisproject,somyresearchhasfocusedon

theideologyandpracticeofacertaingroupofarchitectsandplannersduringacertainperiodof

history.

CriticismofNewUrbanismiswidespreadandplentiful.Itiseasytofindthehypocritical

andutopianaspectsintheirdesignpractices,whilesimultaneouslytheprominentfiguresinthe

NewUrbanistmovementhaveoftentakenpublicstancesonissuesthatcanbeconsidered

classicist,historicist,andultimatelyracist.Diametricallyopposedtomodernistdistasteand

disregardforpreviousmodesofplanningandthinking,NewUrbanistssimultaneouslyrejectthis

dogmawhileidolizingthesameprinciplesthatmodernistspromotedintheory.NewUrbanism

talesaselectivelookathistory,drawingitslessonsprimarilyfromtheclassicaltraditionsof

Greeks,RomansandEuropeans,writesJillGrant,summarizingsomeoftheaesthetic

inspirationsofthemovement.Similarly,thesameinfatuationwithwesternclassicalarchitecture

occursinLeCorbusier,asapparentinTowardsanArchitecture:Haventmostarchitectstoday

forgottenthatgreatarchitectureisattheveryoriginsofhumanityandthatitisadirectfunction

ofhumaninstincts?PensLeCorbusier,justafterrelayinghisoriginstoryonthebeautyofthe

necessityofprimitiveman(Jeanneret135).Itisclearthattheinfluenceofneoclassical

architecturefiguresprominentlyinbothmodernplanningandNewUrbanism,andthewaysthat

thesedesignprinciplesdisregardthesocialandpoliticalimplicationsofthisarchitecturefigures

similarly.

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IndefiningNewUrbanism,oneneedstolooknofurtherthankeyearlydevelopments

donebyDPZ,anarchitecturalfirmfoundedbyAndresDuanyandElizabethPlater-Zyberk.

SeasideandCelebration,bothunincorporatedtownsinFlorida,canbeexaminedinregardsto

theprinciplesofNewUrbanismoperatinginavacuum,creatinganurbanfabriconacleanslate.

SeasideisonFloridaspanhandlecoastandCelebration20milestothesouthwestofOrlandoin

CentralFlorida.Seaside,principallydesignedbyDPZandfoundedin1981,waspopularizedby

itsappearanceasthesetinTheTrumanShow (Katz4).DuanyandPlater-Zyberkconsciously

assertedtheprimacyofpublicoverprivatespaceindesign,butonehastoaskthequestionof

howtrulypublicthisspaceisbasedontheimmediatemarket-adjustmentforrealestateprices

inSeaside(Katz4).Seasideexemplifieshowshortsightedsomeofthewell-intentionedsocially

justmovesintheNewUrbanistplaybookreallyare.Forinstance,whileoriginallyintendedtobe

aninexpensivebeachfrontvacationcommunity,lotpricesincreasedtenfoldinthefirstdecade

ofitsexistence,compoundedbyafeedbackloopthatattracteddeveloperstothetown.One

principalaspectofSeasidessignatureplace-building,community-strengtheningmoveswasto

includewalkwaysbetweenhousesontheinteriorofblocks,coveredinsandsothatneighbors

couldwalktothebeachtogether.Onemightnotquestionwhatthesepathswouldbecalled

elsewhere,butinSeasidetheyarereferredtoasKrierWalks,afterarchitectandNewUrbanism

spokespersonLeonKrier(Katz9).

Celebration,developedbetween1987and1997,offersasimilarpackagetoSeaside,

albeithavingalargernamebehindtheplanninganddevelopment.TheDisneyCorporation

soughttoestablishanexamplefordevelopment,contractingRobertSternalongwithother

esteemedNewUrbaniststobuildthelargestAmericanplannedsuburbantownever(Sternand

Davidson44).Ratherthanpromoteinfilling,orpreservationofgreenspaceoutsideofcities,

Celebrationchampionedso-calledsustainableplanningthroughtheimplicationthatgrowth

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needstocontinueoutwards,andthatgrowthconflictswithecologicalpreservation.

TheexperimentofCelebrationhasdrawnlotsofattention,bothaspraiseandcriticism,

largelyduetoitsrelationshipwiththemovementbehinditsideals.ItisnocoincidencethatNew

UrbanismanditsprinciplesaroseinthesamecontextasU.S.neo-conservatism,andthatits

aestheticsarenowbeingmarketedasatrendinrealestatedevelopment.MichaelVanderbeek

andClaraIrazabal,bothProfessorsatUSCinplanningandurbandesign,havecriticizedthe

movementinitsrelationtotheshortcomingsofmodernistplanning:Likemodernists,New

Urbanistshaveexpressedhighhopesofservingthedisadvantaged,yetafteraquartercenturyof

practice,theyhavedonemoretosuppressculturaldifferences,reducesocialdiversity,servethe

interestsofdevelopers,enablesprawl,andreducehousingaffordabilityandpublichousing

(VanderbeekandIrazabal47).Celebration,despitesettingastratificationofhouseprices,does

notserveanequitablesocialagendaatall,disregardingthedifficulttoattainchangesin

socioeconomicandenvironmentalaspectsinfavorofanaestheticallyperfectplannedtown.

NewUrbanismhasalsodrawnmuchcriticismasmanyhaveseenithasacontinuationof

modernistthinkinginplanning,ultimatelyfallingshortofsocialandecologicalsustainability.

Celebrationcertainlyfallsintothiscategory.Contradictionsariseinitspromotionof

communitarianvalues:itsextensivepublicandcommunalspaceisjuxtaposedwiththe

pre-modernistandtraditionalvaluesembeddedintothearchitecture:namely,anembraceof

patriarchalandracistvaluesthatcanbetracedbacktotheJeffersonianideal.Individualliberty,

proximitytonatureanddefensiblespaceallresembletheircounterpartsinthesuburbs,and

whilepedestrianwalkwaysareverywelllit,littleisdonetotacklethehegemonyoffemale

domesticityembeddedinthesetraditionaltypesofarchitecture(colonial,colonialrevival,

Victorian,coastalandMediterraneantonameafew).Thesevaluespointtoaspecificperiodof

Americanhistory:derivingthepioneerspiritfromcolonialismasthedominantformof

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governance.ItisspecificallythisdesirecompoundedbyadesiretoparticipateinDisneys

experimentthatself-selectedahomogenousgroupofdwellers,capableofpayingforthe

lifestyle:Celebrationsbuildersanddesignersprojectedamythofdiversityandinclusion,but

thecommunityasbuiltprovesrelativelyhomogenous(Grant193).TheplanningofCelebration

asasustainablecommunityisbasedonhighlyexclusionarypractices,reaffirmingahistoryof

socialinequalityandviolenceintheUnitedStates.

MuchofthecriticismsurroundingCelebrationrevolvesaroundoneofthecentral

criticismsofNewUrbanism:thatbeingaprojectthatsprungfromthecollaborativemindsof

architects,itsfocusisontheaestheticsofthespacederivedfromform.Inlimitingscope,this

disregardsmanyoftheotheraspectsofsustainabilitythatplanningentails.Thismeansatop

downprocess:negligenceandoutrightantipathytowardspublicparticipation.RobertStern,the

architectwhowascontractedtomakethemasterplanforthetown(andalsofoundingmember

ofthecongressofNewUrbanism)hassaidthatamongtheinfluencesforthedesignofthetown

wasacollaborativeprojectthathecreatedforVeniceBiennalein1976calledSubwaySuburb

(Stern44).TakinginfluencefromhistimespentattheYalegraduateschoolofarchitecturewith

peerslikeAndresDuany,Sternsawthesuburbanenclaveasananswertotheblightthatmost

innercityareasfacedatthetime.Sternsoughttocreatethishybridizationofurbandensityand

townformthroughanewkindofhybridsuburbthatisCelebration,madepossiblebytheDisney

Corporation.Hedesignedacompact,NewUrbanisttowncenter,withneighborhoodsthat

radiateoutfromthetowncenterinawarpedgridplan(SternandDavidson45).WhileStern

ultimatelysawthesuccessofthesuburbasmadeevidentbytheubiquityofsprawl,hesoughtto

tweakitinanexperimentalwaytoperfectitsform.Hisplanstylecontainsproblematicaspects

ofsprawl,namelythegridpatternthatallowedforbotheasyorientationandprivacyof

individualspacethatcurvedstreetpatternsconveyed.Further,connectivitywasnotprivileged

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overthesesocialspacesasstreetsalwaysterminateatparks,waterways,ornaturalwoodlands

(SternandDavidson45).

Thisprevalentmindsetfocusingonphysicalaestheticsandnotoftheindirectsocial

effectshasperpetuatedandexacerbatedtheseissues,markingCelebrationasafailurein

regardstosustainability.AsJillGrantpointsoutinherbookonNewUrbanisttheoryand

practice,diversityisseriouslylackinginCelebration:initially,onlyahandfulofblackresidents

movedintothetown(Grant,187).Further,theonlystoresforitsinitialfirstfewyearswereones

thatcateredtotourists.Muchofthisdevelopmentcomesattheexpenseofecology:thedesire

tosqueezeoutextrabuildinglotsledthecompanytodrainwetlands,buildlakes,andcutlarge

trees(Grant190).

Additionally,itisinterestingtoobservethehybridizationofsuburbanandurbanspacein

Celebration.Whenconsideringwherethemajorityofthepopulationcamefrominordertofill

homes,suburbanmindsetsdominate.However,thespacesweresometiculouslycuratedby

designersinordertohaveamoreurbanstyleofliving.Thishybridizationanddiscrepancyacross

modesofliving,politicalorganizationandtheirrelationtospacescreatedisinterestingto

observe,astheinformalmodificationoftheintentionisvisibleinresidentsdrivingoutoftownto

dotheirbig-boxshopping.

InhisdiscussiononCelebration,itisevidentthatSternbelievesintwotiersofplanning

andparticipation:AccordingtoStern,architectisthemasterbuilder,andhascompletecontrol

inregardstodesignandconstruction.However,thatisnottosaythathedoesnotbelieveinthe

powerofsocialconnectivity:lotsizeswerepurposefullymadesmalltoencourageoutdoor

socializationinpublicspaces,frontporcheswereincludedasguidelinesinthepatternbook,and

parkingwasplacedinthecenterofallblockstoremovetheindividualismofthisformof

transportation.Whileminglingamongtheindividualswealthyenoughtolivehereispromoted,

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minglingwiththosewhocreatedandgovernthesespacestheycreatedartificiallyhasnoarena.

Sternrefutestheideathatheisaromantic,insteadcallinghimselfanidealist,mixedwitha

littlepragmatism,claimingthatthesuburbwillsavethecityasnoteverypartofthecityisthe

loop(SternandDavidson46).SternisnotafraidtoapplytheArcadianprimitivismtropetocities

thathavecrumbledunderurbanrenewal:afewstrong-willedentrepreneurswithboldvision

willtransformstillunexploredwildernessofoururbandecayintothrivingcommunitiesbased

onthegreattraditionoftheinventedtown(SternandDavidson46).Inpromotingacolonial

approachtocityredevelopment,Sternneglectsthelonghistoryofracismandinequalitythat

haspervadedincityplanningandcreatedurbanconditionsthathesawaswilderness.Heeven

goesasfarastoclaimthattheinventedtowniswhatwillsavethoseleftbehind,erasinga

historyofresiliencyagainstmenlikehim.

OnedoesntneedtogofarbeyondRobertSterntofindotherideologicalissueswithNew

Urbanism.LeonKrier,anarchitectwhosetheoryandarchitecturewereintegraltothe

consolidationoftheNewUrbanistmovement,justasrecentlyas2013publishedabookon

AlbertSpeer,arguingforaseparationofhisarchitecturalworkfromhispoliticalcontext.Both

KrierandSternbelievethatarchitecturalformmustbeassessedwithoutreferencetoits

content,writesBarbaraMillerLaneinherreviewofKriersbook,pointingoutKrierstakethat

Speerslegacyofneoclassicismmustbeinterpretedoutsideofhispoliticalbeliefsandworkings

atbehalfoftheNaziparty(MillerLane224).ShegoesontoquoteAlbertSpeerhimself:My

buildingswerenotsolelyintendedtoexpresstheessenceoftheNationalSocialistmovement.

Theywereanintegralpartofthatofthatverymovement(MillerLane225).Speercannotbe

consideredaneoclassicalarchitect,asKrierandSternwouldhaveusbelieve,despitetheNazi

partysdesiretotracetheirrootsbacktotheancientGreeks.Speerwasamodernist,adoptinga

methodicalapproachtosocialprogramthatwouldultimatelyadvancetheNaziwarmachine

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andholocaust.

IfitisnotalreadyalarmingthatsuchstrongproponentsbehindtheideologyofNew

UrbanismhavepromotedthestudyofNazisminordertolearnhowtobettercritique

modernism(andnotthatweshouldlearnhownottocommitgreatevileveragain),itshould

instillfearthatthesedogmaticprincipleshavebeenadoptedbytheUnitedStatesHousingand

UrbanDevelopmentdepartmentinordertoredevelopurbandecay.Sosuccessfulanddesirable

weretheneoclassicalelementsembeddedintoSeasideandCelebrationthattheClinton

administrationcontractedtheCongressforNewUrbanismtodevelopitsHOPEIVprogram.Krier

promotesabuildingcodethatprohibitstheclassicallanguagefromprivatedevelopment,

reservingcolumns,pedimentsandfriezesforcivicmonumentality,inordertotrulyexpressthe

harmoniousandbeautifulnaturethatthegovernmentkeepsinorder,againrelatingthecontrol

ofspacestoabstractstructuresabovetheordinarycitizen(LecceseandMcCormick163).

ThepillarsofNewUrbanismarerootedwithnormativeundertones,andonecanread

thewhitespatialimaginaryinboththeirmanifestedworks(Seaside,Celebration)andtheir

theoreticalwork(theCharter).Traditionalbuildingtypesandspacesoffermorethan

architecturalform;theyalsocoincidewithhowoursocietyworks.Ifwefollowtraditional

principlesofpublicandprivatedomain-frontyard,backyardwewillavoidtrouble,writes

RayGindrozinhischapteroftheCharter,succinctlysummarizingNewUrbanismsprescriptive

whitenessthatcouldbeinterpretedasrevisionist(LecceseandMcCormick137).Similarly,it

couldbesaidthatthisperspectiveisthetheoreticalunderpinningofBrokenWindowspolicing.

Inadoptingdefensibleprivatespace,dominionovernature,andacertain,normativeand

nuclearhousehold,onecanavoidtroubleasthatishowoursocietyjustworks.Sucha

dispositionpromotesviolenceontothebodiesonwhichtheUnitedStateswasbuilt-

reimaginingaperiodoftraditionalplanninginwhichslaveryandcolonialismwerenotexistent,

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disappearedfromarchitecturejustasNewUrbanistsseektonormalizeenvironmentstoday.One

couldarguethatthesetenetsofNewUrbanismaredrivenbyprivateinformationandcapital

flowsinaperiodofflexibleaccumulation,reconstitutingahistoryofwhitenessinplanningand

architecturethatispredicatedonbeauty,orderandcoherence(Grant11).

ItisinthismannerthatNewUrbanismisinherentlyracist,whichcanbedeconstructed

ontwoscales:thearchitectural(style),andinplanning.Inregardstoarchitecture,onecanlook

backtoseminalworksthatpromoteneoclassicaldesign.Inanageofscientificracism,suchas

theseparationandhierarchyofracebasedonphrenology(craniumsizes),onecantracethe

rootsofwhitenesstothenotionofracialdominanceandpurityinEurope.Inestablishinga

paradigmofthewhitespatialimaginaryinwesternarchitecture,onecanstartbyexaminingthe

writingsofAntoine-ChrysostomeQuatremeredeQuincyandMarc-AntoineLaugier,bothFrench

architecturalhistorianswritinginthe18thcentury.Insupplementingtheirwritingswiththe

paradigmoftheprimitivehut,asdeconstructedbyStephenCairns,onecanbegintodeconstruct

thestylesandrelationshipsapparentinwesternarchitecturethatdeleteriouslypromotethe

disseminationofavisionofbeautyinwhiteness,asconfiguredbytheothernessofracism.

Incriticizingwhathesawasgrotesqueextravagance,Marc-AntoineLaugier,an

architecturalphilosopher,publishedhisrulestoarchitecturein1753,inwhichhesawcertain

architecturalpracticesamongcontemporariesascapricious.Inhisrules,Laugierfamously

depictsthehutofprimitiveman,writingabouthow,inimitatingthenaturalprocess,primitive

mancreatesart:Allthesplendorsofarchitectureeverconceivedhavebeenmodeledonthe

littlerustichut,writesLaugier,eventuallydecreeingthecolumn,entablatureandpedimentas

theelementsessentialtothearchitecturalorder(Laugier12).Columnsaretobeengaged

minimally,neverusedaspilasters,andareneverneareachother.Entablaturesandtheirlintels

musthavenoprojections,cannotbebrokenwithanglesandcannotsupportanarch,asthat

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wouldconveyheaviness.Lastly,thepediment,locatedonlyalongthewidth,shouldbetriangular

andneverstacked.Whenstackingtheseorders,onemusteliminatewhatrepresentstheroof

fromlowereves,asitwilldisrupttheharmony.AccordingtheLaugier,thecolumnsaretohavea

structuralpurpose,theentablatureistoconveytheinnervolumeandspace,andthepedimentis

tostandforthegableofthenoblesavage.AlloftheseprinciplesofLaugierareapparentinthe

PantheonofParis,aworkthatLaugierbasedmuchofhiswritingon.

InbreakingdownLaugiersrules,andtherustichutonwhichtheyarepredicated,one

canbegintoreadawhitenessthathasbecomecanonizedinwesternclassicalarchitecture.It

beginswithprimitivemanbuildingstructuresbasedonhisneeds:shelterfromnaturewhilestill

allowingaconnectionwithit.TheprimitivewerethefurthestfromGodinthissense,butwere

closestintheirstructuresasitisthenaturalprocessthatdictatesthematerialsthathousethe

savage.Itistheescapefromthesunandelementswhilemaintainingproximitytofreshairthat

drivesthenoblesavagetoerectfourpostswithfouracross,abovewhichsitstworowsof

brancheslinedwithleaves(column,entablature,pedimentLaugier12).Inreadingthe

influenceofLaugierinQuatremereswork,onecanseehowitisonlythenoblesavagethatcan

createarchitecture,asthehunter(theEgyptian)isthenomadandthustheyhavenoform,and

theshepherdlivesinatent,thusnotcateringtocarpentryandstone.

InhiswritingsonarchitectureintheEncyclopedieMethodiqueDArchitecture,

Quatremere,animportantfigureandthinkerintheseparationoftheartsfromtheFrench

monarchy,promotedaradicalnewtheoreticaldirectionandapproachtoarchitecture.In

challengingthestatusquobybuildingoffoftheworkofLaugier,Quatremereattackedthe

notionthatEgyptwasthecradleofthearts,insteaddogmaticallypromotingAncientGreek

societyasanalternativemodeltoemulate.Architectsoperatedwithintherealmofimitation,

andthus,inemulatingAncientGreekproportion,theirartwouldapproachperfectioninthe

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contemporarymetropolis.QuatremerebuiltoffLaugierinthatheconsideredtheGreekstyleof

buildingpredicatedoncarpentrytobeanevolutionoftheprimitivehutmyth,tyingWestern

Europeanbuildingstylestoahistoricallineofstylisticdevelopmentthatcanbetracedbackto

perfectioninitsrelationshiptonature.

NotonlydoesQuatremerestheorycreatearacialhierarchyofstyles,butalsoit

denigratesstylesthataretypologicallydifferentfromclassicalonesasinferiorandimpure.

Quatremereseesclassicalstyleaspredicatedontheimitationofcarpentry,asthistectonic

qualityofbeingbothlightandsolidallowedforperfectioninelevationsandproportions.Ina

historicistmanner,hepurportsthatcarpentrypavedthewayforarchitecturetobeelevatedto

thelevelofart,andthatifasocietycouldtraceitstectonicoriginsthroughstonebacktotimber,

theywouldbeofahigherculture.Stone,accordingtheQuatremere,couldonlycopythe

qualitiesoftimber,andindoingsowouldbeenrichedbytheirimitativematerialqualitythat

invokedthepathalongwhichNature directedprimitivemantoconstructtherustichut.Onthe

otherhand,theEgyptians,innotbeingtrulydemocraticandintheiruseofstonethatcopies

nothingbutitself,createdartthatiscold,monotonousandinsipid(Quatremere30).Inshort,it

wastheliberalGreeksocietythatallowedforarttoflourish,andthustheymustbeimitated:It

waswithoutadoubt,onlyuptotheGreekstodiscernthedegreeoflibertywhichwasagreeable

toarchitecture,andgavetoitthishappyconstitution,equallyfarfromthelicenseofAsiaand

thedespotismofEgypt,writesQuatremere.TheAncientGreeksachievedanimitationofnature

bydepictingthebody,andindoingsohaveelevatedtheirstyles(theDoricbeingManandthe

IonicbeingWoman)basedonthewhitebodytoharmoniousperfection.Thisistosay:theGreeks

werebeautifulandwearedescendedfromthem,theEgyptiansarenotandthuswearenot

descendedfromthem,aviolenthistorywhichcanbereadallovertheWesternworldin

architecturalstyle.

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Onecancompoundthisderivationofstylisticbeautybasedonphenotypefromother

socialscientistsoperatinginthe18thcenturywhosoughttoclassifyhumansbasedona

superiorityofraces.JohannJoachimWinckelmanncomestomindinhisinfluenceof

establishingthesuperiorityofAncientGreekart,informingotherWesternEuropeanthinkers.In

corroboratinganddeconstructingtheprogressionofarthistoryinWesternEurope,onecan

begintounderstandhowthecanonizationofclassicalstylewasconfiguredbywhatitisnt.

Rather,itispredicatedonhowwhitebodiesarebeautiful(andsubsequentlytheartwhich

imitatedit),andthosenonwhiteinthishierarchy(theEgyptians)wereanythingbutbeautiful.

Therefore,Egyptianstylehadnohistoryandcouldnotcontinuetoevolve,sotospeak.For

instance,taketheimportanttheoryofEugeneEmmanuelViollet-le-Ducthatpurportedthatthe

humanbodyistheprimarymetaphorforstyleinarchitecture(Davis341).Viollet-le-Ductook

Frencharchitecturaltheoryatthetime,whichhadalreadyestablishedtheimitationofthe

proportionsofthebodyinarchitecturalstyle(columnintoDoricasmanandIonicaswoman)to

atheoreticalstandpointonwhichemulationofthebodysprocessesofformationparalleled

theanalyticimportofracetypesinthenaturalsciences(Davis342).JustasLinnaeancategories

attemptedtoarrangemankindincertainvarietiesbymeansoftheirexternalcharacters,(Davis

342)sotoodidViollet-le-Ducpurportthatthesenseofstyleofaworkofartissuesfromthe

organicdevelopmentoftherace:theworkofartmustissueforthoutoftheirintelligence;the

workofartmustariseinembryonicstateinkeepingwiththeirpossessionofthefacultyof

reasoning(Davis342).AccordingtoCharlesDavis,Viollet-le-Ducsarchitecturaltheoryis

consistentwiththefindingsofracescienceatthetime.DavisdemonstrateshowJohann

FriedrichBlumenbachsbeliefthatinnerteleologycontinuedtodirectphysicaldevelopment

throughitslifecyclecorrespondstoViolletLeducsnotionthatracewasalsoaperfect

harmonybetweentheresultsobtained(racetypes)andthemeansemployed(formativeforces)

57
toachievethem(Davis343).Andso,thestylesofFrenchclassicalarchitecture,obviously

superiorbasedonitshistoricaldevelopment,werebasedonthesupremacyofGreekCulture

anditsforms(Davis343).FollowingDavisfurther,intheinterpretationoftheprimitivemythlay

therelationshipbetweeninherentracialinstinctsandthehistoricaldevelopmentofprimitive

culture(Davis344).PerViollet-le-Duc,theclimateofEuropethatsurroundedtheprimitivehut

conditionedtheresponseoftheprimitiveAryansintheirarchitecture,expressingnatures

creativeforces.Throughhistoricaldevelopment,theAryanwouldreplacecarpentrywithstone

(consistentwithQuatremere),guidedbythesameteleologicalprocessesthatinternallyguided

racialforcesmakingsomesuperioroverothers,accordingtoEuropeans(Davis344-45).Itisin

thishistoryofcolonizationandothernessdoesthenotionofclassicalbeautyarise,cementing

itselfintocanon.

Innotacknowledgingitsracisthistory,NewUrbanisttheoryofpromotionof

neoclassicismtakesonanentirelynewmeaningwiththeperpetuationofviolenceinstylesof

whitebodiesoverthosenon-white.JillGrantwritesinherbookonNewUrbanismabouthow

style,andwhatwasregardedasarchitecturallybeautiful,isnotonlypredicatedonawhiteness

thatevolvedinEurope,butalsowasutilizedhistoricallywithpurposesofsubmission:New

Urbanismtakesaselectivelookathistory,drawingitslessonsprimarilyfromtheclassical

traditionsoftheGreeks,Romans,andEuropeansTheGreeksandRomans,andlaterthe

colonizingEuropeansnations,builtplannedsettlementsasawayofachievingindividualor

imperialambitionsclassicalprinciplesservedtheinterestsofpower.Urbanformbecamea

vehicleforconditioningsubmission(Grant,9).Further,seminalNewUrbanistarchitectLeon

Kriersimilarlysoughttoemulateandimitatetheseclassicalstyles,cooptingsocialistlanguage,

asameansofreincorporatingdemocracybackintourbanform:AsKrierwrotein1978,this

movementsoughttoreinforcetherationalismoftheenlightenmentwritesGrantincriticismof

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Krier(Grant52).OneneedsnotlookfurthertounderstandhowNewUrbanistspromotea

whitewashingofaviolentperiodofcolonialismthatwasbasedonthesubmissionofthe

non-whiteworldtoEuropeancolonialpowers,duringwhichthesuperiorityoftheirstyleswas

establishedasstandard.Thismyopicvisionofculturalhegemonyonwhywepreferclassical

columnsseemstoruncontrarytotrueequalitythatNewUrbanistspurport,creatinga

fabricationofwhatisperfectionoutofwhiteness.

Tosummarize,asGayatriSpivakpointsout,thephenomenonoftheprimitivehut

continuestobesomethingtouchedoninselfinterestintheWest:theWestturnstothe

primitiveonlyinordertomanageitsheterogeneityandtoconfirmandenrichitsownidentity

(Cairns87).Theideaoftheprimitivehutcannotbebroached,astobroachtheprimitiveisto

raisefundamentalquestionsaboutarchitectureitself,tyingthenotionofprimitivebacktoTills

ideasofquestioningarchitecturalhegemony(Cairns90).Doingsowouldrequireareevaluation

ofallofarchitecturalhistorythroughalensonwhichbeautyintheclassicalsenseisconfigured

byasenseofbothsuperioritytotheother(thearchitecturewithouttheartist,theprimitive,

savagedwelling)andthefactthatwhatistobeconsideredgoodarchitectureorthegood

societyinherentlyreliesuponthenotionthattheremustbeaninferior,otherculturesbeauty.

ThiscomplacencycanbeseeninNewUrbanisttext:inseminaltheoreticalessays,onecansee

theparallelsbetweenNewUrbanistthinkingandthemythoftheprimitivemanfromwhich

goodorbeautifularchitectureandcitiesarebuilt:

IntheAmericanurbantradition,thecuttingofagridisthefirstpresenceofurban

structureinthelandscape.Inthisactofmakingaplace,spaceisallocatedforbothpublicand

privateuse-forbuildingsandforopenspaces.Shapingthisvoidinthecityisanactof

democraticresponsibility.Aplanislaiddownbyagoverningbodyregulatingprivateandpublic

59
initiativesintheconstructionofitsparts.Publicbodies,citizensandentrepreneursslowly

generatestreets,squaresandparks.Singlebuildingsincrementallyintroducedintoblocks

eventuallydeterminethecharacteroftheopenspaces.Itisatthismostelementalscale,every

dayinamyriadoffleetingandpoignantmoments,thatarchitectureandurbanismdefineeach

other.ThisverysimpleAmericancity-makingmodelhasbeenvirtuallyabandonedinrecent

yearsxxi

Thisquote,pulledfromanessayontheStreet,BlockandBuildingbyElizabethMoule

andStefanosPolyzoidesintheCharterfortheNewUrbanism,canbereadinasimilarcritical

mannertoQuatremeresorLaugiersuseoftheprimitiveinconfiguringbeautifulart.Heretoo

doesadivine,teleologicalprocessguidetheAmerican,unitinglandedcitizensinademocratic

mannerinordertodevelopwhatistraditionallythegoodsociety.NowhereinNewUrbanist

theorydoesthenotionofcolonialismfactorintothedeterminationofthecharacterofspaces,

nordoesthenotionthatthewildernessoutofwhichthetraditionalAmericancitysprungand

conqueredwasntalwayswilderness.Wildernessistheothertothecity,anotherartificial

constructthatconfigureswhatisurbanandwhatisnt.NewUrbanisttheoryembracestradition

inthehistoricalsensewithoutacknowledgingtheviolentandracistpastonwhichthismaterial

preconditionofthecitywasbuilt.

MouleandPolyzoidesgoontodescribeindividualbuildingformandfabric,ultimately

conveyingthatthedialecticbetweenbuildingandstreetisparamount.Itisinemphasizingthe

publicnatureofthestreetthatarchitecturefindsapurpose,butinformmustrelatetoits

surroundingsinordertoformacohesive,navigableenvironment(thinkKevinLynch).Forthe

NewUrbanist,thebuildingisnotanobjectbutanimportantfactorincontributingtoplaceand

space,andmustbedesignedinconsiderationofhistoricalstylesandregionalcharacteristics

60
compoundedbytheirintendeduses.Itisbuildingtype,monumentalorfabric,whichdefines

style,organizedbyreferencetodwelling,employmentorinstitutionaluses(Lecceseand

McCormickxxiii).Thisisalmostasiftosaythatthereexistsahistoricisminwhichasocietywill

reachthroughdevelopment-inotherwords,theperfectformofsocietyasrealizedinthecity,

towardswhichademosisalwaysmoving,someaheadthanothers.Inthiscase,theUnitedStates

beforemodernism,inessencetheyeomanandJeffersonianideal,wasthispeakinthebeautiful

society,andjustastheGreeksandRomansweretobeemulatedbytheneoclassicalEuropeans,

sotoomustthissocietybeemulatedbycontemporaryplanningandarchitecturalpractices.

NowhereinNewUrbanisttextistherereferencetothemeansofslaveproductiononwhichthis

preindustrialagrariansocietywasbuilt.NothingisnewwithNewUrbanisttheory;itmerely

repackagespre-existingideasasvisionaryandidealistic.Forinstance,incriticizingthe

functionalityofmodernistplanning,aNewUrbanistmightlamenthowthisledtoextensive

zoningregulation,whichhasimpedednaturalsuburbs,whileencouragingsuburbswithout

character.ThesameNewUrbanistwouldthengoontoexplainhowlotswouldbezonedbased

onbuildingtype,stillgovernedfromapatternbookandregulatedextensivelyinsetbackand

architecturaldetail.Allofthisinordertorealizeaninvigorationofsuburbanarchitecture,the

purposebeingtoforcegreaterattentiontodetail(LecceseandMcCormick,xxxv).Thepolitics

havebeenremovedfromarchitecture,leavinginitswakeemptysymbolism.

InthesectionunderneathNeighborhoodonecanfindachapterwrittenbyBillLennertz

ontheimportanceofurbandesigncodes.ItsevidentinthischapterhowNewUrbanistinvokea

normativityintheurbanenvironment,seekingtoregimentorderandsocialcontrolthrough

architecture:oneunderpinningoftheNewUrbanismisthecompatibilityofbuildingtypes-or

buildingswiththesamerelativemass,heightandarchitecturalstyles,regardlessoftheiruses

(LecceseandMcCormick109).NewUrbanistsbelieveintheextenttowhichsocialcontroland

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wellbeingcanbepurveyedthroughwhattheydeemtobegooddesign,evengoingasfarasto

saythattheyseektodesignprescriptivecodesbasedonhistoriesofevolvingcolloquialstyles.

ElizabethPlater-Zyberkhassaidthatsheseekstodesigncodessothatstreetsfeelandacta

certainway,whichIinterpretassuburbanandprivate.Further,NewUrbanistsdonotseekto

abolishcodes,covenantsandrestrictionsestablishedbyprivategovernmentsinthenameof

homeownersassociations,buttoleveragetheirwayintothenegotiatingprocesssothattheir

needsaremetinshapingurbanenvironments.OnlytheNewUrbanistsarecapableofdesigning

whatistobethegoodsociety,astheyhaventlosttrackofhowcollectivelytoconstructa

properpublicrealm(LecesseandMcCormick125).NodifferentthanLaugierdepictinghisrules

toproperarchitecturebasedoninspirationfromclassicalmodels,sotoodotheNewUrbanists

seektoenforcetheirrules:setbacksimplythatbuildingsareperceivedassculpturalobjects.

Build-to-linesmakebuildingspartsoflargerensemblesdefiningthepublicrealm(Leccese

andMcCormick126).TheextenttowhichNewUrbanistsseektorealizetheirelitistimageof

whatagoodsocietyandurbanfabriccanbeisappallinginhowitutterlylacks

self-consciousness.

Thearchitectureofourtimeisdominatedbyobsessivelyself-referential,isolated

projects.Theyendeavortoexpressinstylistictermsthemoodofaculturalinstantwhenthey

weredesignedandbuilt,writesPolyzoidesintheCharter,inintentattemptingtoattack

modernistarchitectureasremovedfrom,andthusatboutswith,context(Lecesseand

McCormick127).SimilarlytoLewisMumford,Polyzoidesarguesthatthearchitectureoftime

induceschaos,whereasthearchitectureofplace,asseparatefromtime,inducesharmony,In

doingso,theNewUrbanistguidesthebuilderandarchitecttounderstandwhatdesignalready

existsincontext,towhichtheyshouldreference,asopposedtopursuingavant-gardedesign

options.Inshort,theNewUrbanistrespectsthetraditionsofthepre-industrialsociety,towards

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whichtheyseektodesignenvironmentsinresemblance.Polyzoidesevengoesasfarastosay

thathewantshisarchitecturetobetimeless,evokinglanguageorsubjectionanddomination

throughthecontrolofpublicspacethroughstyleandfabric(LecesseandMcCormick132).

Thelanguageofcontrolandsubmissioncontinuesintothenextchapter,inwhichRay

Gindrozwritesaboutdefensiblespaceassafe,orderedspace.Gindrozadvocatesfordesignthat

isoutwardsfacingtothestreet,creatingdefensiblespacetoboththefrontandrearaxessothat

astrangerwouldknowwhetherornottheyarewelcomebasedonthepresenceorabilityfor

otherstowatchthem.Traditionalbuildingtypesandspacesoffermorethanarchitecturalform;

theyalsocoincidewithhowoursocietyworks.Ifwefollowtraditionalprinciplesofpublicand

privatedomain-frontyard,backyard(etc.),wewillavoidtrouble,writesGindroz,writingin

bluntlanguageaboutthesocietythataNewUrbanistenvisions(LecesseandMcCormick137).In

followingtradition,asinthecolonialorderofspacesbased,troublewillbeavoided.Avoiding

troublebycreatingpublicspacesthataretobedefendednotonlyseekstobringsuburban

mindsetsintocities,butalsoenvisionsasocietyinwhichpeopleareafraidofdifferenceand

diversity.NewUrbanistarchitecturalcodecaterstowhitenessinitsbuiltenvironmentto

encouragethefurtherracializationofspace.

Oncedescribedashavingporchpolice,Celebrationdisplaysapatternbookof

architecturalelementsthatnotonlydepicthumanpresentonthestreetbutalsoreflectahistory

ofspatialpracticedeterminedbyeconomicrealities.Colonnades,arcades,andothervernacular

movesreferenceandpointtosomeofthenotionsputforwardbyFredricJamesoninhisessay

TheCulturalLogicofLateCapitalism.InthisessayJamesonreferenceshowpre-modernist

designsareasofrecentdecadessoinflatedandreproducedtothepointthatoneis

overwhelmedinabsorbingthereproductionofhighartthatcontradictstheminimalismof

modernistdesign.Inessence,aestheticproductiontodayhasbecomeintegratedinto

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commodityproductiongenerally,thatistosay,Celebrationistobeconsumed,andinorderto

maintainitsauraofnoveltyinanageofendlessinnovation,itmustlooktopasterasinorderto

appropriatetheiraestheticsandconfigurethemintoanostalgia(Jameson5).Thelackofdepth

thatthesurfacespeakstocanbeseeninthefakechimneys,theblacked-outbutinaccessible

spacesunderneathporches,andrequiredshadesthatcoverallstreet-wardfacingporch

windows,privilegingappearancewithoutessence.Similarly,itiseasytoseeJamesonsnotionof

pasticheinthepatternbooksofCelebration:theimitationofapeculiarorunique,idiosyncratic

styleisbuiltuponandcompoundedinitsmandatedhousestyles,similarenoughtoresurrecta

deadlanguagewhilealsoseveringanyconnectiontotheirsignificanceintheiroverstimulating

ensembleofnostalgia(Jameson17,19).Insummary,thehistoryofaestheticstylesdisplaces

realhistory,whichisnowheretobefound(Jameson20).

DouglasKellnerposesthequestionoftheextenttowhichpostmodernisdominantin

westernsociety,asJamesonpurportsinhisclassicessay.Kellnerasks:ispostmodernismatruly

dominantmanifestationoflatecapitalismstendencies,orisitmerelyanemergentformof

culturethatonlyarisesholisticallyincertaingroupsandsocialsectorsbutwhichisnotyeta

dominantforanysocietyasawhole(Kellner29).NewUrbanismanditstheoryandpractice,as

exemplifiedbothinentirelyprivatedevelopments(Seaside,Celebration)orinpublicandcivic

developments(Kentlands,ParkDuValle),canbereadasaformofspatialmanipulationthathas

creptintohegemonynotonlybasedonitsnecessity(sustainability)butonthedevelopmentof

latecapitalismasdissolvingsubjectaltogetherinitshistoricalmarchtowardscrisis.Ittakes

cognitivemapping,perLynch,andincorporatestimeasadimensionbywhichspaceandsociety

canbemapped,projectingontopublicspacesahistoryofdominationinamannercontradictory

withenvironmentalparticipatoryjustice.However,asRobertTallyJr.postulatesinhiscriticism

onJameson,postmodernismnecessitatesahollowingoutofimagesofthepast,constantly

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refashioningthemtofitcurrentconditions,ineffectcreatingthenostalgiaforthepresent

(TallyJr.93).Itisinthisprivilegedperspectiveofironicembraceofclassicalsymbolismthat

whitenesspervades,masqueradingitsaestheticsasthegoodsocietywhileeliminatingany

roomforalternativesordissentinregardstoatavisticanachronismsthathasnomeaning

whatsoever.

OnecanfurtherexploretheproblemswithNewUrbanisttheoryinexaminingthe

writingsofWalterBenjamin,specificallyinregardstohisessayTheWorkofArtintheAgeof

MechanicalReproduction.Thatwhichwithersintheageofmechanicalreproductionistheaura

oftheworkofartwritesBenjamin,eventuallyendingatwarandfascismsastheproductsof

renderingpoliticsintoaesthetics(Benjamin221,241).Whilethatreadingmightbealittle

extremeinthiscase,andwhilesimilarlyitmaybeeasytoaccuseNewUrbanistsofevoking

fascisminthebuiltenvironment,whatisimportanttonoteisthatanyauraofauthenticity

describedbyNewUrbanistsintheoryislostinitsconstantreproduction,generatingtrulyhollow

suburbsinplaceofauthenticonesthatwouldendowsuchaura.Inthishollowingoutby

renderingitintonostalgiatoconsumetheinauthenticityrendersitselfconcretewithout

acknowledgingthecontinuationofprescriptionofJeffersonianidealsthatpurportthe

propertied,whitemaleasthedominantcitizen.

OnealsodoesnotneedtoconductindepthreadingsofNewUrbanistprinciplesrealized

inplanningtounderstandhowracistitcanbewhenitisappliedattheplanningscale.New

Urbanistdevelopmentprojectshavebeenarguedtobeassimilationist,seekingtoenforcean

orderonspacethrougharchitecturalstyleandarrangementofspace.Newurbanismoffersa

normativevisionthatTalenbelievesplanningrequires,writesGrantonthisnormativity,even

goingasfarastopointthatNewUrbanistspromotegentrificationthroughdispersingpoverty

(Grant73).SomewouldevensaythatNewUrbanistscatertoaveryspecificnicheofurbanelite,

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disregardingthehistoryofrealestatethathasconfiguredurbanenvironmentsasso.

Infact,fewnewurbanistprojectshaveprovenaffordable,pointsoutGrantinher

criticismofNewUrbanism.InSeasideandCelebration,nosuchaffordablehousingwasincluded,

andtheNewUrbanistpolicyofdispersingpovertythroughHOPEVIdestroysmoreaffordable

housingthanitcreates.ThisbegsthequestionofwhoistrulybenefittingfromHopeVI

developments:thosewhomightmoveupthesocioeconomicladderthroughassimilationinto

themiddleclass,orthedevelopersofsuchmarketdrivinghousingandthosewhoownproperty

aroundsuchdevelopers?AndresDuany,keyarchitecttotheNewUrbanistmovement,hasoften

arguedinfavorofgentrification,encouragingplannerstoseekroutesofgentrificationasmeans

ofpumpinghopeintoneighborhoods(Grant189).Thisutterdiscrepancyinthesocialvaluesin

NewUrbanisttextandpracticeareapparentinCelebration,atowninwhichthereisnoplanning

visionbeyondresidentialandcommercial.Celebrationcaterstoaveryspecificdemographic

withameagerrangeofuses.Further,onecanreadindirectenvironmentalracismintheuseof

defensiblespacetheoryinCelebration:Newurbanismseekstooperationalizethepanopticon

asFoucaultexplainsit,creatingspacesinwhicheveryonebelievesthatsomeonemaybe

watching,andadjusttheirbehavioraccordingly,writesGrant,evokingJacobsnotionofEyeson

theStreetwhichendowsafetyontoaneighborhood.

NewUrbanistaestheticshavebeenrepackagedtobringsuburbansprawlintocities,

servingprivatedevelopersthatseektoextractthecapitalavailableinpublichousingmarkets

throughrealestatedevelopment.Thisturnslandscapesofpublicspaceintoprivateones,

evidentintheNewUrbanistHOPEVIpublichousingdevelopmentParkDuValleinLouisville,

Kentucky.AprimarycomponentofNewUrbanistplanningisattractingprivateinvestmentand

high-incomeresidentsthroughdesignpractices,whichnecessitatesthephysicalredevelopment

ofapublichousingsiteintoanarchitecturallyappealingandmarketableproduct(Hanlon82).

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Whatthiseffectofmixed-financeobjectivesistofocusonthephysical,environmentalaspectsof

sustainabilityendowedinNewUrbanismandskirtaroundthesocialandeconomicaspectsthat

arebrieflyandshallowlyalludedtoinNewUrbanistTheory.Hanlonsummarizes:byrevoking

HUDsoneforoneruleofreplacingpublichousingunitsinNewUrbanistdevelopmentsin

1996inconjunctionwiththeinclusionandgoalofattractinghighincomeresidentshavein

effectdecreasedonanewscalethenumberofpublichousingapartmentsavailable,and

tangentially,publicspaceswithinthemetropolis.This,aspointedoutagainbyHanlon,who

statesthatthistrendrepresentsDavidHarveysnotionoftheshiftinurbangovernancefrom

managerialismtoentrepreneurialism,exemplifiedbythepartnershipofpublicandprivate

sourcesincreatingstakeholders.

Theeffectsofthisprivate/publicpartnershipthatarrangesitselfandspacestomeetthe

needsanddemandsofcapitalinvestmentareonshowcaseinCelebrationandSeaside,as

plannedasanti-urban,self-policedandself-selectedutopiancommunitiesofprivilege.Intheir

assimilationistapproachtodisappearingpoverty,orsimplyexcludingitinthefirstplace,New

Urbanistspromoteself-policingsothatthepoorwhomightbeluckyenoughtofindthemselves

embeddedwithinasuburban,middle-classenclavewillbegintoemulatetheirpeers,destroying

diversityasopposedtocelebratingit.

CelebrationandSeaside,bothhomogenous,wealthycommunities,havemadeno

attemptsatdiversity,cateringtodefensibleprivatespaceintheirplanning.Bothhaveno

affordablehousing,andthesenseofcommunitysocarefullycraftedbydesignerscontainsno

trueaspectsofsustainability.Seaside,designedintheBeauxArtsstylewithitsfocusonrational

geometryofpublicspacehasseenrapidrealestateinflationinpropertyvalues,withhomes

sellingforhundredsofthousandsofdollars(Grant83).Celebration,withitsplasticcolumnsand

fauxwindows,onlyhadahandfulofblackresidents,moveininitially,atrendwhichhas

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continued:itswebsiteofficiallydeclaringthispercentageas1.5%ofthepopulation(Grant187).

ThesetwoexamplesofNewUrbanistdeploymentdisplaythenormativevisionthatNew

Urbanistshave:EmilyTalen,pioneeringNewUrbanistwithafocusonplanningbelievesthat

designerstrainedinanunderstandingofagoodurbanformshouldidentifythebetterprinciples

forcitizens(Grant72).Thisblatantelitismcontradictsallnotionsofenvironmentaljusticein

boththedistributiveandtheparticipatorysenses.Inessence,thearchitectandtheirfinanciers

areinthedriversseatofshapingcitiesandpublicspaces,allowingahugemarginfor

environmentalinjusticetopersistinurbanplanning.NewUrbanismismerelyacontinuationof

modernistplanningasthepowerliesintheexpertandtheirvisionandnotthepeoplewhose

spacestheyaredestroying.

Chapter6-NewUrbanismInspiredUrbanDesignInitiatives

Sinceitsconception,NewUrbanismhasevolvedbasedonfeedbacktobecomethemore

widelyacceptedSmartGrowthmovement.Themostsuccessfulaspectsofitstheoryand

practice,forinstanceTransitOrientedDesign,designingalongthetransect,neotraditionalism

andfocusonthestreetaspublic,pedestrianspace,wereconsolidatedandrepurposedundera

lensthatwasconfiguredbycityandregionaleconomics.Theproductofsuchfeedback-oriented

systemicchangewasSmartGrowth,anarguablymoreequitable,realisticandsustainablemodel

andparadigmfordesign,fromthescaleofarchitecturetoregionalurbanplanning.However,

thisresearchprojectconsidersNewUrbanismasitsown,independentmovementandthe

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circumstancesandpoliticsarounditsinceptionthathavepersevered.NewUrbanistasit

coalescedcanbearguedtorepresentthephysicalandmaterialmanifestationoftheCultural

LogicofLateCapitalism.NotonlyinhowsuccessfulaspectshavebeenrebrandedasSmart

Growthisitapparentthatitwasatheoreticalmovementsymbolizingabstractneoliberal

policies,butitsdissolutionintosustainableurbandesigndiscourserepresentsjusthow

tenaciousitspolicywasinwritingitselfintothesocioeconomicfabricofurbanpoliticalecology

asitexistedasglobalcitiesemerged.Withthatbeingsaid,though,somewouldarguethatthe

actiononbehalfofsustainabilityisbetterthannoactionatall,withgoodreason.NewUrbanist

lifestylecentersmarketthemselvesastrendy,desirableplacestolive,attractinghomogenous,

affluentsuburbandwellersinthesamemannerthatSeasideandCelebrationself-selectedtheir

populations.Anyactionthatgetsthosewhowouldnormallybelivinginsinglefamilyhomes

withmultiplecarsintodense,urban-likehousingnetworksthatconsolidateinfrastructureis

betterthannoactionwhatsoever,andsoshouldnotbeintheireofnon-proactivecriticism.

However,inNewUrbanismonecanreadneoliberalisminitsnecessityofhierarchyand

inequality,anditsperpetuationactsasanengineoflatecapitalismflexibleaccumulation.

Anexemplarydeploymentofthisinequalitythattendstobenefitthoseattheexpenseof

thosesocioeconomicallybeneaththemistheParkDuvalleHOPEVIpublichousingprojectin

Louisville,Kentucky.Itisinthisprojectthatthefederalgovernmentspromotionofaspectsof

thenormalizationofNewUrbanismintosustainableurbandesignismostsalient.The

de-concentrationofpovertyfromitsconsolidationinpublichousingandsubsequenterasurein

theadoptionofsuburbanaestheticsnotonlymaintainstheillusionthatsocialengineeringcan

solvepovertyandbringaboutthegoodsociety,butseeminglyitalsorevealsitsneoconservative

leaningsinitslackofself-awarenessforsimilaritytoparadigmsinmodernisthousingtheory

(Hanlon83).

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ParkDuvalleisnodifferentinplasticappearancefromotherNewUrbanistdeployments:

itexhibitsaplace-sensitivedesigncomplimentedbyregionalnortheasternresidentialdesign

styles(craftsmans,colonials,Victorians),winding,Olmstead-likeboulevardsandstreet

wards-focusedfacadeswithstandardsetbacks(Hanlon84).However,whatisparticularly

noteworthyofthisexamplearethedynamicsbehindtheredevelopmentprocessand

subsequentlythoseeffectsontheresidentswhohaddwelledinthepublichousingprojectthat

existedbefore,Cotter-Lang.HanlonpointsoutonhisstudyonthetransitionofCotter-Langinto

aHOPEVIprojectthatonly75oftheoriginalresidentswerereadmittedforParkDuValle,with

over400formerCotter-Langhouseholdsbeingrelocatedwithoutassistanceandwereultimately

unaccountedfor.HansonnotesthatinLouisville,2/3rdsofrenterswithincomeslessthan

$20,000qualifyforhousingassistance,andalmostallofCotter-Langshouseholdswereamong

thatpopulation(Hanlon89).Again,onecanseethestrictre-admittancepoliciesofHOPEVI

projectscompoundedwiththelackofcreationofequalhousingopportunitiesasultimately

hurtingthoseinsocietywhoareinthemostneed.ThecriteriaforParkDuvalleasfollowing:

- Noleaseviolationswithinlastthreeyears

- Nolatepaymentswithinlastyear

- Metallhousekeepinginspectionswithinlastthreeyears

- Headofhouseholdmusteitherbeemployedorafull-timestudent

- Allmembersofhousehold(atleast18yearsold)mustpastcriminalrecordchecks.

Regulationslikethesecutoffmuchofthepopulationthathadpreviouslydwelledin

publichousingprojectsinfavorofassimilatingthosemostwelloffintoahardtodefinemiddle

class.Further,onecouldconsiderthattheyarentultimatelygearedathelpingthosewhoare

readmitted,butasposturingandappearanceinordertoattractmoreaffluentresidentstothe

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populationbyremovingvisiblesignsofpoverty(Hanlon,90).Further,alongthelinesof

posturing,itisworthnotingthatalongAlgonquinParkway,aroutedesignedbyFrederickLaw

Olmstead,arethemostNew-Urbanistneotraditionalbuildings,filteringoutfromthepubliceye

portionsofthedevelopmentthatarenotcutfromthesameclothofNewUrbanism(Hanlon

91).ToquoteHanlononhowNewUrbanismhasspreadintomainstreamsustainableurban

design:TheaestheticizationofHOPEVIrevitalizationconcealsthehumancostofits

implementation.ParkDuVallessuccess,andindeedthatofanyHOPEVIprojectthatiscarried

outastheprogramintends,ispredicateduponphysicaltransformation.WhereHOPEVIis

successful,itissuccessfulaboveallbydesign(Hanlon93).Inessence,HOPEVIisa

galvanizationofneoliberalgentrificationbyphysicaltransformationofblightedneighborhoods

intocozy,prosperousandprivatesuburbaneco-villages.Nowhereisstructuraladjustment

targetedthatseekstogetatandeliminatethepersistenceofpoverty

Contemporarysustainabledesigninitiativesexhibitthenormativityofneotraditionalism

bycateringtoasenseofnostalgiaandauraforapre-modernistperiodthatisbettersuitedtofit

theU.S.averageconsumer.Theyreconfigurethepublicrealmintoprivate,dividedcontrol,

exemplifiedinthetheoryofOscarNewman,andcanbeseensimilarlytohowtraditional

suburbsdeveloped,suchasLevitt-Townsbasedonproductioncapabilities.Neoliberalpolicy

coupledwithNewUrbanisttheoryhasfurthercommodifiedpublicspaceintoownedspacenot

onlyinthenameofsafetybutalsointhenameofsustainabilityasform-basedcodeshave

becomeculturallydominant.FromtheCongressforNewUrbanismsconnectionstofederally

sponsoredurbandevelopmentintheUnitedStatestoregionalandcity-levelinfluenceinthe

SmartGrowthManual,place-basedapproachestoplasticmanipulationofaestheticshave

becomethebattlegroundforsustainabilityincontemporaryurbanlandscapes.ReinholdMartin

SummarizeswellintheArtofInequalityofhowtheballisintheprivatesectorscourtinregards

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topromotingfurtherpublichousingdevelopment:theprivatesectorhasbecometoonly

acceptablesourceoffunding,andthusappearanceofpublichousingisindistinguishablefrom

market-ratehousing.Ineffect,codeandpolicyarechangedtoenticeprivatedevelopmentof

publichousing,offeringpreciouscommoditiesintheformofrealestatefortheconcessionsof

meetingdensitybonusesandinclusionaryzoningforprescribingcertainpercentagesofhousing

beingaffordable(atermthatgetsridofthestigmabymerelynotacknowledgingit,removing

thelexiconentirelyfrompublicdiscourseMartin71).Intheend,itisprivatemanagementthat

getstodecidewhogetstostayandwhohastogo,whichonecouldargueisconfiguredbya

largermarketbutinfactisatoolembeddedwithincontemporaryurbanpoliticallandscapesto

enforcehierarchythroughrealestate.

Asfallaciousasmodernismisinprescribingitsvaluesasacureforthesocialblight

wroughtbyprevioushegemonyindesignandplanning,New-Urbanismcanbeconsidereda

continuationofthesameenvironmentalinjusticesthatrackedmodernistplanning.New

Urbanismmerelyrepackagesplasticaestheticrepresentationsofthegoodsocietyasonethatis

controlledtop-down,leavingverylittleroomforinterpretationinthenon-homogenous

environmentsthatitseekstodetermine.NewUrbanism,inpromotingdiversecommunitiesthat

celebratetraditionalvalues,infactspreadanostalgicvisionforanelitistandracistperiodin

UnitedStateshistory,believinginenvironmentaldeterminismasprescribedthroughdistributive

injusticeastohowspaceisimagined,configuredandused.Thiscanbeseenonacitywidelevel

inCleveland,astheCityPlanningCommissionmovestowardsaform-basedzoningcodethat

NewUrbanistspromote.ThisalsocanbeseenintheOpportunityCorridordevelopment,a

TransitOrientedDesigninitiativethatseekstoeconomicallyrejuvenateanareainKinsmanby

connectingtheendofI490toUniversitycirclewithanewroadway.

JustasBrokenWindowspolicingwaspredicatedonthenotionthatthedisappearanceof

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visualblightsignifiedasafercommunity,sotoodoesNewUrbanistinspireddesignrelyonvisual

signsasanindicatorforsolvingthestructuralandsocialproblemsfacingblackAmericans

(Knoblauch2).AsJoyKnoblauchpointsoutinheressayonthemeritsandproblemswith

DefensibleSpaceTheory,shenotesthatNewmanstheorysimilarlypurportedthatadilapidated

environmentdoesnotinspireself-policing,orthatindividualsshouldcareabouttheirspaceand

thereforenotfeelterritoriallyinclinedtodefendagainstintrudersandneighborsalike

(Knoblauch5).Thedifference,though,betweenDefensibleSpacetheoryandNewUrbanist

thinkingthatitinfluencedisinintention:whileneitheraremal-intentionedtowards

environmental,DefensibleSpacetheorywasaboutpreservingopensociety,eliminating

bystandersofahomogenouspopulationthroughself-policing.Ininterpretation,though,visual

privacyandtheaestheticsofarchitecturallydefinedspaceshaveyieldedaprivate,gatedworld

thathasnotdecreasedfearorincreasedtrust(Knoblauch7).Thistrendofspatialintervention

continuesinsustainableurbandesignprojectsbyendowingtheaestheticsofsuburbanprivacy

intopublichousingandresilientspaces.

IntheForgottenTriangle,anditsstylizedOpportunityCorridorredevelopmentplan,the

OhioDepartmentofTransportationhaspromotedandiscarryingoutaprojectthatenvisions

thatareanotasonethatcanattractindividualsanddevelopmentdollarsthroughanattractive

highway.Nowhereintheplanisland-usereconsidered,ortherootoftheproblemsthatplague

theareaaddressed.Instead,theprojectmovesforwardwithlittleconsiderationofwhetheror

notbenefitstotheneighborhoodwillactuallycome.Howtheseeffectswillspreadoutwardshas

simultaneouslybeenneglected.

SmartGrowthpromotesthedesignoptionsofNewUrbanism,butaddsgovernmentpolicyand

incentivestoaccommodateandencouragegrowth.Ifthepopulationkeepsgrowing,asthe

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smartgrowthadvocatesinsistsitmust,andmaterialsconsumedperpersonkeepincreasingas

theyseemtodo,thenhowcanwehopeforsustainablecities?Atsomepoint,wewillexhaust

non-renewableresources-JillGrant191

Chapter7-NeoliberalismanditsApplicationinSustainableUrbanDesign

Initiatives

Adesignmovementthatplacesshoppingfacilitiesattheheartoftheneighborhood,asa

villagecenterforpeopletomeeteachotherandcreatecommunitybonds,suitsthetimes.The

communitybecomestheultimatecommodityoftheconsumersociety

ItisfittingthatNewUrbanismsfirstdesignprojects,namelySeasideandCelebration,

wereutopiandevelopmentprojectsinpreviouslyuntouchedwilderness.Beingprivately

financed,thedesigncateredtothedeveloperswhim,creatingamicrocosmofwealththat

reimaginedatimeinwhichspatialsegregationwaslaw.Morefitting,DPZ,keyarchitecturalfirm

tothemovement,hadoneoftheirfirstdesignprojectsconsideredNewUrbanisttobethe

redevelopmentofashoppingmallonCapeCod.MashpeeCommonswasintendedtorejuvenate

thetowneconomicallyinapartofMassachusettsthatwasentirelydependenteconomicallyon

seasonaltouristtravelthroughthearea.TrendsbecomeapparentinNewUrbanistdevelopment:

initiallycapitaldriven,theiraestheticsbenefitfewwhiledisplacingmany,leavingmanydeluded

intheprocess.

NewUrbanistpracticesbeingusedassavior-likedesigninterventionshasreformulated

whaturbanrenewalmeansintheUnitedStates,oftenpredicatedonthesamenotionthaturban

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renewalwasbuiltuponinthe60s:inasimilarveintohowcitiessoughttoenticewealthy

residentsbackfromthesuburbs,sotoodocitiesnowneedtoseemtrendyandvibrantas

productsinordertoattractthecreativeclass.Theyarecompetingfortheseeducatedlaborers

whowouldchoosefromanumberofglobalcitiesinthegeographicalnetworkinwhichsaidcity

isembedded.Philadelphia,Boston,NewYorkandevenWashingtonD.C.allcompeteforsimilar

businessesandlabor,fromoneperspectivethroughpolicybutanotherthroughdevelopingtheir

urbanenvironmenttocatertoacertainimage.Moreacutely,ClevelandandPittsburghcompete

forlaborandbusinesses,eachbeingconfiguredbythepolicythatrestrictsbutdifferentiates

theirbusinessesclimatesacrossstateborders.JustasHoughwasrazeddecadesagotoentice

federalaidtocometoCleveland,sotooisClevelandnowattemptingtoredevelop.Itsimage

andplacemakinghasbeentakentoanotherlevel:PublicSquarehasbeenredesignedby

prominentarchitecturefirmJamesCornerFieldOperations,TheArcadehasbeenreopened

underprivateownershipasahotel,andLeBronJameshastakentoproducingatelevisionshow

inordertopromoteneighborhoodentrepreneurship.

AsReinholdMartinpointsoutinTheArtofInequality,themodelthatNewUrbanism

cameupwithfortheDepartmentofHousingandUrbanDevelopment(HUD)hasbecome

entrenchedacrossalllevelsofpublicredevelopment.Theurbandesignandarchitectural

paradigmarticulatedbytheCongressoftheNewUrbanismwaslinkedtothedepartmentof

HousingandUrbanDevelopment(HUD)sinitiativetopromoteareal-estatemodelthat

minimized,onthesurface,directpublicinvolvementinhousing,andinsteadprioritizedprivate

financing,ownership,andmanagementofmixed-incomehousing,writesMartin,succinctly

depictingnowneoliberalismnowgovernsthepublicrealm(page?).Thisisparticularlypertinent

toCleveland,wheretheCuyahogaMetropolitanHousingAuthorityhasplacedtherevitalization

andredevelopmentofpublichousinginthehandsofprivatedevelopers.Forinstance,take

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RiverviewTowers,apublichousingapartmentbuildingbuiltinOhioCityinthe1960s.The

buildinghasbecomesodecrepitthatpublicoutcryhasemergedinregardstothecitysinability

tomaintainandrepairtheproperty:theelderlygetstuckinelevators,thebuildinglacksair

conditioning,andthepropertyisslowlyslidingintotheCuyahogarivervalleybelow(Walsh,

Naymik).Withthatbeingsaid,theCMHAinthepastdecadereceivedagrantfromHUDaspart

ofHOPEVIinordertoredevelopthepropertyandthesurroundingareasvacantbuildingsalong

DetroitAvenueasoneofthefewHOPEVIgrantsthatthecityhasreceived.Afterjumping

throughnumerousbureaucratichoops,theCMHAwasawarded$12.4millioninHOPEVIfunds

fortheproject,andthedesignconsultingfirmGoodyClancyandAssociateswasawardeda

contracttostudythefeasibilitytorenovatingandredesigningthespace.Oneresidenthascalled

thedesignfirmscharrettesaimedatintegratingpublicopinioncharades,whilethedirectorof

theCMHAhasgoneonrecordtorevealsomeoftheinsidiousmechanismsdrivingtheproject:

thegrantproposalinitiallyonlyincludedatenpercentlowincomecomponentandaten

percentmoderateincomecomponent(Naymik).Withsomeofthebestviewsofdowntown,

Riverviewisacontestedproperty,oneprimeforprivatedevelopment.Thecitylacksthe

initiativeandthefundstoredevelopitforthesakeofmaintainingandcommittingtopublic

housing,andonlytheprivatemarketcanfillthatvoid.Ourmissionistodoaffordablehousing,

notmarket-rate.Buttherearesomeeconomicrealitieshere,then-CMHAdirectorTerri

Hamilton-Brownsaidinapublicmeetingaroundthetimethatredevelopmentplanswere

shapingup(Naymik).Inresponse,ClevelandCityCouncilMemberJoeCimpermanofWard3

retortedthat60percentistheplacetostartforlow-incomedesignation.

PlayingoutinthisdramaarenumerousglobalnetworkfactorsdescribedbyMartin.First,

thatthegoalsofaffordablehousingdevelopinginthenameofbenefittingthepublicrealm

cannotbereconciledwithprivate-for-profitdevelopmentreturnoninvestmentgoals.Secondly,

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onecanalsoseethespatialrealitiesofdisplacement,inwhichthosekickedoutwouldreceive

section8voucherstoapplytorentfromprivatelandlordselsewhere,testingthewatersoto

speakasundesirabletenants(Martin,70-72).Inessence,NewUrbanismrelatestoneoliberalism

inthatitsspatialandformalvisionscorrelatewithwhatsocietyhasconflatedwiththewhite

spatialimaginarytobethegoodsociety,leadingthetwotobecomeirrevocablyintertwined.

OnecanreadotheraspectsofneoliberalismintheorythatwouldbeinfluentialtoNew

UrbanistthinkinginOscarNewmansDefensibleSpaceTheory:inthesensethatpublicspace

needstobedividedintoprivatespaceinordertomakeitsafe,rationalizedbyanotionofan

inherentinallmiddleandlowerclasspeoplethedesiretoescapeintothesuburbs.Inastaunch

supportofsuburbanism,NewmanwritesinhischapterontheCapacityofthePhysical

EnvironmenttoCreatePerceivedZonesofTerritorialInfluences:Byitsverynature,the

single-familyhouseisitsownstatementofterritorialclaim.Ithasdefinedownershipbythevery

actofitspositioningonanintegralpieceoflandbufferedfromneighborsandpublicstreetby

interveninggroundsreinforcedbysymbolicshrubsorfences(Newman,51).ToNewman,the

goodcommunityisoneinwhichonesegregatespopulationintocommunityandintruder,based

ontheprospectofowninglandscapedrealestate.Earlier,Newmanwritesthewell-offcitizen,

byisolatinghimselfinasecurefortress,byrestrictinghisownventuresintothestreetsandby

demandingauthorityassumeallresponsibilityforensuringthesafetyofthestreets,has

effectivelysetthestageforthedefeatofhisowndemands(Newman15).Inprovidingroomfor

histheorytobeinterpretedbothinthesakeofpromotingsuburbiawhilesimultaneously

attackingitleavesitopentointerpretationandreincorporationintowhatcanbedeemedgood

design,asseeninNewUrbanistprinciples.

InthesamewaythatJaneJacobspromotedeyesonthestreet,sotoodoesNewman.The

issuethough,iswhatiftherearentenougheyesinthefirstplace?Whathappensina

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neighborhoodlikeKinsmanthathasconsistentlybeendroppingpopulation,inwhichpeople

trulydontwantredevelopmentorhelpfromthosewhoabandonedtheirneighborhood?

Inherentlylieshereboththestigmaandisolationoftheurbanpoor,whoaretobesavedby

extrinsicforcesofgooddesignandprivateinvestmentthatwillnegatetheeffectsofbroken

windowspolicing.SotoodoesNewUrbanismworktoemphasizethepublicrealmofthe

street,settingitasaspaceforinterventionthatwouldeitherreinforcethepositivefeedback

loopofmodernistplanningandthusbrokenwindowspolicingorsuburbanizationand

subsequentlygentrification(Martin,70).

Streetscapesarecriticaltorealestatepropertyevaluation,somethingthatNew

Urbanistsunderstand,andhaveresolvedtobuildplaceoutofun-placeallacrossthecountry.In

OhioCityandTremont,oneseessignsandwalkwayselaboratingthepointthatoneisnowin

theirrespectiveneighborhood,hopingtoenticehighincomeresidentsbackininthesearchof

authenticityamonguniquespacesandartsyboutiquesandcraftbreweries.Theurbanfabric,

withitsmultiplenetworksofcommunicationandexchange,ispartofthemeansofproduction.

Thecityanditsvariousinstallationsarepartofcapital,WritesLefebvreoncapitalistspace,

indicatingbroadlyhowspacescanbereproducedgloballyorregionally.Here,thestateis

ensuringitsuniformcontrolofspacebyallowingprivateinvestmenttogovernformandspatial

appearance,andthussocialrelationsthatresultandembodythatmeansofconsumption.Space

ispulverizedintoprivateproperty,creatingacontradictionofcenter/periphery(aspointed

outbyLefebvre),whichisconstantlyanddynamicallyshiftingbasedonnetworkflows.Indoing

so,thegoverningbodydecreeswhatisgoodspace(NewUrbanism)andwhatisbadspace

(modernism,urbanenvironments).Itisinthiscontradictionthateconomicshavemergedwith

politics(Lefebvre190).

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Chapter8Analysis:Whatsgoingon?Isallofthisapparentandhappeningin

Cleveland?Whathistoricallywerethesespaceslike?Howaretheychangingaccording

tospatialimaginaries?

InthissectionIanalyzethreesitesthatdisplayaspectsofsustainabilityintheirmissions

inordertounderstandwhereandhowNewUrbanistaestheticsarepresent.Thislistisas

follows:TremontPointe,aHOPEVIhousingprojectintheTremontneighborhood,HUB55,a

mixed-usefoodorienteddevelopmentintheSt.ClairSuperiorneighborhood,andthe

OpportunityCorridor,amasterplanforredevelopinganeighborhoodknownlocallyasthe

ForgottenTriangleinSouthernCleveland.AteachprojectIhaveconductedsitevisits,walking

throughandaroundeachneighborhoodtakingphotographsofthedevelopments.Isoughtto

experiencehowtheprojectsfitinwiththefabricoftheneighborhood(oralternatively,howthe

neighborhoodhaschangedtoblendwiththeirimages).Ihavepaidparticularattentiontothe

bordersandedgesoftheseprojects,howtheyfitrelativelyintotheircontexts,andinsome

cases,spokenfirsthandwithcommunitymembersandstakeholdersontheirperspectiveson

eachdevelopment.

Ichosethesethreeprojectsfromalargerlistofsustainableurbandesigninitiativesas

theyfocusondifferentaspectsofsustainabilityondifferenturbanscales.First,TremontPointeis

attheblockscale,encapsulatingaportionofanentireneighborhood.Itisanexampleofhow

thecityofClevelandisprogressingitspublichousing,indicatingtheleveltowhichthecitytakes

sustainabilityattheresidentiallevelseriously.Secondly,IchoseHUB55foritsfocuson

food-relatedcommercialaspectsofsustainability.St.Clair/Superiorhasbeenconsidereda

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fooddesert,andHub55isaninterestingdevelopmentinthatitattemptstospearhead

sustainableinitiativesinaneighborhoodbyactingasarolemodelforothercommercial

developmentsinthearea.Lastly,IchosetheOpportunityCorridorbecauseitbroaches

sustainabilityonthescaleofanentireneighborhood,notjustblockorbuilding,sizingupin

scopeaccordingtoNewUrbanistplanning.Itshowstheability(orlackthereof)tointegrate

successfullydifferentlevelsandscalesofsustainabilityacrossmanydifferentspaceswithinthe

sameplace.

Ichosethesethreeprojectsnotonlyfortheirdifferentcharacteristicsbutalsofortheir

geographiesrelativetoeachother.Clevelandisaverysegregatedcity(evenself-describedfor

thatmatter),andeachprojectcouldcreateawindowintoraciallychargedaspectsofurban

planninganddesign,sheddinglightontowhetherornotsustainabilityintheseprojectsis

gaugedalongthetriplebottomline.Tremont,inwhichTremontPointeislocated,ishistorically

aEuropeanethnicenclave,buthasrecentlybeenexperiencinggentrification.HUB55,also

historicallyaEuropeanethnicenclave,islocatedbetweendowntownandEastCleveland,

sandwichedbetweenanAsianethnicenclaveandthepredominantlyAfricanAmericanEast

Cleveland.Lastly,TheOpportunityCorridorislocatedtothesouthofCentralClevelandandthe

HoughNeighborhood.Itisanareathathashistoricallybeenthevictimofracialprejudiceand

violenceagainstitspredominantlyAfricanAmericanpopulation.Ihopethatinchoosingthese

threeprojectsIgainanaccuratecrosssectionintothedifferentaspectsandmeansbywhich

Clevelandispursuingsustainability,andneoliberalismandNewUrbanismareaffectingspace

andplaceinthecontemporaryurbanlandscape.

Tremont

Censustracts:1039,1041,1042,1043,1044,1046,and1048

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TremontonClevelandsnear-westsideisboundedonthenorthandeastsidesbytheCuyahoga

RiverandHarvardAve.tothesouth.Theneighborhoodwasfoundedinthesettlementand

developmentofClevelandUniversityintheareain1850,ledbyreverendandformerOberlin

CollegePresidentAsaMahan.Foldingafterfiveyears,thelegacyofthecollegeandstreets

namedinscholarlymanners(i.e.CollegeAve.,LiteracyRd.,ProfessorSt.)leftaspatiallegacy,

asitsbuildingswererecycledforothercivicusessuchasacademicsorhospitals.The

neighborhoodhaddifferentnames,suchasUniversityHts.,untiltheTremontSchoolwasbuiltin

1910.DuetoitsproximitytoindustryintheCuyahogaValley,itbecameasettlementfor

immigrants,includingthoseofIrishandGermandescentinthe1860s,Polishinthe1890s,and

GreeksandSyriansinthe1900s.Morerecently,theneighborhoodhasbeenhometoasignificant

Puerto-Ricanpopulationandispepperedbyavarietyofchurchesandcathedralsofdifferent

theologies.Duetothedisappearanceofindustryandarun-downhousingstock,the

neighborhoodfellintodecayduetoitsgeographicalisolation,losingmorethan2/3rdsofits

populationby1980(VanTassel).

ValleyviewHomeswasoneofthefirstpublichousingprojectstobebothbuiltand

managedbytheClevelandMetropolitanHousingAuthority.Builtin1939overlookingthe

CuyahogavalleyinsouthernTremont,theprojectinitiallyconsistedoftwo-storybrickbuildings,

barrack-style,andisrecognizedasoneoftheoldestpublic-housingestatesinthecountry.

Initialfeaturesconsistedofacraftshop,acommunitycenterandplaygrounds,inadditionto

numerousworksdonebylocalartistscommissionedbytheWorksProgressAdministration

(Rottman).Demonstratingthepowerofinstitutionalracismweldedbyplanningofficialsatthe

citylevel,Valleyviewremainedsegregateduntil1970,despitethe1949banonracial

discriminationinpublichousing(Rottman).Furthercompoundingthepowerofplanning,thecity

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couldnotcollectenoughrevenuetomaintainupkeep,andbeingdependentonfederalmoney

inordertooperateit,optedtodemolishaportionofitsothatafreewaycouldpassthroughthe

site.Spiralingintodisrepairandabandonment,thefinalstructuresweretorndownin2004when

thecityreceiveda$19.6millionfederalgranttodevelopaHOPEVIpublic/privatehousing

development.RebrandedasTremontPointe,whathasbeenconstructedhasbeenlaudedby

sustainabilitybulletins,demonstratingthedistancethattheplacehascomesince1978when

policerefusedtoenterValleyviewwithouttwo-personpatrols(Rottman).

Inaquickexaminationofcensusdataacrossmultiplefields,itisapparentthatthe

neighborhoodistrendinginagrowthdirection.Morespecifically,acrossthecensustractsin

whichValleyviewandTremontPointearelocated,inconjunctionwiththeirneighboringcensus

tracts,oneseesthedispersalofwealthwithabriefforayintocensusdemographicdata:


Tremont Avg. Avg. % % +on +on Median Unempl Lvlof %pop %pop
rent Home Renting Own Rent Housin income oyment educati Black white
price Home g on

1980 $167. n/a 52.40% 26.70% n/a n/a $8,686. 7.18% 37.05% 5.99% 75.50%
20 60

1990 $268. n/a 57.80% 25.60% n/a n/a $20,204 9.29% 59.58% 10.71% 68.51%
70 .40

2000 $438. $58,340. 65.93% 34.07% 18.15 34.40% $21,761 6.70% 37.59% 17.95% 58.99%
00 00 %

2010 $638. $96,557. 61.83% 38.17% 34.03 52.00% $25,261 8.70% 31.70% 18.32% 66.47%
40 10 %

2015 $675. $110,68 67.02% 32.98% 23.94 38.00% $32,242 6.63% 22.73% 20.52% 65.68%
90 5.70 %


Range $508.7 $52,345 14.62% 12.57% 15.88% 18.00% $23,555 2.66% 36.85% 14.53% 16.51%
0 .70 .40

Mean $437.6 $88,527 60.99% 31.51% 25.37% 41.30% $21,631 7.70% 37.73% 15% 67.03%
4 .60 .00

Median $438.0 $96,557 61.83% 32.98% 23.94% 38.00% $21,761 7.18% 37.05% 18% 66.47%
0 .10

Standard 222.90 $27,080 0.06028 0.05272 0.08037 0.09298 8593.30 0.01218 0.13595 0.06109 0.05932
Deviatio 75212 .86 5599 7738 9453 0285 8442 7884 9872 8436 2315
n

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Coeff.of $50.93 30.5902 9.88382 16.7358 31.6798 22.5133 39.7268 15.8326 36.0345 41.5662 8.85014
Variance 966 3633 8697 8775 8611 2004 8778 8386 7406 787


Growthtrendsareapparentacrosssomevariables,whileothersdepictnotsoresilient

pictures.Averagerentandhomepricesareincreasing,whilethepercentageofthepopulation

spendingoverathirdoftheirannualincomeonhousinghasdecreasedbothacrossrentersand

homeownerssince2010.Further,medianincomehasincreasedconsistentlywhilethe

percentageofthepopulationwithlessthanahighschooldiplomahasdecreased.Inregardsto

racialdemographics,theneighborhoodhasremainedmoreorlessstableacrossdecades-the

percentageofthepopulationthatiswhitehasfluctuatedarounditsmean,whiletheblack

populationhasslowlyincreasedinpercentage.Thisraisesthequestionthough,ofwhomightbe

displacedifthewhitecommunityremainsrelativelystable.

Whatisconcerninginthecensusdataisthepercentagesofrentersversushomeowners.

Trendsshowthatthepercentageofthepopulationrenting,currentlyaroundofthepopulation,

hasbeensteadilyincreasing,withasmallstandarddeviationandcoefficientofvarianceto

match.Conversely,thepercentageofthepopulationowninghomesisdownfromitspeakin

2010,suggestinglessandlessindividualsintheneighborhoodarebuyingtheirownproperty.

WhileIhavenowaytogaugemyconfidence,thiscouldsuggestdevelopmentthatcatersto

apartments,guttingandrefurbishingoldwarehousespacesformixed-usedevelopments.In

regardstowealthinequality,lesshomeownerscouldpossiblymeanthatlesshouseholdsand

individualsareabletoaccessmortgagesinordertobuyhomes.Alternatively,itcouldpossibly

suggestachangeinspacetowardshomesandapartmentswithhigherturnover,andlandlords

extractingpropertyvalueasaninvestment,owningspaceswhilenotlivingthere.Again,whileI

merelyspeculating,thiswouldneitherbenefittingthosewhobuiltsuchprojectsnorthosewho

livethere.Inordertobetterexaminethesepossibilities,Ipursuedlocatingthechangesin

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percentageofhomesvacantintheneighborhoodtoexplorewhetherornotmoreandmore

peopleweremovingintotheneighborhood.Thiswastogetabettersenseofwhetherornotthe

neighborhoodwasgrowing.Further,inordertobetterexplorethispossibility,Iwantedto

examinewhetherornotpeoplearebuyinghomesforthemselvesorinordertorenttoothers,so

Isoughtcensusdataonthepercentagesofowner-occupancyinthearea.Upondecidingto

adjustmydatacollectionforTremont,IdecidedthatIshouldexplorethesenewcategoriesfor

theotherprojectsIamresearchingaswell.

Tremont %OwnerOccupied %Vacancy Tenure

1980 n/a n/a n/a

1990 n/a 15.92% n/a

2000 36.10% 14.46% 49.08%

2010 31.45% 18.70% 53.43%

2015 32.98% 16.08% 49.97%

Range 4.65% 4.24% 4.34%

Mean 33.51% 16.29% 50.83%

Median 32.98% 16.00% 49.97%

StandardDeviation 0.023709653 0.017655698 0.022955074

CoefficientofVariance 0.070749667 0.108367791 0.045164253

Forthedataabove,Icalculatedthepercentageofowneroccupiedhomesoutoftotal

homesintheneighborhoodinordertogetabettersenseofwhetherornotthosewhoown

propertyactuallyresideintheneighborhood,asopposedtoowningwiththeintenttorentasa

landlord.Forvacancy,Imerelycalculatedthepercentageofvacanthomesoutoftotalhousing

stock.Lastly,fortenure,Icalculatedthepercentageofresidentswhohavebeenintheirhomes

forlongerthan5yearsinordertogetasenseoftheamountofturnover.First,owneroccupancy

hasdecreasedbetween2000and2015,whichcouldbeapossibleindicationthatmoreowners

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ofpropertyintheareaintendtorentouttheirspaces.However,thepercentagedecreaseisvery

small,infactgoingupbetween2010and2015,soIdonothavemuchconfidenceinthis

speculation.Further,vacancyhasremainedrelativelyconsistentaround15%ofhousingspaces

intheneighborhood.Thiscouldbeapossibleindicationthateitherthosemovingintothe

neighborhoodaremovingintonewdevelopmentsbeingbuilt,orontheotherhand,thatthose

movingintheneighborhoodaremerelyswitchinghomes,asopposedtoleavingentirelyormore

populationmovingin.However,thisadditionofthisdatadoesnotlendmuchevidencetomy

speculationofadvancedgentrification.

Onasmallerscale,though,acloseexaminationofcertaincensustractsrevealsalarming

changesacrossthedecadeinwhichValleyviewHomeswasdemolishedandTremontPointewas

constructed.Censustract1047.01,containingpartsofValleyview,wereover90%Blackor

AfricanAmericanaloneperthe2000census,4yearsbeforethedemolishingofthepublic

housingproject.However,in2010,thatcensustractisabsorbedintoitsneighbortoconsolidate

theareathatTremontPointecovers.Somehow,thecensustracthasgonefrom91%blackalone

in2000toonly24%in2010.Theconjoinedcensustract,though,onlyincreasesby200people.

ThischangeseemstoevokethecommonnarrativeofdisplacementofHOPEVI:ashiftthat

drasticimpliesahugechangeincharacterandmemory,bothofwhicharecriticaltoaplace.

Shallowly,theCMHAhaspreservedartthatitcouldsalvagefromtheinitialmural

commissioned,whichisnowplacedinasealedboxonthesideofabuildingdesignatedasa

communitycenter.IfindthisdataindicativeoftheinstitutionalracismthatNewUrbanismis

conduciveto.

Onecanobserveasimilardrasticchangeinmedianincomeintheareaacrossthe

decadeinwhichValleyviewHomesbecameTremontPointe.In2000,Censustract1047.01is

recordedashavingamedianincomeof$6,731.Itsneighboringcensustractthatwillabsorbitis

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$27,411.By2000,theconjoinedcensustracthasreachedamedianincomeabove$30,000,while

itsneighboringcensustractdisplaysamedianincomeabove$40,000.Further,by2015,the

TremontPointecensustracthasamedianincomeabove$35,000,whileitsneighboringcensus

tracthasamedianincomenearlyat$75,000.Sucharapidincreaseinwealthintheareacould

possiblypointtoanareathathasreachedathresholdingentrificationwherecapitalpoursin,

amplifyingtherateofdevelopmentatanexponentialrateseeninneighborhoodslikeWicker

ParkinChicago.However,Ihavenowaytogaugemyconfidenceinthisclaim.Further,Ifindit

trickytocriticizethismetric-ifthemissionofthetriplebottomlineistoraisethestandardof

livingforeveryone,shouldntthistrendindicateprogress?

Inordertoexplorewhetherornotthisdatawasanindicationofahighrateofturnover

inthisparticulararea,Iresearchedthetenureofhousingacrossthesetwoparticularcensus

tractsandtheirneighborsfrom2000to2015.OnceIhadcollectedthisdata,Ifoundthatthere

wasnotmuchvariationacrossthedecadeinwhichValleyviewHomesbecameTremontPointe.

Witharangearound4%,between2000and2015thepercentageofthepopulationthathad

beenlivingthereforatleastadecadehoveredaround50%.Thiscouldbeinterpretedina

numberofways:onepossibilityisthathalfofthepopulationin2010hadbeentherein2000,and

halfofthepopulationof2015hadbeentherein2010,whichinturncouldpossiblymeanthat

onlyaquarterofthepopulationintheneighborhoodremainedintheirhomesbetween2000

and2015.Thisismerelyspeculation,butthedatadoessuggestthatasignificantnumberof

peoplearecomingandgoingfromtheneighborhoodonaconsistentbasisacrossthe15years.

IftheHOPEVIinitiativeinTremonttrulyhasdispersedpovertybydisappearingitand

attractingyoung,singleindividualstorent,isthischangecompoundedbyaestheticsinthe

neighborhood?Fromwalkingthroughtheneighborhoodonmultipleoccasions,itseemsvery

evidentthattheHOPEVIproject,designedbyCityArchitectureandbothdevelopedand

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managedbyMcCormackBaronSalazar,Inc.,initsplace-buildingcatersbothtotheconsumption

ofspaceasacommodityandtheaestheticsofapasticheofindustry.Thearchitecture

complementsthemassingandthehistoriccharacteroftheexistingneighborhoodandincludes

greenspaceandrestoredWPAartthatwasoriginallycreatedfortheValleyviewHomesEstate,

isaquotetakenfromliteratureonthefinalizationofconstruction.Hereitisevidenthowthe

approachtoreformulatingthisurbanspaceintoanurbanvillageisbothform-basedand

place-based,bothmovesoutoftheNewUrbanistplaybook,depictingtheextenttowhichithas

cometothelevelofhegemonyinsustainableurbandesign.

Inregardstoitsaestheticsandcharacterthatbuildplace,onecanseetracesofthe

convergenceofhistoricismandstraightrevivalism,creatingemptysignifiersoutofnostalgiafor

ahistorythatneverhappened.Morespecifically,attheconvergenceofthesebranchesofstyles

onecanseeclassicism,itsvernacularbeingapatternbookofpatchworkneo-shingleand

craftsmanstyleapartmentsstitchedtogetherinvariousmassings.Thisalignswiththecommon

criticismofNewUrbanismasprovidingastrategyforstabilizingthesuburbsbyhistoricizingthe

symbolicspatially(Grant77).Further,particulartracesofelementsthatevokedefensiblespace

arevisible,fromwallsdemarcatinglawnstoshortsetbackstovariationsonporticoesand

colonnades.Place-basedapproachesarebasedonanatavisticdesiretoreturntogoldeneraof

Clevelandsindustry:namely,anageofprosperityafterthefirstworldwar,whenconsumer

goodsbecamereadilyavailabletolaborers.However,thisatavisticvisionmustbereconciled

withitsprejudicedhistory:racialprejudicetrumpedclassconflict,andmostlaborandcraft

unionscarriedwhite-onlypolicies,restrictingAfricanAmericansmovingtothenorthtofillthe

voidneededinproductionfromthefirstworldwarfromjoiningorbenefittingfromorganization

inlabor(Harrison).EventhepreservedWPAartworkisenshrinedinaglassboxonthesideof

anapartmentbuilding,existingasamodularadd-onunderneathtwoawkwardlyplaced

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benches.Individualsaretositandstareatamuralencasedinglassonthesideofanapartment

buildinginordertofeelaconnectiontoplace.

Itwasduringthisagethattheproductionofhomeswasindustrialized,which

subsequentlyledtothemeansoffinancingthemonanationalscaleintheformoffederal

amortizedmortgages.AninterestingdynamicplaysoutinTremontPointe:itsitsoverthe

Cuyahogavalley,hometosomeoftheareasonlyremainingsteelplants.Tremont,a

neighborhoodthathashistoricallybeenworkingclass,garnersauniquesenseofplacefromthis

relationship.Today,itisasifthegovernmentisagainsponsoringtheconsumptionofhomesona

nationalscaleasprivateassetsthatbenefitnowdevelopmentcorporationsandindividuals

wealthyenoughtopurchaseprivateproperty.Thissenseofplace,meticulouslycuratedby

architects,hasbeencommodifiedandusedasameansofgeneratingcapitalfromlocallabor

andfromaflowoflocallabortothesiteinTremont.Thehomesarentbuiltinfactories,butthe

plansaresoformulatedthattheymightaswellbe,despitecomingfromnowherenearthesteel

millsbelow.

TheaestheticsofTremontPointeresembleacut-outandreformulatedpatternbook:

eachbuilding,whetherstandaloneorconnectedinapatchwork,snakingstringoftownhomes,

seemstobepiecedtogetherbyseeminglyrandompiecesofcladdingandtilingthatevoke

industry:unfinishedwood,brickfacades,claddingofavarietyoftexturesandcolors,different

shadesofgreyforroofing.Curvesandskylinesformedbyroofsareerratic,andseemingly

purposelesspergolasshadewindowsonupperfloors.Asidefromtheproportionsthatinstilla

senseofFrankenstein-likecombinationsofneo-colonial,shingleandcottagestyleforms,

nothingelseisnoteworthyofthespacesaesthetics.Thesepublic/privatehousingdevelopments

donotmeldwiththeplace-nessofTremont,categorizedbylinear,walkablealleysand

spontaneous,muddledcottages.Onlyinthepastichethatreferencesarandomcoagulationof

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mass-producedhousingmaterialsdoesTremontPointepreserveitsworking-classroots,

celebratingtheethnicenclavethatitoncehistoricallywas.Itisinthiscelebrationthatonecan

deconstructhowTremontisconfiguredbythewhitespatialimaginary:privatehomesandspace,

overseenbyaprivategovernment,andnoreferencetotheisolationandsubsequentneglectof

residentsintheneighborhoodaswhiteflighttookitstoll.

Thesespaces,fromwhichindividualswereevictedanddispersedthroughthecity,canbe

consideredpuresurplusvalueofusablesquarefootage.Asaninvestmentproperty,Tremont

Pointedoesnotbenefitthosewholiveintheareanorthosewhobuiltthepropertydirectly,

albeitindirectlythroughrealestatespeculationandgentrification.ItfollowsaNewUrbanist

playbook,usingtheiridealsofdefensiblespace,designingforpedestriansandthestreetas

publicspace,promotingcivicandgreenspaceandhistorywhilerespectingtradition,allinthe

nameofmakingatavisticobjects.Theseobjectsdemandapasticheappearancebasedonthe

whitespatialimaginary:authenticityisdesiredasitiswhatisconsideredtheurbanexperience,

soapasticheofindustrial-themedneocolonialandcraftsmanstylehomesthatconveya

relationshiptolaborandtheindustrialrevolutionbeforeanymeansofalienationhastobe

presentinordertosatisfytheindividualspropensitytowardsindividualfreedomandcultural

homogeneity.However,thesereferenceshavebeenreconfiguredtofitthenostalgiaofnowina

globalizedcity,mixingeclecticbutinherentlyAmericanstylesfromNewEnglandwhitevinyl

claddingtofunctionlesspergolasandtrussstructuresthatevoketheAmericanSouthwestin

material.AninterestingadditionisCorbusian-stylepilotisthatraisedefensiblespacethat

protrudesintothestreetfromthepublicrealmitself.Anythingelsewouldbethreateningina

publicsense,anddetractfromthecivicarchitectureandplacenessoftheresidentialspace,

detractingfromthecrisisthatisanabjectlackofauthenticityinthenostalgiathatthe

neighborhoodpurports.Homescomeineitherthegardenhomeortownhousevariety,with

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emphasisplacedonthemanagementteamthatwilltakecareofgardeningandlandscapingfor

renter.Inessence,aprivategovernmenthasbeenestablishedtocontrollandthatwas

previouslypublichousing,rentedouttothosewiththecapitalavailabletorenthere(seeking

thosereturningfromthesuburbs)attheexpenseofthosewhowerepushedoutorhavelivedin

andparticipatedincommunitybuildingpreviously.Thisprivategovernmentcontrolswhocan

andcannotlivehere,andtakesprideinmaintainingitslivelyandpolishedappearanceasa

counterfactualtobrokenwindowspolicing:nicespacesmeansaniceneighborhood.

Well-groomedlawnsandfront-orientedhomesmeandefensiblespacethatisintrudedupon,

despitenotbeingownedbythedweller.

Ineffect,thelandscapingandeffortsofsustainabilityinTremontPointereduce

landscapemerelytoimageandobjectwithvalue.Landscapingisnotdonebythosewhodwell

inTremontPointe,butbyoutsidehandshiredbytheprivatemanagementfirmtomaintaina

respectableandpleasantappearance.InthismeticulouscurationdoesTremontdevelopits

relationshiptothegoodsociety:beinganti-urbaninprivatized,defensiblespaceandconquest

overnatureitlosesitsauthenticityafterbeingreconqueredbytheself-selectingcommune.

WhateverpulseTremonthaditlosesinTremontPointeasthisdevelopmentcanbereadasan

enablingoftheamplificationofgentrification.

Race,however,asithaschangedacrossdecadesiscuriousintheneighborhood.Perthe

censusdata,thepercentageofthepopulationbeingwhitehasdecreasedinrecentyears,while

thepercentageofthepopulationbeingblackhassteadilyincreased.However,thiscanbe

contrastedwiththespecificsofcertaincensustracts,inwhicha91%blackpopulationdropped

to24%in2010.Whilethiscouldspeaktomassiveupheavalandturnoverinhousing,italso

possiblyspeakstodispersalinmymind,perhapsthroughouttheneighborhoodonabroader

scale.Withthepercentageofthepopulationbeingwhite,though,fluctuatingjustaroundthe

90
mean,perhapsitmeansthatotherethnicgroupshavebeenpushedoutoftheneighborhoodto

makeupforthelostpercentages.Whilevacancyratesintheneighborhooddonotsuggestor

indicatethatnewcomerstotheneighborhoodarefillingemptyhousingstock,tenurestatistics

indicatethatsince2000alargepercentageofthepopulationhaslefttheareaormovedwithin

theneighborhood.In2000,around50%ofthepopulationhadbeendwellinginthesamehome

foratleast5years.In2010,thissametrendisapparentinthat50%ofthepopulationagainhad

beenintheirhomeforatleast5years.Finally,thissamepercentageisapparentbetween2010

and2015.Insum,thiscouldpossiblysignifythatonly25%ofthepopulationin2000thathad

beentenuredintheneighborhoodremainedin2015.Thiscouldbeapossibleindicationof

turnoverintheareathatwascausedbytheTremontPointehousingprojectthatdispersedthe

residentsofValleyviewHomes.

Lastly,inregardstoenvironmentalsustainability,McCormackBaronSalazarlists

TremontPointeunderitsgroupingforsustainableproperties.However,uponfurther

investigation,Ifoundthatthemanagementcompanysmetricforsustainabilityalwayscomes

backtoaneconomicgrowthlens:itviewssustainabilityasaviabletoolbywhichitcanmarket

itsproperties.Athird-partysolardevelopmentfirmisbroughtintoinstallsolarpanels,which

MBSwillsubsequentlymanageasanasset,butnoinformationcouldbefoundinregardstothe

extenttowhichsolarprovidesenergytotheprojectsportfolio,norifitsexistenceinspiresany

sortofreductioninenergy-consumptioninlifestyle.Thisoutsidefirmisalsodelegatedwith

managinggreenbuildingaspects,reconciledwithcost,andhastheresponsibilityofeducating

dwellersonsustainablechoices.Onthespecificpropertyswebsite,certaingreenbuilding

aspectsareincludedintheiramenitiessection.Someoftheseaspectsareasfollows:energyand

waterefficientappliances,energyefficientinsulatedwindows,andenergyefficientcentral

heatingandcooling.Again,Icannotspeaktotherelativelevelofsustainabilitythatthisproject

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endowsincomparisonwithothernewbuildingprojects.Itseemsthattheirinclusionisabenefit

totheproject,butthelackofitspreeminenceandfocusconcernsme-inadditiontotheuseof

quotesaroundthewordgreenwhendescribingtheirlandscaping.

Medianincome,housingprices,thepercentagerentingversusowningandtheoverall

levelofeducationareincreasingconsistently,inconjunctionwithaveragerentandhousing

prices.Unemploymentisdroppingaswell.InallsocioeconomicfactorsthatIpulleddatafor,

TremontdoesbetteronawholethantheaveragesofCleveland,sittingabovethemeansin2015

forallcategories.Thesedynamicdemographicsconditionsspeaktoaneighborhoodundergoing

rapiddevelopmentandchange,asaresultofurbandesignstrategiesgaugedaround

sustainability.However,thepresenceofNewUrbanistaesthetics,inregardstourbandesign

initiativesandprojectscallsintoquestionforwhomtheseprojectsareintended,perhapssetting

theneighborhoodupformorerapidgentrificationinthefutureastheneighborhoodbecomes

moreandmorespatiallyhomogenized.

Inconclusion,thereisreasonforoptimisminacloseexaminationofthedirectand

indirectimpactsofTremontPointeontheneighborhoodasawhole.Censusdataindicates

broadlythatdiversityisincreasingintheneighborhoodinconjunctionwiththequalityoflife

acrosscertainmetrics,suchashousing,employmentandeducation.Tremontisadense,isolated

neighborhood,andTremontPointebuildsuponthathistorybyfurtherdevelopingdense,albeit

suburbanhousing.TheonlyaspectsofsustainabilityinTremontthattroublemearethehigh

rateofturnoverintenure,andthelackofpublicaccountabilityinwhatwasoncepublichousing.

OnecouldmaketheassumptionthatTremontPointedispersedapopulationmostinneedof

supportandattention,withlittleregardtoadequatereplacementofthehousingdestroyedin

theturnover.However,dataisnotconclusiveinthisregard,andfurtherin-depthinvestigationis

requiredinordertounderstandwhetherornotTremontPointe,asaprivatedevelopmentthat

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hastakenoverthereignsindrivingpublichousingcreationandmanagement,isprovidingthe

supportthatthepublicrealmdeservesinClevelandinaneighborhoodhistoricallyisolated.I

findthatsustainabilityisnotthehighestpriorityinTremontPointe,andpoliticallythereisvery

littleroomfordiscussioninregardstowhocanbelongtotheneighborhood,forwhomhousing

isbuilt,andfromwherethetechnicalexpertiseandstylesofsaidbuildingcome.However,I

hopethatmovingforwards,theincreasedqualityoflifeintheareacanberefocusedinamore

inclusivemannertobetterincorporatearangeofperspectivesandneedsthatcurrent

developmentmethodsmightnotbeconsidering.

St.ClairSuperior

CensusTracts111202,1115,1116,1117,1118,108201,and111902.Thisincludesthe

neighborhooddesignatedbythecityplanningcommissionasStClairSuperiorandthecensus

tractthatisadjacenttoHub55.Forthe1980-2000datathatImtakingfromsocialexplorer,I

usedcensustracts:1082,1111,1112,1113,1114,1115,1116,1117,1118,and1119.

LocatedonClevelandsnear-eastside,StClairSuperiorisaneighborhoodthatsits

betweentwohistoricethnicenclavesnuzzledbetweenDowntownandUniversityCircle.The

neighborhoodisdefinedratherwellspatially,perLynchsimagability,beingborderedbyLake

Erieandinterstate90tothenorth,andbothGordonandRockefellerParktotheeast.The

neighborhoodisfurtherdefinedbythemajorroutesoftravelthatdividetheneighborhood:E

55thSt,runningnorthtosouth,canbeconsideredtheneighborhoodswesternedge,while

SuperiorAvenue,amajoreast-westthoroughfareandoftheneighborhoodsnamesake,sitsas

theneighborhoodssouthernedge.ThisavenuedefinestheneighborhoodfromHoughtothe

south.BisectingtheneighborhoodisStClairAvenue,theotherpartoftheneighborhoods

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namesakeandalsosimilarlyimportantthoroughfare.Today,StClairAveservesasthe

neighborhoodsculturalarterial,aroundwhichredevelopmenthasbeenfocused.Theavenue

hasbeenapointofstudybytheplanningcommissionofClevelandinregardstopointsof

intervention,aroundwhichthecitywouldliketoconsolidateinfrastructureandretail.

Historically,theneighborhoodhasbeenassociatedwithethnicenclaves.Inthefinal

decadesofthe19thcentury,largenumbersofEasternEuropeanimmigrantsclusteredand

settledintheneighborhoodasitwasinproximitytoindustryestablishedonStClairAveand

neartheLake.OftheseEasternEuropeanimmigrants,largeportionsareSlovenianand

Lithuanian.TheareacontainstheSlovenianNationalHome,ahistoriclandmark,expressing

Sloveniancharacterandinfluencetothisdayinthearchitecture.Tothewestofthe

neighborhoodisthecityshistoricChinatown,whichhassincebecomealargeethnicenclaveof

mixedEastAsiancommunities.

Theneighborhoodhasexperiencedinrecentdecadesblightalongwithmanyotherof

Clevelandsneighborhoodssurroundingdowntown.Theneighborhoodspredominantly

residentialsouthernsectionhasexperiencedlittlenewconstructionashousingstockdecays,

andthenorthernportionischaracterizedbyvacantandabandonedspacesintheabsenceof

industry.Theareaishometomanyvacantandabandonedhomes,someofwhichhavebeen

demolishedbythecitybutnotcleanedup,whileothersarehometosquatters(Dissell).StClair

Superiorboaststhecityshighestpercentageofvacantdistressedpropertiesinthecityat12%.

Similarly,otherneighborhoodsreceivingDorFgradesinhousingstockfromtheWestern

ReserveLandConservancysThrivingCommunitiesInstitutepropertysurveyaretheneighboring

GlenvilleandHough,andKinsmantothesouth(Dissell).

Retailandadaptivereusecharacterizesustainabilityinitiativesintheneighborhood.The

cityhastakenastancethatinfillingispreferabletodemolishinglargetractsofhousestoopen

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parcelsfornewredevelopment,despitetakingactionindemolition-itistheirvisionforthe

neighborhoodthatcommercialspaceswithspaceabovebecomelive-workspaces,warehouse

spaceisrepurposedandurbandesigninitiativesonStClairAvenuehelptoattractnewretail

whilebolsteringexistingbusinesses.ThiscanbeseenintheTowerPressBuildingsrenovation

intoloft-styleapartments,andtheKentStateCUDCsDesign/REbuildhouse,whichseeksto

becomeamodelforstrategicreuseofvacanthousing.TheretailaspectismostapparentinHub

55,amixed-use,commerciallyorienteddevelopmentontheeasternedgeoftheneighborhood.

AsitislocatedontheborderofStClairSuperior,Ihaveincludedthecensustractimmediatelyto

thewestaspartofmystudyontheareainordertogetabetterunderstandingofhowthis

projectcouldhaveimpactedtheneighborhoodsurroundingit.

HUB55isamixed-useredevelopmentplanthatwillbringamixofartisans,makers,

foodpurveyors,andentrepreneurstogetherinatrulycollaborativeenvironment.Withanindoor

andoutdooryearroundMarket,Caf,Brewery,FlexSpaceandOffice,HUB55willbea

destinationforClevelanderstoshop,eatanddrinkinatrulyuniqueway,ishowHub55

self-describesitselfonitswebsite,creatingimageryofitscomprehensivecombinationofuses.

Mostimportantamongthoseusesisthefoodhubnotion-theareacanbeconsideredafood

desert,asnofreshfoodvendorsexistwithinahalf-mileradius.Thespace,moldedtogetherby

brickandmetalpanelfacades,boaststheGoldhornbrewery,Cafe55andishometoafarmers

marketinwarmermonths.Notonlydoestheprojectseektodeliverfreshfoodtotheareabutis

alsoseekstoteachindividualsintheareahowtoeatwell,providinghealthyandsustainable

optionswhileperpetuatingandcelebratingahistoryofEasternEuropeantradition.Goldhorn

breweryseekstofocusontraditionalEasternEuropeanbrewingtraditions,andisplacedinthe

heartoftherepurposedindustrialspace(canconfirmthatthebeerisprettygoodtoo

DeMarco).Itseekstocatalyzemorefoodretaildevelopmentintheareaasanagripreneur,and

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itsgoalsaredescribedtheStClairSuperiorDevelopmentCorporationswebsite:

- Createsustainableemploymentandbusinessopportunities

- Increaseaccesstoaffordable,local,healthyfoodinCleveland

- Developahealthyfooddistributionsystem

- Implementstrategiesthatpromoteandencouragehealthyfoodeducationand

consumption

RickSemersky,ownerofVIPConstruction,frontstheproject.Semerskyalsoownsthe

adjacentLakeshoreBankingandTrustbuilding,E55thStCityFireStation,andtheStClair

ClevelandPublicLibrarybranchandSterlesCountryHouse,atavern/family-styleSlovenian

restaurantadjacenttoHub55tothesouth.Forthefirsttwo,Semerskyplansrenovations,

maintainingoutwardsappearancestocontinueplacebuildingwhilesimultaneouslyattracting

businessesandpeoplebackintotheareawhereSemerskygrewup.Semerskyacknowledges

thatE55thstreetisaheavilytraversedroute,andhopestofocusonstreetlevelredevelopment

thatwillbuildcriticalmassinthearea(DeMarco).Fundedinaprivate/publiccoalition,

Semerskywasabletosecurean$800,000federalgrantfromtheDepartmentofHealthand

HumanServices,fundingtherestoftheprojecthimself.Whilebeingcommerciallyoriented,the

spacehascivicusesembeddedwithinit,suchasaplannedkitchenforteachingpurposes-per

MichaelFlemingoftheStClairSuperiorDevelopmentCorporation,manyareintimidatedwith

theprospectofcookingwithrawingredientswhichtheprojectseekstodeliver.

ItisevidenthowmuchprideSemerskyfindsintheareaandvowstoreturnittoa

golden-era-likeageofprosperity.Alienatedbythecitysabilitytoredevelopandinvestinthe

area,hetookituponhimselftomaketheareaspatiallyandarchitecturallyattractivewhile

maintainingcharacterandpromotingsustainability.Bikingtowork,Semerskyunderstandsthat

inordertoreachsustainabilityintheneighborhood,investmentisneededinthebuilt

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environment,andfeelsfrustratedwiththecitysinabilitytodoso.Therefore,intheabsenceof

publicinvestment,Semerskyhastakenituponhimselftoreturntheareatotheprosperityhe

knowsfromhisyouth,andHub55isthefirstinitiativeinhisplan.SinceOctober2014,thesite

hasbeenthehometoafoodmarketthatoccurseveryotherThursdayfrom4to8pm(DeMarco).

St.Clair/ Avg. Avg. % %Own +on +on Une Lvlof % %Pop %


Superior rent Home Renting Home rent housin Median mplo educa Pop white Asian
price g income ymen tion Black Pop
t

1980 $167. n/a 60.17% 39.83% n/a 36.89 $9,827 12.12 32.94 46.50 49.32 0.84
10 % % % % % %

1990 $290. n/a 62.72% 36.85% n/a n/a $11,831 23.72 49.16 55.11 42.36 1.39
40 % % % % %

2000 $411. $55,957.0 66.24% 33.88% 37.14 49.97 $18,324 20.18 43.84 70.43 21.82 1.58
40 0 % % % % % % %

2010 $675. $72,686.0 64.04% 35.96% 57.85 52.23 $22,769 34.42 31.27 75.31 21.26 0.98
14 0 % % % % % % %

2015 $695. $60,934.0 68.33% 31.67% 57.68 41.90 $20,385 22.01 30.33 66.14 24.52 2.92
71 0 % % % % % % %

Range $528. $16,72 26.93% 8.15% 20.70% 15.35% $12,94 22.30% 18.83% 28.80% 28.06% 2.08%
61 9.00 2

Mean $447. $63,19 68.91% 35.64% 50.89% 45.25% $16,62 22.49% 37.51% 62.70% 31.86% 1.54%
95 2.33 7

Median $411. $60,93 66.24% 35.96% 57.68% 45.93% $18,32 22.01% 32.94% 66.14% 24.52% 1.39%
40 4.00 4

Standar 233.4 8590.1 0.1064 0.0308 0.1190 0.0712 5567.0 0.0801 0.0847 0.1173 0.1305 0.0082
d 7289 0549 40467 00011 41817 27421 49326 52424 04641 17083 99867 60297
Deviatio 09
n

Coeff.of 52.12 13.593 15.445 8.6420 23.392 15.742 33.481 35.635 22.583 18.711 40.997 53.524
Varianc 0135 58808 7564 73659 78253 09778 58034 35368 10333 75197 11363 31439
e 35

Inanalyzingthedata,certaintrendsareapparent.SimilarlytoTremont,indicatorspoint

toapotentialincreaseinqualityoflifeinthearea.Ontheotherhand,certaintrendsacross

othercategoriesimplynogrowthwhatsoeverinanyregard.Itisdifficulttodiscernwhetheror

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nottheneighborhoodisprogressingorregressing,butsomeconclusionscanbedrawn.Average

renthasbeenincreasingsteadily,whichcouldbegood,butthisstatisticcomparedwiththefact

thathomepriceshavebeendecreasingintheareadoesnotleaveoneoptimisticinthesense

thattheneighborhoodisdeveloping.ThepercentageofindividualsaroundHub55rentingas

opposedtoowningtheirownspacehasremainedrelativelyconsistentarounditsmean,roughly

equalingjustover2/3rdssince1980.Similarly,thepercentageofindividualsowninghas

remainedconstantaswellat1/3rd.

Thepercentageofindividualsintheareaspendingmorethan1/3rdoftheirannual

incomeonrentandhousingrespectivelydoesnotindicateorsuggestthatthisneighborhoodis

becominglessimpoverished.Around40%ofhomeownersandjustover55%ofrentersaround

Hub55arespendingmorethan1/3rdoftheirannualincomeonhousing,whichtomeindicates

thatqualityoflifeinthisareahasbeenneglectedbythoseinpowerinCleveland,asthisarea

hasseeminglybeenforgottenabout,butyetdoesnotreceivethetitleorcolloquialnicknameof

forgotten.Further,since2010,medianincomehasdecreasedwhilethelevelsofeducationand

unemploymentintheareahaveimproved.

StatisticsaroundHub55inStClairSuperiorpaintadisparagingpicture:whiledata

collectedcansuggestthathomesareabsolutelynotappreciatinginvalueonaverage,lessare

spendingover1/3rdoftheirannualincomeonhousing.However,homeownershipasawholeis

down,asmoreandmoreindividualsintheareaarerenting.Thiscouldsuggestthateither

individualsareleavingtheneighborhoodorthehousingstockdecayingintheareaisnotbeing

replaced,afactthatcouldbesupportedbytheLandBanksratingoftheneighborhoodasoneof

theworstareasinClevelandinregardstoupkeep.Inregardstoitsmission,Hub55seemslikea

well-neededinvestmentintotheareathathigherpowerssuchascitygovernmenthaveyetto

make.

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Further,racialdemographicsinthisareahavetakenaninterestingturnsince1980.Then,

thepopulationwassplitnearly50/50blackvs.white.Sincethatdecade,though,thepercentage

ofthepopulationaswhitehassteadilydecreasedwhiletheblackpopulationhasincreased,

reachingatitspeak75%ofthepopulation.Whiletheborderoftheareamaybeknownlocally

asAsiatown,StClairSuperiorwasunder3%Asianinitspopulation,suggestingthatthis

communityeitherexistsfartherawayfromHub55orisrelativelysmallinactualpopulation

numbers.

WhileTremontexhibitssomeaspectsofpositivegrowththatcouldindicate

gentrification,nosuchindicatorsareapparentinStClairSuperior.Inanareawheremostare

livinginpovertyandhavebeenforgenerations,whichhascompoundedthatpovertyspatially,

privateinvestmentthatseekstoattractmoreprivateinvestmentmightnotbeabadthing.It

focusesonplace-makingintherightwayasbuiltinwards,andseekstoimprovethelivesofthe

individualsinthecommunitybybringingvisibilityofbusinessandfreshfoodtoanareathatis

blightedwithdecayinghousesandempty,abandonedwarehouses.Ipersonallyfindithardto

criticizethisprojectasgentrificationwasnotgoingtohappeninthisarearegardless,and

developmentthatsupportshumansbybringingfreshfoodonaregularbasisisspecificallythe

kindofinterventionthattheneighborhoodneedsinordertojumpstartfurthergrowth.Whilethe

place-makingattemptsfocusonwhite,CentralandEasternEuropeanethnichistoryinthearea

wherethatpopulationisdwindling,onecouldfindcauseforconcernintheconsolidationof

suchbenefitsforaneighborhooddependingontherelativelevelofsegregationinthearea.

St.Clair/Superior %OwnerOccupied %Vacancy Tenure

1980 39.62% n/a n/a

1990 36.02% 15.72% n/a

2000 33.92% 18.10% 49.77%

2010 35.96% 32.50% 61.65%

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2015 31.67% 39.31% 60.70%

Range 7.95% 23.59% 11.88%

Mean 35.44% 26.41% 57.37%

Median 35.96% 25.30% 60.70%

StandardDeviation 0.029419761 0.113569045 0.066038302

CoefficientofVariance 0.083015408 0.430068368 0.115099443

Examiningthedataonvacanciesandowneroccupationintheareareflectsthis

speculationthatqualityoflifeisnotsteadilyimprovinginthearea.Vacancyhasshotupsince

1990,increasingfromroughly15%ofavailablehousingstocktoalmost40%,astarkdifference

whichspeaksvolumestoamountofdevelopmentgoingoninthearea.Further,owner

occupancyisdownsince1980fromroughly40%toroughly30%,achangethatsuggeststhat

thoseintheareawhodoownareshiftingtowardsrenting.Itisinterestingtonote,also,that

whilehousingpricesdecrease,renthasbeensteadilyincreasinginthearea,jumpingupto

almost$700amonthfromroughly$170in1980.Thesestatisticsleadmetospeculatethat

individualsintheareaarepittedagainstthemselvesinhousingcompetition:thoseinthearea

aretrappedindecayinghousingconditionswithlittleopportunityformovement,whilethose

benefittingfromowninghomescannotappreciatetheirassets,soneedtoturnto

ever-increasingrentfromotherindividualsinordertogenerateincome.

Further,tenureintheareaishigherthaninTremont,suggestingtomethatlesspeople

areleavingtheareaduetoextrinsicforces.Itleadsmetobelievethatpeopleinthisareaare

stuck-unabletomoveoutandunabletofindadequatehousingandsupportfromthecity.The

cityhasbeenknowntodemolishvacantanddecayinghomes,butthatdesignatestheextentto

whichthecityisactinginorderbreakawayfromtheimagesofblightthatplaguethisarea.

WhiletheKentStateCUDCisexploringhowtorefurbishandinfill,thecitydemolishesthen

leavestheremainsoftenforthosedwellingheretodealwiththecleanup.Ontheotherhand,

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thisareacouldbeprimeforgentrification:itslocationbetweenUniversityCircleandDowntown

coupledwithcheapandextensiverealestatecouldrenderitasightforrapidinflationifitwere

tobecome,attractingcapitalintheformofdevelopinggalleries,coffeeshopsandbars.Its

publictransitprospectsfurtheramplifythispossibility.However,fornow,Hub55isexactlythe

kindofinterventionneededintheneighborhoodinordertoimprovethelivesofthosedwelling

here.

MichaelFlemingoftheStClairSuperiordevelopmentcorporationseesthekeytorevival

intheneighborhoodamatteroffillingvacanthomes,andaimstodosobymakethe

neighborhoodattractivethroughamixofpromotinglegacythroughbusinessesandbuilding

characterbycateringtoanartsandcraftspopulation.Theneighborhoodhasbecomehometoa

monthlyfleamarket,drawingpeopleinthethousands,andFleminghasbeendirectingan

initiativetopioneertheareaasahubforupcycling,whichcanbedescribedastheprocessof

recyclingconstructionmaterialsanditemsintousefulobjects,asshowcasedinvarious

storefrontsandartinitiativesinthearea(Litt).

Inregardstoaesthetics,onecanseemuchofthesamenostalgiaandaurapreservinga

proximitytoindustryonwhichtheneighborhooddepends.Whilethetransitionbetweencertain

segmentsofHub55ismadeapparentintexture,onecentralaspectofthecharactertiesthe

entiresitetogether:asenseofaproximitytolaborviathepresenceofunalienatedlabor.Three

portalsareapparentuponenteringeithertheCafe55ortheGoldhornBrewery,bothcreating

windowsandconnectionsbetweenthesitesofproductionofeachsegmentandthespaceof

consumption.Cafe55featuresawindowintoitskitchen,connectingthosewhomakethefood

personallywiththoseordering.TheGoldhornBreweryfeaturesanopenplanthatbuildsits

seatingareaandbararoundacentralbrewingarea,separatedfromthediningareathrough

extensiveribbonwindow.Throughexaggerationintheirheightbyextendingtotheceiling

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endowthespacewithawarehouse-likequality.

EachportionoftheE55StorientedportionofHub55displaysacertainfeatureto

extendthepurposeofthespaceoutwardsintothepublicspaceofthestreet.OntheGoldhorn

side,locatedpredominantlyonthenorthernportionofthepremise,thereexistsacozybeer

garden,aspaceaccessibletothestreetthatservesasanextensionofthebrewery.Picnic

benchesarearrangedalongthebrickwallsofGoldhornandtheofficesofSemerskysVIP

Construction,thesouthernfacadeofwhichispuncturedbytwolargegridsofglassbricks.A

bannerofgoldpaintwiththeGoldhornlabelispaintedacrossthetopsofall3enclosingbrick

faces,atalevelatwhichitisinterruptedincertainspotsalongthetopofawall,lendingan

unfinishedqualitytothespace.Aweavingstringoflightshangsabovethespace,andgarage

doorsmarkentrances:one,allwhite,markingtheentrancetotheactualspaceofproduction,

andanalmostallglassgaragedoordemarcatingtheportaltothedining/drinkingspace.

Ontheotherside,Cafe55,thefacadeseparatingthecafefromthesmall,accessory

parkinglotisdominatedbyfloortoceilingwindows,punctuatedbyonesetofdoubledoors.The

cafeiscladinwoodenboards,whichblendperfectlyintothepergolathatextendsthecafeinto

thestreetscape.WhiletherewasnoseatingunderthepergolawhenIconductedsitevisits,

understandableforFebruaryandMarchinCleveland,whatwasnoticeableweretheplanters

thatframetheexteriorspace.Theseaddinganotherrealmofdefinedspacebetweencafe55

andthestreet.

InsideHub55,thearchitectureseekstoevokeaconnection,orconversely,alackof

alienationwithlabor.Onecaneatanddrinkinproximitytothelaborthattheyreconsumingin

thefirstplace,creatinganimageofculturalconsumptionalmostaspalpableasthefoodand

drinkbeingconsumedinthefirstplace.Ifindthissimilartowhyanindependentcoffeeshop

couldbeconsideredsuccessfulinprovidingviewstotheprocess,withaccesstointeractwiththe

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barista,andthesensoryexperiencesthatcoffeeendows.Withaskylinesurroundingthesite

punctuatedwithmassivebrickwarehousesandfactories,Goldhornbrewerymimicsthesame

tonesandforms,displayingnotonlyitsindustrialinnerworkingsbutthefunctioningaspectsof

thebuildingitselfinpipes,wiring,andairventilationshafts.Theductsthatexistinthelofty

brewhousearecurvedandornamental,demonstratingawillingnesstogotogreatlengthsto

achieveanostalgiaofthenow,gravitatingaroundindustrialandworking-classimagery.Thebar

lookslikeitisassembledoutofreclaimedwood,plywoodcratessitstackedasornament,

I-beamsareexposed,andallaspectsandcomponentsofthebrewingprocessaremadevisible

sothatonecouldexperiencedrinkingatthebarasonewouldexperiencemeanderingarounda

warehouseorfactory(anysiteofproduction,really)withoutanydirection.

TakingacriticalstanceontheaestheticsofHub55andoftheirrelationandinfluenceto

NewUrbanisttheoryisacomplicatedandsomewhatdifficultprocess.Ononehand,thesame

nostalgiaforawhite,Europeanethnicenclavethatexistedintheareaiscertainlycelebratedin

Hub55,especiallyinitsrelationtoSterlesnextdoor.Inthesamewaythatonecanread

JamesonsstanceintheCulturalLogicinTremontonecansimilarlyreadinHub55saesthetics:

itrefashionsunalienated,Europeanlaborasaculturalcommoditytofitthenostalgiaofnow,

usingmaterialandplace-makingasastandinforAurainaBenjaminiansense.Whatthis

suggeststomeisthatstreet-wardsappearance,andsubsequentlyformasunderstoodofthe

neighborhoodaswhole,iscentraltoHub55increatingsuccessfulimagesthatcatertoawhite

spatialimaginary.ItisinthesegesturesthatNewUrbanismsinfluencesaremostapparent.

However,ontheotherhand,onehastoconsidertheecologicalrealitiesanddynamicsatplay

thathavereal,concreteeffectsonthepeoplelivinginStClairSuperior:whileitcouldbeeasyto

criticizeHub55,itisprovidingfoodandjobstoanareathatwasreceivingverylittlepublichelp

andsupportfromthecity.Asaprivateventurethateventuallygainedfederalbacking,Hub55is

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valiantlyattemptingtoproviderelieftoanareamiringinpoverty,caughtinthesamemiasmaof

theForgottenTriangle.IfeelasthoughnocriticalstanceontheaestheticsofHub55canbe

takenasitonlyseekstobenefitaneighborhoodreceivinglittleextrinsichelp,doingsoby

successfullycateringtolate-capitalistconsumptionofimagesinattractingindividualstomove

backintotheneighborhood.

Despiteitsprivateorientation,thefactthatpublicfundswereusedtocreateaproject

thatseekstoreturnindustry,jobsandpeopletoaneighborhooddeemedblightedisajustmove

thatbuildsonplaceinwhatcouldbeconsideredamoreauthenticmannerthanTremontPointe.

Hub55isaprojectthatmaynotbethemostinclusive,buthasloftygoalsintermsof

sustainabilityfortheentiretyoftheStClairSuperiorneighborhood,leadinginactionbehind

rhetoricthattheneighborhooddevelopmentcorporationpurports.Beingcompletedinthelast

fewyears,itisdifficulttogaugethisearlytheeffectsthattheprojecthashadonthe

neighborhood.However,inunderstandingthedemographicsandtrendsthattheneighborhood

washeadingin,onecanlookatHub55asagoodcasestudyforhowtoincorporatesuccessfully

bothpublicandprivatestakeholdersinarealityinwhichtheprivaterealm,andsubsequently,

devolvedprivategovernments,dictatesmuchoftheparticipatoryandpolicyapproachto

development.

KinsmanandtheForgottenTriangle

CensusTracts113500,113600,113801,114100,114300,114501,114600,114700

KinsmanisaneighborhoodlocatedinCentralCleveland,justsouthofHough,withstrong

boundariesandedgesbasedontransportationroutes.Kinsmanasaplacehistoricallyhasbeen

subjectedtocountlessissuesofenvironmentalinjustice,acutelyexperiencingthenegative

104
effectsofenvironmentalracismanddistributiveinjustice.Itwasntalwaysthisway,buttoday

Kinsmanisknownasoneofthemostblighted,poverty-strickenneighborhoodsinCleveland;its

essenceisaptlysummarizedinitsnickname,theforgottentriangle.Theremnantsofredlining

existprominentlyinthisarea,austereandforebodinginitsemptinessuponfirstpassthrough.

Further,asPaulHansonnotesinhisarticleontheHoughRiotsof1966,Kinsmanwasengulfedin

violenceduringtheriotsasaresultofneglectandfrustrationonbehalfofthecityswhite

politicians,andracialtensionledtothedestructionofmanywhite-ownedbusinessesand

buildingsbutnotblack-ownedonesinthearea(Hanson162-163).

ThepopulationnumbersintheForgottenTrianglehavebeendroppingsignificantlysince

WorldWarII,butissuesofvacancyintheareahavebeenexacerbatedbytherecentforeclosure

crisis.Neglectisevidentacrossnumerousstatisticalcategories:thepovertyrateinthe

neighborhoodexceeds50%,vacanciesarehigh,andtheLandBankratesthehousingstockinthe

areaamongtheworstinCleveland.Agoodexampleofthisneglectwasplayedoutonthe

politicalstagein60s,underthetenureofmayorRalphLocher,whosetermleadtotheHough

Riots.TheCouncilforEconomicOpportunitiesinGreaterCleveland(CEO)wasestablishedin

1964,anduponitsenforcementunderthe1964EconomicopportunityAct(LyndonB.Johnson),

pushbackoccurred:themayorinitiallyinstalledmanyoftheprimaryboardmembersofCEO,

receivingpushbackfromcivilrightsleaders,andcitycouncilmenweredisturbedbythefact

theexistenceofCEOmadetheirlivesmoredifficult.CEOemployeeswerecreatingpolitical

problemsforthembyfosteringdemandsforservicesamongthepoor,ishowanencyclopedia

describestheclimate,whichisabsolutelyshockingandexplanatoryastowhyviolenceerupted

inthisareainthe1966riots(VanTassel,301).

KinsmanbecameanenclaveforJewishfamiliesimmigratingtoClevelandduringthelate

19thandearly20thcenturies,establishingvibrantcommunitiesintheneighborhoodsofCentral

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Clevelanddespiterestrictivecovenants.However,by1980thispopulationhadlargelymoved

easttoareassuchasClevelandHeights,leavingbehindapredominantlyblackand

overwhelminglypoorpopulation.AccordingtotheWard5ForgottenTriangleMasterPlan,2200

peopleliveinthearea,overhalfofthembeingchildrenorelderly.GalvanizedbytheOhio

DepartmentofTransportation,thecityhascometogetherwithcommunitydevelopment

corporations,suchasBurtonBellCarr,anon-profit,andtheUrbanDesignCenterofNortheast

Ohioinordertoredevelopthearea.Whatthesestakeholdershavecomeupwithistitledthe

OpportunityCorridor,anapttitleforcapturingthepotentialintheareabasedonthesheer

amountofvacantlandandtransportationinfrastructure.

PlayingoffofthemodeldevelopedanddeployedintheHealthTechCorridor,the

OpportunityCorridorisa$331millionproject,andcanbeconsideredaglorifiedhighwaythat

connectstheendofahighwaytoUniversityCircle,traversinglargeswathsofvacantland,

multiplerailcorridors,andafewremainingneighborhoodjobcenters(Kruth2).AsJeffKruthof

theCUDCbluntlypointsout,thisprojectamountstoover$100millionoftaxpayerdollarsspent

pereachmileofroadway.Amongtheissuesthattheprojectseekstoaddressthrougheconomic

developmentarebrownfieldreclamation,multi-modaltransportationdevelopment,andstorm

waterretentionthroughthedevelopmentofgreyandgreeninfrastructure.However,thisproject

isriddledwithdistributiveandrepresentativejusticeissues,asitslarge-scaleandtop-down

planningapproachcompactedintosuchasmallwindowforimplementationhascreatedchaos

amongthenumerousstakeholdersandcommunitydevelopmentcorporationsacrossthewards

thatthisprojectspans(Kruth).

TheOpportunityCorridorplandesignatesfivespacestofocusoninterveningin:theyare

titledtheNewEconomyNeighborhood,CoreJobZone,E.79thSt.TransitOrientedCorridor,

UrbanAgricultureZone,andSlavicVillage/HyacinthTOD.Ofthesecomponentsoftheproject,I

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willbefocusingontheCoreJobZone,E.79thSt.TransitOrientedCorridor,andUrban

AgricultureZoneastheseaspectsoftheprojectsoverlapwiththeForgottenTriangleandare

mostlyspecifictoKinsman.Theothertwocomponentstotheprojectaretargetedatdifferent

areasindifferentneighborhoods,deployingsomesustainableaspectsofdesignwithnoregard

toabiggerpicture.

TheplanningcommissionofClevelandself-describestheCoreJobZoneasthefollowing:

TheCoreJobsZoneisexpectedtobehomeforlightmanufacturinganddistributionbusinesses

thatrequireentry-leveltomid-levelskillsets.Thesebusinesseswillcreateopportunitiesfor

competitivejobsthatcanbeabsorbedbyalocalworkforcethathastakenadvantageof

specializedtrainingprogramsofferedbyTri-C.Buildingswillbeplacedtofrontthecorridorwith

agreenbufferfromthepublicrightofway.Parkingwillbesituatedtotherear.This

configurationwillcreateanenvironmentthatreflectstheurbancontextofa21stcenturyjob

center,unlikeasuburbanstylecampus.Itisdividedintofourquadrants,eachcharacterizedby

abundantvacantland,muchofitownedbytheLandBank.Anchoredbyonebusiness,Orlando

Bakery,thedevelopmentistoattractotheremployerstotheareathroughtheimplementation

ofaform-basedzoningdistricttargetzone.

TheE.79thTransitOrientedCorridorwillfocusonredesigningandemphasizingcertain

aspectsofstreetscapeinordertocreateanenvironmentthatissafeandaestheticallypleasing

forpeople,currentandfuture,travelingalongE79thStreetusingmultiplemodesof

Transportation:walking,biking,autoandbus.Throughmanipulationofthestreetandpublic

landscape,thecityhopestocatalyzefurtherinvestment,seekingtoattractsmallbusinessesor

officebuildingsthatarescaledtotheneighborhood.Thisportionoftheplanseekstocapitalize

onthetwoRTAstationsalongtheavenue,hopingtousethemasnodestoattractfurther

development,bothcommercialandresidentialalongaNewUrbanistTransitOrientedDesign

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model.Inessence,thecityseekstomakethisstreetanattractiveavenuetocombatthenotion

ofblightandpromoteridershipamongitsshrinkingRTAstationsinthearea.

Lastly,theUrbanAgricultureZoneseekstorepurposemuchofthebrownfieldand

vacantlandintoserviceableagriculturalland.Rid-All,anurbanagricultureinitiativeinthearea

alreadyexemplifieswhatthecityimaginesinthisportionoftheredevelopmentplan:

empoweringandincubatingfarmingprogramsthatenableindividualstogrowandselltheir

ownfood,withfocusesoncommunityeducationandreclamationofhistory.Amongthephysical

andsocialinfrastructuraldevelopmentsincludedwiththisstageoftheplanareasfollows:

UrbanAgZoneGreenhouseTrainingProgram,whichwillincludeafoodpreparationkitchen,a

retailstore,interiorurbangardens,asecondaquaponicssystem,andtrainingforthose

interestedinurbanagriculturecareers.Essentially,thesedifferentprojectsembeddedwithin

theOpportunityCorridorprojectseektocarpet-bombtheareawithdifferentmovesoutofthe

CharterofNewUrbanism,consolidatinginfrastructurewhilerepurposingvacantlandinto

attractive,productivesitesofagricultureundertheguiseofsustainabilityinordertovalidatea

glorifiedhighway.TheOhioDepartmentofTransportationdescribestheprojectasthe

following:TheOpportunityCorridorisaplannedboulevardthatwillrunfromEast55thStreet

atInterstate490toEast105thStreetinUniversityCircleOutsideoftransportationbenefitsit

couldbringtheClevelandarea,thiseffortopensthepotentialforneweconomicdevelopment,

newjobsandanewidentityforthecommunity.Ipersonallydonotunderstandhowthe

constructionofanextensive,highway-likeboulevardinoneofthemostdepressedand

neglectedareasinthecityisgoingtoopenpotentialforanewidentityintheneighborhood.

Forgotten Avg. Avg. % %Own +on +on Median Unemp Level % %


Triangle Rent Home Renting Home Rent Housin Income loyme of Pop Pop
Price g nt Educat Black Whit
ion e

1980 $150. n/a 77.26% 23.83% n/a 28.65% $5,850.00 9.33% 32.13% 97.87 1.72
00 % %

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1990 $267. n/a 76.29% 23.71% n/a n/a $8,010.00 9.86% 56.42% 98.55 1.04
00 % %

2000 $343. $37,400. 69.87% 30.28% 47.06% 42.03% $12,956.0 12.89% 43.61% 96.95 1.18
00 00 0 % %

2010 $537. $73,200. 71.05% 28.95% 37.89% 57.27% $17,413.0 29.24% 34.77% 93.67 4.69
00 00 0 % %

2015 $470. $50,043. 71.08% 28.92% 50.00% 53.62% $14,616.0 16.88% 29.23% 96.06 2.79
00 00 0 % %

Range $387.00 $35,800 7.39% 6.57% 12.11% 28.62% $11,563 19.91% 27.19% 4.88% 3.65%
.00 .00

Mean $353.40 $53,547 73.11% 27.14% 44.98% 45.39% $11,769 15.64% 39.23% 96.62% 2.28%
.67 .00

Median $343.00 $50,043 71.08% 28.92% 47.06% 47.83% $12,956 12.89% 34.77% 96.95% 1.72%
.00 .00

Standar 155.120 18155.4 0.03398 0.03121 0.06315 0.12913 4757.46 0.08175 0.11011 0.01895 0.01510
d 2759 9549 5076 9069 2724 7833 1403 0518 4572 9458 2167
Deviati
on

Coeff. 43.8936 33.9052 4.64832 11.5041 0.14039 28.4494 40.4236 52.2692 28.0678 1.96230 66.1323
of 8305 9712 0689 5112 0798 0211 6729 9592 7532 5078 8224
Varianc
e

ForgottenTriangle %OwnerOccupied %Vacancy Tenure

1980 23.59% n/a n/a

1990 23.74% 23.83% n/a

2000 30.28% 23.35% 54.63%

2010 28.95% 32.17% 59.83%

2015 28.92% 25.43% 59.51%

Range 6.69% 8.82% 5.20%

Mean 27.09% 26.20% 57.99%

Median 28.92% 24.63% 59.51%

StandardDeviation 0.03179903 0.040813407 0.029146554

CoefficientofVariance 0.117364439 0.155805505 0.050259928

Despitebeingstuckinearlystage,itisnothardtobestruckbythefutilityofsucha

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nearsightedprojectinsuchablightedarea.IfinditpersonallyinfuriatingthattheOhio

DepartmentofTransportationissonarrow-mindedlypursuingtheirownagendawithverylittle

regardtotherealitiesofthespacesoftheForgottenTriangle.Since2010,bothaveragerentand

homepricesaredown-comparativelythough,therentishigheronaverageinStClairSuperior,

buthomepricesarehigheronaveragehere.Wellover2/3rdsofthepopulationarerentingtheir

homes,anditisalarmingthatthepercentageofindividualsrentingwhoarespendingmorethan

1/3rdoftheirannualincomeonhousingisincreasing,reaching50%in2015.Over50%of

homeownersarespendingtheirannualincomeonhousingcostsaswell,andwhenone

considersthedecreaseinmedianincomeintheareainrecentyears,theresultingpictureis

starkanddepressing.Theaveragerent,$470,multipliedoutforayearsworthofpayments

comesoutto$5640,andwhenthatvalueissubtractedfromthemedianincome,oneisleftto

wonderhowanaverageindividualintheneighborhoodcansurviveinsuchabarrenareaonless

than$9000foroneyear.Thenoneshouldtakeintoaccountthatchildrenandtheelderly

composehalfofthepopulationinthisarea,whicharegroupsnotnecessarilydisposedtotake

careofthemselves.

Onamorepositivenote,otherindicatorsofsocialinfrastructurearedoingwell,butare

stillrelativelypoorwhencomparedtootherpartsofthecityandtoCleveland,CuyahogaCounty

andOhioasawhole.Inregardstotheunemploymentrateandthepercentageofindividuals

livingintheareawithoutahighschooldiplomaorequivalent,bothexhibittrendsinpositive

directionssince2010.Unemploymenthasdroppedtoroughly17%,downfromnearly30%at

whichitpeakedinthepast4decades,andthepercentageofindividualswithlessthanahigh

schooleducationalattainmenthasdroppedfrom35%to30%.Thisshowsmuchimprovement

from1990,whenalmost60%ofthepopulationintheareahadlessthanahighschool

educationalattainment.However,thisareaisnotinavacuum,andbothofthisstatistics,while

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optimistic,revealstarkrealitiesaboutconditionsandfabricoftheForgottenTriangle.Ifindit

verytroublingtoreadabouttheissuesthatplaguethisareaandhavepersistedfordecades,and

tofindthatthepursuitofrejuvenationisnotinprovidingfurthersocialinfrastructureand

servicesbuttocreateanattractive,formbasedroadwaysystem.

Dataonracialdemographicsintheareaconfirmthattheareahasbeencomposedofan

over90%blackpopulationsince1980,andonehastoaskquestionsofhowmuchparticipatory

justicewasexhibitedintheplanningofthisprocess.PerafactsheetfromtheODOT,theproject

hasthepotentialtodisplaceupto123residentsinthearea,whichhasledsometolosehopeall

togetherinthecitysabilitytohelpitscitizenswhohavebeenneglectedfordecades(Guevara).

ThepublicleaderoftheprojectisTerriHamiltonBrown,formerheadoftheCHMAandcurrent

representativeoftheGreaterClevelandPartnership.AnarticlepublishedinClevelandScenein

2010depictsthesceneatatownhallmeetingthatoccurredattheElizabethBaptistChurchon

HoltonAvenue,inwhichresidentsvoicedtheirdissentandfrustrationwiththeplansandlackof

transparency:onecoupleaddedtothefeedbackthattheyknowthatallofthisisdesignedfor

peopleoutoftown,andonecommunitymemberaskedtheaudienceandparticipantswhether

ornottheGreaterClevelandPartnershiphadeverdoneanythingintheirneighborhood,to

whichnonerespondedaffirmatively(Guevara).

Othersinvolvedintheplanningprocessaremoreoptimisticabouttheoutcomesofthis

projectforthepublicrealm.Forinstance,forexecutivedirectoroftheOpportunityCorridor

Partnership,seestheevidencethattheprojectwillbeasuccessinIBMCorp.spledgetobuilda

43,000squarefootsiteforoneoftheirdataanalyticscompaniesalongtheroute,suggestinga

trendawayfromthewastelandofpaydaylenders,fast-foodjointsandgasstationsthatmany

envisiontopopulatethenewscenicboulevard(Litt).However,despitethispromiseofa

large-nameglobalcompanycomingtotheareaanddeclaringitssupport,onedoesnotgain

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hopebyskimmingthroughtheForgottenTriangleWard5MasterPlanrenderings,whichprovide

moredetailingonstorefrontsthanonstreetscapes,reinforcingtheinsightthatmanyhaveonthe

projectasonethatisbusinessoriented,communitysecond.Whatisevenmorestrikingabout

suchrenderingsisthefactthatanimagedominatedbyaturretresemblingapubliclibraryalong

Kinsmanavenueisthecrowningarchitecturalmomentofplace-makingaboveastripmall

featuringbothaSubwayRestaurant(brandnameusedinrenderings)andadollarmart.

OtheralarmingaspectsstickoutintheWard5ForgottenTriangleMasterPlan.For

instance,theplanstatesearlyonthatitwasgeneratedfromsuggestionsandideasextrapolated

frommeetingswithcommunitymembers.Theplanseekstoreinforceresidentialareasthatare

shieldedfromadverseimpactsofindustry,anddoessobyimplementingsoundwallsand

dead-endstreetswithlowconnectivityinordertobettersegregatehighwayusageandits

connectionsfromthezonesdesignatedasresidential,ineffectcreatingahigh-speedbypass

throughthearea(CUDC).Icanimaginethismovefurtherisolatingindividualsinthearea.By

capitalizingonRed,GreenandBlueRTAlinestops,theplanalsoseekstocreateabettersetting

formarket-rateresidentialdevelopment,amovethatcanmostcertainlybebasedon

motivationtohelpandimprovethelivesofotherslivinginthearea,butinvainattemptsto

perpetuatetheNewUrbanistmythofdisappearingpoverty.Itwilldosobypartneringwiththe

CMHAtocreatepublichousinginamoreneighborhood-oriented,lessinstitutionalcharacter

(MasterPlan11).

Otheraspectsofsustainabilitythroughtheplanareconflicted:forinstance,theplansees

repurposingvacantlandastheperfectopportunityforcreatinganarbor,creatingbothan

orchardandahardyenvironmentinwhichtoughstreettreescanbegrownthentransplanted

aroundthearea.However,surroundingsuchdevelopmentswouldbelowdensityhousing,which

coincideswiththevacant,sparsecharacteroftheneighborhood.Notonlydoesthisconflictwith

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NewUrbanistTransitOrienteddesignvisionsandtransectprinciples,butitalsogoesagainstthe

missionsofthecorridorasaprojectofconsolidatinginfrastructureandfocusingonresiliency

andsustainabilitythroughcommunity,insteadpromotinganArcadianvision.Elsewhere

throughouttheplanotherNewUrbanistfeaturesappear,suchastheaxial,gridlikeplanning

thatispunctuatedwithparksandcivicusesthatcelebratethepublicrealm.However,onehasto

askthequestionofwhetherornotprovidingthepublicamenitiesforhigherdensitydwellingis

jumpingtheguninactuallyrespondingtothewantsandneedsofahighdensitycommunity,and

ifsuchdevelopmentisactuallygearedtowardstheresidentsoftheForgottenTriangle.

Elsewhere,aspectsofDefensibleSpacetheoryarepresentinthesuggestionsof

duplex-communitydevelopmentofamarketablehousingtypeinordertobothincreaseRTA

ridershipandreinforceanimageofsafetyintheneighborhood(MasterPlan17).Lightingand

safetyaredesignatedasprioritiesfortheproject,alongwithestablishingneighborhoodidentity

andcreatingopportunitiesfornewdevelopment.Renderingsdepictstrong,multi-usebuildings

takingplacesoncorners,andfurtherdrawingsseemliketheycouldcomerightoutofapastoral

setting.Newandexistinggreenspacesalongthestreetalsoenhancethepedestrianand

vehicularexperience,notestheplan,alsoaddingthatstreettreesandbannerswould

reinforceneighborhoodidentities.However,thisdesignmoveseemstocontradictwithother

renderingsoftheOpportunityCorridorproject,whichisextremelyvehicleorientedinits

presentation.Despitetheplacementofparkinglotsbehindbuildingsscaledtoindustryand

large-scalecommercialuses,onecannothelpbutwonderhowsafepedestriansmightfeelin

thisso-calledmulti-modaltransportationmodelthatprivileges35MPH,11footwidelanesover

bikelanesandcompletestreets(Lefkowitz).Nowhereintheplancancompletestreetsbe

discerned,andvehiculartrafficismostlysegregatedfromothermodesoftransportation,which

canonlyleadtothisprojectbecominganarteryfortrafficfromI77toUniversityCircle.Thisin

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turnwillinducemoretraffic,notdissipateit.

FurthercriticismfromtheCUDCatKentStateUniversityquestionsthemeansbywhich

designmissionsandgoalsaretobeachieved.Theyseetheplanashighwayinspired,whichwill

maketheroadwayfunctionasahighspeedbypass,ratherthananintegralpartofthe

surroundingneighborhoods.Theysuggestcompleteandgreenstreetstandardsalongwith

improvementstoallintersectionsalongtheOpportunityCorridor,inconjunctionwithamore

integratedplanforthe5portions,asproposedgreeninfrastructureprojectsarescattered,not

designedasagreenspacesystem.Inshort,itisasifcityplannersandstakeholderspicked

whichaspectsofsustainableplanningandarchitecturetheyfoundvisuallypleasing,and

sporadicallyplacedeacharoundtheOpportunityCorridorinalacklusterattemptataddressing

thepublichealthconcernsthatrunrampantthroughouttheForgottenTriangle.

ManyofthecriticismsoftheOpportunityCorridorProjectandNewUrbanismasawhole

arefoundedontheirpromotionofformbaseddesigncodes,somethinginconsiderationfor

implementationinCleveland.Itisinterestingtonotethatareasknownfortheirreputationas

gentrified,Tremont,OhioCityandGordonSquare,wereClevelandsUrbanFormDistrict,where

formbasedcodewasfirstimplementedinCleveland.Thiswouldseektochangezoningcodesto

onlycoincidewithcompatibledevelopment,againprescribingagoodurbanformfromthetop

down.EvenJeffSpeck,renownedNewUrbanist,hascriticizedClevelandsbikeinfrastructure,

andhasevencalleduponcityleaderstorethinkthedesignofOpportunityCorridortoproduce

avibrant,urbanplace(Lefkowitz).

Despitefinallygivingtheneighborhoodtheattentionitlacksanddeserves,the

OpportunityCorridorprojectisanear-sighteddevelopmentthathastheinterestsofthoseliving

intheareaassecondarytodevelopingmoremarket-rate,NewUrbanistinspiredplaces.In

consideringtheproject,thequestionarises;dothepeopleoftheForgottenTriangleevenwant

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anythingbuiltinthefirstplace?Ifschoolsandjobsweretocometotheseareas,whomwould

theybenefit?Andifmarket-ratehousingsynthesizedwithpublichousingisthegoal,whatpolicy

moveswillbemadetoensurethatallresidentsoftheForgottenTrianglegettobothstayin

theirhomesandalsobenefitfromtheincreaseinpropertyvaluesthatNewUrbanistaesthetics

havethecapacitytoendow?IseepotentialinthisprojectfortheLandBankstopermanently

removelandfromrealestatemarketssothatitcanforeverbedeemedaffordable,butthe

projectasitismovingforwardcomesacrosstomeasSmokeandMirrorsbythepowersthatbe

atprescribingplanningandarchitecturalformsascuresforsocialills.Stillapparentare

continuingissuesofenvironmentalinjusticethathavepersistedbeyondmodernistplanningin

thebuiltandsocialfabricoftheForgottenTriangletoday.

Kinsmanisanextremelyimpoverishedandneglectedneighborhoodthatdeservesa

betterdevelopmentprojectthanwhattheOpportunityCorridorproposesandwillbuild.Median

incomeisextremelylow;averagerentisincreasingwhilehomepricesaredecreasing.Only

roughlyaquarterofthepopulationinthisareaoccupyhousingthattheyown,whilethe

percentagespendingmorethan1/3rdoftheiryearlyincomeonrentsitsatastark50%.The

OpportunityCorridorisaprojectthatlacksacomprehensiveapproachtosustainabilityinthis

area,privilegingformandappearanceoverinfrastructuralandsystematicchangesthatwould

trulyseektohelpthosewhofordecadeshavebeenconfinedtothisareaofabjectpoverty.In

conclusion,Ionlyforeseeinequalitybeingexacerbatedbythisproject,butitisstilltooearlyin

thedevelopmentprocessinordertogaugewhatitsdirecteffectsarebesidesthenegative

impactsofthehomesthatwillbedestroyedintheconstructionprocessofthisboulevard.

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Chapter9ConclusionandFutureDirections

Asathirdpartofmymetricofcomparison,beyondstudyingtheunderlyingstatistical

dataandcomparingmyfindingswiththeaestheticsandappearancesofthesespaces,Iwanted

tocompareinequalityasawholeacrosstheseneighborhoodsinconjunctionwithCleveland,

CuyahogaCountyandOhiosmedianincomes.Alargefocusofthisthesisprojectwashow

architectureasappliedthroughsustainableurbandesigncouldmasktheinequalityand

neoliberaltendenciesonwhichitispredicated.Iwantedtoexploregeneralsocietalinequality,

andhowarchitectureandsustainabilityasawholebroachedthissubject,sometimesconflicting

inpoliticsandpracticewiththemissionstheyespoused.

Asthethirdmetricofmyspatialanalysisofinequality,IchosetousetheGINIcoefficient,

ametricoftenusedincomparingtherelativeinequalityacrosspopulations,ofteninregardsto

income.DevelopedbyItalianstatisticianandformerfascistCorradoGini,theGinicoefficient

providesanindexbywhichdistributionofincomeinasocietycomparesrelativelytoautopian

societyinwhichthereisnoincomeinequality.Itismeasuredfrom0to1,withbeingmost

egalitarianand1beingthemostunequal.Thecoefficientcanthenmultipliedby100inorderto

makethatscalefrom0to100.Morespecifically,theGiniIndexcanbethoughtofasthearea

underneathaLorenzCurve,whichplotstheproportionofthetotalincomeofthepopulation(y

axis)thatiscumulativelyearnedbythebottomx%.ThespaceabovetheLorenzcurveiscapped

bythelineofequality,modeledonanegalitariansociety/population.

Whileitisagoodmetrictogetasenseofthepicturerelativeinequalityamong

populations,onecriticismofthemetricisthatitisover-sensitivetochangesinthemiddle,and

under-sensitiveattheextremes,soinresponsenewermetricshavebeendeveloped,suchasthe

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Palmaratio,whichiscurrentlyusedbytheUnitedNationsandOECD.

TogivecontexttohowGinicoefficientsworkandwhatincomeinequalitylookslikein

thedevelopedworld,IvedownloadeddatafromtheOECDonGiniCoefficientsinOECD

countries,andhavepresentedsomeofthedatainatablebelow:Immediatelybelowthatisthe

tableofGiniCoefficientsthatIcalculated,usingmedianincomeacrossTremont,StClair

Superior,Kinsman,Cleveland,CuyahogaCountyandOhioasawhole.TheOECDwillonly

calculateGinicoefficientsforitsmembercountries,whichisalreadydifficulttodraw

conclusionsfrombasedontheabstractcomparisonsonwhichitisbased.

Country 2004 2014

UnitedStates n/a 0.394

Canada n/a 0.322(2013)

Mexico n/a 0.459

UnitedKingdom 0.354 0.358(2013)

Chile n/a 0.465(2013)

Norway 0.285 0.252(2013)

Korea n/a 0.302

Gini Index - Ohio Inequality Coefficient

1980 22.21

1990 22.6

2000 21.65

2010 19.44

2015 22.47

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Onecanmakeafewspeculationsoninequalityasawholeacrossthese6populations.

First,thatthecoefficientsweretrendinginagooddirectionuntil2010,beforeregressingentirely

in2015.Theindexgotsmalleracrossthedecades,reachingitslowin2010at19.44.Thisseems

strangetome,asonecouldspeculatethattheglobalrecessionof2008wouldhaveexacerbated

inequalityaswhole.Ontheotherhand,withoutdelvingintothatdata,Icouldseeasplausible

anyinequalityshiftsbeingoffsetbynegativetrendsoverallinwealth.Butthenagain,this

conceptionwouldcontradictwiththesystemsdynamicsofassetaccruementintheUnited

States,inwhichfamiliesthathavehadassetsappreciatingacrossgenerationsandthushave

generationalwealthwouldleadthesefamiliestofarebetterthantheircounterpartsin

weatheringrecession.Thiscallsintoattentionagainthehistoryofredliningandtheequality

deniedbyracistplanningpolicyinthepast.

Between2010and2015,though,allofthatprogressdisappearedasinequalityreached

itsbiggestmeasurementacrossthedecadesat22.47.IncomparisonwiththeUnitedStates,asa

whole,thesepopulationsscorealmosttwiceasbetter.Thiscouldbeforanumberofreasons:

thatOhio,incomparisontotherestofthecountry,isrelativelymoreequalinincomebutoverall

lesswelloff,orperhapstheinverse(equalANDwelloff).Intermsoffuturedirections,though,I

thinkthatthismetriccouldbeexploredmoreindepth,asitcouldbeevenmoredetailedby

takingintoaccountthemedianincomeforeachindividualcensustract,asopposedtousing

neighborhoodsasawholeasdatapoints.However,howhelpfulthisdatawouldbe,though,

wouldneedtobereconsideredandcomparedwithwellknownneighborhoodsandpopulations

inordertogetabettersenseofhowrelativelyunequaltheyareintermsofincome,forinstance

bycomparingthemtoLakewood,OhioCity,Tremont,andClevelandHeights,andthenagainst

othercontrolcitiesoutsideofOhio.

IhavemanytakeawaysfromthisprojectandplentyoffuturedirectionsthatIwouldlike

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totakethisworkin.Asapparentinmyprogress,asIcontinuedwiththeproject,thescope

consequentlywentthroughcyclesofwideningandfocusing,andIfeelasthoughIwouldneedto

conductamuchmorethoroughdatacollectionandanalysisinordertodrawstronger

conclusions.Itisonethingtohavestrongdatathatbacksuporprovesahypothesis;itisanother

tospeculateontheindirectandpoliticaleffectsofstyleandaestheticsembeddedinto

architectureandthebuiltenvironment.Withthatbeingsaidthough,Iamconcernedforwhatis

happeningtospaceandplaceincontemporaryClevelandsurbanlandscapes.Inlookingat

thesethreeprojects,thereisreasonforbothoptimismandpessimism.Forinstance,onecould

seethepositivegrowthgoingoninTremont,andposespecificquestionsofwhetherornotthese

benefitsaretrulycomingtotheneighborhoodandcommunityorreflectgentrifyingpopulations

floodinginfromthesuburbs.InHub55,onecouldcallintoquestionthecelebrationand

aestheticizationofwhite,Europeanethnicityinlaborandindustrybycreatingofimagesand

emptyaurasthataredetachedfromhistoricalrealityinanareathathasfordecadesfaced

recession,foreclosure,vacancyandtransitionedintoapredominantlyblackneighborhood.

However,onealsocouldquestionwhetherornotthefactthatthisprojectseekstobringfresh

foodandsubsequentlypeoplebackintoanareathatdesperatelyneedsthemcanethicallybe

questionedorcriticizedinthefirstplaceasitisoneofthesoleaspectsofsustainability

initiativesinablightedarea.Lastly,intheForgottenTriangle,itiscleartoseehowthe

deploymentofNewUrbanistprinciplesandtheoryaremeanttodrasticallychangea

neighborhoodthroughformandspacebasedinterventions.However,inanareawherestatistics

havebeentrendinginthewrongdirectionfordecadesduetoneglectandenvironmentalracism,

onehastoquestionhowvalidthesemethodsofsustainabilityare,andwhetherornottheywill

inspireandbringaboutthetruegoodsocietyasenvisionedbyplannersandarchitects.

IleavethisprojectwithoptimismforwhatcanhappeninCleveland,andhopethatthis

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projecthashelpedtowidendiscussionsonsustainabilityandarchitecture,creatingroomfor

resilient,vibrantcommunitiestopartnerwithpracticingexpertstotrulyrealizevisionsof

neighborhoodsthataredesignedbyneighborhoodsforneighborhoods.Itisadifficultpositionto

navigateoneinwhichtheconsultant,trainedwithoutsideexpertiseistoembedthemselvesin

aneighborhoodtowhichtheydonotbelonganddonotidentify.Intransformativeparticipation

andnegotiatinghopethereliesautopian,idealisticmodelforurbandevelopmentinwhichthe

citizenastheorganicintellectualhascompletecontrolovertherighttothecityinorderto

changethemselvesbychangingtheirenvironment.However,operatingwithinasuperstructure

predicatedoninequality,itisdifficulttofindhopethatsuchavisioncouldberealized.Itis

demoralizingtoconsiderunderthematerialrealitiesoftodayhowthepublicrealmmust

collaboratewithprivatestakeholdersinordertochangethebuiltenvironment,perhapswith

lesspowerinthehierarchiesallowedlegally.However,thatisnottosaythatallhopeshouldbe

abandoned.Thereexistsgoodmodelsandcasestudiesofjust,ethical,andinclusive

developmentthatincorporatesaplethoraofperspectives,needsandknowledge,andonecan

begintoextrapolatesuchaspectsbutstudyingsustainableurbandesigninitiativessuchas

TremontPointe,Hub55andTheOpportunityCorridorinordertobetterunderstandthedynamic

relationshipofsociety,economyandenvironment.

Appendix-Photography

ThefollowingphotographsItookonsitevisitsthatImadetoeachneighborhoodand

projectinordertogetasenseofplaceandbetterunderstandsomeofthedynamicsaround

eachinitiative.Thephotographsselectedrepresent,inmyopinion,thevisualaspectsand

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aestheticsensibilitiesofthethemesthatIbuilduponpreviously,andshouldbebothconsidered

individuallyandasacompoundofimages,leavingacohesive,singularimageormeaninginthe

mindofthecharacteroftheseprojects.

Tremont-TremontPointeandValleyviewHomes

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StClairSuperior-Hub55

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Kinsman,ForgottenTriangle-OpportunityCorridor

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Acknowledgements

Iwouldliketothankmyadvisorsonthisproject,Profs.RumiShammin,GreggorMattsonand

PeterMinoshforalloftheirinvaluableadviceandguidancethroughoutthisentireprocess.Itwasalong

andtediousprocessthatIwouldnothavebeenabletocompleteinayearwithouttheirinsightand

assistancewithfocusingmythoughts.IwouldliketothankmypeerswithintheEnvironmentalStudies

programandtheArtsDepartmentforbothreviewingmyworkandconstantlychallengingme.Lastly,I

wouldliketothankmyfriendsandfamilyforalloftheirsupportthroughoutthisproject.Icouldnthave

donethiswithoutanyofyou!

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