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Journal of Adolescent Research

25(4) 578600
A Belief-Behavior Gap? The Author(s) 2010
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DOI: 10.1177/0743558409357732
Sexual Activity Among http://jar.sagepub.com

High School Seniors

Kathleen Cobb Leonard1


and Diane Scott-Jones2

Abstract
Religiosity, sexual activity, and contraception were examined via questionnaires
and interviews in a diverse sample of 118 high school seniors. The majority
reported religion to be important; importance and frequency ratings declined
from private (e.g., prayer) to public (e.g., group activities) components of
religion. Most were sexually active and used contraception. Nearly half
acknowledged religious teachings on sexual activity, and one third believed
premarital sex is proscribed. Religiosity items were negatively correlated
with approval of sexual activity in hypothetical relationship scenarios, but
religiosity was not related to self-reported sexual activity or contraceptive
use. Participants emphasized relationships and physical health, not religious
proscriptions, in their standards for sexual activity. Older adolescents may
believe sexual activity is acceptable in committed romantic relationships.

Keywords
religiosity, sexual attitudes, sexual behaviors, contraception, romantic
relationships, late adolescence, emerging adulthood

1
University of Massachusetts Lowell
2
Burtonsville, MD

Corresponding Author:
Kathleen Cobb Leonard, Psychology Department, University of Massachusetts Lowell,
870 Broadway Street, Lowell, MA 01854
Email: kathleen_leonard@uml.edu
Leonard and Scott-Jones 579

For adolescents in the United States, the transition to mature, healthy sexual
relationships is not straightforward. The protracted span of adolescence and
emerging adulthood, a mismatch between biological maturation and societal
expectations for premarital abstinence, an increasingly later age of marriage,
and commercialized images of youthful sexuality may contribute to confu-
sion regarding appropriate adolescent sexual activity (Scott-Jones, 1993).
Approximately 40% of high school students nationwide are sexually active,
and at least 60% have had sexual intercourse by the senior year of high school
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2006). Sexually active adoles-
cents, if they do not effectively use contraception, are at risk for unplanned
pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), in addition to social and
emotional challenges.
According to the National Study of Youth and Religion, 87% of high
school students in the United States are affiliated with an organized religion
(Smith & Faris, 2002), and 60% report a positive perception of their religious
organizations (Smith, Faris, Denton, & Regnerus, 2003). Most major world
religions maintain teachings that prohibit premarital sexual activity (Argyle,
2000). Thus, some sexually active adolescents are likely involved in such
religions that suggest a gap between their religious beliefs and their sexual
behaviors.

Religiosity and the Initiation of Sexual Intercourse


Religiosity is related to adolescent sexual activity, along with other social
and demographic variables, such as parental education (Meschke, Zweig,
Barber, & Eccles, 2000), socioeconomic status (Miller, 1995), school engage-
ment or educational expectations (Meschke et al., 2000; Scott-Jones &
White, 1990), immigrant status (Brindis, Wolfe, McCarter, Ball, & Starbuck-
Morales, 1995), gender (Donelson, 1999; Johnston, OMalley, & Bachman,
2001), ethnicity (Johnston et al., 2001), and romantic involvement (Meschke
et al., 2000). Adolescents who report high religiosity, typically assessed by a
rating of the importance of religion or frequency of attending religious ser-
vices, are generally less likely to be sexually active than their peers who report
lower religiosity (Davidson, Moore, Earler, & Davis, 2008; Donahue &
Benson, 1995; Lefkowitz, Gillen, & Shearer, 2004; Murry, 1994; Nonnemaker,
McNeely, & Blum, 2003; Rotosky, Regnerus, & Wright, 2003; Sinha, Cnaan, &
Gelles, 2007; Steinman & Zimmerman, 2004; Thornton & Camburn, 1987;
Zaleski & Schiaffino, 2000; Zelnik, Kantner, & Ford, 1981). The negative
correlation between church attendance and sexual activity is especially strong
among female adolescents from fundamental (professing strict adherence to
580 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

Biblical teachings) Christian denominations (Thornton & Camburn, 1987;


Zelnik et al., 1981) and has been found across ethnic groups (e.g., African
Americans in Murry, 1994; European Americans in Lefkowitz et al., 2004).
Davidson, Moore, and Ullstrup (2004) found church attendance to be related
to delayed sexual activity and to the belief that sex is for procreation only.
Religiosity, defined as both importance of religion and attendance at reli-
gious services, is inversely related to sexual activity in several studies drawn
from the National Study of Adolescent Health. Personal devotion to ones
religion (ratings of importance of religion and frequency of private prayer)
coupled with frequency of attendance at religious services and youth group
activities were found to negative predict ever having had sexual intercourse
(Nonnemaker et al., 2003) and number of sexual partners in the past year
(Miller & Gur, 2002). Longitudinal research found that the importance of reli-
gion and frequency of attendance at religious services assessed in 1 year (e.g.,
15-16 years) were negatively associated with having had intercourse in the
following year (e.g., 16-17 years; Hardy & Raffaelli, 2003). Similarly, impor-
tance of religion and frequency of attendance at religious services and youth
group activities negatively predicted the odds of becoming sexually active
over time even when controlling for number of romantic partners and other
demographic variables (Rotosky et al., 2003).
Differing conceptualizations of religiosity may result in differing relation-
ships of religiosity to premarital sexual activity. Sinha et al. (2007) found
that attendance at religious services and attendance at religious youth group
activities were each negatively associated with sexual activity but impor-
tance of religion was not. Lefkowitz et al. (2004) studied four components
of religiosity, that is, attitudes, behaviors, perception, and identity, and found
that adolescents identification with a religious group and their perception of
that groups strictness vis--vis sexual activity were both negatively related
to the likelihood of having had sexual intercourse. Goggin, Malcarne,
Murray, Metcalf, and Wallston (2007) examined adolescents beliefs about
Gods control over sexual behavior and found that those endorsing a higher
level of belief in God control were less likely to report that they intend to
have sexual intercourse or to have had sexual intercourse. Burdette and Hill
(2009) found that the salience of religiosity is associated with delayed sexual
activity and may mediate relations between sexual activity and other religi-
osity variables, including religious service attendance, private religiosity, and
family religiosity.
Furthermore, the relational context of adolescent sexual activity may be an
important but overlooked moderator of the religiositysexual activity asso-
ciation as Rostosky, Wilcox, Wright, and Randall (2004) suggested in their
Leonard and Scott-Jones 581

review. The perception of commitment in adolescents relationships may


offset the perceived importance of religious restrictions on premarital sexual
activity. Approximately, 75% of sexually active adolescents report experi-
encing sexual intercourse in the context of a committed romantic relationship
(Manning, Longmore, & Giordano, 2000), and older adolescents romantic
relationships tend to be of longer duration and more committed than those of
younger adolescents (Giordano, Manning, & Longmore, 2006). Older ado-
lescents who reported religious involvement reported levels of sexual activity
similar to their nonreligious peers (Regnerus, 2007). Religious adolescents
who make abstinence pledges do abstain in the short-term but are just as likely
as their nonreligious peers to have sex before they are married (Bruckner &
Bearman, 2005; Jones, Darroch, & Singh, 2005).

Religiosity and Contraceptive Use


Religious adolescents who commit themselves to sexual abstinence before
marriage may fail to protect themselves if they become sexually active. Plan-
ning contraception might suggest intent to engage in sexual intercourse and an
abandonment of the commitment to remain abstinent (Regnerus, 2007). Reli-
giosity has been linked to a decreased likelihood of contraceptive use among
sexually active adolescents (Bruckner & Bearman, 2005; Manlove, Ryan, &
Franzetta, 2003). Similarly, religiosity was found to be negatively associated
with sexual activity among college freshman but also negatively associated with
consistent condom use among freshmen who are sexually active (Zaleski &
Schiaffino, 2000). Furthermore, female adolescents who regularly attend
church in fundamental or conservative Christian denominations (including
Catholics) and are sexually active are less likely to use contraception than
their peers who regularly attend church in other Christian denominations
(Manlove et al., 2003).
Religious adolescents who use contraception are likely to use methods that
protect against pregnancy but not against STDs (Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey, &
Rindfuss, 1998). Although adolescents who make abstinence pledges delay
intercourse, STD rates do not differ across pledgers and nonpledgers in late
adolescence (Bruckner & Bearman, 2005).
As noted earlier for sexual activity, differing conceptualizations may result
in differing relationships of religiosity to contraceptive use among sexually
active adolescents. Religiosity, assessed by personal devotion to religion and
frequency of attendance at religious services and youth activities, is associ-
ated with effective contraception among female adolescents (Miller & Gur,
2002). Private religiosity (but not public religiosity) is positively associated
582 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

with effective contraceptive use at first intercourse for female adolescents;


however, neither public nor private religiosity is associated with the use of
contraception at the most recent intercourse (Nonnemaker et al., 2003). Com-
mitment to a romantic partner, as well as to religion, may be associated with
decreased contraceptive use. Contraception is less likely if sexual activity
occurs in the context of a relationship perceived to be committed (Manning
et al., 2000). Religious adolescents may be more likely than their peers to
approach dating relationships as progressing toward a marriage that will
occur in the near future.

Religiosity, Sexual Activity, and Contraceptive


Use in Late Adolescence
Older adolescents, compared to younger adolescents, are more likely to have
become sexually active and to reduce their attendance at religious services;
however, religious beliefs may remain stable or increase during this time
(Lefkowitz et al., 2004). Older adolescents may maintain their religious iden-
tities or affiliations, but their commitment to specific religious teachings may
change. In Fowlers (1981) theory of faith development, older adolescents
move from a conventional orientation of obedience to religious authority to
an orientation of reflective ownership of religious beliefs and commitments.
Arnett and Jensen (2002) observed that young adults between the ages of 21
and 28 years become more individualized in their religious beliefs and prac-
tices with little similarity of religious beliefs and practices between childhood
and emerging adulthood. Older adolescents may question and adapt religious
teachings on sexual activity to fit their own lives. For example, a study of a
Baptist congregation found that the 17-year-old females interpreted religious
sanctions on premarital sexual activity more liberally than did their mothers
(Baier & Wampler, 2008).

The Present Study


The present study explored how religiosity is related to sexual activity in the
senior year of high school, a widely occurring transition, given declining
dropout rates (Sable, Gaviola, & Hoffman, 2007), during which both reli-
gious and sexual experiences may shape the emergence of adult beliefs
and behavior. Previous research has tended to focus on relations between
behavioral aspects of both religion and sexual activity with little attention
given to adolescents considerations or concerns regarding sexual activity that
might help to explain the gap between religious beliefs and sexual behaviors.
Leonard and Scott-Jones 583

Because religiosity, sexual activity, and the relationship between them are
typically private and difficult to assess, the present study employed a
mixed-methods approach. In general, religiosity is inversely related to sexual
activity among adolescents and also to contraceptive use among sexually
active adolescents; however, varying conceptualizations of religiosity and
of sexual activity in committed relationships may lead to different results.
Religiosity is defined as both the importance attributed to and the frequency
of engagement with

1. religious beliefs,
2. private religious practices,
3. application of religious beliefs to everyday life,
4a. participation in formal religious services, and
4b. participation in organized group activities outside religious ser-
vices (e.g., youth group, choir practice).

Four major questions were addressed:

Research Question 1: Is religiosity associated with high school seniors


attitudes toward sexual activity in hypothetical relationship scenar-
ios representing varying levels of commitment?
Research Question 2: Is religiosity associated with high school seniors
sexual activity?
Research Question 3: Among sexually active high school seniors, is
religiosity associated with (a) contraceptive use at first intercourse
and (b) current contraceptive use?
Research Question 4: Do high school seniors acknowledge religious
teachings in their standards that govern their sexual activity?

Method
Participants

Participants were 118 high school seniors (43% male and 57% female), 16 to
19 years of age (Mage = 17.6 years), recruited from five ethnically diverse
public high schools, including charter, magnet, and exam schools, and from
one Protestant youth group1 in the Boston metropolitan area. From self-
descriptions, participants were categorized as African American or West
Indian (35%), Asian American (12%), European American (20%), Latino
(17%), and Multiethnic (17%); these percentages are similar to those in the
school district. Almost one third of participants were children of immigrants,
584 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

and an additional 29% were immigrants; approximately one fourth of par-


ticipants reported English was their second language. Mean parental
education was 3.24 (some college or associates degree; SD = 1.54) on a
7-point scale. Participants described themselves as heterosexual (86%),
homosexual (6%), or in-between (8%); responses did not differ by sexual
orientation, which was not included in subsequent analyses.
A religious affiliation was reported by 74% of the participants: 63%
Christian (29% Protestant, 18% Catholic, and 16% Christian unspecified)
and 11% other (specified as Judaism, Islam, Unitarianism, Mormonism, and
Jehovahs Witness). The remaining 26% reported no religious affiliation
(15%) or being spiritual but not religious (11%). These proportions approx-
imate the religious affiliations U.S. adolescents (15-19 years) reported in the
National Study of Youth and Religion (Smith & Faris, 2002).
The high school seniors participated following five levels of review and
permission: university institutional review board, school district research office,
principal or headmaster at each school, parents informed written permission,
and high school seniors informed written assent. Permission packets were
prepared for all seniors at participating schools to take to their parents and
return to their schools; however, distribution was limited because of seniors
schedules and absences. The participation rate, calculated conservatively,
was 19%. Although demographic characteristics are similar, this volunteer
sample is not claimed to be representative of seniors in the participating
schools or school district.
Parents who returned signed permission forms received US$5 and a bro-
chure on adolescent health issues. Participating seniors received US$25 or
two movie tickets and resources on the college application process and health
issues, including an HIV/AIDS pamphlet.

Measures
Measures, including questionnaire and interview items, were developed for
a larger study of high school seniors beliefs and behaviors (see Leonard,
2006) and were based on a review of measures in similar studies and on
piloting with undergraduate students close in age to the high school seniors.
In both the questionnaire and the interview, sexual activity items were pre-
sented prior to religiosity items, to avoid suggesting religious restrictions
on sexual activity.
Hypothetical relationship scenarios. Three hypothetical scenarios in the
questionnaire assessed attitudes toward sexual activity in relationships
representing a continuum from low to high commitment, that is, beginning a
relationship with someone, in a dating relationship with someone you like
Leonard and Scott-Jones 585

very much, and in a committed romantic relationship and feel you are in love.
For each of the three scenarios, participants were asked whether they would
engage in three levels of behaviors representing low to high sexual intimacy,
that is, holding hands; hugging and kissing; oral sex; or sexual intercourse.
This measurement strategy is adapted from Coles (1990) use of hypothetical
questions to assess risky decision making.
Sexual activity. Questionnaire items asked participants to report age at first
intercourse, relational context of first intercourse (four response options were
as follows: A one time thing with someone who you did not know well,
beginning a relationship with someone, in a dating relationship with some-
one you like very much, and in a committed romantic relationship and feel
you are in love), current frequency of intercourse, and relational context of
current intercourse (Are you currently in a romantic relationship?).
Contraceptive use. Questionnaire items asked participants to report method
of contraceptive use at first intercourse, method of contraceptive use at cur-
rent intercourse, and consistency of current contraceptive use on a 5-point
Likert-type scale ranging from never to always.
Sexual standards. An open-ended interview question asked participants the
following: Imagine you are going out with someone or you are in a relation-
ship. You dont have to tell me what you would actually do, but what kinds
of things would you think about before having sex with that person? If par-
ticipants responded that they would not have sex with that person or that they
have never considered it, a follow-up probe asked participants to explain
their thinking. The question was designed to elicit participants standards and
values for abstaining or engaging in sexual activity, without asking directly
about religious or secular standards and values.
At a later point in the interview, participants were asked direct open-ended
questions about religion and sexual activity: what religious teachings say
about sexual activity and whether people their age think about religion when
making decisions about sexual activity.
Five questionnaire items asked participants (response options: yes, no,
maybe/uncertain) about religious standards for sexual activity and contracep-
tive use: whether they were aware of religious teachings regarding sexual
activity (Does your religion have teachings about when its OK to have
sexual intercourse?), whether their religious teachings prohibited premarital
sexual intercourse, whether their religious teachings prohibited contraceptive
use, whether they agreed with the teachings, and whether they followed the
teachings.
Religiosity. The religiosity measure draws upon commonly used assess-
ments, such as frequency of attendance at religious services (Miller & Gur,
2002; Rotosky et al., 2003) and importance of religion (Miller & Gur, 2002;
586 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

Nonnemaker et al., 2003). Like Lefkowitz et al. (2004), we found it useful to


conceptualize religiosity as consisting of separable components and we con-
sidered intrinsic-extrinsic (Allport & Ross, 1967; Gorsuch & McPherson,
1989) and private-public dimensions of religiosity. Combining these approaches,
we developed four components of religiosity and developed items to assess
both importance and frequency of the components.
Participants rated importance on a 3-point Likert-type scale, ranging from
not at all important to very important, for each of the four components of
religiosity: beliefs, private religious practices (e.g., prayer, meditation, or
scripture reading), application of beliefs to everyday life, and participation in
formal religious services and participation in organized group activities (e.g.,
youth group, choir practice). Frequency ratings excluded beliefs and included
the four remaining components, which participants could be expected to
report as discrete behaviors. For Components 2 (private religious practices),
4a (formal services), and 4b (group activities), participants rated frequency
on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from never to more than once a day.
Frequency of Component 3 (application of religious beliefs) was rated on a
3-point Likert-type scale including never, sometimes, and always. Two com-
posite religiosity scores were created by summing the five importance ratings
across Components 1 through 4b (a = .91) and summing the four frequency
ratings across Components 2 through 4b (a = .78). The two composites were
summed to create a total religiosity score (a = .92).
Open-ended interview questions asked participants what it means to be
religious, whether they consider themselves religious, and why they consider
themselves religious.

Procedure
Questionnaires were group administered at participating schools in15-25
minute sessions, except for 22% of participants whose schedules required
individual administrations. Individual semistructured interviews (30-40 minutes)
were administered following the completion of the questionnaires. Inter-
views were audio-recorded and transcribed. A diverse group of undergraduate
and graduate interviewers was trained extensively and monitored throughout
the data-collection process. Interviewers were matched to participants by
gender and, when possible, by ethnic background.

Results
The following sections present findings organized by the four main research
questions.
Leonard and Scott-Jones 587

Is Religiosity Associated With Attitudes Toward Sexual Activity


in Hypothetical Scenarios?
This section first presents descriptive statistics for importance and frequency
of the four components of religiosity and for the three hypothetical relation-
ship scenarios. Next, bivariate correlations of the importance and frequency
ratings with willingness to engage in sexual activity in the three relationship
scenarios are presented.
Importance of religiosity components. At least 51% of the seniors rated each
of the four components of religiosity as somewhat important or very impor-
tant. Percentages increased from the external and public to the internal and
private components: 51% for group activities outside religious services and
62% for religious services, 64% for application of religious beliefs to every-
day life, 72% for private religious practices, and 82% for religious beliefs.
Frequency of religiosity components. The majority (69%) of the seniors
reported that they sometimes or always (2 and 3 on 3-point Likert-type scale)
applied religious beliefs to their everyday lives. Frequency ratings of once
per week or more (5 on 5-point Likert-type scale) were as follows: 25% for
group activities, 33% for religious services, and 52% for private religious
practices. Like the importance ratings, the frequency ratings increased from
the external and public to the internal and private components.
Attitudes toward sexual activity in relationship scenarios. Across the three sce-
narios, the proportion of seniors reporting they would engage in sexual
intercourse increased as the commitment level of the hypothetical relationship
increased. In the beginning relationship and dating relationship, the majority
(78% and 64%, respectively) reported they would only hold hands, hug, or
kiss, and a minority (19% and 29%, respectively) reported they would engage
in sexual intercourse. In a committed relationship, however, the majority
(69%) reported they would engage in sexual intercourse and a minority (25%)
would hold hands, hug, or kiss. Few (2.6%-5.3%) reported they would engage
in oral sex (intended as the middle option) in any scenario.
More male (41%) than female (0%) adolescents reported they would have
sex in the beginning of a relationship, c2(2, N = 114) = 37.38, p < .01, and
more males (47%) than females (18%) reported they would have sex in a
dating relationship, c2(2, N = 114) = 11.42, p < .01. Male (76%) and female
(72%) adolescents, however, were equally likely to report they would have
sex in the context of a committed relationship.
Religiosity and attitudes toward sexual activity. Bivariate correlations were
calculated for ratings of importance and frequency of religiosity components
with attitudes toward sexual activity in each relationship scenario, including
588 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

Table 1. Correlations of Religiosity Components and Attitudes Toward


Sexual Activity in Relationship Scenarios

Beginning Dating Committed


relationship relationship relationship

r r2 r r2 r r2

Importance
Religious beliefs -.11 .012 -.08 .006 -.15 .023
Religious practices -.22* .048 -.09 .008 -.16 .026
Application of beliefs -.09 .008 -.07 .005 -.17 .029
Religious services -.16 .026 -.14 .020 -.31* .096
Group activities -.19* .036 -.20* .040 -.33* .109
Sum importance -.17 .029 -.13 .017 -.25* .063
Frequency
Religious practices -.15 .023 -.12 .014 -.15 .023
Application of beliefs -.19* .036 -.09 .008 -.15 .023
Religious services -.12 .014 -.16 .026 -.09 .008
Group activities -.08 .006 -.06 .004 -.16 .026
Sum frequency -.16 .026 -.13 .017 -.19 .036
Note: 110 < n < 114 for above items.
*p < .002; .05 adjusted for multiple (33) tests.

correlations for the sum of all importance ratings and the sum of all fre-
quency ratings (see Table 1). All correlation coefficients were negative, and
more importance ratings than frequency ratings were significantly correlated
with willingness to engage in sexual activity in each scenario. Only impor-
tance of attending religious group activities was significantly negatively
correlated with willingness to engage in sexual intercourse in all three sce-
narios. The strongest of these correlations (r = .33, p < .002) is moderate in
magnitude and accounts for one tenth of the variance (r2 = .11) in the scores.

Is Religiosity Associated With Self-Reported Sexual Activity?


This section presents descriptive statistics on self-reported sexual activity
and analyses of the association between religiosity and sexual activity.
Initiation, frequency, and context of sexual intercourse. Most (67%) of the
seniors reported already having had sexual intercourse. Average age of first
intercourse was 15.7 years (range = 13-19 years). About half (52%) of the
sexually active participants reported having sex once per week or more; 11%,
once per month; 25%, a few times per year; and 12%, only once.
Leonard and Scott-Jones 589

Table 2. Survival Analysis of Abstinence Age 12 to 19 Years (n = 107)

Proportion Cumulative Standard


terminating Proportion proportion error of Standard
(having surviving surviving cumulative error of
Interval first (remaining at end of proportion Hazard hazard
(age) intercourse) abstinent) interval surviving rate rate

0 (12 years) .00 1.00 1.00 .00 .00 .00


1 (13 years) .02 .98 .98 .01 .02 .01
2 (14 years) .10 .90 .88 .03 .11 .03
3 (15 years) .16 .84 .74 .04 .17 .04
4 (16 years) .25 .75 .55 .05 .29 .06
5 (17 years) .36 .64 .35 .05 .44 .10
6 (18 years) .14 .86 .30 .05 .15 .11
7 (19 years) .50 .50 .15 .11 .67 .63
Note: The median survival time is 4.33 intervals.

Among the sexually active seniors, 75% reported being in dating or in


committed relationships at the time of first intercourse. Most (67%) of the
seniors reported being in committed relationships at the time of data collec-
tion and, of those, 83% reported having sexual intercourse with their partner.
Association between religiosity and sexual activity. Bivariate correlations indi-
cated that none of the ratings of importance and frequency of the components
of religiosity was significantly correlated with age of first intercourse, frequency
of sexual intercourse, or relational context of intercourse. To test whether
religiosity, in combination with other social and demographic variables, is
associated with age at first sexual intercourse, survival analysis was used.
Survival analysis assessed the proportion of participants remaining
abstinent (surviving) and initiating sexual activity (terminating) from early
adolescence through the senior year of high school, that is, from 12 to 19 years
of age, in 1-year intervals (see Table 2). The beginning and end points for age
encompass the earliest age of first sexual intercourse participants reported
through the age of the oldest participants at the time of data collection. Partici-
pants retrospective reports of age of first intercourse were used to construct
a timeline for the maintenance of abstinence over the years of adolescence
for this sample. Other researchers (e.g., Meschke et al., 2000) have used ret-
rospective reports of the timing of first intercourse and have accepted these
reports as reliable.
The median survival time for abstinence was 4.33 one-year intervals,
which corresponds to approximately 16 years of age. Table 2 shows that the
proportion surviving, or remaining, abstinent decreased steadily across the
590 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

seven 1-year intervals with the steepest decline occurring in the fifth interval
or 17 years of age. To test for an association between religiosity and survival
time, the sample was divided into two groups based on a median split of the
total religiosity score (sum importance plus sum frequency). The Wilcoxon
statistic indicated that the survival function for participants who scored above
the median on religiosity does not differ significantly from those who scored
below the median; median survival time was 5.20 intervals for the low religi-
osity group and 5.28 intervals for the high religiosity group.
Cox regression was used to test the relationship of religiosity and other
social and demographic variables to the timing of first sexual intercourse
from 12 to 19 years of age. The regression model included a total religiosity
score (sum of the five importance ratings and the four frequency ratings);
demographic variables, including gender, ethnicity/immigrant status, and
parents education; and two social variables, educational expectations and
romantic relationship status. Inspection of a correlation matrix for these vari-
ables indicated that the predictors were not significantly correlated with one
another; thus, multicollinearity was unlikely to be a problem in these analyses.
Total religiosity was not a significant predictor of the likelihood of becom-
ing sexually active over the 7 years (see Table 3). One demographic variable,
being the child of an immigrant, was negatively associated with becoming
sexually active. Being the child of an immigrant reduced the probability of
having intercourse by 61%. One social variable, being in a romantic relation-
ship, was positively associated with becoming sexually active; adolescents
not in a relationship were 75% less likely to become sexually active than
their peers who were in romantic relationships at time of study. The model
chi-square, c2 (11, N = 96) = 32.744, p = .001, and the 2 log likelihood
(470.438) indicate good overall model fit.
To test an aspect of religiosity that is directly related to sexual activity, the
dichotomous variable whether participants believe their religion proscribes
premarital sexual activity was substituted for total religiosity in the Cox
regression model. The presence or absence of participants belief that their
religion includes a proscription on premarital sexual activity was not a sig-
nificant predictor of the survival of abstinence from 12 to 19 years of age.

Is Religiosity Associated With Contraceptive Use


at First and Current Intercourse?
This section presents descriptive statistics on contraceptive use and a test of
the association between religiosity and contraceptive use at first and current
intercourse.
Leonard and Scott-Jones 591

Table 3. Summary of Cox Regression Survival Analysis for Abstinence (n = 96)

Variable B SE B Wald df Sig. Exp(B)


Religiosity
Total religiosity .006 .021 .089 1 .766 1.006
Demographic
Gender (female) -.270 .288 .884 1 .347 .763
Ethnicity/immigrant 12.599 5 .027
status (immigrant)
Child of immigrant -.943 .612 2.379 1 .123 .389
African American -.731 .578 1.600 1 .206 .481
Latino(a) .492 .609 .653 1 .419 1.636
European American .145 .653 .049 1 .824 1.156
Multiethnic -.641 .593 1.169 1 .280 .527
Parents education .013 .106 .015 1 .903 1.013
Social
Educational expectations .118 .212 .310 1 .578 1.125
Relationship status -1.399 .311 20.222 1 .000 .247
(in a relationship)
Note: Categorical predictors () were entered with the indicator method in which the first
category serves as the reference.

Contraceptive use at first intercourse. Few sexually active seniors (5%)


reported using no contraception; the lack of variability precluded the analysis
of the relationship of religiosity to contraceptive use at first intercourse. The
most common method reported was condoms (94%), followed by birth con-
trol pills (22%) and withdrawal (16%). (Participants could report more than
one method.) There were no significant gender differences.
Current contraceptive use. Again, few sexually active seniors (3%) reported
using no contraception, and condoms were reported most frequently (96%),
followed by birth control pills (33%) and withdrawal (13%); no gender dif-
ferences were found. The majority of sexually active participants (61%)
reported always using contraception25% almost always, 12% sometimes,
and 3% rarely or never.
Logistic regression analysis was used to assess the relationship of religios-
ity, along with other social and demographic variables, to current contraceptive
use. Predictors were the same as in the previous regression model. The cur-
rent contraceptive use variable was created by collapsing responses for
consistency of contraceptive use into a dichotomous variable: always uses
contraception and uses contraception less than always. The model chi-square,
c2 (11, N = 77) = 18.44, p = .07, was not significant.
592 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

Do Religious Teachings Inform Standards for Sexual Activity?


In this section, findings are presented on participants awareness of religious
teachings about sexual activity, their agreement with the religious teachings,
and their standards for deciding to have sexual intercourse. Both questionnaire
and interview data are presented.
Qualitative interview data were analyzed using thematic coding (see Baier &
Wampler, 2008; Messersmith, Garrett, Davis-Kean, Oksana, & Eccles, 2008).
Themes were generated after several readings of all responses. Indepen-
dent coders then coded all responses. Coder agreement, calculated as
number of agreements divided by number of agreements plus disagree-
ments, ranged from 63% to 91%; instances of disagreement were resolved
through discussion.
Awareness of and agreement with religious teachings. Approximately, half
(53%) of the seniors were not aware of religious teachings about sexual activ-
ity; 9% reported that their religion does not maintain such teachings, 23%
were uncertain, and 21% reported not being involved in religion. The remain-
ing seniors (47%) reported that their religion maintains teachings about
sexual activity; of these, 69% reported agreeing with the teachings and 35%
reported following the teachings.
When asked what their religions teach about sexual activity, 35% of par-
ticipants reported that their religion proscribes premarital sexual activity,
25% were uncertain, and 40% reported that their religion does not proscribe
premarital sexual activity. These responses differed by gender, c2(2, N = 111) =
8.44, p < .05; females (46%) were more likely than males (20%) to report that
premarital sex contradicts the teachings of their religion.
Most participants (70%) reported that using contraception does not con-
tradict the teachings of their religion. Only 6% reported a contradiction and
24% were uncertain. These responses did not differ by religious affiliation
or gender.
Among those who reported agreeing with religious proscriptions on sexual
activity, the most frequent reasons (not mutually exclusive) were (a) abstinence
increases the likelihood that ones partner will remain committed (23%), and
(b) abstinence until marriage decreases the odds of pregnancy or STDs (17%).
Among those who disagreed with religious proscriptions on premarital
sexual activity, the most frequent objections were (a) abstinence is unrealis-
tic (69%), and (b) committed relationships can exist for unmarried persons
(50%). The second category of objections to religious proscriptions stresses
the duration and quality of the relationship in which sexual activity occurs.
The following is an illustrative response:
Leonard and Scott-Jones 593

If youve been in a relationship with that person for a long time, I feel
that it should be OK for you to be having sex with that person . . . til
you get married? No, cause people get married to have sex and that
shouldnt be a reason why you want to get married. (African American
female)

Religious and other sexual decision-making standards. In the individual


interviews, participants were asked to describe considerations that would
influence their decision to have sexual intercourse. Three mutually exclusive
themes were developed from their responses: (a) concerns about the relation-
ship quality (e.g., mutual trust and respect) and emotions (e.g., not getting
feelings hurt; 39%); (b) concerns about physical health (e.g., prevention of
STDs and pregnancy; 19%); and (c) both relational/emotional and physical
health concerns (41%). Religion was rarely mentioned. Only two participants,
both female, made explicit reference to religious teachings. The following is
an illustrative response for Category 3:

Obviously, um, if I really cared about them, um, if we had a condom


(laughs), if I felt as though I trusted them and I felt safe around them.
And if I can talk to them because if you cant talk to them, its not
worth it and thats pretty much it, I guess. (European American male)

Participants were asked whether their peers apply religious teachings to


decisions about sex; 27% responded affirmatively, 37% responded negatively,
and 31% responded that following religious teachings about sex is dependent
on the person or context. The following is an illustrative response for partici-
pants who believe their peers do not adhere to religious teachings about sex:

No, like I would like to say yes but then again I think its just a handful
of people that would do, that would actually do it. But again, I know of
people that are in the church that (laughs) know full and well like, well
at least their religions say, and they do the exact opposite, and its not
because they dont believe in what, you know, their religion is. Theyre
just doing it because theyre in that frame of Why cant I? and I want
to, so I will. (Latina female)

Discussion
The findings from this study must be interpreted cautiously. The sample is
moderate in size and is a volunteer sample that comprises a relatively small
594 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

percentage of the high school seniors in participating schools. Social desir-


ability, despite efforts to offset it by training data collectors and constructing
measures and procedures carefully, is possible in inquiries about beliefs and
behaviors that older adolescents may consider private. Nevertheless, the
present study offers insights into the question of whether high school seniors
religious beliefs are consistent with their sexual behaviors. The importance
and frequency of public and private expressions of religiosity were assessed;
sexual attitudes and behavior were assessed via hypothetical relationship sce-
narios, self-reported sexual and contraceptive behavior items, and open-ended
individually administered questions on the decision to engage in sexual
intercourse.
Consistent with previous research, the majority of the high school seniors
had become sexually active, and they reported that religion was important in
their lives. Unlike other recent research, however, adolescent religiosity was
not related to self-reported sexual activity or contraceptive use. By the senior
year of high school, committed romantic relationships, not religious restric-
tions, may govern adolescents sexual behavior.

Religiosity, Sexual Activity, and Commitment


in Hypothetical Relationships
The importance and frequency ratings of the components of religiosity were
not uniformly related to the seniors judgments about whether they would
engage in sexual intercourse in the three hypothetical relationship scenarios,
that is, beginning, dating, and committed relationships. Some, but not all,
religiosity items were significantly negatively associated with acceptance
of sexual intercourse in one or more of the three relationship scenarios vary-
ing in level of commitment. Responses to the scenarios, however, do clearly
demonstrate that the prevailing attitude among these seniors is that a com-
mitted romantic relationship is the optimal context for sexual activity. The
majority indicated they would not engage in sexual intercourse in a beginning
relationship or in a casual dating relationship but would do so in a commit-
ted relationship.
Gender differences were pronounced for the beginning relationship, for
which no females but 41% of males endorsed sexual intercourse, and the
dating scenario, for which 18% of females but 47% of males would engage
in sexual intercourse. For the committed relationship, in contrast, the
gender difference disappeared. Approximately three fourths of females
and males would be willing to engage in sexual intercourse in a committed
relationship.
Leonard and Scott-Jones 595

These findings challenge stereotypic notions of acceptance of promiscuity


among older adolescents, especially females, and suggest that adolescent
males and females would benefit from opportunities to examine their under-
standing of commitment in relationships and the impact of sexual activity on
relationships. Both religious programs and nonreligious programs, such as
school-based sex education, could provide guidance.

Religiosity, Self-Reported Sexual Activity, and Relationships


Religiosity was not significantly related to whether seniors had experienced
sexual intercourse or age at first intercourse. When religiosity was assessed
along with demographic and social variables, relationship status was sig-
nificant, with seniors in committed romantic relationships more likely than
others to have become sexually active. As in the hypothetical relationship
scenarios, sexual intercourse in committed romantic relationships appears to
be acceptable. Immigrant status also was significantly related to having had
sexual intercourse; children of immigrants were less likely than others to be
sexually active, which is consistent with research (e.g., Brindis et al., 1995)
finding that first-generation immigrant adolescents are less likely than peers
to engage in sexual and other risk behaviors.
The majority of sexually active seniors described their current relation-
ships and the relationships in which they experienced first intercourse as
committed romantic relationships. These older adolescents may feel sexual
activity is acceptable in such relationships, despite religious or societal
restrictions on premarital sexual activity. Sex education strategies, whether
religious or nonreligious, if they emphasize individual decision making with-
out attention to the relational context of adolescent sexual activity, may not
serve adolescents well.

Religiosity and Contraceptive Use


As with the religiositysexual activity association, the current study did
not find religiosity to be related to contraceptive use at first or current inter-
course. Analyses were limited due to a ceiling effect; more than 94% of the
sexually active seniors reported using condoms. The high usage rate indi-
cates that many seniors were protecting themselves and their partners from
unplanned pregnancy and STDs. Overall, the seniors did not view contracep-
tive use as contradictory to their religion. These findings on contraception
are timely given that the focus of U.S. sex education programming may shift
away from abstinence-only programming with recent changes in the political
and social climate (Cohen, 2009).
596 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

Religion and Standards for Sexual Decision Making


Religious proscriptions may be overshadowed by adolescents concerns about
their relationships. When the seniors were asked what they consider before
engaging in sexual intercourse, few mentioned religion. Instead, the quality
of the romantic relationship and physical health (including the prevention of
pregnancy and STDs) were the two most frequently occurring categories.
The majority (80%) of the adolescents discussed the importance of the rela-
tionship, either alone or in combination with physical health concerns.
Despite having a different sample, Baier and Wampler (2008) found similar
themes. Religious adolescent females and their mothers did not emphasize
religious doctrine in their discussions about sexual activity. Rather, pragmatic
concerns, such as plans for careers, marriage, and family, dominated their
conversations about the appropriate context for sexual activity. In the present
study and in Baier and Wampler, the absence of religious prohibitions in
reflections on sexual activity leaves open the possibility of an indirect role
of religion in shaping standards for the relationship in which older adoles-
cents sexual activity occurs. Future research should examine in greater detail
the relational context of adolescent sexual activity, that is, their perceptions
of romantic relationships and the social milieu in which relationships are
situated, in conjunction with religiosity. The more we learn about adolescents
experience of and engagement with religion, the more likely we will be to
understand the mechanisms through which religiosity shapes and is shaped
by other domains of adolescents behavior.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests


The authors declared no potential conflicts of interests with respect to the authorship
and/or publication of this article.

Funding
This research was supported in part by funds from Boston College to the second
author.

Note
1. Recruitment through churches was not productive and was discontinued. Church
youth (n = 6) were not significantly different from the rest of the sample on sexual
activity and religiosity measures.

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Bios
Kathleen Cobb Leonard is primarily interested in the transition from adolescence
to emerging adulthood and in the roles gender, ethnicity, religion, and culture play in
600 Journal of Adolescent Research 25(4)

human development. Her dissertation examined linkages between adolescent religi-


osity and sexual activity among high school seniors. Currently, she is collaborating on
research on the role of religion in the economic socialization of children of immi-
grants and on religious and spiritual coping with stress in the years following college
graduation.

Diane Scott-Jones is interested in adolescent development, childrens ethnic iden-


tity and school engagement, family processes, socialization, and research ethics. She
is a fellow of the American Psychological Association and the American Psychologi-
cal Society. She has served as an associate editor of Psychological Bulletin and
Urban Education, and as an associate editor and editor of the Journal of Research on
Adolescence.

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