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To cite this article: Meghan Lynch & Audrey Giles (2013) Let Them Eat Organic Cake, Food,
Culture & Society, 16:3, 479-493
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Food,
Culture
Society
&
volume 16 issue 3 september 2013
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Meghan Lynch
University of Toronto
Audrey Giles
University of Ottawa
Abstract
Sustainable food initiatives have increased over the past decade; however, they remain
a fringe lifestyle and have failed to become part of the dominant North American food
culture. In this article, through an examination of several popular texts that aim to
educate the public about sustainable eating, we argue that a main cause of this failure
is the lack of a critical examination of the underlying relations of power that inform
discourses about sustainable eating initiatives. We identify and discuss four dominant
discourses apparent in the texts: sustainable food initiatives are empowering for those
involved in them; people engage in unsustainable eating practices because they are
uneducated; recipients of sustainable food initiatives are passive; and sustainable eating
is affordable for all. We conclude by positing the need for texts that promote sustainable
food initiatives to go beyond the rhetoric of participation and empowerment, and to
address the complex issues that account for the lack of adoption of increasingly necessary
sustainable food initiatives.
Keywords: sustainable food, critical discourse analysis, popular texts
Introduction
The past decade has seen a rise in two, seemingly oppositional, food trends. Across
Canada, successful food sustainability initiatives such as community gardens, fruit
DOI: and vegetable school programs, and farmers markets have become increasingly
10.2752/175174413X13673466711967
Reprints available directly from the
popular (Canadian Co-Operative Association 2008; Elton 2010; McIntyre and
publishers. Photocopying permitted by Rondeau 2011). Yet, simultaneously, unhealthy dietary habits and associated
licence only Association for the
Study of Food and Society 2013 diseases, along with unsustainable ways of eatingi.e. the consumption of foods
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Meghan Lynch and Audrey Giles Let Them Eat Organic Cake
that are shipped long distances, produced with the use of pesticides and fertilizers,
pre-packaged, etc.continue to increase in prevalence, particularly among
societys most vulnerable: those below the poverty line (Canadian Co-Operative
Association 2008; Che and Chen 2001; Raine 2005; Williams et al. 2006; Taylor et
al. 2005). Consequently, to better understand why sustainable food initiatives been
met with limited success, researchers have called for more reflexive and critical
research into sustainable food systems (Dupuis 2009; Dupuis and Goodman 2005;
Hinrichs 2003; Winter 2003). Although many different factors account for the failure
of sustainable food initiatives to become part of dominant culture, we argue that a
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main cause is the limited critical examination of the underlying relations of power
that inform discourses about sustainable eating initiatives.
One of the most pervasive messages of sustainable eating initiatives involves
encouraging people to be aware of their foods origins (Guthman 2008). The
assumption underlying this advice is that once people have an awareness of where
their food comes from, they will be immediately impelled to make food decisions
that are more ethical and in line with sustainable eating initiatives (Guthman 2008).
Yet, when local food advocates offer suggestions that amount to little more than
snippets instructing people to know where your food comes from, buy local or
grow your own food, they delegitimize the constraints many individuals face in
attempting to follow these deceivingly simple instructions (McIntyre and Rondeau
2011). Instead of offering such ineffective statements, advocates of local food need
to develop suggestions that consider the broader context and barriers that exist in
peoples lives that inform their food choices (McIntyre and Rondeau 2011).
Reluctant to critique sustainable food programs, many sustainable food scholars
and advocates instead embrace these programs as solutions to the more
mainstream unsustainable, globalized food system (Guthman 2008; Hinrichs 2003).
However, voices of dissonance have been gaining strength, with local food systems,
in particular, being examined more critically.
Local food systems began in response to the globalized food system, which relies
upon the production of highly valued foods in developing countries being shipped
to developed countries. In this system, workers in developing countries are paid
low wages, a condition necessary for the food to be sold at cheap prices in affluent
developed countries, but results in a system that reinforces unjust working
conditions in developing countries (Barndt 2008). Many food activists claim the
solution to such an unjust system lies in local food systems, and describe localized
systems as pure, depoliticized and inherently caring (Dupuis and Goodman 2005).
For these reasons, many academics, activists and authors have embraced the local
food system approach (Dupuis and Goodman 2005). Other researchers, however,
have called for a closer examination of local food systems, as despite claims by
many activists and popular authors, local is not a virtuous setting that merits
immediate acceptance (Guthman 2008; Winter 2003). For example, just what can
be deemed local and who gets to make such a decision has resulted in some
viewing local food systems as elitist pursuits (Dupuis and Goodman 2005; Hinrichs
2003). In fact, the term defensive localization was created to describe how some
local food systems work to protect local members from outsiders (Hinrichs 2003).
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Thus, negative consequences can result when local food systems are uncritically
accepted and denied of possessing power struggles that can occur just as easily on
a smaller scale as they do on a larger scale (Dupuis and Goodman 2005).
Researchers should instead critically examine local food systems for power
relations and not simply accept the belief that if globalized food systems are the
problem, then localized systems represent the solution (Dupuis and Goodman 2005;
Hinrichs 2003).
The failure to acknowledge and engage with a critical examination of peoples
differing lifestyles, motivations and barriers is readily apparent in many popular
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books and articles that aim to educate the public about sustainable eating. These
books promote the discourse of the importance of a localized food system in food
and environmental sustainability, with the local being framed as the context needed
for ethical norms and values to thrive (Dupuis and Goodman 2005). With this strong
message on the importance of localized food systems in ensuring sustainable food
systems, people are urged to support local farmers, consume healthier diets, and
sustain the local food supply through purchase of local foods (Elton 2010; Pollan
2008). These texts focus on isolated stories of success and presumptuously criticize
or ignore the reasons why many people do not adopt the proposed approaches to
sustainable eating.
In this paper, we use critical discourse analysis to argue that sustainable food
initiatives need to be presented in such a way so as to recognize the struggles and
challenges faced by many who do not engage in sustainable eating initiatives. To
understand how the Canadian public is learning about sustainable food initiatives, we
focus on works by popular food sustainability authors. We posit that the burgeoning
field of food sustainability could be improved by the greater adoption of a critical
approacha recommendation echoed by many others working in sustainable food
research (Dupuis and Goodman 2005; Hinrichs 2003; Winter 2003). Specifically, we will
focus on dominant discourses that appear in popular texts, as to date this area has not
been examined by researchers. Although many excellent sustainable food research
initiatives exist, we argue that many texts, especially those that have become popular
with the general public, produce and rely on several dominant discourses: sustainable
food initiatives are empowering for those involved in them; people engage in
unsustainable eating practices because they are uneducated; recipients of sustainable
food initiatives are passive; and sustainable eating is affordable for all. These
discourses perpetuate uneven relations of powerthe very relations of power that
advocates suggest sustainable food initiatives can undermine.
Method
Van Dijk has aptly noted:
Food,
Culture
Society
& groups have (more or less) power if they are able to (more or less) control the
acts and minds of (members of) other groups. This ability presupposes a power
volume 16 base of privileged access to scarce social resources, such as force, money,
issue 3 status, fame, knowledge, information, culture, or indeed various forms of
september 2013 public discourse and communication. (Van Dijk 2003: 355)
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Meghan Lynch and Audrey Giles Let Them Eat Organic Cake
Interested in the ways in which power is employed within texts on sustainable food
initiatives produced for consumption by the Canadian public, we employed critical
discourse analysis to understand the power relations at work in various texts by
Michael Pollan, Sarah Elton, Wayne Roberts and Charles Levkoe.
We first selected texts by Michael Pollan (2001, 2003, 2006, 2006b, 2008) as he
arguably dominates the field of sustainable eating in North America. Pollan is a
professor at the University of California, Berkeley, a writer for the New York Times,
and has appeared in a range of media outlets, including television and radio shows.
His books have also made the top ten lists of the New York Times and Washington
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Post. We also selected the works of three Canadian authors. The first of these,
Locavore: From Farmers Fields to Rooftop GardensHow Canadians are Changing
the Way We Eat (Elton 2010), documents the range of local initiatives occurring
throughout Canada. Elton is a food columnist for the Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation and has had work published in The Globe and Mail and Macleans
magazine. Locavore is a national bestseller, was named one of Amazon.cas top
fifty books of 2010, and was selected as a book for the David Suzuki Foundation
Book Club. We also selected the No-Nonsense Guide to World Food (Roberts 2008),
which presents a global perspective on sustainable eating initiatives. Roberts is a
Canadian food policy analyst who has worked on the Toronto Food Policy Council,
the City of Torontos Environmental Task Force, Community Food Security Coalition
and Food Secure Canada. The final selected text was a journal article by Charles
Levkoe (2006), which appeared in Agriculture and Human Values, and examines
the transformative power of community gardening in a Toronto-based community
organization. By using Levkoes article as an example, we hope to show, in the
words of Dupuis and Goodman, strong parallels between the academic literature
on alternative, localized food systems and the rhetoric of food activism (Dupuis and
Goodman 2005: 360). Analysis of these representative texts provides an important
perspective on how understandings of sustainable food initiatives are being
produced for Canadians. Because discourses produced by experts play a large role
in shaping apparently legitimate opinions among the general public, these texts are
a rich site of analysis for the purposes of the study at hand.
Critical discourse analysis is a method of analysis that can be used to analyze
all forms of talk and text (Gill 2000). Discourse can be understood as an
interrelated set of texts, and the practices of their production, dissemination, and
reception, that brings an object into being (Phillips and Hardy 2002: 3). Discourse
is thus language that reflects social order, but also language that shapes social
order (Jaworski and Coupland 2006). Discourses exist within a discursive field,
which is comprised of multiple, competing discourses. Not all discourses carry the
same amount of weight; indeed, some, known as dominant discourses, are
privileged over others due to social relations of power and are thus viewed as true
or right.
Critical discourse analysts are interested in understanding the ways in which
social realities, especially unequal power relations, are constructed and maintained
through discourse (Phillips and Hardy 2002)that is, how discourses privilege and
advantage some people and not others. Jaworski and Coupland have noted the
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motivation for doing discourse analysis is very often a concern about social
inequality and the perpetuation of power relations (Jaworski and Coupland 2006:
5); indeed, critical discourse analysts work to expose and resist social inequalities
(Van Dijk 2003).
We read the aforementioned texts and examined them for the ways in which
they portray sustainable food initiatives and the ways in which these portrayals are
constructed through and rely on apparently commonsense understandings of our
social world. Four main discourses emerged: (1) sustainable food initiatives are
empowering; (2) people engage in unsustainable eating practices because they are
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Discussion
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Meghan Lynch and Audrey Giles Let Them Eat Organic Cake
the capacity of the garden to break down traditional, hierarchical power dynamics
(Levkoe 2006: 95). Descriptions for the mechanisms through which this apparently
empowering transformation takes place are, however, missing from his text, though
it is known that issues of intolerance and unequal power relations are not absent
in such local social interactions (Guthman 2008; Hinrichs 2003). Furthermore, even
the assertion that community food gardens can ensure locals with access to local
foods and improve food security has not yet been supported by research
(Kirkpatrick and Tarasuk 2009).
This highlights a need for more resistance to discourses on sustainable food
initiatives that rely on grand claims that fail to critique the programs (Guest 2005)
or provide evidence to support their claims. Fortunately, there are examples of this
critical approach in the academic literature on community gardens, such as
Weeding out failed practices: A case study of community gardens in rural Mali
(Ward et al. 2004), where the authors describe the challenges faced by communities
dealing with such issues as land availability for gardens. They also suggest ways in
which other sustainable food programs could be improved; for example, by critically
examining the self-perceived honesty of participants in response to questions about
the gardens, as well looking at the ages of volunteers to determine who is included
and who excluded from participation (Ward et al. 2004). Perhaps one of their most
interesting suggestions for researchers to improve community gardens involves
looking at whether participants participation in the programs prevents them from
engaging in other developmental acts (Ward et al. 2004). For instance, by taking a
critical approach, Wakefield et al. (2007) found that participants in a community
garden program in Toronto felt increased stress in their lives due to fears over
vandalism, litter and lack of appreciation. They also found there were concerns
over the safety of participantsespecially as the majority were women. As such,
an approach that engages with the challenges involved in sustainable food initiatives
should be used to temper overly positive discourses of sustainable food initiatives
as inherently leading to participants empowermentdiscourses that could actually
be counterproductive by creating unrealistic expectations and blinding people to
the intense challenges involved (Guest 2005).
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in Canada, and have asserted that many adults simply prefer the ease and
convenience of a drive-through to taking the time to prepare and enjoy a healthy
meal with family or friends. Yet, families who attempt a local food diet have revealed
its practical difficulties, including reservations about messages from local food
campaigns that fail to encompass the broader factors that influence how foods are
acquired (McIntyre and Rondeau 2011). For instance, in a study that examined a
group of farmwomens opinions on acquiring locally-produced foods, these women
described a number of stressors and competing demands that constrained even
their ability to participate in a local food system (McIntyre and Rondeau 2011).
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direction. It is also interesting that Elton often describes how she traveled far and
wide for interviews for her book, yet when the subject is a non-organic company,
she settles for reading promotional material on their website (Elton 2010: 198).
Consequently, to affect the behaviors of a community, educators need to
understand that peoples behaviors are influenced by the fluid interactions among
their social and physical environments, their own perceptions and beliefs, and the
responses that are generated by their behaviors. Thus, authors, researchers and
educators need to de-emphasize reliance on neoliberal discourses of individuality
and instead take greater account of family, peer, school, community, environmental
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and societal factors (Lytle 2005), an accounting that is absent in the texts used for
analysis in the present article. The foregoing complicating factors should serve to
render puzzling Roberts claim (referring to a speech by Pollan) that doing the right
thing is easy (Roberts 2008: 23).
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Meghan Lynch and Audrey Giles Let Them Eat Organic Cake
spectators, (Levkoe 2006: 92), yet he fails to explain how such a lofty goal could
be reached.
One conclusion can be drawn from the foregoing critiques: if programs are to be
successful, the people whose lives are the focus of intervention and supposed
improvement must be involved in all stages of program development (Young 2001).
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a farm. Likewise, Elton (2010) describes how she grew up on a farm and travelled
all over world, thus distinguishing herself from the average person (Elton 2010:
119). Her descriptions of those involved in the sustainable food initiatives work
similarly, as when she writes about a stay-at-home mother who became a gardener
or of a man who has gone to agricultural college and then to France to learn about
cheese (Elton 2010). Even the cover photograph of Locavore deserves attention for
the way in which it illustrates the problematic contradictions being discussed here.
The cover image places on view a slim woman dressed in a trendy top, skinny jeans
and expensive designer rain bootsa model who is undoubtedly pretending to be
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a gardener, and a most careful gardener at that: there is not a speck of dirt on the
sanitized image, and likewise no sweaty evidence of any real work having been
done. Throughout the text, those involved in preferred initiatives are described in
keeping with this image, such as the tall woman with blond highlights (Elton 2010:
153), the very slim man (Elton 2010: 57), or the man who wears Versace glasses
and looks like a fashion designer (Elton 2010: 187). In recounting her experience
in one vegetable market, Elton (2010) describes her shock in seeing a man there
who did not fit her image of the kind of people involved in sustainable food
initiatives, as this man looked as if he should be making a drug deal rather than
buying fresh vegetables (Elton 2010: 140). Pollan (2006) quotes customers of one
organic farm as saying, I drive 150 miles one way to get clean meat for my family,
and he further describes the satisfaction they derive in spending a little time
taking a beautiful drive (Pollan 2006: 242). One organic farmer interviewed by
Pollan claimed his farm not to be elitist because he sold to all kinds of people
(Pollan 2006: 243); nonetheless, he made sure to signal that his food is special
(Pollan 2006: 244). According to Joel Salatin, the farmer featured in Pollan (2006),
the reformation of the worlds food economy should begin with people going to the
trouble and expense of buying directly from farmers they know, something few of
us ever take the trouble to do (Pollan 2006: 240). While Pollan describes Salatins
customers as a remarkably diverse group of people (Pollan 2006: 241), it would
be credulous to believe such a description, given that all of them are able to pay a
premium over supermarket prices for Polyface food, and in many cases, driving
more than an hour to get it (Pollan 2006: 241). As these texts consistently show,
food is not simply about fuelling the body; it is often presented as providing
opportunity for moral action by means of which people construct themselves and
others as good or bad human beings, or as the right and wrong sorts of people.
In contrast to the ingenuous claims that everyone has the capacity to spend
time and money on sustainable food, research tells a different story: in 1998/1999,
3 million Canadians were living in the kinds of food-insecure households that are
associated with poor health, multiple chronic conditions, obesity, distress and
Food, depression (Che and Chen 2001). Williams et al. (2006) examined whether single
Culture
Society
& and two-parent Nova Scotian families with two children and living on minimum
wage could afford nutritious diets (which they defined as consisting of minimally
volume 16 processed, nutrient rich foods). After surveying a random sample of forty-eight
issue 3 grocery stores and estimating household income based on current minimum wage,
september 2013 the researchers concluded that some households would be unable to afford healthy,
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Meghan Lynch and Audrey Giles Let Them Eat Organic Cake
nutritious foods for their children. Considering such statistics and knowing that
food price becomes the most important consideration in food choice when income
is restricted (Taylor et al. 2005), it is imperative that cost be addressed by those
writing about and working in sustainable food initiatives, instead of focusing only
on those who have the luxury of buying food that costs a premium over
supermarket prices (Pollan 2008). If sustainable food is ever to be made accessible
to all, these writers in particular must address critically the emplaced structures
of socio-economic inequality (Guthman 2007).
Conclusions
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Although the past decade has seen much growth, far more change is needed in the
field of sustainable food if it is to play a part in creating a sustainable food system
in Canada and elsewhere. Currently, sustainable methods of eating remain a fringe
lifestyle in opposition to the standard Western practice, as has been observed in
Canada, the United States and Wales (Dupuis and Goodman 2005; Winter 2003). Yet,
while food sustainability authors argue that the food system is failing, they
themselves fail to demonstrate the wherewithal to address relations of power and
structural issues that result in some people being more able to participate in
sustainable food initiatives than others, and instead focus on neoliberal individual-
based solutions. The many factors involved in peoples food choices, which
undoubtedly complicate the achievement of any broad behavioral change, must be
considered if food sustainability initiatives are to succeed.
The texts critiqued in the present article advocate food sustainability on the
assumption that information and knowledge lead inevitably to change. We do not
suggest that these authors are ill-intentioned. Rather, we argue that with respect to
improving sustainable food initiatives and educating the Canadian public, many
such texts could be strengthened by engaging with critiques, especially of the ways
in which discourses produced by those involved in sustainable food initiatives rely
on and reaffirm unequal societal relations of power. We hope to have shown that
these texts simplify complex issues, and thereby produce exclusivist solutions
based on individual choices. The individual approach presented in the texts is
detrimental to sustainable food initiatives because it perpetuates socio-economic
privilege and encourages feelings of moral superiority in those who are able to
participate in such movements, yet marginalizes those who do not have the
resources to do so. Such an approach fits within the Euro-North American belief in
individual responsibility for ones life (Sumner and Mair 2008), where responsibility
for change is an individually-focused endeavor (Shove 2010). Such a fundamental
belief that success comes of individual effort can be seen in the texts in this way:
certain individuals determine that other adults should be educated on sustainable
food initiatives; the knowledgeable individuals identify the problems that they
believe to be in need of fixing; they develop or support a program that should fix
that problem. When recipients of sustainable food initiatives are unable to
participate in the initiatives designed for them, they are often blamed instead of
attempts being made to determine why the program failed the recipients. As a
result, dominant discourses and the relations of power that are used to produce
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Meghan Lynch is a PhD student in Health Behavior Sciences in the Dalla Lana School
of Public Health. University of Toronto, Dalla Lana School of Public Health, 155 College
Street,Toronto, ON, M5T 3M7, Canada (meghan.lynch@utoronto.ca).
Audrey Giles is an associate professor in the School of Human Kinetics at the University
of Ottawa. University of Ottawa, School of Human Kinetics, 334 Montpetit Hall, 125
University Avenue, Ottawa, ON, K1N 6N5, Canada (agiles@uottawa.ca).
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