ATATURK SUPREME COUNCIL FOR CULTURE, I.

A,NGUAGE AND HISTORY

PUBLICATIONS OF TURKISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Serial VI - No. 45

STUDIES IN AI{CIENT ANATOLIAN

MAGICAL PRACTICES

THE HITTITE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU

FROMTHE CITYOFHURMA
AGAINST TROUBLESOME ]'EARS

AHMET Ner

TURKISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY PRINTING HOUSE-ANKARA

1996
t

I
 CONTENTS
VII.VIII
PREFACE
I. Introductory Remarks on the Dichotomy Between Hittite
l-13
Medicine and Magical Practices' '
II,TraditionandDifferentCompositionsofthe$antita$u.
1+16
Ritual.
A = KBo 11.14 .........
t4
r+15
B = KBo 13.745
r5
C = KUB a3.57 (+) I(Bo 18.174""
15
D = KBo L7.104 (+) 2029/5........,
III. Transliteration and Translation of KBo 11.14 with its
Duplicates.. 17-32

IV. Philological CommentarY. 33-79

V. Synopsis and Structural Analysis of the Text.""""" 80.8r
M. Date of the $antita$u-Ritual................. 82
MI. Additionhl Fragments Belonging to the Ensemble of the
83-96
Uantita$u-Ritual .................
1. KBo 17.104 rev. iii 84
85
86
4. KBo 20.34 (+ KUB 36.111) 87-89
5. KUB 57.79 obv.i. 90-94
6. KUB 58.94 95-96
MII.Index 97-1r8
., sBN 975-16-0807_4
A) List of the Treated Words and Names
I { a) Hittite, Sumerian, Akkadian, Hurrian, Luwian and
.4 Other Words 97-r02
I
\
) b) Dine Names..... 102
c) Personal Names 102-103
d) Geographical Names (Turkish and AncienQ ................. r03-104
e) Subjectlndex 10+r08
l *--- .' ,.\t' l' '1: a\ '.' ].
cf;.'.. llr'',. I
-
t) _ ,"\ '_
VI
B) List of the Fully Edited and Treated Texts and Cited
Passages
a) Texts Fully Edited
b) Cited Texts and Passages
C) List of the Abbreations
a) Abbreations Used in the Literature..
b) Grammatical and Other Abbreviations ..............
109
......... r09-114
PREFACE
115-117
118-119 As elsewhere in almost the entire Old World, the peoples of Ancient
Anatolia, too, endeavored to develop, collect and borrow a multitude of
magical practices and rites as an essential part of their religious, spritual,
medical and mythological pursuits; in their profane as well as spiritual life
they deemed magic as reverently as their religion, for magic supplied them
with protective and defensive means to which in urgent need they could
constantly resort. Accordingly, the Hittite state archives at Boazky-
flattua have transmitted to us a plethora of texts on quite a variety of
magical forms and their practice from almost every nook of Anatolian
Peninsula as well as adjacent regions, which, excluding the festival texts,
make up almost l/8 of the entire Hittite text corpus.
Within this vast ritual corPus from Boazky-flattu.ia, the magical
ritual of flantau is particularly significant, both in regard to its context
and from the lexicographical point of view. Interesting though it is, it
rePresents, unfortunately, one of the most difficult and poorly presen'ed
rituals, consisting of at least five different versions which differ from each
other in matters such as composition, text chronology and place of
preservation. These multiple versions shw, on the other hand, that this
ritual was permanently in use from the time of its first introduction by
santitau, a magical expert from Hurrian lands, as early as the reign of
Arnuwanda i ard,Lmunikal (ca. 1430 B. C.) until the fall of the Empire
(ca. 1200 B. c.).This indicates again for the high quality and experimental
efficiency of the ritual of flantitau,' this means, at the same time, that it
had deservedly attained a considerable positive reputation and popularity
among the ruling classes and wealthy inhabitants of the Hittite capital of
flattua.
The conception of editing the flantitauritual goes back to the years
when I was teaching at the universities of Ankara and, Konya. During that
time, followed by a temporary stay at the university of Munich I could do
only little work on the preparation of the edition. From lggb on, during
my work at the Hittite Dictionary Project of the oriental Institute, the
uu
University of Chicago, I was able at least to complete a provisional
transliteration and some parts of the translation accompanied by randomly-
taken short notes as comments on some words and phrases; but the
manuscript was still far from being complete enough to go to print. My
appointment to the University of Munich in 1988 finally gave me the
opportunity and time necessary to work again on the Hittite text corPus as
a whole and to lay down a computerized data archive of the entire Hittite
text corpus and scientific literature, which I have used as basic source for
the present text edition.
Thus the manuscript went to the Turkish Historical Society to be
printed in April 1992. Before 1994 three galleys were already read, as the
printing house of the Society has shifted its printing device from IBM to
Macintosh system late in 1994, which considerably put off the printing of
the book. The conversion of the text, its overhauling and the creation of
new foreign signs have been mostly done during my very limited stay in
Ankara on the occasion of the Yuletide at the end of December 1994. This
negative outcome gave me, however, the opportunity, to consider in some
urgent cases the point of the state. Since I did not have enough time, and
moreover did not see any compulsory reasons to alter the whole body of
the manuscript since its completion in April 1992, I have solely confined
myself with some most necessary changes, especially refurbishing some
passages, incorporating the new bibliography into the footnotes, and, if
necessary, expurgating some redundant or outdated passages.
I would like to thank professors H. A. Hotrner and H. G. Gterbock,
University of Chicago, for granting me the opportunity to work at their
Hittite Dictionary Project of the Oriental Institute at the University of
Chcago which became the Mecca of Hittite studies in the United States. I
owe also a great deal of gratitude to my teacher Frau Prof. A.
Kammenhuber who guided me through my Hittitological studies, and to
the University of Munich for granting me the position in the Department
of Assyriology and Hittitology and the opportunity to again resume my
Hittitological teaching and studies, and fnally, to the Turkish Historical
Society for its acception of this study among the series of its publications.
Dr. Daisui<e Yoshida, then the University of Munich. read kindly the
first draft of e maruscript, corrected some inadvertent misreadings in the
transliteration and suggested valuable readings or restorations in broken or
crucial places; for his kind assistance I am grateful to him.
Munich, February, 1995
I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS ON THE DICHOTOMY
BETWEEN HITTITE MEDICINE AND MAGICAL
PRACTICES
dIarmz koca brer eczal'ed,ir,''
''Bzrn
(Each one of our mountans rePresents an
mmenre phanacy)
At Girrbiz, ifl Nebatl2a2 1stabul 1982)
In comparison to the medical achievements and innovations in
contemporary Mesopotamia and Egypt, Hittite medicine appears
thoroughly underdeveloped. This is not astounding at all, because in their
original homeland the lido-EuroPeans did not PosseSS the sophisticated
medical means which have been developed later under the influence of
native cultures in the countries they have migrated to. The Indo-European
common root *mef- has closely to do with mental actity, law, ritual, and
medical treatmentl and is represented in Hittite vocabulary as mat-,/mazz-.
The primary medical meanirg of mat-, i. e. the physical resistance of
human body (tuekka-) against aches and disease, is preserved only once in
a mythological text2; otherwise it is known as a military terminology in the
meaning of "to withstand, resisr, endure, dare'g. Only on the occasion of
some urgent medical cases, such as the treatment of the members of the
royal family and other prominent persons did the Hittites fetch the aid of
foreign doctors4, frequently from Egypt or Babylon, in payment or in
1 T. V' Gankre]idze-V' V. Ivanov,Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans (1995)
711.
2 A' na, Hitit Tbbnn Anahatlan, Belleten l75 (1980) 476; idem, Parts of Trees in
Hittite According to a Medical Incanration Texr (KUB 43.62),l's Alp (1992) 498. The word
is unfortunately not listed among other Indo-EuroPean cognates by Gamkreldze - Ivanov'
loc. cit. The cncial text attesting mat,/z- in this meaning is KUB 43.62 ii 4 which is edited by
nal, op' cit. 494.
3 cro LN (1980-1989) 213f.
4
on the Hittite medicine see H. G. Gterbocft, Hittite Medicine, Bulletin of the
History of Med. 36 (1962) 109-113; G.Janaen, "Er, der das Wasser kennt,,, Deutsches
Azteblatt 66 (1969) 3255'3345; J. Puhvel, Mythological Reflections of Indo_European
Medicine, in: cardona (ed.), Indo-European and Indo-Europeans (lgz0) 369-882; c. Burde,
Hethische medizinische Texte, StBoT 19 (1974); E. EdeL,.Agyptische Arzte und g'yptische
Medizin am hethitischen Knigshof (1976); G' Neumann, Reew of Burde, StBoT 19, IF 8l
(1976) 31}316; V. Haas, Magie und Mythen im Reiche der Hethiter (|977); A. na],Tlne
Role of Magic in the Ancient Anatolian Religions According to the Cuneiform Texts from
Boazky-$attua, BMECCJ 3 (1988) 52ff.; idem, Hitit Tbbnn Anahatlar, Belleten 175
2 AHMETNAL
exchange for other craftsmen such as masons from the southern Anatolian
city of upina6. Therefore, in a society deprived all kind of rational
medical practices, the significance of magic becomes selfevident. Thus it is
the lack of the remedial pharmacological substances in medical sense that
often gave reason for the application of magic in restoring the health of
patients and in all kinds of purely medical difficultieso. These practical
requirements promoted magical practices to a status equal to that of
medicine, and, in most cases, it even surpassed medical practices and
overshadowed them.
Although the capabilities of Hittite medicine were limited by the
previously mentioned factors and its blemishes and flaws have long been
known to the Hittitologists as well as laymen sinc a long time, in a recent
study Hittite medicine has been praised from a somewhat fanciful point of
ew by M. A. Dinol in his marginal remarks on Hittite medicine in his
edition of the AeIIa ritual7. Dinol Contests my results8 pertaining to
Hittite medicine, culled from a detailed study of the textual edence and
in accordance to the common opinion of other scholars such as H, G.
Gtiterbock9, one of the prime authorities of the subject, that the Hittites
(1980) 475-495; G..Becftman, RIA 7/7-8 (1990) 629-31; idem, women's Role in Hittite
Medicine ard MagicJouqal of Ancient Cilizations 8 (1993) 25-39; H. otten - C. Rste
"Arztin'' im hethitischen Schrifttum, Fs N. zg (1993) 539-54l C. M\ani,-o. Carruba,
Farmacia nel mondo minoico-miceneo ed egeeanatolico (1986); G. Wilhelm, Medizinische
omina aus $attua in akkadischer Sprache, StBoT 36 (1994); Egypto-Hittite letters between
Ramses ii and' flattuili , also the ones dealing with medical cases, are now completely
edited by E. EdeI,AHr 1so+; 53f.,80tr, 1l6tr, 170tr, l78ff.
5 The crucial text passage attesting the exchange
of Eglptian doctors for Hittite stone
cutters from flup'jna comes unfortunately in broken context from a letter of Ramses ii to
flattuili xI, KUB 3.67 obv., see most recently E. Edel, Agyptische Arzte und igyptische
MedizinamhethitischenKnigshof (1976) 85tr;idem,AHKI (1994) l70f., cf.K.Bittel,Die
Hethiter (1976) 233f.; A. nat, Hittite Architect and a RopeClimbing Ritual, Belleten 205
(1989) 1471 note 5; B. Hrouda, Fremde Knstler bei den Hethitern? Fs Akurgal,
Anadolu,/Anatolia 22 (981/82 t1989]) 40.
6 On magic see now in details V. Haas,Geschichte
der heth. Religion (1994) 87Gglf
7 .'\sb"u Rituali (CTH 394) ve Hititlerde
Salgn Hastalklara Kar Majik lemlere
Toplu Bir Bak, Belleten 193 (1985) 6tr
8 A. nal, Hitit Tbbnn Anahatlan, Belleten 175 (1980) 47549.
9 See above note 4.
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 3
added almost nothing to the medical sciencel0. The evidence on
drawbacks of the Hittite medicine rises also on a solid ground and is as
such irrefutable. Accordingly my own assessment and understanding of the
subject matter compels me to object to the view of Dinol, which results
from his a prior ''anthropological'' comparisons with simple but universal
medico-magical practices among other primitive societiesll and his alleged
sympathy for the subject matter rather than from textual evidence; many
reasons oblige me to retain my petio principii, which I will not repeat
here, since it would be redundant. All scholars of ancient oriental studies
sympathize involuntarily to a certain degree with the achievements of
ancient societies, but this sympathy must remain within given scientific
limitations. In the case of Hittite medical traditions it is very easy to make
up one's mind by perusing the Hittite medical texts, since they have
survived even if in a limited number and are sufficient to convey us an
approximate impression on the matter. Moreover, they have been
assembled in a corpus and are readily accessible to everybodyl2. What we
find in these medical texts concerning medical practices is rather a
collection of treatments from other cultures within the Hittite orbit in
broader Sense' i' e,, Baby|ona, Egypt, Hurri lands and native AnatoLian
achievements. Thus, as disappointing as the corollary might yet be, the
truth is that the Hittites on their own did not add a single innovation or
improvement to medicine as a science. I would like to repeat here once
again what I wrote fifteen years ago: The only empirical medical knowledge
10
B..t., l75 (1980) 433ff.; note, for example, that in an exhaustive study on
medicine in the Ancient World such as D. GoIa, Studien zur altorientalischen und
griechischen Heilkunde. Therapie-Azneibereitung-Rezeptstrukture, in: Sudhoffs Archive
fO (1974) there is not a single mention of Hittite medicine.
ll Th" famous book ofJ. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough. A Study in Magic and
Religion. Part I The Magic Art and the Evolurion of Kings. vol. I (198b)3 +gn fu reeming
.vith this kind of examples and instances. More surprisingly some of the Hittite-Ancient
Anatolian magical (and medical) practices have survived and continue to be engaged in
some regions of modern Turkey, see S. Ve;ac mek, Trk Halkbilimi (Ankara 1977 tg2tr.,
|42tr., |45tr. and passim ard A. na], BMECCJ 4 (1988) 75 on recovering a lost pet animal
by magical means using a knife or a rope.
12 collected by c. Burde,stBoT 19
.
Q97a);rhere are, however, a few medical texts and
incantations which must be added to Burde's collection, but they do not change the
absolute result. For the application of conjurations as belle chant in psychiatric therapy see
A. naL, Parts of Trees in Hittite According to a Medical Incantation Text (KUB 43.62), Fs
Sedat Alp (1992) 49&500.
4 AHMETNAI-
enced by the Hittites was to carry a person away from a Contaminated area
if one wanted to save his or her lifel3. In short, the prudent expectedly
placed up to now no confidence and will not do it in the future in Dinol's
claim which is completely baseless since it is set out from the beginning on
the premises of his own subjective observations.
Magic14 is certainly one of the most ingenious defensive inventions
mankind in his incessant efforts to ward off ever-threatening
enronmental circumstances, to cope with them or, if possible, profit from
them, in short to adjust to his enronment. It is well known that in the
minds of early men natural and supernatural powers \ivere conceived as
good and bad, the latter being represented by natural forces such as
volcanic mountains, flooding, rivers, winds, the sun, the moon, the stars
and dangerous animals in the local fauna; it is thus understandable that
magical rituals had to be carried out at certain periods of the year to
appease these powersl5. Magic thus became an inseparable part of daily
life.
The time has come for researchers to change their preconceived
persuasions about magic and their approach towards its meaning and
function i4 early human societies. It would suffice to evaluate magic
correctly if pve moderns could conceive of it by its own means, i. e. as a
practical and useful instrument in ancient societies. If we think of magic as
13 KBo l8.10 obv. 2tr., na]'Belieten T75 p. 494.
14 Ot Hittit. magic see most recently D. H. Engelhard, Hittite Magical Practices: An
Analysis (Ph. D. Brandeis 1970) M.
Giorgier, Magia e intrighi alla corte di Labarna-
Hathsili, Istituto Lombardo 124 (199r) 247-277; A. Goetze, Kleinasien2 (1957, reprinted
1974) l51tr; V. Haas, Magie und Myen im Reiche der Hethiter (|977);idem, Hethitische
Berggtter und hurritische Steindimonen 1982; idem, RIA s. v. "Magie,,; idem, Magie in
hethitischen Grten, Fs Otten (1988) l2r-142; idem, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion,
in: Hdo (1994) 876tr; M. Hutter, Bemerkungen zur verwendung magischer Rituale in
mittelhethitischer Zeit, AoF 18 (1991) 3243; G. F. del Monte, Rituali magici e potere nell'
anatolia itta, in: M. Fales (ed.), Sopranaturale e Potere nel Mondo Antico e nelle Societa
e Ancient Anatolian Religions
BMECCJ 3 (1988) 56ff.; D. P.
B. Janowski et al. (eds),
, Nordsyrien und dem Alten
Testament, Orbis Biblicus er Orientalis 129 (1999) 47Tb06.
-75 1.
Yuk^r,speculating on the concepts of the "supernatural" in Neolithic Anatolia,
XI. Trk Tarih Kongresi Vol. I (1994) 40f.
THE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 5
one of the links in man's long-term experiences with his enronment' we
can easily notice that it might have little to do with supernatural Powers
and beings, as most scholars are accustomed to think. This approach
ignores the tremendous efforts necesafy for early man merely to survive
physically, even long before he became what we cal| "homo sapens'', and
of before he was mentally developed enough to ponder in a highly
sophisticated and philosophic manner about abstract and impercePtible
things such as el powers, devils, ghosts, genii, gods and demons, as
moderns anachronistically often assume. The minds of ancient peoples
were "preoccupied with questions concerning the meaning of death,
afterlife and power of the sprits. Fear of the unknown and the
unperceptable must have had a very disturbing effect on the community as
a whole each time one of its members died or suffered physical pain due to
a disease or internal injuries. It is logical to assume that .... rituals were
devised involving among other things the use of sacred material
mediums."16
From the very beginning, magic seems to be an inseparable part of
man's rebellious attitude toward the natural forces. It is this rebellious
nature that permanently incited him not to surrender, but to struggle. As a
result, without the power and support of magic, primitive man would never
have overcome his problems and coped with his requirements, nor would
he have survived the cataclysms of natural catastrophes or man-made
calamities such as wars and devastations. In contrast to religion's absolutely
submissive nature, magic is also insurgent. We should not scoffat this effort
of early man, which has often been banned by theologians of the Judaeo-
Christian persuation who have declared magic to be the work of ''the del'',
"a system of exploitation", and thus to be a dangerous opponent of the
monotheistic religions, forgetting that magic always had an equal status in
early societies next to religion or as part of the latter. Some theologians
failed to grasp or admit that magic has never been inferior to religionlT.
Today .e Can say without exaggeration that our ancestors owed their
survival much more to non-fatalistic, rebellious magic, than to the
dogmatic and submissive tenets of religions. Luckily, recent research,
conducted mainly on the part of Scandinavian scholars, has put magic in a
161. Y^ku,op. cir. p. 38f.
17 s.. A. nal,The Role of Magic in the Ancient Anatolian Religions According to e
Cuneiform Texts from Boazky-$attua, BMECCJ 3 (1988) 56f.
6 AHMETUNAL
new light; it has shown the important role of magic in its own right and
confirmed that there is no religion without magic. Hittite religion serves as
a good example in this regardr8.
The role of magic in early societies does not consist merely of
encouraging man in his efforts to survive but also of the invention of
natural and human sciences, because without magic early human societies
would not have been able to reach exalted levels of culturel9 and
developed sciences20 such as chemistry, medicine, astronomy, physics and
even mythology and literature.
The origins of magical practices2l certainly go back to primitive and
empiric folk medicine which has been applied by common people since
very ancient times. Pseudo-medicine and subsequently scientific medicine,
as well as some branches of fine arts and natural sciences, emerged from
the long term occupation with magic.
The primary medical core of magical practices shimmers through in
most Hittite magical texts. Magic has been from the beginning a sort of
"bastard" science which flourished among ancient peoples. This primitive
folk medicine and other magical practices made up an ever present source
from which the medicine men, doctors and magical experts subsequently
borrowed and developed highly sophisticated methods of treatment in the
service of higher social classes. Once taken over by the practitioners and
adopted to sadsry the ambitious demands and needs of the ruling classes, it
became an unaffordable luxury for common people, who were at the
outset the real originators and initiators of these rich medico-ethnological
rnaterials, and thus an enduring source of them. we may compare this
phenomenon with the sophisticated and immensely expensive oracle
ser,ice at the popular De]Phi versus west Anatolian and Lycian oracle
Centers during the late Hellenistic and Roman periods, which fulflled the
simple needs of impecunious common people, taking up their oracular
inquiries at affordable prices.
18 See na.l, op.
cit. 57f.
79 B. Mainowskl, in: L.
Petzoldt (ed.), Magie und Religion: Beitrge zu einer Theorie
der Magie (1978) 106; for details s. nal, op. cit. 52ff.
20 C. C]"-rn in: Petzoldt (ed.), op. cit. p. 78.
21 O., magic see the literature given above
note 14. For a rapid orientation see A.
Goetze, Kleinasien2 (1957, reprinred lg74) 151ff. and V. Haas,RlA s. v. ',Magie,,.
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 7
A close glance at different types and amount of the magical utensils
and ingredients in Hittite texts, which were allegedly necessary for the
performance of rituals and served at the same time as a means of
payment22 to the practitioner, shows indeed how expensive the
performance of a magical ritual must have been. A ritual text gives an
example of one of the greediest ritual Practitioners so far known to us:
Hatya, a woman from the town of Kanzapida. At the end of her ritual
performance she candidly declares:
"I keep [the utensils of earthen ware] (and) utensils of wickerwork
for myself which I have been usng in the course of (this) riaal; (my)
client does not take23 anything'24.
It is for this reason that in some cases, mostly in the fluwa{{ana-
rituals from the Luwian speaking southern parts of Anatolia, that ritual
experts took the poverty of their clients into account and charged less
material from poor clients for the observance of the rite25. In spite of what
seems at first sight to be welfare for the poor, \.ve must assume that usually
these rituals were observed only for wealthy people who could defray the
cost. In addition to these costs and ingredients for the efficacy of the ritual
22 I.,
-ort cases the fee of the doctor or ritual practitioner is paid by means of ritual
residues; it is why somemes e expert seems intentionally to have required more valuable
utensils to be used in the course of the ritual or rnedical cure than actually needed. At the
end it really turns out that the practitioner takes them home as means of self-paym.ent. A
very illustrative example is given in a construction ritual where the practitioner (here as
carpenter) takes the golden axe and knife as his fee after ey have been allegedly used for
"ritual" purposes; it is also the shrewdness of the ritual practitioner (here again the
carpenter) who planned them from the very beginning as his fee; this explains why they
have been intermingled in a ritual disguise, see A. nal, Hittite Architect and a Rope-
Climbing Ritual, Belleten 205 (1989) 1477,1479.
23 Read: "is not allowed to take"l
24 KBo tUNUrGI&] UNLrIAD.KID uitANA SSKUR armi (29)
15.25 rev. 28-29:
fna=at=za am]muk dai EN.SiSKUR-za EGIR-pa UL kuitk da, o. Carruba, Das
Beschwrungsritual fr die Gttin Wiurijanza' StBoT 2 (1966) 6f.
25 cr. suppyng of a live donkey by a rich patient while a poor patient delivers only a
donkey figure made of clay, KUB 56.59 rev.3T34, and the obligation of one cow, one sheep
and four goats by a poor customer while a wealthy person must supply one cow, six sheep
and two goats, KUB 77.24| 16f.; cf. also similarly KUB 27.59 i 26f.; KBo 9.139 obv. 4f.; KBo
29.76 obv. i? l3f. ard fragmentary KUB 32.105.
8 AHMETNAL
the offerer often had to supply presents as bribes for the gods26. The
common peoples, on the other hand, may have continued to use their own
ritual practices of which, except for occasional indications in the state
archives, we do not have any records.
Immediately after the foundation of the Hittite Empire (ca. l6b0 B.
c.) native Anatolian, Hurrian and North syrian magicians together with
other experts and artisans from different regions and ethnic origins were
deported forcibly to the Empire's capital Uattua, where they were officially
employed as artists and experts of magical and medical matters because
they were thought to be in possession of versatile kinds of recipes and
pseudo-medical magical means against all kind of diseases, afflictions and
various kinds of misfortunes. In the following decades they must have come
to flattua voluntarily, because they discovered there a new and lucrative
business opportunity for their innovative and truely prodigious magical
treatments. In this new metropolis the magicians willingly put themselves at
the disposal of the rich and powerful rulers and their clan members who,
though skillful and ctorious in military matters, lacked merits in respect
to culture and civilization. The new rulers of the country seem to have
been enchanted by the multitude and versatility of magical rites, their
applications, and the medical techniques and skill of the experts.
In the course of the 450 years of the Empire there were numerous
cases of medical needs and political intrigues where the Hittites resorted to
sorcerers. In other words, the rulers became from the very beginning
dependent on magic and magicians, whether for curing ailments,
defending themselves against the maledictions of their enemies, dispelling
the results of black magic or using them to destroy their enemies by magic.
Thus tley became almost addicted, and gave every imaginable support and
generous payment in favor of magic. However, the Hittites also made a
strict distinction between black and white magic; whereas they feared the
former and tried by all means' including legal stipulations, to ward it of
they venerated the latter. since Hittite history is from the very beginning
full of scandals and intrigues which were instigated by mischievous and
malicious opponents of the royal dynas and its clan members, the Hittites
were very concerned to keep black magic under avery strictjurisprudential
26 s". KUB 29.4 ii 67ff. attesting silver jewelry
as bribery in shape of ,,sou/,,(ZI) and
stars; cf. also the pledges made on the condition of "do ut des', in the vow texts of
Puduepa, CTI{ 58}590, see below p. 54ff.
THE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 9
control2T. However, from a subjective point of view it is extremely difficult
to draw a line between white and black magic, because magical practices
can be regarded as white or black magic depending on the point of wiew.
It is remarkable that in Hittite Anatolia the influx of magic came
mainly from Hurrian and Luwian speaking regions, that is from south and
southeast Anatolia, especially from Kizzuwatna, the heartland of the
Hurrians. Although we have known for a long time that the Hurrians
produced a major upheaval in cultural, political and cil life at flattua
and other urban centers of the empire, at present ve are unfortunately still
far from being able to estimate its exact extend, intensity and diversity. The
recently discovered Hurro-Hittite bilinguals from Boazky28 give an
approximate idea of the intensity of the Hurrian influences since at least
from the Middle Hittite period, and perhaps from the ord Hittite
Kingdom. The newly discovered group of texts from oraky, (in Process
of excavation since 1990;zo, also includes a great number of Hurrian texts
(mos itka]zi- and other rituals) and reveals to us once more quite clearly
to what extent Hurrian influences penetrated into the heart of Hittite
territories as far north as northern Cappadocia.
The geographical serting of this sprawling provincial Hittite city at
ortaky, with its administrative, religious, and defensive buildings and its
vast archives for local administrative, military, religious, and cultic matters,
as well as the time period of the texts covering Middle Hittite and Empire
27 Src A' nal,'the Role of Magic in the Ancient Anatoliar Religions According to the
Cuneiform Texts from Boazky-$attua, BMECCJ 3 (19ss) 64; on the application of black
magic in historical context see G. F. del Monte, Rituali magici e potere nell'Alatolia ittita, in:
M. Fales (ed.), Sopranaturale e Potere nel Mondo Antico e nelle Socieri Tradizionali
(re86) 83tr
28 No* published in hand
copies in KBo 32.14ff.
29 nat, Newsletter for Anatolian Studies
7/I (Lgs|) l and my paper read at the
Hittite Festival at orum, July 1994 and A. Se/, ortaky: Eine hethitische Stadt mit
hethitischen und hurritischen Tontafelentdeckungen' Fs Alp (1992) 4s7492; ead.,orum-
Ortaky 1990 Y'l Kazs - Ausgrabungen bei orum-ortaky im
Jahr lg90, Anadolu
Medeniyetleri Mzesi 1991 Yl Sonbahar Dnemi Konferaslan ( 992) sgtr ead., lgg0 l
;
orumOrtaky Kaz almalan, 14. KsT II (1993) 495ff. Some sixteen Hittite ad Hurrian
texts from ortaky acquired by the Museum of orum before the beginning of the
excavations are presently being prepared by myself for publicationz A-na1, Hiitite
and
Hurrian Cuneiform Tablets from Ortaky, Central Turkey (forcoming).
10 AHMET N.q
Periods, best fits all requirements for an identification with \apinuwa30.
Sapinuwawas known up to now from the texts as a major Hurrian center,
famous of its
itka[zi-ritals, which scholars tended on account of
predominating Hurrian influence to locate in Southeast Anatolia, i. e. the
proper Hurrian countries. Thus my first assumption of ortaky's identity
Hakmi/Ilakp on the premises of some historical considerations and
1ntln
most importantly without having no idea of the nature and contex of the
texts discovered there3l is proven to be deceptive.
The fact that Hurrian presence reached that far north should not
surprise us because according to a letter fuorr. Maaf, the borders of
Kizzuwatnacomprised the territory around Maa9z, and this record has to
be taken seriously. This would de facto imply, during the reign of one of
Suppiluliuma the First's predessors, a temPorary expansion of Hurrian
political power as far north as the ortaky-Maar line in the middle
ekerekvalley, references of which can be found in the annals of Tutaliya
ii which attest a largescale onslaught of the Hurrians under the command
of general Muwa together with Iuwan inhabitants of a Hurrian speaking
countryside on the Middle Euphrates (today the Keban dam region), into
Hittite heartland33. It is significant to note that the annals encounter Iuwa
as a ''bg country" (ialli KUR-e). This Hurrian military expansion has
certainly been only one part of the "Hurrianization" Process of the Middle
Hittite dyrasty. Future researches' excavations and discoveries in Hurrian
centers in Southeast and Central Turkey, from the plain of Harran to the
uPper Courses of the Tigrs River, as well as in North Syria, a region
30 a. s., in an unpublished paper read at the XIIth Turkish Historical Congress,
September 1994.
31 Se. above note 29. In the same way M, Forlanini's srmise seems to be conjectural,
tolook for ortaky's ancient name among the settlemens of lkamafua, Seria, Malazziya
and Tagga\ta: Le spedizioni militari ittite verso Nerik i percorsi orientali, Istituto Lombarda
Academia de Scienze e Lettere 125 (1991) 303.
32 HsN4 74:|2ff.
= s. A\p, HBM (1991) 262f.,342; idem, Hitit anda Anadolu
Corafyas Baz Atrlmlar ve Yeni Umutlar, in: Uluslararas 1. Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri
(19-21 Temmuz 1990) ||992| 22; differently interpreted byJ. Klinger' Das Copus der Maat-
Briefe und seine Beziehungen zu den Texten aus $attuSa, ZA 85 (995) 85f.
ru 23.11 rev.
33 iii 28ff., cf. also KUB 23.16 + KBo 22.13 rev. iii 6ff., esp.
KBo 22.28, 3ff.
THE RTTUAL OFHANTTTASSU 11
teeming with huge mounds34, will certainly help us pretty soon to better
understand and appreciate the Hurrian role and influences, and finally to
solve the Hurrian enigma.
It is evident that the Hittites scarcely had their own magical
practices3S. what, indeed, they possessed according to the preserved text
corpus was rather a collection of local magical practices which surely
prevailed since the stone age in various provinces of the empire, i. e.,
Luwiya, Arzawa, Kizzuwatna, Hurrian lands and Hatti lands; they also
borrowed from Babylona ad other unknown SourCeS. Thus as a result of
this mixture and convergence, cornmensurate with the needs of the ruling
class at flattua, new sophisticated compilations of magic were developed.
Without rivals among the inhabitants at ryaftuja, the foreign
magicians could now brag all the more so as they considered themselves
omnipotent and believed they had all sorts of remedies against any
imaginable evil which could disrupt human life. From the standpoint of
those times, the exorcists were surely the best 'anthropologists', because
they collected from the multi-level sources of ethnic groups all kinds of
superstitious beliefs and remedies and put them at the service of their
clients at ryaua. Astonishingly the Hittites did not show any backlash
against these mongers of a new kind of "health care" and superstitious
beliefs; as a rule they conceded voluntarily all sort of these new magical
means which the strange missionaries have brought to Hatt. There is only
feeble edence in the written records indicating Some aversion of flattuili
i against an alleged collaboration of the Tawananna ymlh the magicians
(old women). The basic relevance of rhese collections is that they helped
to perpetuate the most ancient anthropological values of the country which
otherwise would have been lost. Factually this serr.ice of the magicians was
au-pair; they were conceded eagerly and accoladed in every respect very
generously by the new lords of the Country at flattua.In their collections
the magicians culled from an immensely rich and old "folklore" of ancient
Anatolia and neighboring regions hundreds of medical and psychological
cases. They were then kept diligently as ready-made case histories in the
state and temple archives of the empire always in readiness as "empy
formlae" (Leerformel) to be filled out with the name and affliction of
34 ct. n. Landsberger,ber
den Wert knftiger Ausgrabungen in der Trkei, Belleten
III ( 1939) 207 -224 ( German), 22b-241 (Turkish) .
12ff.; also
35 Fo. details see A. na|,BMECCJ (1988)
3 66 and note 82.
12 AHMET UNAL THE RTTUAL OF HANTTTASSU 13

the customers and to be used for their urgent requirements. By means of One of the remarkable idiosyncrasies of ancient Anatolian magical
their application even a non-medical practitioner of modern times would literature is the individuality of its authorsST. This means that almost all
be able to deal with some of the exigent ailments of his patients, if only he magical rituals have their own authors who are usually mentioned by name,
knew the modern equivalent names of medical herbs, nowadays certainly profession, sex and home town, either at the begining of the rituals, in
mostly disappeared from Anatolian flora, other drugs, remedial substances colophons or both. Thus the ritual compositions are not merely
and complicated pharmacological procedures of the prepaiations, anonymous works, but intellectual achievements of distinguished
concoctions and aphrodisiacs. In their own domain the magicians individuals. It means that each magician or doctor had "copyright" or
deservedly considered themselves omnipotent and unbeatable; they saw no "patent" on his or her invention or compilation. with each use of these
limits to their power of influencing the will of the gods, supernatural ritual compilations the name of the author had to be cited even after his or
powers and demons, who were allegedly the instigators of evil and calamity, her death. These achievements are certainly a considerable step forward in
to their own advantage. Their belief in the effectiveness of their magical the intellectual history of mankind before the beginning of Greek
practices was so staunch that they would never admit a failure. philosophy in Western Anatolia (Ionia) and must be taken into
Accompanying their medical treatments, they often uttered verbal consideration.
imperatives or suggestions which made the patients believe that "they
wll/must get wel|!'' Again, we should not scoff at the firmness of these
suggestive methods and magician's self-confidence, since bragging,
absolute trust and belief on the part of magician as well as his patient are
the basic principles of magical treatment in their interactions. It was these
suggestions and verbal spells muttered during the performance of the
ritual practices which gave more efficacy to the rites. It is impossible not to
admire the self-confidence of an Old Woman, when she in a text
challenges her opponent, the instigator of black magic, with the following
words which should not be taken merely as mumbo jumbo:
"Whatever words the sorcerer spoke, whatever he twined together,
whate,er he wove, whatever he made n whatever pLace, those
(things) he did not (properly) know, the sorcerer. He built up
Sorcery lke a pillar, twned t together Like a string. I am thwarting
him' I ha,e pushed'o,er these words of sorcery ]ike a pillar, I ha,e
entwined them Like a sting" and "The spell [that was superi]or' my
spelL-bnding has ,anquished ('80'
Without possessing expertise knowledge magicians would certainly
not have had this courage to boast; therefore they must have attained their
power by virtue of their education and proficiency in medical as well as
psychological fields.

36 fUS fi.27 + KUB 37 on the authorship see

12.50 ii 28-34 and iii 9; translation given here is taken fromA. in general H. G' Gterbock, Heitische Literatur, in: W
Goetze, ANET (1969) 347. Rllig (ed.), Neues Handbuch der Literaturrissenschaft (1978) 2l3.

il. TRADITION AND DIFFERENT COMPOSITIONS OF THE
HANTITAu nrrue,
As already stated the widespread application of the Santitadiu ritual
since its first introduction at least as early as the Mi<idle Hittite Period
resulted in many manuscripts from different times compiled for a variety of
ailing persons and kings. We can distinguish at least fir,e differet \/ersions
which were in use. Because none of these manuscripts is preserved intact,
for the overall resonstruction of the main example the following texts have
been used. A caveat is ir order here that this reconstructed text in no way
represents the original composition with its all details, including also some
arcilliary rituals:
A = KBo 11.1438 is the main manuscript and is a copy of the
Ilanttau ritual from the second half of the 13th Century B. C.39 of the
originally four columred tablet unfortunately only the upper parts of obr,.
lii and lower parts of rer'. iii-iv are preserved. Because of the heavy blurring
and abrasion on the surface of the tablet (also ,isible in the hand copy), it
is often hard to read many cuireiform signs even in its better presen,ed
oortions (see note 38). The reconstructed text in my edition here is based
'on similar compositions of the same ritual although they neither rurl
parallel nor duplicate exactly the main example A.
B = KBo a tablet. It merely
13.145 constitutes the middle part of
consists of 14 lines on the ob,. (ii?) and 17lines of the rer,. (iii?). While
obv. (ii?) runs parrially parallel ro KBo 11.14 ii l2ff. (A) and thus
representS a sonewhat abbreviated version of A, omitting scme passages'
the exact placemert of re''. (iii?) remains undetermined. A placement in
rhe big gap at the beginning of broken A rer,. iii is only possible, if we can
gp.9+o[.KAM], but this is uncertain. For this reason orly
restore rer,. 15:
38 Dr. to t'he Courtesy of Mr. Raci Temizer,the forner director of the A'chaeological
ir Ankara, and M'. Lhan Temizsoy, the present direc|or of the same Museum, I
Museum
vas able to co]late i 1979 and November 1987 some c'itical passages of the tablet which,
bad presevation, are unfortunately still many. The broken or e-ased signs
because of tlre
resist all attemPts at. areasonable reading and 'es[oraLion of the Context. The presevation
of the tablet is so bad that we in general have to confess that readings on the basis of
co]ladons fail rnless they ae suPPo'ted by contextual edence or similar text
Passages.
39 Fol the date of the individual examples see below chapter VI.
40 Tre 'eading 7is also possible.
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 15
.he obverse has been used here in the reconstruction
of the whole
.o.po*,o", while
the re'erse is given below in chapter VII (p'86f') only in
Eansliteradon'
C KUB a3.67 (+) KBo 18.l74 is on its ob,erse i r'ery badly preserved
=
ouite different version and thus does not at all constitute
a direct part or
Jontinuation of A. Its colophon also gives the only clue for reconstructing
e title and incipit of the ritual ensemble.
D = KBo 77.104 (+) 2029/9 also reveals many variations from the
main example A. Its obr,. ii runs parallel to Aii 2-11. Then, after a gap of
some 5 lines, there follows the indirect join with unpubl. 2029/gal which
parallels A ii 18-34. The rev. of D is preserved only on the tiny piece of KBo
17.104.Its context can possibly be placed in the big gap at the beginning of
A iii, i. e. before the fragment KBo 13.145 begins. Since this version is
partly unpublished, it is given below in chapter VII (p.8af.) in full
transliteration.
In E. Laroche's CTH no. 395 and its supplement42, KBo 20.34 + KUB
36.lll are given as belonging to the same composition. However, a close
examination of the text reveals that it has scarcely anything in common
with the ritual group of flanttau47.It rather represents a Very different
version of this group of rituals. In fact, it makes up the earliest presened
Middle Hittite version of this group of the santitau ritual44. The only
4l Through the kind permission of H. Otten and the courtesy of Raci Temizer, t're
former director of the Museum of Anatolian Cilizationsin Ankara, I was able to use a
transliteration of this fragment which I made 1981 in Ankara. Otten supplied me later in a
letter of 12.5.1985 with a hand copy and gave me [he formal permission to edit it here. I
wish to express my thanks once again to both of these gentlemen.
42 .r+e
30 (1972) 107.
43 Cf also M. Hutter, Bemerkungen zur Verwendung magischer Rituale in
mittelhethitischer Zeir,AoF 18 (1991) 35.
44 On the Middle Hittite date of this
text s. S. Heinhold-Krahmer, I. Hoffmann, A.
Kammenhuber, G. Mauer, Probleme der Textdatierung in der Hethitologie, TH 9 (1979)
63; I. Hoffmann, in: Heinhold-Krahmer, op. cit. p. lt2;J.Boley, The Senrence Particles
(1989) 24; cf. also M. Hutter,AoF 18 p. 35 with note 15.
16 AHMET NAL

clue which shows close relationship with the ritual group of Iandraiiu is
the mention of the Middle Hittite personality Atta, Attai (see below). III. TRANSLITERATION AI{D TRANSI-ilTION OF I(Bo 11.14
Ne'ertheless, it seems appropriate to present a transliteration of the whole WITH ITS DUPLICATES
text in chapter VII; (p.87ff.), because of the fragmentary nature of the texr A. KBo 11.14
a translation, at least at the present, is impossible; see also the discussion
B. KBo 73.145 (obv. is par. to A ii lzff.)
below under the identity of Atta.
C. KUB 43.57 (+) KBo 18.174 (obv. i is par to A i 6ff., rev. iv is par. to
In recent times two more related versions of the flantitaiu ritual
have been published as a hand copy in KUB 57.79 and KUB 58.94 (= Bo A iv 5ff)
27251; in their preserved columns they only partially duplicate each orher.
D. KBo 17.704 (+) 2029/S (par. to A ii zff.)
Both texts rePresent again another completely separate version of the ritual
and thus confrm our view of the Constant usage and compilation of this A obv. i
text group. Full transliteration of KUB 57.79 and KUB 58.94 is given again l I ma-a-an UK-1 as LIJ -a n a-a-ma SAL-zan u-u j-ji MU.KAMH.ASU
below in chapter VII. (p.90ff., 95ff.)
2 f n i.n i-in-k6] n-te< P n a-an ud4a-n a-a EN_a.d kj-a3 o -zi
3 t (ju-u-Ei*'6)]n DUTU-i IGI-an4a c34yp-un da-a-i
4 Inu-u.-.la-an r NINDA.EpirS da-a-i I-NA 14 NIN1DA.E]RiNurs-
ma-a-a-an,e-i NUMUNHI.A
5 [u-u-ma-an u-ub-fua-i

6 Z|Z-tar e-ipp-it par-u-ue-na-a e-wa-an kar-a f,a-at-tar

7 zi-na-iF ku-u-ti-ya-an nu ku-t-taNUMUN-an ar-f,a-ya-an u-u[-!a- an
8 e-ir-ra-a-a-an NUMUNHI'Lna-a-ma-a . NINDA.KU&.RA
ZiZ.fU P. i 3- tap -p u -u I -t i-an -z a

9 ki-it-a nu-k^n an4a GU5KINo r.gABgAR NA'ZA.GiN NA4GUG

l0 NA+ba-ra_aS-a-aJNAa1'1 Na6r(pINGIR.RA ku-it-ta pa-ra-a te-pu da-a-i

11 BAPPIR BULUG te-pu 6SUME5 kappi-i3,\aa4-1g47 2 SA 2 GEo

1 Restoration of tle beginning of the line from the context and C iv 24f.
2 The restoration is again according to C iv 24f.
3 C obu. i 1:
[/<][.-ja_an.
4 The sign for number J is written
in ligature with the following sign for NINDA, which
recurs often in the following lines.
5 C obu. i 6z zi-in-nal-il.
6 <so a.7+:3 has reversed
word order.
7 xso g.7+:5 om. A-NA.
l8 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL or gawrreSSu l9

12 D UTU-a$ par-u-u-e-na-a mu-mu-wa-i A-NA GUD.APIN.LAL- 26 tEN.sI]SKUR-r.a-ar-nu-.r20 t ]21 In lines

k6n [u-i-wi-an-a9 27-30 nothing is preserved.
13 A_NA SIHI'AjUal-pue-mar te-pu ku-ra-an-z 3l l bal-zi-ifu-u-]un22
14 nu-kdn a-pie-ya an4a A-NANINDA.KURa.RA da-a-i Rest of the col. is broken.
"7 3" |ki-i*a-an me-ma-i ma-afu-a-a-ma-wa-za-ken (?)]23
$ 7 NINDAKUR4.RA ziz'run nu-k6n a-pu-u-u-,ia I-NA l10
A obv. ii
NINDA.ERr 4u_u-;
l DUTU-u a-ra-a-za wa-a[b-[a-an-na zi.n-na-424
16 nam-ma l NINDA.KU&.RA.TUR DGul-a-a-a nu-k6n a-pa-a-a-*a 2 nu-wa-a-i fMa!-ad4u-[a-x25 [AMA- SU pa-iaau126
17 I-NA 1l1 NINDA.Bpi ar-a-ya-a ]1'_j1-2GS34SUR-i-ma p- ra- , gi-nu-t wa'a,a-a. pl(?)'ra (an kat'ta-an 127 ballya-ad-
22 GAMI2 1;f:"'Ir.J'i
18 tflk-n- GAL.GI& ki.t-ta nu-u-a-an|ZI u-u-a-an 4 DUTU_ue EN_mr2g EGIR_Pa-n a?-a|n pa-a-il
19 nu cSBp1 .NuN IAL u_u_u #za 1(?)-an|3 a-me-i-ya-z 5 AMAR-un-ma-an TUR-[a-ma-an pa-a-i

20 e-ir-ra-a&a-anzo.oa zizuuN-ya u-u-a- nu k[]-an me-ma-i 6DUTU-u,iar-J<'-.iGEsTU-IiA1o1^-'1r-1ri-i1r7r81

2| t(MU)]N4 GIM-an UDUu. li-li-pa-a-ti nu i-id4u ftu-u-u,j

7 nu32 |u-u-ma-an NUMUN da-a33DUTU-u-i BE-L-YAEIN.SISKUR-
DUTU-uI ma' mu EGIR-pa P Q-a-i11+
22 u-u-uk-ma-uj QA-TAM-MA li-I-pa-*ki-id4u75
23 n u lG|-z pat-i ud4a-n a-a EN-aj DUTU- i|6 ki-an bu-u-uk-zi

24 DUTU_uj_za EZEN-an D-atl7 nu-Za da-p-u DINGIRME-u[J 20we expect here in accordance ^,i KUB 58.94 i 5 EN.SISKUR-m a-a-i-kdnbut the
t
bal'za!-a-igr& traces of half broken signs do fit for this reading.
z r In this broken passage at least 40 lines
25 f n u-z] a u-u-ma-an4a-an DUMU.L . TJLIJ L,U-an
bal-za! -a-i{
|9 are missing according to KUB 57 .79 obv. i 3tr.
and KUB 58.94 obv. i 3ff. which mostly deal with the "party", see below commentz.ry on obv.
i24and p.51tr
22 cr. rus b8.94 i 9.
23 Thi, clause must have preceded the end of obv. i because
of the particle of direct
8c2'p11av_6. speech in obv. ii 2.
9c3'T|-an-ti. 24 Restoration according to the context, see commentary.
25 KBo 17.104 obv. ii |: Ma-a4u-ta-x-x-x; the last three
10 A, in i 4 written again in ligature. signs look like p11p'eS
1l For the ligature see line 4. 26 Restored in this way because in ii 5 Maddura calls e offerant her TUR-ta=m an
"my
12 c 8,'kat-t[a. child'.
13 27 R.rto."d from KBo 17.104 ii
Co"tio', confirms that the two signs following -za are erod,ed and erefore quite 2.
illegible. 28 Restoration according to the context.
14c2,MUN_an. 29 Certainly to be emended as DUTU-j EN-mitt-jt]]; I(Bo 17.104 ii
3 reads ]UTU-a.EN-
15 c i 2g: Ii-li-pa-a-ki-id4u. mi.
L6 c i 2+, uru- me-na-afu-a-afn4a' 30 hand copy shows JU
17 nZnN iya-atLested also in KUB 57.79 ob. i 4ff. and KUB 58.94 obv. i 4ff., see below.
31 of KI is sible on the tablet.
18 Reading on the basis of the context and very conjectural; the collation and 32
KUB
55
58.94 obv. i 4 seem, however, to conform with this reading.
19 Se. th. remarks in footrote 18. 34 Restoration from KBo 17.104 ii 6.
20 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 2r

8 nu-za GUSKIN da-a EN.SISKUR-ma-mu EGIR-pa pa-a|- nu-Za 23 i-ya-zi' ida-lu-u j-,a55 UD.KAM-"Z56
1e-m
r. gABgAR da-a EN. SISKUR-ma-m u35 EGIR-P a p a-a-il 24 EN.SISKUR57 i-e KAR-zj na-at-ta am-me<l [udda-a-a]f8
9 nu-zaNA+7,A.GiN aa-a EN.SISKUR -ma-muEGlR-pa pal-a-il 25 DUTU-a 9D Kam-ru-i-p a-a-a ud4a-a-a|r]
t0 nu-zaNA+GUG da-a36 EN.SISKUR-ma-mu EGIR-pa pa[-a-F7l 26 ta-andu-k-n a-a-atDUMU-a, u-u_[ uk-ma-u,_.decj a-a- an4u]60
7l nu-zaNen1(p1GIR.RA da-a EN.SISKUR-ma-n u EGIR-pa pa-a|-il
27 nu ku-u-un bu-u-uk-ma-in 7-36l b[fu-u-uk-z)62 nu]
|2 nu-zaNA4TI da-a38 EN. SISKUR-ma-m u EGIR-p a pa-a- 28 7NINDA.KU\.RA par-,'-ya - ir-ba|-a-z-zil63
13 nu-zaN{ap a-ra-a3-[a-,an da-aEN.SISKUR-ma-mu EGIR-p a lpa-a-i]39 29 n u l 64
NINDA. KUfu .RA p ar-i-ya
u t u-u-u [< ! -k-i-k-iz-z]65
14 nu-zaBAPPIR BULG da-a EN.SISKUR-ma-mu EGIR-pa pa-a-i 30 NINDA. KUfu RA7tr .
6 fi1 -an D
fl16-pl eF8 r par-Si-ya-an-n a-i1.
75 zi-iqgaDUTU-uj i-it nu t40-ri-n 441-in 542-in |da-a/3 la-a-a] 3l me-mi-i*ki-iz-zl-A"un QA-rAM-MAo1y11-70 zi.iqga?
1 6 1<-el-1-i-1 a-n a-ya44 La-a-a d a-r i-ya-an -ta ! |'an] 32 az-zi-ik-k nu ki- me-mi-i-ki-mi77
17 tu-r-ya-ma wa-ar-3a-an-h45 33 [u-u-uk-ki-i3-ki-mi-ya72 ku-t
\8 La-a-a da-r-ya-an-ta-a tu-u-ri-ya-ma46 wa-ar-i'ya-an'ta|-anl
34 n a-at-mu DUTU-ui EGIR-an tar-n a7 3 ma-a-an bu-u-uk-ma-in I zi.in-n a-
79 na-at S te-si+7 il74
29 NA+AI-ru -k6n GlM-an kappi-i*8 B-par-t-ie'iz'z 35 NINDA. KUfu . RA-ya p|6r-sa? GESTIN ] u-n -iz-a
27 EN.SISKUR -ken4s DA-ag-nF0 KAxIJ-za QA-TAM-MA i3-par-ti-id-du5r
22 IGI-z-an52 GIM-an cS1rr.-1r'-r', EGIR-zi-.$3 an4a -ur 54 s i g, KAR-zi.
55 s i a and2029/g:8: s]Ul-,Iu-uj_ja.
Db 2o2s g 8: uD.I(AM-za.
7
35 Cf. KBo 17.104 ii 7 which mentions instead of EN.SISKUR the client by his name, sc. 57 ZOZOTg:A menrions the client by his name, sc.mAt-ta-a-afnO; cf. KBo 17.104 ii Z,
n'At-taf-a-an(-). He is also attested by e same name in 2029/9:8' see commentary. above note to A ii 8.
36 58 T.r... of -ARsible in2029/99.
KBo 17.104 ii 8 uses rhe abbrevation KI.MIN.
37 59 B ii g, Duru-ia-ar.
KBo 17.104 ii 9 again KI.MIN.
60 Restored from2029/g 10. B ii 10 has DUMU.L.u.]-ur-Tl-ma-at
38 KBo lz.t45 =B|l: da-la-i. u-uk-ma-a-u a|-
39 s i z has line dider after this. a-adu. B has no line dider.
40 Reading of the sign according to B ii 3.
41 I., B ii 3 the traces are be-tter sible; the reading is, however, not sure. e contexr cf. KUB 57.79 obv.i24.
42 See th. preceeding note.
43 By .tr. of the lack of the reflective particle -za this restoration may seem to be
unlikely, see commentary. o below line 33.
44 Readirrg according to the rest of signs on the original tablet.
45 B ii 4, tu-i'ya-]a-ta-a wa-ar-3i-yfa-a-ta-an' g to collation.
46 2O2g / gtg tu-u-lriya-an4al-an. re.
47 2o27g:+: te-f-z-z. B ii 4 omit line.
$ "'a'
48 B ii 6, kappi.
49 s i o' EN.SISKUR-ya-k6n.
5o B ii 6, oAg-ni. 72 zozo7g::
u-&icj-fu -mi na-a|t'
ku-'] t
51 2o2g / g:at fl E-par-zadu. 73 T.u.", of erasedare visible; for context see KUB 57.79 obv. i 28ff., where the Sun
a.

52 2ozs 7 g:7 : lG|-i|z-zi-in Glsur_k-i[n. God is addressed in 3. person sg.

'/4
53 g t 7, EG] IR-.j ur_/<-i GlM-anIGI-z[i-in; 2029 / gz6: EGIR2-z[i-ij. Restored according to context.
 22 AHMETNAL THE RTTUAL OF HANTTTASSU 23

36 [nut] DGul-a-a-a. I . . .] DGu]-a-a-a-pdt par|-i-ya] 14 da-a-i ka-r|u-] rt-i-1i-uDINGIRME az-zi-ilk-kan4] u

37 t ...1xx 1.....-lx-x75-du l5 S1e1gal-a e#[ar] SA um2P-m a-an-ta k6n-ta-a .r-t*-un"- ,82
38 t ]x_ei-ft[-it]
o zi.n -an N IINDA] .r. ur.e NINDA. e-Z-tea n e-&u-u r-ree2 83
3e t lxl ]
. I 1

Rest broken:. a gap of at least 40 lines.

17 n u-za i*pt-y] a-at-te n u GESTIN -anaa IS Pc -ki-i[z-z] i
18 [a-at-tee3-ni GANI-an4a BAL-an-ti ka-ru-i|Ji-uj DINGIRMES-u,d]
A rev. iii
19 ba1-z|i-ya-a-z]i SB GESTIN?-a, KtAS-sa]f 5 nu-zai.ctS da-a-i]
I t lx GAM-an
2 [DUfU-i EN-YA lx-tla-ab-bJa?-a7o na-at-muEclR- 29 GIS 7a-2t-tal-wa-a GIS-ru-j sru i*k[i-ya-an-z] i
an tar-na
3t 27 nu-u-a-an NINDA.KURa.RA u-up-p-ya-an-ta[-a. .. GA]M?-ta-an
lnu-kdntar-nu-wa-ar
4 su-u|fu-i a-ra-a pe-[u-ta-an-]7i77 nu NUMUNH.' ,itu-u]b-i 22 c7^-ut-tal-wa-a GIS-ru-j da-a- n|u-u-a-an]
i-u-wa-an-zi
23 .e_ir A aa-a- n u GESTIN
NINDA..E.D :. <AS-ya [da-a-i]

5 DUTU-u nu-u-wa a|r-t]a ud-da-na-a EN-a c 12y*?78-1u-un

[i 24 p-ra-a ku-it-ta-# getr86-a-ti]
ME-i 25 cS 7^-"t-ta]-wa-a zi-k ak|-ki?-i] ?-ki-na-pa87
[GIM-an]
6 ta-an E-rj E.A-n i da-a-i ma-a-r7 GL6-a|n-za k]i-a-ri
7 ud-da'na-aj EN-aJ c1Sy41 R_it79 G|sa-at-tal-wa-as GIS-rI u-i 26 EGIR-p a [a-a*ki-i #8 da-an-ku-i[n-] na-pa tag|a-a-z-pa-an]
GAIM?-anP 27 i-itzi-l< EGIR-pa [a-a-a
8 te-ken padda-inu I SALI.TUR da-a-i
9 n a-an-kdn ba-at-tee*n a GANI-an-ta [a-at-ta-ri 28 nu ka-ru-rt-]i-uj DINGIRME-u i-wa-te n[a-at-za189

l0 eej-ar-Je-i t kat-tl-an-ta tar-n a-i 29 a-p-ya da-an-zi nu-Za Pa-a-an4u a-p-|-ya]

1 1 nu ti-i t-ti-ya-an t ZiD ?. ] DA IGI. SU.DU3.A al-ft [F

o -i e-wa-a] n ? 81 Coution confirms this reading.
|2 NINDA..E. DE.A a-at-tea*n GAM-an-ta I da-] a-i
ku?-n a-an 82 Th. line is hopelessly corrupt.
83 Co.rt ury to the original the hand copy does not indicate the space necessary
for the
13 1 NIND A. d'a-a-i na-an par-i-ya na-an-k6nDlNIGIRMES-a, GAM- an- verb which must be restored here.
taCan)l
onjectural.
ather like Du[u.
o, rA or KAS4. which must designate a part of the door or
be possible, but the reading is not sure. lock in acc. sg. 1i1. uRuDuru,kftr-, followed by the particle =(a)pa. The broken word which in
,to spite of an overall perusal of all words beginning with AK- and AC- did not result in a
looks like Ip is very controversial; my collation reasonable restoration must have in any case the meaning of a leaf of a door or something
did not yield ay helpful suggestion; cf. however its occurrence in line 7. It is also possible similar. For detail see commentary.
optiglly to read the whole complex as SUL-Iu-unl 88 Th. traces allow to read I, which would not make
any sense. It is possible that the
79 Athough the reading
is not certain, according to the context and collation this scribe intended to write the phraseological r beforehand at this place which, after
seems to be e best option. changing his mind, he placed it in fact in the following line.
80 Or both sig.r. to be read 89 For this restoraon see commentary.
as BAL?
24 AHMET NAL THE RTTUAL OF HANTTTASSU 25

30 ttrk-na-a.i DUTU_u mu-ki-i*k6n4u nuH [UL-ru] 6 n a-a-it-ta70a fu-uq-qa DINGIRMES 2-u-m I a-] an-tea -p 5]0a aLzi-ya-
b
3 l .ku-jr D -nu-un n a-n-mu DINGIRME EGIR [-pa me-mi-i-kdn- du] a4u
7 ud4a-a-n'-6|05 EN-aj LUGAL -i ar-ku[-wa-] z-zi
32 rSA$-an TUR-aa90 tfl-it-ti-yal an-ta1-an |a-ra-a da-a-i|9 8 |na-a] -k6n pa-ra-a i-iz-ziUD. 9I.KAM tfi]b-u-u*-ta
33 na-a-ta a-ap-pe3-na-za [u-u-ma-a|n4a-az ku-wa-pf|
34 ku-wa-p |JZIJ -an??92 ku-ir-zi nu-k6n [A-NA DUTU-]
9 lnu-za? SII?
- SA GUD.MAH EGIR-pa LU [GAL-u J da-a-i ku-wa-ad4a-
;n_zalo6
35 GAM_a 4a da-a-iGBSrN-a.r S $i-pa-an-ti] l0 IEGIR-P]u.|0.7'.-LUGAL-u da-a-i na-an-za [(da-a?)-i
36 nu ki-an me-ma-i -u.k GIM-a 1uzugp.u'' GAM-a4a te-e-bu- NINDA. IERlNMEslO8-ma NINDA.KU&. RA7210e
un?193 ll lar-ba a4]a-a-zi
|i3-tap-p)u.-ulJ-ya-an-ta-al71|0
l2 cs34, NSUR.AD. KIa --^-rrl7| udda-n a-fa,d EN-a.
37 lba?-ap)94'Pi+#na-a|JZ|J x (x)
[ ]
1 d] a-a-i

End of rev. iii 1 3 lnu-zf az LUGAL-u,1 73

[u-uga-an-t I-NAgp. 9 l l 4.
Kilt4 n eya-an
ar-z
rev. iv95 14 [GIM]-an gp.9115.6a\d pa-iz-z na-at-za-k6n ar-f,a da-a-i
l ftu_e x_x x_x ku?-an LUGAL-ip|a-a- . . . . ] 75 |ga-a]t-a-an .14'|76 a-6J4||7 c118p141 1uc-jyo da-a-i ku-in
2 LUGAL-uJDUTU-i me-n a-ab-! a-an4a ti-ya-zl I i?? n e96 da-a-i U.UL
3 ne-z-za-an I-NA G-sU na-a-97
16 -ri n'-or|2l-a-an1-1g4 rNa1SIB anda
[fti-n] ul20-uj-fta?
17 ti-an-zi na-at nam-ma -ur ftuft pi-nu-7i|22
4 ud4a-na-a.ja EN-a. ki-i-a-an98 me-ma- zi-k-za-an 18 .ku-u-un sisrun ud4a-na-aEN_a.d da-me<4a-6|23 f1a.-6z+
5 ma-ab-fua-an99 1_1g4l00 UD.9.KAMT 0 l bu-i*wa-a|n-] ta-a bu-u-
1r5n-g}o2
l03 4 iu 7: na-it-ta;KuB 57.79 iv na-a-.
}91"'
105
8 om. -p1t;it reads then < nu_ !a1-zi-ya-a4u.
90 Reading of bo signs is not certain. 6 iu 8: udia-na-a.
91 Restoration from the context.
106 41u g. ku-wa-a-ta-an-za.
92 orUZJ-us??
107 p.u
93 Reading very conjectural.
l08 4;, -ma? ard'adds .
94 Both signs eroded badly; the collation makes, however, this tentative reading
109 4 i,
110 po.
obv. i 8.
possible. 111 41u 14 om. -ma-za.
95 At east 40 lines are -missing at the beginning of the
column; from here on the ll2 Po. this retoration cf. iv 4f.
reconstruction of e text according to C=KUB 43.57 rev. iv lff. Variants to A are given in l11e 15: EN.SISKUR, see commentary.
footnotes.
111
,n. broken sign looks like 7. Emendadon to 9 is according to A iv b.
I rD Written
96 Reading of the middle part of the
line is very obscure. 7,,see above note l0l.
9TA..n.ivlff.hasanabsolutelydifferentcontexr:(l) l16 41u 17 i.
t....lx(2) t.... 1(3) t....-
]zi?()t......]xt....-z]i?p4-1g7cS34gSu(o)[ti-ya-az-ziflSsN'-an-ti'
l17 4-1g4 orn. in A iv li.
l184iu u: GIS.
Thereafter follows a dision line.
98,q' ir 6:
119 41u l7: rcu...
/<',j-an.
A iv KUB 57.79 rev. iv
99 A iu 6: GIM-an. lil ;it-;.ording to 18; see also 38.
loo 41u 6: rNA. 122 4iy 79: n-ni'ik-z;
the usage of Jchu- is not a catachresis, it rather seems to be used
101 16" hand copy of A iv 6 wrongly shows uD.z.KAM, while collation seems ro as synonym of nnink-, see commentary.
confirm UD.9.KAM. 123 4iu 20 ta-me-ta-a'
102 41y 7; 124
!u-uga-an-n. 6ir 20: pdr-na-as; KUB 52.29 iv par-ni.
20 AHMETNAL THE RTTUAL OF HANTITASSU 27

19 an4a-al25 a-Pa-i-1a-p6|2a e_e,d-,ja-j (J-117-'|27 7-y4f1'GAl tu TRA.ISLATION

20 g-g7 obv.i (i' l-5):[If (there is) a human bei]ng, man or woman, and if
ee.i-,ja-j LUGAL-u.-ja28 ti--ki-iz-zi ' his/her years are [disturb]edB3, the ritual practitioner
27 ne-iz-za-1rinr29 /-NA UD. g.KAM-p:f r wa-ar-ap-zi shall treat himr/her as follows: At the top of the roof
(just) opposite to the Sun God he (i. e., .the ritual
22 nu-za-kiln [u-u-ma-an-h|30 na-a- practitioner) sets up a table. Thereon he puts one soldier
loaf. Into (this) one soldier loaf he scatters all kind of
23 DUB. l. KAM A-WA-AT f a a-an-ti-ta-a-u SAL URUru-ur-ma seeds,

24 ma-a-an an-tu-u-iL|J-i na-a-ma SAL-i MUu.e (i Gl0)

25 n-ni-in-k6n-tee QA-rFs
Lower edge
1 tPNr -oug.sA.]R
2 IA-NAPA-NIPN2] x lruRez

}? a". this reading and meaning of ninink-see commentary on this line.

rct Or ewan of parf,uena-; ewan is translated by D. M. Weeks, The Hittite Vocabulary:
An Anatolian Appendix to Buck's "Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-
Europ-ean Languages'' (Ph. D. LosAngeles, 1985) 123 as "grah"(?).
lJc I would like to take paruena- here as gen. Supporting this assumption I would like
l25 41, 20: ada. to mention the cliche number seven which we find in the case of seven different minerals
which are mentioned in the same section of the text. Analogous to this we might also expect
}19 o * 27 |a-p| a-a--la-pdt. seven different sorts of seeds as opposed to seven minerals which we attain if only we take
127 41u 27: -a this as gen.; otherwise, if we take parfuuena- as an independent unit we get the number
128 4 ir 22 om. -ia. eight. on the meaning of paruent s. commentary.
l29 41u 22: ku-t-za-k6'n' rJo or emmer, H' A. Hoffner,Alimenta 797473ff. Weeks, Hittite
Vocabulary (1985)
130 The scribe
here erroneously wrote u_u-k5n -ta for u-u-ma-an-ta;A iv 23 has also 123.
13711 1, probable that we must take NUMUNH.._naj as gen. pl. depending on the
hu-u-ma-an-ta. Emendation to fuukanta according to rev. iv b and 13 must be given up,
because it is impossible that the king is still turning the slaughtered things around his neck, preposition (strikingly not postposition!) .ie-r. If this is true the word needs to be emended
since'ey have preously been concealed in a chest (rev. 15). as NUMUNUI' -n a-a||-ma-ai]l.
rcl The colophon of A iv 24 is much shorter: INIM fUa-an- 138 I..., a^ stone from the count(y of Bara3i/Parafii/Marafuj,
ti-ta-a*u L URu4tu-ur-ma
Akk. maru/afiu(m)
QA-Tr.
''Markast'', cf. A' Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis, Trume und Vorzeichenschau bei den
l32 It i. remarkable Hethitern, TH 7 ( 1976) 97 n. t97 .
that the scribe wrote these
]?? o" kappi-" small' see commenrary.
tr^o lines at the lower edge atthough
enough space is available at the bottom of the tablet. 140
-r-ui-,meaning unknown, ... .o-..r"r,"ry.

.L--
28 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 29

(i 15-19):(There are) seven thick loaves made of emmer wheat;

instead the fresh ones! Unhitch the exhausted ones and

harness the fresh ones!' This your48 will recite three times.

(i 20-23):Onto the top of it (i. e., brazier) he pours flour and salt,
and speaks (the conjurations) as follows:'As the sheep is
accustomed to lick (and to swallow) the salt, in the same
way let the Sun God come and lick away these
conjurations entirelyl43.' The practitioner invokes'the Sun
God for the first time as follows:
(i2[26):'You the Sun God, have organized a banquet. To (this (ii 27-39):He will repeat this conjuration seven times. (Meanwhile)
banquet) you have invite-4l4+ all deities [ind you have he breaks seven thick loaves and ma[kes] the round once.
invitd (also)] u11 -o.61.'l45. He breaks one thick loaf and conj[uresJ (at the same
(i27-30): (nothing is pre-served, butthere followed certainly lavish
tim ?) thick loaves
eating and drinking, see below commentary on line 24ff.)
for God, eat, and
gra u) and what I
(i"73"-ii 5):[He speaks as follows: 'as soon as] the Sun God [finishes am trying soon as [he
to tulrn around, lletl Madura, [his (i. e., the patient's) finishesl th b[reaks] a thick loaf [and
mother gol to him (i. e., Sun God) and lkneei] on her fillls [the invokes?) the Fate Deity
knees i[n front ofl the Sun God (1nd make the following (Gufd,a.{). [He] brea . e., thick loaf) to the very
inquiry): 'O Sun God, my Lord! [Give him] (me) back'i Fate Deity. (37-39 too tary, then broken).
Give (me) my calf, my smill baby!
Rev. iii (iii 14):'[Sun God, my TCI$, behold, I have brought for you a
(ii &11):(Yoq)_. the luminous Sun God, lend your ear (towards ']grant'' ( tagnuwr||3) ] . r,o*) have I ta.\en "my refue] to
me) ! Take all (these) se [you, the Sun-Go- my Lord]. Grant i1l54 1o ine! [rant
my Lord, sa[ve but in r me in return the life of my client?1.' They now [carry] the
gold for yourself and s "grant" [up to the] ro[ofJ and they pour (also) rhe-seeds
silver for yourself and s at the top of the r[oo]f.
lapislazuli for yourself
Take the carnelian for
client! Take the Babylo ,r. meaning of welwila-isuncerrain, see commenrary.
111
client! 148 vrr. h..
149 111. "find., meet, encounter".
150 11; "tet them become! "
7a\ n.e.otne; RlA 8/3-4 (7ggg) 203 renders i.NuN ,,ghee,,. 151 111. "saying,'.
as
L+z' or ''honey of l52 9. literally ''Now, because I am uttering
b.Q)"; on the conjectural meaning of u-u-u|-za as ''wax of honey" ths repeatedly ad conjuring repeatedly
see commentarv. (as well), grant it me!"
li.lipa(i)-."to lick" used here as a metaphor for "to accept voluntarily" the conrexr of
. ^':' \53 t*nr*u, certainly represents here a symbolic model, made
of precious metal, of
Godis organization of a "Party".
""':t?T,1ff,;
145
.*j},'"" the wishes, demands and inquiries relating to the life of the client for which the ritual
Fo. tti. nd reconstruction of the context see the expert has been asking the Sun God all the time. As an inciting object tarnuwar sees as gift
commentary. or bribery of e Sun God.
146 1i1 give me back. 154 I. .., the demard of the
sacrificer.

\-.
30 AHMETNAL
(iii 5-10) : (While) the sun is still sh [in] ing155 the ritual expert takes
a spade(?)156 urr6 he places it into the inner chamber of
the house. As soon as it gets da[rk], the ritual experr digs
out (apit) bymeansof (that) [spa]de(?) (into) theearth
beneath the door bolt. He now takes one piglet and
slaughters it into (that) pit; its blood he releases down
(into the very pit).
(iii 11-19) Now (the corpse of) the sucking-piglet, the fine grounded
[flou]r, cor[n,ewa]n-grain, kuna- (and) a tallow cake he
[pla]ces down into the pit. He takes one fat bread, breaks
una- , tallow cake (an
satiation!' (Moreover) he
it into the pit three.times
deitiesl. (There is) corn
placesl plant oil.
(iii 20-27):By means of (this plant) oil they lub[ricate] the door bolt;
and he places down to rhe door bolt a thick loaf (and) a
pure/clean [. . . ], and he puts onto them a tallow cake.
[He takes] wine and beer and pou[rs] in front from each
sort three times. (Afterwards he conjures as follows):
I tAs] you are accustomed to open
J), go (down) just now and open
he dark ea[rth],
e. The opposite of this is the evening in line 6.
e".
p the primeval deities from the Netherworld
and let them share the offering material.
159 I,i1 "Let them
tell me".
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 3l
(iii 32-37):[He (now) lifts] (the corpse of) the sucking pi[gl]et
(from the pit). He trims pieces of meat from its entire
body parts [here] and there and places them down
[before the Sun God]. [He pours] one time wine and
speaks as follows: '(Behold), how U am placing these
limbs for youl ! The meat(s) of (these) limbs [are
delicious(?). Eat them, O Sun God!.I'
rev. iv
(iv 1-3):lvhatever x-x-x-x-ku?-an [he] gi[ves] to the king, the king
[stand]s opposite to the Sun God and he takes them (i. e.
the lukanta:;160. 11., (then), turns/binds (all of) them
around his neck.
(iv48):15s ritual practitioner utters (the conjurations) as
follows: 'As you (i.e the king) have been turning/carryng
the slaughtered limbs16l 1of the piglet) for (your) 1i"t62
(around your neck(?)) for nine days163, et the gods
acclaim your name164'. 11r. ritual Practitioner entreats to
the king [and] he leaves the locality of the .i1rr4165. 16.
ninth day [comles to an end.
160 Reading and meaning of the clause remain very doubtful. Because rev. iv continues
with a new version of the ritual (KUB 43.57) ere does not need to be established a direct
relationship with the context at the end of A rev. iii. One is sure that from now on the focal
point of the ritual is nvining a sort of medication made of the limbs of the slaughtered piglet
around the neck of the king; for details see below note 162 and commeniary.
16l hukantarefers ostinsibly to the corpse of the slaughtered piglet in rev. iii 8f., if the
meat has not rotted after nine days; for a possible preparation of poultice see further below
commentarv on hukanta,
162 1. syitactical value of
fiuiwanta is very obscure. Since logically it can not be
taken as ''slaughtered ]imbs" or "copse of a ]ve (animal)'', one may prefer a translation of
the whole sentence like 'As you have been turning/twinng (the carcass of) the slaughtered
(animal) for the sake (of your) life 9 days long (around your neck), let (now finally as a
reward) all of the aforementioned gods summon you(r name, i. e. acclaim your recovery)";
this interpretation of the phrase implies that we have to assume here a genitive of goal
(Genitiv des Zwecks), D. Yoshda, Die Syntax des althethitischen subsLantischen Genitivs'
TH 13 (1987) 64ff. For further details see commentary.
163 f. in the ninth day.
164 1i1 'you' (acc. sg.). Var. "let all the gods call to you 'nu(t) "', see now CHD L/N p,
476f.
165 111 "he comes forth".
32 AHMETNAL
(iv 9-12):
open. They put it (i. e., the chest) in the seal house.
Nobody will be allowed to break it open again.
(iv 1&22):The ritual pracritioner carries out (the resr of this ritual
) appellation to the ritual of flantnhu and choose a title for this book, I
in another buildingl72. He does not carry it out
"1or.171
in the palace. (Moreover), the king no longer need.s to
attend (the rirual)173. g, the ninth day he (i. e., the
king) underrakes the (final) ritual ablution and
removeslT4all (of the ritual paraphernalia from his
body).
(iv 23-25):The first tablet (containing) the words of flanttaiju, the
woman from flurma: If for a human being, man or
woman, the years are disturbed- completed.
Loweredge[PN, the scrib]e, has written (this tablet) [under the
supervision of PNl.
166 Probably it is
the splinter of the horns of a liveox mentioned above in i 13.
(iff?;Ih nature of kuwatta(n), kuwadais obscure, see, however, commentary.
ifr ::
"L-.
IV. PHILOLOGICAL COMMENTARY
Obv. i lf.:
expression MU.KAMHT.^ nininkanrei is quaint. The
"years" as acc. object of the copiously attested verb ninink- appears for the
first time in this context, and it is fraught with semasiological problems.
This is 'ery unfortunate because the phrase at the beginning of the ritual
conceals the ritual "case"l and has therefore a key word position.
Moreover a similar ritual context never again appears among the collection
of numerous other ritual practices which I have collected completely
elsewhere in a study on Hittite magic2. Thus because of the uniqueness of
the context and to some extent the ambivalence of the meaning of the well
known verb nininft- (see below), it is unfortunately extremely difficult to
determine the particular meaning of this phrase. since I had to give an
have been compelled to use a somewhat neutral and vague translation
which is confessedly ambivalent, i. e., "disturbed" or "troublesome years,,.
But it conforms, at least principally, with the primary meaning of ninink-,
as it will be shown below.
E. Laroche, being unaware of the colophon in the then not yet
published duplicate text KUB 43.57, restored the gap in i 2 as lbar-ra-aln-
fe-e,iand translated it as "[si] c'estun homme ou une femme, et que ses
ann1es sont lge]t6es"3. Thus it was Laroche who introduced the incorrect
ritual title '' flantitau ritual aganst short years''. He also adopted the same
interpretation i his CTH (1971) no. 395 'Sj /es ann1es d'un homme Sont
$6t6e5"4. Laroche's interpretation of the text has been corceded by many
scholars, most of whom seem still to have in mind barranfe. or
maninkuwanteJ; thus A. Kammenhuber as a "SISKUR . . . . gegen
Alterserscheinungen'5. v. Haastranslates as "ihm seineJahre lkurzl rird'0,
obviously filling in the gap [maninkuwa]nte and P. Cornil "Si /es annles
l Fo, u., alternadve opon that this "case" could be identical with
a sickness at the neck
of the patient, see below the commentary on rev. iv 5ff.
a A. Unal, The Role of Magic in the Ancient
Anatolian Religions According ro the
Cuneiform Texts from Boazky-sattua, BMECCJ 3 (1988) 70ff.
3 R."' of KBo 1I,
oLZ58 (1963) 246. For MU.KAM-za arranza "the year[ly crop is]
runed"in KUB HED 3 (1991) 136.
4 This tite s CTH, Premier suppl6ment, RHA 30 (1973) 107.
I Hwz rg
b Hethitisc rritische Steindmonen (1982) 175.
34 AHMET NAL THE RTTUAL OF HANTTTASSU 35

d'un homme Sont g6tes'q, adopting exactly Laroche's reconstruction. As
far as I can see, it was I who shifted for the first time from
barrante/maninkuwanre. to the correct reading nininkante and
translated "disturbed /ears(?)"8. Later H. A. Hoffner restored the broken
word in the gap as |nninka]nrejand translated: "If years beLonging to a
Person' whether min or woman' ha,e been recaLled'g. The only er.id'ence
for "short years" could be inferred from KUB 57.79 iv 33, if we are allowed
to interprer the expression MU.KAMHI.A ITU.KAMHI.A UD.IL\MHI.A
taluqae*, i. e., "long years, months (and) days" as antonym of the enigmatic
phrase MU.KAMHT.A nininkanfe.d in KBo 11.14 i 1, and eventually from E.
Ben,eniste's etymological combination of the Hittite ninjft- with
Lithuanian nikti "to move rapidly"Io and then "short", said of years. To
denote the short span of life the Hittites generally use manin.kuwant-lr.
Since the verb nnink- is now fully treated in the CHD, I would like
merely to give some additional comments on my understanding of the verb
in regard to its relationship with the "years",In doing this I have taken as
primary meaning of ninink- the military connotation "to disturb; to ley" as
it was established first by A. GtzeT2; this primary meaning appears now
partly in CHD L-N (1980-1989) 438 (6): "to dsturb, annoy' harass, bother,
vex, fret, irritate, constrain, harm, agitate, make resrless or disorderly, to
stir up, to Set up forcbly, to mobilize, to ley''. The basic military usage of
the r'erb must have developed as a result of crude force used by leying
troops, i. e., in gathering rhe able-bodied manpower forcibly or by
conquering and looting a land, i. e., remong its property and manpower
(NAM.RA)13. In the following I will give a brief overview of the attestations
which are in accord with this basic meaning "to disturb":
7. Madduwatta [seiz]ed the whole [land] . namma=at Sru BpiS
pa|ngarlit ninik|ta] "Moieo,er he disturbed it with /using (his) wh[ol]e
toops''l{.
2. man LxR ftuiftj niniktari "In case any enemy dsturbs (the
nu
border lads of Hatt and goes with the ntenon to attack them1''|5.
3. t lx-z nuZAGTUM ninkzi NU.rau ''(If) he (i. e., the enemy)
wll disturb the border land, Iet the oracle be unfavorable''|6.
4. karitte nnnkanta ''Floods wL| dsturbrdevastate (the [a1"|7.
5. NA4'eI(ur|-kfln ma[anf buwanza e[ua pedi UL n|ininkanzil
"As wnd and ra[in are] not fabhe] to d[isturb/damage] the rock sanctuary
at (u) spor''l8.
6. na=at namma UL kuik ninikzi|9 "Let no one disturb,/break it
open (i. e', bukanta "slaughtered Lmbs of the pig1et')20, see below.
7. ped|)i=ya=war=at=k6n le nniktar "Let them (i. e', the king's
oath, curse, blood and tears which the sorcerer has nailed and concealed)
not be disturbed/broken open'2T. For the buried ritual remnants feared as
a contaminating evil see also KUB 55.37 iii 12-15 artesting ninink- in the
meaning of kinu- "to break open" in a broken Context: (4) .... nu-war-at-
Jan (l5) ....]x ff-e ni-n-in- k6n-zi and is to be reconstructed from the similar
expression of KBo 13.l01 obv. i 31: '.'. a-pie4a-az li-- n-ni-i|k-.''
8. t(DINGI*'ES-y;]a kuwapi eanz nu ANA PANI p161purS 1.
,kui.dfti ninktari /NA E.EZEN_ya /e .kui,jfti niniktari ''When they are
worshipping the deities, let nobody in no way be disturbing/causing
trouble in the presence of the gods. Let no one be disturbing inside of the
ce re non ia] buildin g' 22 .
. 9. |nu ma]n? i/t-x-tubmeyanza SA.oNcIRLrM nama tamedani
|Ekarinn k]uijfti23 nikzi nami-*an man SA rDNGRL|M niniktari nu
fualluwain- yazi n=ata EZEN zafuz "I[fl n the inside of a temple or in
aother [shrine] any ir/t-x-tubmeyaza-man drinks and gets drink or he
Causes disturbances nsjde the temple and starts a quarrel ad disrupts the
r
course of the festival'24

15 <us 21.l iii 46.

7 T. .Liste des lieux de trouvaille, Hethitica Z (lgg7) gl. 16 rus 50.79 obv? o.
8 4. 1988) Zt with nore tlb. 17
KBo 8.1 iv 21:41/i line 5f., similarly KBo 8.47 obv. 10.
9 H Life Span'', Fs H. Pope (1987) 54 with n.28; repeated in CHD L- t8 ,
KBo t7.O iv 2ff.
19 v 17 kinni.
t'-,T;lT.?:H,er, 20
Fs H. pope b&bb
iii 17f.; KUB 40.56 | 24f.; cf. E. von Schuler,
HBM 20:9; HBM 42:3; HBM
7212(?);HBM 75:20; HBM 79:14; HBM 96.o'.
14 rus r4.l obv.44f.
i;:'u'5:l0; ded byA. Se/, Direktif Metni (1985) 60.
36 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 37

10. uzuZfra ZAG- a z nininkan "The gall-bladder is In the following attestations nnnft- can also be interpreted as ''o
16.
dsturbed/ damaged/ de stroyed on the righ(2'' disturb, to torture"
which are listed in CHD LN (1980-1989) 443 (10) sub
11. nu py14glnS-St]-ma EME zi nu GIDIM ninft,jftanzi',Do urnng.unclear": KUB 36.35 i24 ("to beat, to torture"); KUB 57.34:9ff.; KBo
e,,a
anza-ma t...] (7) |...] ni-n-in-ki'e'k6n-
his children slander and (thus) disturb/annoy the spiris of dead?'26. 22'87 rev.6f.: [...] er balLuwekanz
,On account of [that matter?] they used to resort to ,oLence, and they
fzif ,
12. The earthquake(?) will be conceived as a disturbance caused by and] (thus) they bother us relentJessly"'
[attack? us
the god Ninga: DNinga nn|ikzi] '' (I0 Ninga dist[urbs] /sha[kes]'27
obv. i 2. 23. iii 7. iv 20 and KUB 43.57 iv 4. 7. 12. 18 uddanaj EN-a.:
.

13. In another text we have the only adjectival attestation of the word
which is very similar to our passage: (38) HULHI.A-ud HI.A_ut,j ...] (39)
nininkante,i u x[....] 28. nninkanfej can here hardly be construed with the
"bad dreams" because they stand in acc. pl. com. gender (dalamu
te[au) while inin kante is nom. pl. com. gender, and, moreover the gap
is too long. It is therefore possible that the "years of Kallawi" who is
mentioned in i 36 have been troublesome as a result of the bad dreams or
her sleep deprivation29; ''t'oub1esome years''would be standing here also in
relationship to "bad dreams" ynch can be restored at the end of line 38.
KUB 30.51 + 45 + HSM 3644 (and dupl., CTH p.
14. In the shelf list
160) ii 19-23, the only identical usage of the phrase, "troublesome years,,
are mentioned in combination with those kind of harmful conceptions
such as impurity, bad dreams and perjury: (19) 3 TUPPU INIM mYarinu
L URUEurumna ma|n ... (20) nama-a-kdn anda papranni kuwatqa x[....
(2l) MUHIdsu ninnkante nama-a-k1n ANA l ... (22) memikanza
nama-za-k6n ida]umun |za{ain ukizzi] (23) nama lnkan larz... "Three
tab]ets (containing) the prescription of Yarnu, the man fron the city of
flrma: If [someone inflicts with impurV] or [somebody attracts him]
into some sort of impurity, [and thus] his years become troublesome or
to/against [his person? ,evi] spelll is spoken or if [he experiences] a
dreadfu] [dream] or he has conmtted Perjury".
15. If a contracting party of a treaty does not keep the oaths of the
treaty: dankuwayaz=<ma>=k|6n takn)az er arfua nninkandu "may they
(the oaths) hantyou(!) from the dark [ear]th!'Bl'
25 KBo 10.97 rev. 5, 16.
26 KBo 2.6 ii 55f.
l! fUO 8.28 obv. 17, rev. 13f., cf. also KUB J0.bb rev. 6; HFAC 84.3.
28 rus 5.20 + KUB r8.b6 obv. i 38ff.
29 Cf. i-mediately below KUB 30.51 + nr. 14.
, 65.
3o KBo 5.8 iv 404i.
Magic rituals were as a rule carried out by a group of professionals such as
,,
old,/wise woman' sbyl" 1se-g. 1,' aawa-), augurs .1-'uSN. ,
-c.,uEN), magicians (LUAZU, LUHAL), doctors (LUA.ZU), priests of
DNN, SAL n.NGRl'rSA oNN1, men of the
certain deities (LU,lNce
storm god (L DU,/IKUR), midwives (sSA.zu), hierodules
(SALSUHUR.I/,L) ' purapipeople31, parili-priests and other experts whose
profession is not defined exactly i r the texts32. The fact is that these
persons were not simply magicians, as we moderns would contemptuously
assume their role to be in ancient societies; in fact they were experts with a
comprehensive practical education which they may have acquired in guilds
like institutions. As ritual experts they possessed basic knowledge in
magical, psychological, pharmacological and medical fields.
It seems that mostly in Old Hittite texts (see below) these experts are
referred to as uddana i[a (EN-a,f), which rendered literally means '?ord
(lit. "man') of logos",' we may therefore designate them here as expert
persons or pundits in a particular field. In an OH/NS text relating the
conquest of Zalpa37, this word seems to comprise a class of experts or
craftsmen who obviously are mentioned among the manpower booty taken
by the Hittite king (The texts would later call them anonymously
NAM.RA's). We have to interpret also in a similar context the expatriation
of various experts and craftsmen by flattuflili i from southeast Anatolian
and north Syrian cities to Hattua mentioned in his annals KBo 10.1 and2
(also sort of NAM.RA's); especially in the Old Hittite Period it is striking
that the kings were concerned above all with deportation of skilled
manpower from the conquered territories, in opposition to deportation of
ten thousands of unskilled masses during the Empire period.
31 According to O. R. Gumey, Some Aspecs of Hittite Religion (1977) 45f. identical
with LUAZU.
32 See D.
H. Engelhard, Hittite Magical Practices: An Analysis, Ph. D. Brandeis (1970)
1ff.: A. nal, BMECCJ 3 (t988)
rr KBo g.3g i 16.
 38 AHMETNAL THE RITUAL oF HANTITASSU 39

The expression udda a ifua&a apPears in the following texts, most 6.2 | lff., iv 5ff.; KBo 6.45+ KUB 30.f 4 + (prayer at the roo0; KBo
of which can be dated in the old Hittite period: KBo 3.3g i l6 (oHlNS); 8.54:3ff.; KBo 8.91 obv. 17 (pitching of a tent at the roof); KUB 30.39 +
KBo 10.23 iii l0 (oHlNs;; KBo
13.31 rev. iii 9; KUB il.32 + obv. iii t2 KBo 23.80 + KBo 24.772 obv. 22f.; KBo 11.32 obv. 16; KBo 11.34 i 8f.; KBo
(OH?/NS); KUB r7.r1 rev.7; KUB 12.18 ii 29; KUB 22.77:26;KUB 30.31 + 72.723:7ff. (sacrificial sheep will be thrown down from the roof); KBo 15.52
i 13, 2l (NH); KUB 30.68 obv. 635; KUB 32.t87 + ii 18 (MH/NS); HBM + rev. lff.; KBo 19.134:9ff.; KBo 20.8 obv.; KBo 27.33 + iv56f.; KBo 21.37
45:9(?). It is, however, very significant that uddana a.i appears only in ob'. 23, rev. 10; KUB 7.1 ii l8f.; KUB7'40:7f.; KUB 10.99 vi 15f. (the king
KUB 17.11:7; KUB 17.18 ii 29; KUB 90.3t i 13f. and KUB gz.1a7 ii tB as descends from the roof of the temple of the Sun God); KUB 25.21 iv 3ff.;
practising a magical ritual. His function in these texts is, ho,vever, KUB 29.4 i 62, ii 46,55, iii 5, iv 12; KUB 30.28 rev. lff. (parts of funerary
insignificant so that KBo ll.14 remains the only ritual where his activity as ritual take place at the roo0; KUB 30.40 obv. i 20ff.; KUB 30.43 iii l3f.
magical practitioner is clearly defined36. (shelf list); KUB 45.5 | 4; KUB 51.64 obv.? 2; KUB 53.3 v 6 with dupl.
obv. i 2 ^utia-: The roof is one of the frequently occurring localities (reparation of the roof); KUB 53.6 + iii 19 with dupl.; KUB 55.39 i ll, iv
where rituals (often also festival rituals) were wholly or partly.u..i.d out37. 28f.; KUB 57.63 iii 22f.; KUB 60.121 rev. 21f.;VBoT 128 v 6; IBoT 3.148 iii
In a magical ritual ambience such as the flantitajiu iitual which mainly 13f.; Bo 3762 |? 2 with dupl. KBo 25.34; 473/z 7f. (placing a statue at the
appeals to the sun God in a sunny southern country like Anatolia o,r top of a roo0; Bo 6200 rev. 9f. (unpubl. text in the Archaeological Museum
Kizzuwata. the roof certainly offers the best place to establish contact with of Ankara, A' nal, forthcoming) (hurling of crockery from the roof).
the Sun God and other celestial deities. Anatolian roofs of that time were obv. i 3. 22. 23. ii 1. 3. 4. 6. 7. 15. 25. 31. 34. iii 5. iv 2 DUTU: The Sun
covered with a clayJike, water proof, solid, and pure s6ll38 and could be God is one of the most important protagonists of this ritual. He is the god
repaired easily and kept always clean. Besid.es, the roof was a flat, smooth, with whom the ritual practitioner barters directly to help him save the
spacious, open, loft139, airy and cool place40. Therefore even today during offerant's life, or he is requested to serve as intermediary god with the
the summer time it is a major Part of ling space (especially for sleepingj other deities and demons to the very end.
in the households of south and southeastern Turkey.In the following I
would like to give some attestations which show the roof as focal point The Hittite Sun God is taken into the Hittite pantheon from the
of native inhabitants of Anatolia, the Hattians, with his genuine Hattic name
ritual performance: KBo 4.ll obv. zE (blowing of horns at the roo0;xgo
Etan||; in addition to this masculine deity there exists a feminine Sun
34 Goddess of Arinna42. The Hittites distinguished also a feminine Sun
w.itt .,
35 Attestin Goddess of Earth who is attested mostly in magic rituals43. According to the
36 F*ii; as'
newly published ritual texts it seems that the Hittites identified the Sun
StBoT 27 (19s3) 59 note 22 and' E. Neu,,,Zur unechte,, No-i,rul:"lu;].T:'""?; Goddess of the earth with ERES.KI.GAL, the eschatological "Mistress of the
Hethitischen", Fs Risch (1986) l13.
y
J ".
.FIaas, Geschichte der he. Religion (1994) 278f.
;j
Turkish 'geren topr''; the technicalIerm for is practice is puruta-
--. . , see A' nal,
Hittite Architect and a Rope-Climbing Ritual, Belleten 205
a989) ooi witn notes 18G187.
cr. tn. expression "on the top of the high roofs,,, Eerpargauwaiua"iin
.39 KBo 22.82
rev. iii 7. 41 S"e in general C.
40 ot' Justus,Indo-Europeanization of Myth and Syntax in Anatolian
the construction of the Hittite roof according to the cuneiform Hittite: Dating of Texs as an Index,lES l1 (1983) 71tr
sources s. A.
Goeue, Kleinasien2 (1957, reprint lg74) 175; M. oarga|ritit aa SeeJ. Fredrich, Zu einigen altkleinasiatischen Gottheiten,JKF
Mimarl l: Yap Sanat 2 (1953) 144tf'; V.
-9.85] .l23ff.; N. Boysan-Dietrich, Das
hethitischi Lehmhaus aus der Sicht der IJaa Geschichte der heth. Religion (1994) index on pp. 965{6; for more details s. Daisuke
Keilschriftquellen, TH 12 (1987) 85ff. and A. nat,,,You Should Yoshda in his forthcoming Ph. D. Munich.
Build for Eternity,, New
Light on the Hittite Architects and their work, 43 ct. . otten, Die Gottheit Lelvani der Boazky-Texte,
JCS 40 (lggg) 102ff.; id., Hiuite Architect JCS 4 (1950) 120 n. 7;J.
and a Rope-Climbing Ritual, Belleten 205 (1989' 1502f.; for Friedrich, Ein hethitisches Gebet an die Sonnengttin der Erde, Fs Furlani, Rso 32 (1957)
stucture of the
roof s'../' A. Morson, Alisar: A Unit of Land occupance in -.ha.oogi.ul 217; M. Vieyra, in: Le Monde du Sorcier (1966), 116 n. 39; D. Engelhard, Hiuite Magical
the Kanak Su Basin of Central
Anatolia (Ph. D. Chicago 1939); R. Naumann,Architektur x""uri".,ri
(ibz) sr. Practices (1970) 22with n. 82.
40 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL OF UANTITASSU 4l

Netherworld" 4.lt is well known that Allatum is the frequently attested
form in the Hittite texts4S; ERES.KI.GAL is, on the other hand, identical
vtith Lelwani and taknaiDuru with hurrian Allanf. The feminine sex of
the Sun Goddess may go back to the Hattian Etanu47 .In her appearance
she has a demonic nature48. With only one exception, this deity always
appears in the ritual of flantitau without any description, attributes and
epitheta; it is, therefore, difficult to discern which form of the Sun God is
meant here. The expressis verbi distin ction taknai DUTU "Sun Goddess of
Earth", attested only once in rev. iii 30 of our ritual text, makes it possible,
however, that all other attestations of this deity represent the sun God of
Heaven. Moreover, his masculine sex can be concluded from the address
DUTU-we EN-mi, ii 4 and DUTU-i BELI-YAii 7, both "O Sun God, my
Lord!'49.It is significant for our text that the vocative forms show both the
archaic vocative ending with -i and the younger form with -e.
obv. i 3-8: This passage is treated by C. WatkinsSl and H. A.
HoffneFL.
VBoT 32i? 13; sg.-p.abl. with -az:KBo 25.184 obv. ii 2|,26; KUB 10.45 rev.
iii 4; KUB 48.109 iii 1 or with - za:KUB2.5i2l;81/trev. iv 15, sg. dat.-loc.
with -i: KUB 6.46 i 50, sg. gen. with -aj: KBo 4.2 i 24, pl. dat._loc. with _a,:
KUB 10.2f iii 13; KUB 11.9 + obv. iii 16. It was F. Somme.ts2 who first
proposed to consider (GIs)PaPu- as the syllabic writing o1cS361UR on
the basis of a comparison Glspapun ara urutait "(A dog) overturned(??)
the papu:' (KUB 16.34 i l3-l4) *i11, GS341]SUR /akrrt "(A dog)
o,erturned a tab]e" (KUB 5.7 obv. 24) whichJ. J. S. Weitenberg consents
to53; since both words are u-stem this equation seemed to fit well. The
hapax papu-'4 never appears, however, in textual context in a similar
function which would come close to that of u cS341qgR. The verb ara
burutai- is attested to my knowledge only in KUB 16.34 i 14 and possibly in
-sk-form bu-u-ru-te-e-k6n-zi in KUB 31.100 obv' 2455, and is very
controversial with regard to its exact meaningS6 and its semasiological
affiliation with ]aknu-'7. Thus the Hittite equivalenc. o cSg4gp
remains unidentified.

obv. i 3 GISBALLU&. It has been known for long that the Hittite In fact the Sumerogram GISBANSUR may have had a lot of phonetic
phonetic reading o cS341gUR is a u-Stem, cf. sg. aCC. Com. cs3Agp.- equivalences in Hittite, most of them ending with -u, since what the Hittites
u KBo 4.9 iv 40; KBo 20.|4:5;|{Bo 23.24 iii 3, 14; KBo 24.l13 obv.? i 8; have called "tabLe'' $as not a table in its modern sense' but an assemblage
KBo 25.31 obv. ii 18; KBo 25.158 rev.? 9; KBo 30.69 rev. iii 10; KUB 2,24 of different shapes made of various materials such as wood, reed,
rer'. 'i 7 w. dupl. KUB 25.2 + KUB 6 i 5; KUB 10.3 ii 29; KUB 12.65 + ii 16 wickerwork, different metals, clay, stone etc. We may therefore assume that
and passim; KUB 25.77 i 9; KUB 4I.44 i 6; KUB 54.7b rev. b; Ullik. A iv 50, the ancients did not have any well preconceived notion of "table"!They
53, 56; c ] 27. The other endings in the other cases confirm this: pl. acc. may have specified any elevated gadgetry with an adequate surface for
ends with -u.: KBo 20.10 i 13, ii 10; KBo 26.83:13; KUB 34.|28 obv. 15; placing offering materials and edible articles in their households and in
the sacred places with a common denomination "table". Early examples of
what look to be three legged tables, probably from the Old Assyrian Colony
44 Co*pu." KUB 58.95 rev. KUB
2f. with 59.47 \i 11 and Bo 37|7:7, S. Roak,Review period are illustrated on some seal impressions from Klrepe58. It is
of KUB 58,7a' 80 (1990) 750; M. Popko, weirere Fragmente zu crH 41g, AoF ls (1991)
48..
45
E. Laroche, Recherches sur les noms des dierx hittites, RI{A 7 (|94647) 720f.; H' 52 Reew of KUB 14, KUB l5, KUB 16, KUB 17, KlF 1 ( 1930) 344.
otten, Die Gottheit Lelvani der Boazky-Texte, JCS 4 (1950) 119tr; A. Rammenhuber, !3 oe netltschen U_Srjimme (1984) 253f.
Mar 2.Jt.s v. Chr., Or b9 (1990) 191. 54 co P (1994) 108 cites anoer possible attestation of the word in KBo 29.70 i 28
(1990) lt5f. in broken context.
a badly
bb The reading is, however, not certain, cf.
Background of the Tawananna's J. Tischte HEG I (1983) 3l4; it is also
Posi RHA30 (1972) 58. possible to read it -ul-te'e*k6n-zi, A. nat, Ritual Purity Versus Physical Impurity in Hittite
ggtter und hurritische Steindmonen (1982) 25. A,natolia: Public Health and Structures for Sanitation According to Cuneiform Texts and
the u+rems DUTU-u-e and DUTU-i (| 4,7) and e/i<hange, Archaeological Remains, in: H. I. H. Prince Takahito Mikasa (ed.), Essays on Anatolian
i.e. Itanuwe,/i see E' Laroche, Vocatif et cas absolu en Anatolien, Athenaeum 47 (196;9) Archa note 46.
5
775; E. Neu, Reew ofJ. Tischler, HEG 3, IF 88 (1983) 303f.; H. Eichner, Zur Genese der
hethitischen _
c
';J. Tischler, HEG I (1983) 3l4 "umstossen".
2nff.
5o I.rdo 5- T. ozg (1989) 384ff., pl. 88, 3 (8);94, l (1rA);
51 S".o ew,OB,JBL 136 (1967) g90f. 98, 2 (89A); 104,2 (197).

\
 42 AHMET NAL
remarkable that the Hittite Hieroglyphic sign for "table" is represented by
quite a different shape5g.
To give an approximate idea we may consider the following words in
Hittite vocabulary for "altar", so far identified: cSAN.Krqr. = GIS7uh-
ura-60,Glsda[anga_61, G I szac.ceR.Re = itanana-,62 and' ''tab]e,,:
csg4ggp , GIs haruzzi- (see below) , G|sPaPu-6g , G|spuri-/puriya-.
One type of "table" is made of wickerwork and written in the texts as
cS34gp.AD.KID. on the basis of duplicate texts 69,/d iii 6: .... l1rv
G|Shariuzzi kit|t]a and Bo 4999 iv: /rvcSB41Sun.a.xrD ktta H. Ehe]otf
tended to identify the Hittite reading o cS341UR.AD.KID ,. cS1rrr;-
uzz-64, which is cited without further Comments by H. otten65 and'J.
P]Ix,g]66. Since its attestation is ambivalent, it may be wise to wait for
further e.idence before accepting this equation.
sage of this altarJike table in pictographic
and cultic scenes among the archaeoloical
fy the e^xact shape of it, which has remained
to nowb/. It appears on many archaeological
monuments_ depicted like a sturdy pillar or a tree trunk, set uprighl or
carried without any effort by cultic personnel. According to these
depictions it has a narrow neck and above it a flat surface sevin as table.
59 A.
Lnroch.,HH (1960) nr.301.
60 Beside CHD L-N see G. F. de] Monte,Reew
of CHD 3/l,oA24 (19s5) 75l: H.
otfen,'Bemerkungen zum hethitischen Wrterbu ch, ZA 72 (lg82) 284f ..
b l written
also NA.daa nga-, see V. Haas, Der Kult von Nerik (1970) 168f.; idem,
Betrachtungen zur Rekonstruktion des hethitischen Frhjahrsfestes (EZEN purulliyas), ZA
78 (P"8q) 291 note 37; M. Popko. Kultobjekte in der hethitischen Religion (1-928) Bgtr
ua Equated with Sum. ZAG.GAR.RA,
see J. Friedrich, HW p.9I; M. popko, op. cit. p.
66ff;J. Puhvel, HED Vol. 2 (1934) 461ff.
oc
J. Friedrich, Hw 266f .; E. Laroche, Review of HW 1. Erg., RA b2 (19bg) 187-rgg; /.
s.
J. weitenbery., Die hethitischen U-sriimme (198a) 2b3f.; H. otten, Die Bronzetafel aus
Boazky. Ein Staatsvertrag Tutbalijas IV., StBoT Beihef I (1988) 43; G. McMahon,The
HittiteStateCultoftheTutelaryDeities,As25(t991) 257;A.na],ZrBeschaffenheitdes
hethitischen Opfertisches aus philogischer und archiologischer Sicht, Fs Hrouda (1994)
283 note S;for pap(a)-see now CHD p (1994) 96f.
o+ Hethitisch-akkadische
Wortgleichungen,ZA 43 (t936) l72, see in details A. nat,
Zur Beschaffenheit des hethitischen Opfertisches aus philologischer und archologischer
Sicht, Fs Hrouda (1994) 28b.
65 Di. Bronzetafel aus Boazky.
Ein Staatsvertrag Tutbalijas IV., StBoT Beiheft l
(1988) 43.
66 upn 3 (199r) l4s.
67 S". now in detail, A. na],Zr Beschaffenheit
des hethitischen opfertisches aus
philologischer und archiologischer Sicht, Fs Hrouda (1994) 2gg.2g1.
THE RTTUAL OF HANTTTASSU 43
The main clue to identiff Hittite cSBSR.AD.KID with a table in
the shape of a basket comes from its depictions on the nandk vase in the
2nd, 3rd, 4th rows from the top68, on a relief vase from Boazkfg, on a
seal from Tarsus, kept now in oxfor\, on A]aca Hyk orthostats7l,
Fraktin relief with a different and broader table with curved extensions on
the left side (perhaps a table coth?72) and. on a stele from Yar73. The
prototypes of these altarJike tables can be seen as early as the Old Assyrian
bolony Period and are attested on the seal impressions from Acemhyk7a'
The archaeologists refer to them not quite wron gly as "altars'?5, because in
the archaeological sense they really have the shape of an altar and are
functioning as such. Since it is extremely difficult to distinguish the Hittite
"altar" from an accessory under the common denomination of "table", itis
recommendable to call them rather altar- or trunk-shaped tables. On the
depictions of the nandkvase these objects are not going to be offered to
the gods, as assumed by T' zg and76 H' G. Gterbock77. They are being
carried to be used during the ceremonies and amusements in the same way
as the musical instruments such as lyres, cymbals and the instruments
which strikingly look like saz (lute). For the understanding of the ritual
Scenery on the nandkvase it is significant to note that the lyres which are
depicted in small and big shapes can promptly be identified with
GIs'DINGIR.INANNA.TUR (Hitt. or better Hattic ippiznar) ''smalL ltar-
n strum e n t" an d GIs. D INGIR. INANNA. GAL (Hit t. / Hattic
G|S hun zn ar)
''big ltar-nstIment" which the Hittite festival texts attest frequently78.
68 r. zgt;, inandktepe. An Important Cult Center in the old Hittite Period (1988)
fig.6{rPl. I/3,J/4 and also under the dustjacketofthe book.
?Y n. w. Boehmer, Die Reliefkeramik von Boazky (1983) 8.31, Taf. |2.32'
70Boehme., op. cit. Abb. 10b; K. Bitte],Die ethiier (1976) Abb. 154.
7| Bitt",op. cil., Abb. 214.
72 Bitr., op. cit. Abb. 194, 196, 198; K. Kohlmeye Felsbilder der hethitischen
Gro8reichszeit, Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 15 (1983) 69f. For the table cloth and
its possible Hrouda (1994) 287f.
c Bit ''Tisch''!
74 N. tolian Art, BMECCJ 5 (1991) 297t. fg.5'
6.
75 Fo, T. zg,op. cit. p. 94f.
io
Loc."*u*p|e
cit.
]] ap"a T. zg,loc. cit.
l H. M. KmmeL, Gesang und Gesanglosigkeit in der hethitischen Kultmusik, Fs H.
otten (1973) 169-178; E. Bada], La musica presso gli ittiti; un aspetto particolare del culto
in onore di dinita, Bibbia et Oriente 147 (1986) 55s4; idem, Strumenti musicali, musici e
musica nella celebrazione delle feste ittite, TH 15 (1991); O. R. Curney, Some Aspects of
44
AHMETNAL
THE RrruAL oFUANTTTASSu 4s
this, considering arso the possibility that offering
ceremonies ro the
deceased kings may have taken place mostly at the roof..
There may have existed tabres of sim,ar
shape made of other

;"s:H,"7|i'','
49.49 rev.? AOf.
go|d (TAML)' KBo l0'2 i 32f'; KBo
78'777:5; KUB 42'57:3. The Hittit
specific objects, which they used
and perishable material. Aiongs
made of perishable materials su
other moders of houses, temples, randscapes
(mountain), the wickerwork
representations of.human beings are
certainly to be conceived in this sense
(Ar'AM'AD.KID.SALT/ "wickerwork figure
of a woman,KUB 3g.a i l0).

struction appears in KUB

2 cS34gp.AD.KID (5)

22 (see below). B 57.79' ,ffo','.1,iffiH:rx1

obv. i 4ff. treated by H. A. Hofner.8O

Courterpart, their number should

which compels Watkins to look for This is the point
tates that kutiya
cannot designate a sg. part. neut
unknown. He assumes, then, on the e such a Verb is
sis of OH StBoT 2f ,o. 7g and g0
scribal error by the Neo-Hittite scribe a
of KBo lr.14 and restores the
archet1pe as zi-na-iL-ku ti-ya-an "Ienti] oH
and chick pr, ?urJ prrrd,,. Watkins
argues that the Neo_ Hittite scribe
would hrve .ro ""g"J;raerstood
and wrongly attached it to the following -ku
argument needs, however, to be
word. Watkns,far-fetched
proven. First of all, from the syrtactical

80Ali-..,tu Hethaeorum. Food production

r Indo_European *-kwe,,a1d.'in in Hittite Asia Minor (1974) 65.
Z Alimenh H,,i,.lr, iroio.t (t985) 495.
Hethaeorum (lg74) 62,74.
 46 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL or ryeNrraSSu 47

Point of view we would not need a verb da'- in line 7; it would be absolutely
superfluous between two .duba- ''Scatter" in lines 5 and 7. Moreover, how is
one to explain the function of the plene writing - ku-u for commonly
attested -ku at the end of the word? Moreover it would factually be
incomprehensible to assume that the very scribe would not ha,e
understood the meaning of dai-, one of the most frequently attested. r,erbs
in this ritual and in all the Hittite vocabulary. There are, therefore, other
possibilities, if one wanted to reduce the number of NUMUN to seven; one
of them is to take parluena ewan aS a gen. construction as I did above in
my transation (see there the note); see also i 12 the similar gen.
construction DUTU-aj parluena "Sweet concoctjon for/of the Sun Goi,83'
The exact meaning of paruena- is not known. It might designate a by_
product of cereals or fruits, something like juice, extract or essence. The
given translation "concoction" is an approximate guess. H. A. Hoffnef[
and F. Pecchio]i Daddi-A' M. Po],an5 leave it without translation. What
kind of a plant, seed or flower kutiyan designates is also obscure. How
Watkins deduces the meanin g "lentI" and "chick pea'' for fiattar and zinai]
is difficult to understand86.
obv. i 6ff. For the magical meaning of numbers, especially 3, 7, 9 and
14, see Haas94; R. LebrungS and in general F. Heilef6. In line 8 a small,
thick loaf made of wheat is put as topping on the layer of seeds, separating
the seeds from the gems. In another context soldier bread appears as a
Co\er: IfTU NINDA.ERi'S i*tap-pi|- KUB 12.16 ii 14, 79; IsTU
NINDA.ERiI tappanz, KUB 4l.13 ii 19; .. er=a=an DUG^nuran (9)
NINDA2-a-an A 1/z SAr tappanzi, KUB 59.53 i 8f., similarly KBo
1....1
19.t29 obv. 31; na-a-k6n KAxU-jj (5|) kizzaI*TU r.gABgAR GUKIN
NINDA.KUR+.RA-ya (52) itappanza edu,IBoT 3.148 iii 50-52.
obv. i 9ff. Minerals such as gold and silver and precious stones play an
important role in the magical rituals; see 14 Haas-H'J. TheP7;V' Haasg};
G. Kellermangg. They appear more frequently in rituals adhering to the
Hurrian layer. I will not deal with the stone names here, since an
exhaustive work on the stones and gems in Hittite texts has now been
published by A. M. Pol,an;100. 1 would merely like to express my
disagreement with A' Ancllot6101, who tends to see in Hittite NA4para-
ba-102 the equivalent of AN.BAR.GEo "ferro nero".

ob,. i 6ff. for the seeds included in this NUMUN_list see in detail
Hoffnef7 and 1L Ertem8}' For ba(t)tars. E. Neu89 andr[. Puh,eP}
obv. i 6-10 is translated by V Haas9| and,
of the passage is given by V. Ha2593
b.
A. M. Po],an92. A synopsis
obv. i l1 ftappi-: A. Kammen7u6rrl03 gives the meaning "Kmme]"
which is attested in Hittite as kappani- (Sumerian TIN.TIR) ''c]min''
(cuminum cyminum) or less probably, "caraway Seed" (carum cari)'We
can, from the start, exclude the possibility that kappi- may stand as a
shorter writing for kappani-, since kappani- is attested always in connection
with the colors black (GE6) and white but never red (Sfu), as it is the case
in KBo 11.14 i 11 in connection with kappi-. Another reason for our
objection is the question whether the Hittites would ever have ground the
cumin using a millstone or a grindstone, NA+ARA, Hittite NAabararazi-. It is

94 or. .it. o. 174.

95
ischter, HEG 4, IF 91 (1986) 376. r"qr". aspect's du symbolisme dans le culte hittite, in Ries et al. (eds) , Le
ff., 77ff., 80ff.
'
Syrnbolisme dans le (1985) 77tr
ewi Anadolu,sunun Floras (1987)2 14tr, 19f., 99 Erscheinun igion (1961).
2|-24,27. 97 Di" 8"..h, $i und verwandte Texte, AOAT 31 (1978)
89 Gor.u. zu den althethitischen
Ritualtexten, StBoT 26 (1983) 62 with note 273 33, 39ff.
(Getreide- oder Gemsesorte).
90 rBo 3 (1991) 247.
Ber
98 Hethitische Steindmonen (1982) 167ff.
I
99 Recherche sur Hittites, Ph. D. Paris (1980) 153f.
|],!p"o a Ha'uptmann,in K. Bittel et al. Yazlkaya (1975) 66. 100 1u terminologi ittiti, EOTHEN 3 (1988); eadem, RIA 8/3-4
r< La pietra ZA.GIN nei testi di Hattusa, Mesopotamia rb (1gg0) g6; eadem, (1e94) 210-212.
La
terminologia dei minerali nei resti ittiti, EOTHEN 3 (1ggg) Z0f. 101 4p1B 28 (1975) 43tr
yc I02 5"6 above p. 27 nore 138 in translation.
Hethitische Berggtter 175.
103 gyp 1. Lf;. (1975) 6b.

L*
48 AHMETNAL THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 49

bcal to assume that one would use mortar and pestle to pound.r.-irl104. ohv. 13 alPuemar: This word designates something on the horn (SI,
kappi- must therefore mean, at the same time, an extremely tiny kind of hitt. karawar) of the plow-ox which can be cut off or scraped and removed
seed such as poppy seed which can be found in red and black, and can also without killing, harming or injuring the live animal. Therefore it is
escape or Pour out from the millstone without being grouna[l05. In the common even today's animal husbandry in Turkey to cut off the pointed
meaning of "small seeds" it appears in the following texts: KUB 4l.g | 27 ends of the bull horns so that they do not injure each other. Thus it hardly
with dupl. I(Bo 10.45 ii 61 7 kappin anda pe*iyazz; KBo 5.2 i 38: 14 kappi Can mean "Krtjmmung",i. e' ''bendng (of the horn) ''111, since this part of
5E para ipnna{; ibid. iv 20: nu7 kappin SE da. the horn contains blood vessels, nor can it mean "Gldtte"(?) 112, but only
"smill" as being a synonym of amiyant- the "point" of the horn. Indeed how small this piece must have been is
established: KUB 12.63 obv. 3l (said of er.ident from comparison with a ritual text which attests the remo,a] of a
and
tiny piece from the ear and an unknown body part (UZUarnum,da-l) of a
mou S; KBo 6.29 i 7 and
KBo 4.12 obv. b (said
sheep, although we do not know whether the sheep was living or notl13.
According to an another text they scrape a splint (adur)l|4 from the
horn of a live wild goat, Weidner 1911, 81 i 4: ANA SI UZ6.KUR.RA-ft:fn
haduir tepu baajja. Note that a cow with its horns "broken (ofr)" must
grindstune slirys away, may the sacrificer likewise escape from the jaws have lost a lot of its value, according to Laws $ 74: raft,ku SI GUD nama
of
-Akni'.
Finally kappi' is also attested as a small measurement vessell0d. cin cuo kui^j/<i duwarnizi aPun-Za apa clai cuo SIG5 B.EI GUD pai
(See now R. Haase, 74,86, 1995, 114). The substantive alpuemar is closell,
The forms, techniques and functions of ancient Anatolian millstones
related to adj. alpu- "pointed", the antonym of which is war[ui- "rough,
have been examined from the archaeological point of ew b/ f. FIersftllO. shaggy, bushy, leafy, blunl'115.4. Kammenhr6rrl16, who cites further
obv. i 12 mumuwai- attested also in KUB 57.79 rev. iv 4; cHD L-N literature, rejects all these interpretations and renders alpuemar as (eie
(1980'1989) We may expecr from Substanz); she also does not accept the relationship to alpu-. To me it
context
the nd, amalgamate", as a designates the point of an ox horn (Hornspiue) which can be cut off easily
synonYm of without injuring the live animal. For alpu- and dampu- see also g17rn.7l7
obv. i 17ff. Treat.ed by E. Neu118 and CFID P (1994) 15.

104 po. the terminology of ''grnding, pounding'' etc. see CHD P (199a) 58; it
lists the
following verbsl pakku', ara-,' kuilku-, paiai-, and, zafiurai-.
105 9.";1 20 and related commentary. lll H. M. Kmmel, apud H. otten, Benrerkungen zum hethitischen Wrterbuch, ZA
106 9". also composite words including kappi- kappilai-, ,,to
kappilafi- (certainly not 66 (1976) 100.
showone'shate'',but"to underestmate'to scorn, to sneer, deride, dsdain'', similar or !!7
S. Wei tenberg,Hethitische U-Stmme ( 1984) 87.
mble',, kappilalli-, kappilanu_, kappilazatta-, II KUB 44.15 obv. i 9f.: A-NAGEru uou te-pu ku-ir-ziuzuar-nu-um-ja (10)
[t|e-pu
ku-ir-zi nu-k6n ITU NINDA.KURa.RA a-a -i-i u-u-[a-i.

and
imen ta ",,,..,lHl
Proverbial
#i #
1[#!,, o,,
),, and' G. 114 16r'
ajduirdoes.,ot o.riy mear "twigs, sticks, bash(wood)'', cf.J. Puhvel,HED 3
Beckman, Proverbs Allusions in Hittite,JNES 4b (19g6) 24 n. Br "smail (1e91) 239.
115 5". H. G' Gterboct, Lexicographical Notes II, RHA 74 (1976)
@"'flit"o1/2 (rs,4) 44t " 99; idem, Bilingual
.
Moon omens from Boazky, A Scienfic Humanist, Memorial Saggs (1988) 168-170, citing
used also in Urartian as kap!, see for further details also KBo 11.14 i 12-14.
Yaar
e Geen Baz Seme Kap isimleri (1979) 3438 and rur Lfg. 6lb'
for ]19 (1975)
t t'/ 7666 p. f 00, citing unpubl .222/b and, E. Hamp, Hittite alpu and dampu, HS 102
od Processing Techniques of Neolithic Societies (198e) 21f.
. of Turkey
and Greece, Ph. D. (1981) (2 volumes). 1 l8 I.,t".p."tation der hethitischen mediopassiven Verbalformen, StBoT 5 ( 1968) 150.
 50 AHMETNAL
THE RITUAL or
UavrreSu
i 79 huza: G. Beckmanllg compares this word with (NAa)6r31120_ obv. i 21f. transliterated and
5l
"amber??, resin??" which is accepted by A. M. polrrnil2l and.J. pu7r.1122. bI r
translate.I k',
^
1 Dress]er.l3l
Polvani lists KBo 11.14 i lg (wrongly line 8(!)) under (N^4)buti/a-, she obv. i 22: CHD L-N (1980-1989,
ul1"o
does not explain why one has to assume a sg. nom. c' u*za-x together with
u^rjjl2g. on account of the stem Consonant and the case, however, it is
hardly possible to subsume it under (NA4) ujf-, which, according to a ritual
text, seems to be a hard and durable stone,l24since the transitive verb
ameiya'"fumigate something'' would acquire an object in acc. sg.
butin/buran which is attested many times125, although not together with
the verb flameiya- but mostly with the verbs (,der ar[a) wabnu- "to swing
(abo,e)", da- "to take" and kuk- "to pound, to grind''. G, Beckman himself
has trouble finding a reasonable explanation for these diffi.r16..t2o.
Further occurrences which Beckman cites from 2027/k:b and.7g/e rev. 1g
are unfortunately too fragmentary to establish a relationship between these
two words. In our context we expect a combustible substance which can be
used as an incense together with cedar, oil and honey. Since it would not
make any sense to burn honey (after all, it would produce an offensive
smell) uza- mrst designate something belonging to honey, and this can
be only the "wax", here "rhe wax of honey", the Hittite reading of the
Sumerogram GAB.L/DU.L.
obv. i 20: For MUN "sa.lr,,see G. Beckmarl2T; for its usage and
resourcesl28 in the vicinity of anklfl see Sedat Erkuttzg ]nd' M'
porl^nini.l30

50.
in see;[. Puhve], HEG B (199f ) 41lf.
sti Ittiti (1988) 18.

Puhvel, HEG B (1991) all; polvani gives the

forms op. cit. p. 19; read ere also line 19, not (8!).
L24 pustiGlM-an KAI-AG.GIA, see V.Haas-HJ' Thie:,Die Beschwrungsrituale der
(1e78) 138f.,188.
. cit.

83.
natural resources, especially rock salt beside

46 km north of Erzurum, Hu,,b,##";"},1T'::i}',".:'i:;:r;:r;Er:T::,f^rJ

Hacbekta, 22 km east of Sivas, Merzifon, ererek river basin, Ayaky, the middle
Kz]rmak basin' especially the modern salt-works east of
ankr near'Balbaand most of
them have been mined since ottoman times (today mined by Turkish ,no.ropoy;,
see W.J.

L.
 52 AHMETNer THE RITUAL or geNrrSSu 53

KUB 58.94 obv. i 3-18 runs, in free translation of the restore6 1.*1135.
i24 dapianduis
obv. used here as usual as a synonym for [umandu,
"Now the ritual expert [utters the words of conjuration] to the sun
cf. the change in KBo 3.7 iv 16 and is dupl.; KUB 4.1 i 19, 21 and its dupl.;
God as f[ollows: 'You, the sun God, have given a party.you have] invited all
KUB 7.41 i 37, ii 74; KUB 32.123 + iii 21, 54 and its dupl.; KUB 58.108 i 12
the gods. You have invited [all the mortals.] The patient, however, [(was and its dupl. KUB 59.58 i 11; Hatt. iv 22 and its dupl.; Ullik. 1A i 3 and its
not invited), he (just) walked intol it. The gods have eaten and drunk. you, dupl. and the replacement of the commonly used phrase dapiza dapian
the su[n God], have entrusted [these words] to the heart (of the gods); SIG5-n in oracle inquiries by bumandaza dapian in KUB 49.74:7|.
you, the sun God, have spoken (to them namely): 'what ldid I do?] I
obv. ii 1DU'[U-uarahzawetr is so far a unique expression, but its
ha[ve] inted all the gods. [I have invited] all the mortals (as well). [But
meaning is evident from the context. It certainly denotes the cycle of the
the patientl has got lost. [The practitioner has concealed] him'.
[The gods sun during the night time which was usually conceived by the ancients as
in their entirerywalked out (and) [spoke] to the sun God: '[whyJ did you
"tIa,el, jorney, striding'' of the Sun. The verb we- ''to turn" is attested in
[not] invite the patient?'The sun God responded: '[He has been the following texts in the meaning of "to stde, to tra,eL, undertake a tour
concealed(?) somewhere; it is why Il could not in[vite] him. (But) now,
of nspecton, to wa]k around'} KUB 36.80 i 6-7: (6) '. ma-a-an-Za a-ru-ni
because [he (just) walked in]to the lparty, let him be here?].'. The gods
ma-a-an-Za A-N[A HUn. secs 1 Q ) |ke-ada-n i-il q-qa (??) wa-ab-b a-an-n a
spoke as follows: '[You, the sun God, he (i.e. patient) has made his] chief
pa-a-aln-za] " (Sun Goddess of Arinna), whether you have gone to the sea
(SAG.DU) god! Let him (please) participate in the party. Let him eat,
[let or [anywhe]re to [the mountains] to travel" and similarly in the prayer to
him drinlk! [Let him] g[o (again)] to you, to (his) chief(?) (deity). Let the
Telipinu KUB 24.r obv. i 8; KUB 36.18 ii 2\: wa[anna Panza eta "he has
patient come in, [et him eat and drink (with us) ! Let him recover his
been tra,eling''|38' <Ug 56.5l obv. 9-12: (l1) |ma]n D Kantipuitti
health againll Let him come [and be a true servant to you,] the sun God,
wabannaza EGIR-pa uizzi "[As] Soon aS K. returns from (hs) trave]"
(his) [chief god. Let him bring you sacrifices again!',,] 136
(preously he undertook a travel (KASKAL) to Tuwanuwa); KUB 40.5 + ii
Now we must. try to analyze the profound. meaning and function of 5: KASKAL-az wefita "he returned from tra,eL"; KBo 30.l64 obv. iii &9: (8)
this unique mythologem in the midst of a magical ritual. First of all we maxfuban-ma LUGAL-uJ (9) KUR-a webzi "When the king undertakes a
should be aware of the ritual ambience in which this ficti,e story has been tour of inspection aroud the country''; KUB 8.57 i 10: [nu] KUR.KgpMEs
skillfully inserted. secondly the patient is given the impression that he has
fuumanda wehikizz|if ''he (Gilgami) tra,els around a]I countries",. KUB
been a guest among the gods. we can imagine how encouraged the patient 33.127 ii 15: mKe,jji ITU.3.KAM-a webandari "Ke tramped around n
must have felt, when this mythologem was recited to him aloud and the mountains for three monrs",'Kup. Ai 24: -.vnSE1aU-ya kuie
publicly in the form of a "belle ,7or1'737. The unspoken verbal message of arabzandaweandari "The free men who are traveling around"; cf. further
it is: "You will/must recover, because even the sun God and other goir rrc Tel. i 45.
fond of you!"
The verb arazanda web- cannot be the main predicate of the
sentence, since it would need the particle -kin which lacks here, see KBo
135 Transiteration
is given below p. 95f. 30.56 rev. v 26; therefore we may restore in analogy to above cited texts at
136 I., the broken
continua[ion of the text there are certainly further disputes with the the end of the |ine, zinna- "finsh, comphete" or pai- "to go"'
Sun God and argumentation, how faithful a seryant the patient will become if
recovers: This sort of barters on the basis of the principle 'ldo ut d.es',
only he obv. ii 2: It is of special interest that the mother of the client is
are well known from
tle prayer for Gauliyawiya|lBo 4.6 +obv. 16f., rev. 22; from the vow texts of Pu]hena mentioned (if our restoration of the break is correct). So far as I know the
(crH 583-584) in the forrn of man-wa DINGIRU T GASAN-yA/EN-yA Durusl Tr-;;;;iL intervention of a mother for the sake of her child is unique among the
nusi fuarti in KUB 15.1 i 5, 21f., ii 2f.; KUB 15.8 i b; KUB tb.t9 obv.
4; KUB 15.22:12f.; KUB
15'23 rev. 2f.; KUB 75.24 i 4f.; StBoT 1 obv. i 3f. Cf. also KUB 6.45 ili +;
Hittite rituals. The personal name rMa(n)duta... is unknown from
rus 2|.27 lii 37; elsewhere.
KUB56.19 i 19, 28f.; KUB 50.25 + KUB 60.118 iii? 3.
" 1 o,, the psychological and therapeutic effects of this conjuration in curing a patient
see A. nal, Parts of Tree' i., Hittit" According to a Medical Incantation Text (KUB 138 . A. nat, Hethitische Mythen
43.62) , und Epen, in: o. Kaiser (ed.), TUAT Il|/4 (1gg4)
FsAp (1992) 495. 858.

..!--
 54 AHMETNAL THE RITUAL or gevrreSSu 5D

obv. ii 3ff. E. Larochel3e recognized, 206g/9 (i.e. KBo 17.104) as KUB 60.73 rev. 5-7: .....]MA.NA da-a nu-zar.IgABgAR GUSKIN da-a?l
dupl. (6) ...]x 9 MA.-NA nu-za'eaffi.p1GlR.RtA '... (7) ... MA-I\\A da-a nu-za
obv. ii 4: The incongruence of gender and case in DUTU-u-e EN-mr BAPPIR BULUG S[Af ... Another similar case is artested in KUB 72.24 obv.
is remarkable; I have therefore emended this scribal error to EN-mi[[-ir]], i 2ff. Here the client has fallen ill as a result of divine anger. To paci$
above note to ii 4. I*!ara, the goddess of diseases, and to restore the patient's health the deity
is given silver, iron, black iron, tin, copper, lapislazuli, lead, different kinds
obv. ii 5: AMAR "young anmaL, ca]f'connotes here an endearing or
of wool, beer, wine, cheese, wali- etc. A similar passage is in KUB 27.67 +
allegorical word "child, kid". similarly the mother of the disherited
rev. iv 33fla5., "He scatters [silver] (and) gold, Lapis, cornelian, Babylon
Labarna designates herself as " cow" (GUD) 140. 1y. know that AMAR is a u_
Stone, parafu-stone,Iulluri-stone, ron, tin, copper, (and) bronze- [a little]
stem nounl4l, but there is unfortunately no evidence for its Hittite reading.
(of e,erythinr).... '' The principle do ut des is most clearly sible in the vow
TUR-Ia-ma-an "my child, baby" acc. sg. stands certainly for *TUR-Ia -an-ma-
texts of the queen Pudubep2l46.
an, cf. HAB ii 2; the nasal or weak is omitted before consonantsl42. The
Hittite reading of TUR-/a-is also unknown. It is noteworthy to observe that a mortal who, after making his
sacrifcial offerings, was dissatisfied with the deity's attitude towards him
obv. ii 7-13 treated by A. M. polr*i743. and therefore later changed his opinion, could demand his votives back
obv. ii 7ff.: The barter formura da- and pai-, i. e. ',to accept from the deity: EN.SISKUR- za ANADU arkuwar iyfaz] DU EN_YA EGIR-
something
Pa=war=a=mu pai U M ItI|A
(offering, gift or bribe) on condition that in ,rrponre something DU-MA] immakku=war=a=mu peta
else is
granted" is one of the basic principles of Hittite religionr44, anJ kinun=ma=waI=a=m] EGIR-pa e.dft.[i<^ii] nu-Za EN.SISKUR .AjVA D U
is best
compared to do ut des in Roman religion. In our text it seems to arkuwar i|yaz i] Pai=war=a= mt) n)=wa=ta=k6'n me n a|fo ! an da] u kan zi tai
be a kind DU-aipara peta "The client argues with the Storm God: 'Storm God, my
of bargain with the gods who are thought to be responsible for
the sickness
or any trouble of the client. The practitioner tries also to restore Lord, gi,e them (i'e', his offerings) back to me!' [The Storm God]
the health (responds) as fol]ows: 'Did not you gve them to me (as presents)? (How
of his client in exchange for cerears, minerals and other sacrificial
materials. we may compare this passage with the fragmentary can) you now ask them back from me?' The clent re[peats] his demand':
birth rituar 'Give me them! They watch (obseve) you(?)'. The Storm God (at the
end)
l39R..*of KBo 7L,oLZ58 (1963) ga,e him them.'' (KBo 13.l61 rev. right col. lff.; repeated in lines l0rr.; +z
246.
140 rln ii 1415: In the following I would like to cite more typical examples from the
an-na-a-i-i-ma GUD-u, ma -a-an ta- +j-kr (l5) u-i-wa-an-ti-wa-
mu-kdn GUD-jGiR'' R jar-n:-r ''Butmother stamped like a cow (and cried): ,They have
hs texts which illustrate the principle "do ut des": "They speak as follows:
separated (my) kgs (and) Iimbs from me, the tiving iow,,,, 'Look, (how) the client supples you wth offerings. o deity, take (these)
tn. ,"purutlo., of limbs standing
,...rulf*:.r:ally.for.the removal of labarna,her son, out of the palace.
'aL J. Friedrich, HW3.. Erg. 39; J'J. S. Weitenberg, U-iStimme (l9s4) offerngs for yourseLf and turn towards him in benevo]ence. Whate,er he
56; for
attestations of AMAR_un add there <so io.so ii 11; KUB gb.+o
ert col. 8; KUB 33.38 iv 1; might be telling you, Isten to him!"', kian memanzi kaa=wa=ta sisrun
KUB 33.46 i 14. EN.SISKUR pai nu=wa_za DINGIRLAM ssru da nu=wa=i=an and,a
I42 g' g' Sturteuant,Red
ced Vowels and Syllabic Liquids and Nasals in Hittite,
(1931) 7e88; E. H. sturtevan -E. A. Hahn,A
RHA 3 ailuli naifout nu=ta kuit memikizzi nu=i GESTU-an para lagan
compararive b.u--u. of the Hittite Language f;arak,
(1951) 24f' with note 41; S- A/pThe -n(n)-Formations I(Bo 12.96 rev. iv 16.1a8' LUGAL-u,-, a kuedani (32) MU- ir-ri -ur
in the Hittite ,u.rgrug., Belleten 18
(|954) 449'467;J. Friedric, HE:I (1960) ($36 on
s31 assimilation); C. b*trr,The Hittite panza nu-mari--ri pauwa| ANA DISTAR.LiL (33) URu5rrruga ssruR
Writing of [nk] and [ngJ and Related l"ti..r, JAOS 99 (1979) 93-94;o. Carruba, ambai keldi-ya maldear-a -u (34) eilzi LUGAL-uj kuit gimri -u
Nasalization im Anatolischen, SMEA 24 (lgg4) bltr.
|n''"pietra nei testi oi riuttrl, uesopotamia l5 (l9s0) 86 and
ZA.GiN
eadem, La 745
terminologia.dei min_erali nei tesri iuiti, EOTHEN g (fggg)
taa A' unal'A'Kammenhube4 Zl.
Das arthethitische Losorakel KBo XVIII, Kz gg (lgz4) 746
he Geloften I-III (1984) and KUB 56.1ff.
159 note 8; A' nal, The Role of Magic in the
Ancie-nt Anatolian Religions According to the
I47
Cuneiform Texts from Boazky-sattuSa, BMECCJ 3 (19s8)
62f.
l48 Dr A]vrAKUS1rrra, or. 3g (7964) 240.
5t) AHMET N,q
paizzi "If year the king does not go on a mi]tary campaign, there is no
in a
ambai-rtuaL, keldi-ritual ad votive offering of "gong-on-the campaign',
for the "Itar of the Counuyside of Samuba'', because (this season) the king
has not gone on a military campaign'l KUB 27.1 obv. i 31-34; kaa uma
DIMIN.IMIN.BI-a. SSKUR piwen nu-Za ezzatten
ekutten (3|) |atugae-ma-
kin DIMIN.IMIN.BI-ej KASKAL-az ar|1a namma tiendu nu ANA,A
ru1rr32g (32) minumar piten nri-*an ANA LUIGAL
SA]L.LUGAL
D1-J14UIS.LUGAL anda au]i (33) naiten ''Behold., we ha,e gi,en you,
Pheiades, a sacrfce. Now eat and drink! Let the evi| Pleiades get out of the
way. Grant gentJeness to the tutelary deity of the hunting bag. Turn to the
king, queen (and) princes in favor!", KBo l7.lOb + KBo 84.47 rev. iii 30ff.);
EGlR-anda-ma- maf ftue.d DINGIp'S] (2) ailawe nu ap|u pl1purs in the texts. His personal appearance and participation must be deemed
akkukanzil "In the foLlowing [they toast (only) to the honor of those
deites who have been] benevolent [towards them]'', VBoT 24 iii lf. and
better preserved in rev. iv 29-3l; Sa ruR UR.U7r3ru DINGIRMES ftaja--jmaj
tuliya baLziyawen nu uwatten nu izzatten ekutten nu=ma=an kaaDINAM
kuit arnummeni nat itamaten "Beho]d, o deties of the Gaga ]ands! We
ha'e summoned you to a divine assembly. Hurry uP, eat and drink! Listen
to (, however, n return) whatever litigation we may brng to yol,,, KUB 4.r
ii 1-6149' cf. also similarly KUB 17.30 iii 3-5, further examples are given by
n. nu1|50; the fragmentary prayer KBo 22.250:14 seems also to deal with a
sort of barter.
obv. ii 8: As I noted in my transliterarion, the par. texts KBo 17.104 ii
7 and2029/g line 8 write the clientwith his p...orri name, i. e.,mAtta(-),
instead of anonymous EN.SISKUR (Akk. bel niqe) in KBo 1r.14 ii g.
As has repeatedly been stressed in previous pages, the ritual of
l) the old or
|Iantitau consists of at least five versions (see also below):
Middle Hittite original version of flantitau which served as model for all
succeeding examples, esp. KBo 11.14; this most ancient example is
unfortunately lost; 2) KBo 11.14 or the middle Hittite version Xno iO.g+;
3) the version which was used for the personal vicissitudes of Atta (for
the
detaiis on his personality see below), KBo 17.104 and20zg/g; 4) the ritual
which was enacted to restore the health of an unknown Hittite king, KUB
43.57 (written typically LUGAL). we do nor know whether this
version
repesents a special compilation preserved to be used only for kings
in
!!s^n. -"
Schu,Ie; Die Ikker (1965) 170f.
5U BMECCJ 3,62f.
THE RITUAL or gavrreSSu 57
general or for only one particular king; 5) and finally KUB 57.79 with its
dupl. KUB 58.94 for an unknown customer. It is hard to estimate how
many examples of the ritual might have been lost.The different find spots
of each compositio n in flattua indicate three different versions: KBo 1 1. l 4
in Bykkale building K; KBo 13.145 in House at the Slope; KUB 43.57 (+)
KBo 18.74 in Temple I; KBo 17.l04 (+) 2029/g in Sdmagazin of Temple
1151. 5ot1rer result of the frequent usage and copying of the flantitau
ritual is the omission of the direct speech particle -wa in some passages
which causes difficulties in discourse analysis of the text.
The mention of the name of a patient or client is not very common
rary critical, because his introduction by name shows that e rituals were
not merely theoretical library examples at llattuabut were in practical use
whenever daily needs required them. In other words they were a kind of
empty formula to be flled out anew with the name and affliction of the
patients each time they were used, as already stated The mention
"6ou.152.
of clients by their names seems to have prevailed extensively during the
Middle Hittite and Early Empire period and r'as abondoned in the Empire
period; we observe here a forward shift from individuality to anonymity.
It is remarkable but not surprising that the custom of mentioning a
client's name seems primarily to go back to Hurrian origins, since most of
the rituals, including the name of the patients, stem from the Hurrian
sphere. Thus we find the Hittite prince Tamiarr mentioned in a Hurrian
rite: a-a.i_u-u_ji-i[ft-/<u-un-n]i-ma m T|a-a#mi-3ar-ril''The c|ient is
T|amiarri] '' KBo 27.85+ 792/v..n. 14153. Tamiarri aPpears also in many
other texts as .1i.r1154 alone and together with Amunika1r55 o. *i1L
Suppiluliuma j's first TawanannaTaduepa|56. Thi' Tamiarri has been
L'I
P. corni,Textes de Boghazky. Liste des lierx de uouraille, Hethitica 7 (19s7) 3r.
152 5.6 above o. llf.
|53 v. H^n,Die Serien ia[i und itkalzi des AZU_Prieters, Rituale fr Ta.miarri und
TadubePa sowie weitere Texte mit Bezug aTamiarn, ChS I/l (1984) 39.
rc+ Haas, op, cit. nos. 4&49, 51, 53tr
155 162t,op. cit. no. 52.
L56 gxa,op. ct. nos.6, 8, ll, 14, t9, 20.
L
i
 58
AHMETNAL
tentatively
Tutfrariyai
rituals is
Arnuwandaappear also in the Hurrian
Now, we hav
Atht62. The most
flantitau ritual an
is closely related to
KUB 36.tlt + KBo
[1c].dia daranzi ^k u j,i mAt-ta-a-i
SAL.LUGAL IBII-A.NITA TDUMU
DINGIRUM f m an -ml a-a D|J
1csB4NUrR kizziy]a g-an GI
"They speak as follows: .Whatever
personality contemporary with
renowned sister of Tutf;aliya
evident from the ritual text KB
The name Atta is
an instruction text of Arnuwanda
'attested'
with the very prince in question.'Zplatawiya
y_'n
rrtan
and
.iu6l61.
d of hea,en [or] the S[un Goddess
ha,e set up) [here and there] nine
and brlng (in response)
lient Atta is a high ranking
appears also in rev. b), the
_relationship to king Tutaliya is
26f.
as "a dgntary of the city of Gagababa,,
in
trg il.44i 9) who may be identical
is also well attested in
iluliuma as Told by His Son Mursilis II,JCS 10
he Hittite Kingdom, TH b (1925) t623 A.
Vorzeichenschau bei den Herhite;
",
TH
zur Verwendung magischer Rituale
in
ungsritual fr das Knigspaar Tutbalia
und
THE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 59
connection with her malevolent magical manipulations against Tutfualya,
her own brother' and against Nkalmat, his wife the queen, and their
children in the magic ritual KBo 15.10 i 19-21164' nu idalu kue ITTIA
nDutbabiyla ] Nik^l-ati ANA pg14glS-Su,u memikit nu=ma
EMEuA [iji],ira nu=u-k6.n i[anaD|JTU_i DIsKUR-ni Paranta [idallu
memkitu__uj alwanzakt''Das Bse, das sie (i.e., Ziplanawiya) gegen
Dutfualya |und] Nikalmati (und) hre Shne immer wieder gesagt und
ihnen aLs Zungen [gema]cht hat, pflegte se darber hinaus (ber) sie
beim Sonnengott des B]utes (und) beim Wettergott [aLs Bse]s Zu Sagen;
und se behexte se immer wieder".
In recent decades this Tutf;aliya has enjoyed a particular reputation
since many historical texts have been re-dated into his reign, and,
moreover, a remarkably bulky sword of Mycenaean type with an Akkadian
dedicatory inscription on its blade has been discovered not far from the
Lion Gate at flattua165; this is tangible proof for serious involvement in
164 Szab6, op. cit. l<tf.
|65 6. nu1-4. Ertekin-. Ediz,The Hittite Sword from Boazky_Hattusa, Found 1991
and its Akkadian Inscription, Mze/Museum. 4 (1990_1991) 50-53; A. naL, 1991'de
Boazky-Uattua'da Bulunan Hitit Klc ve Uzerindeki Akadca Adak Yazt, Fs Nimet
zg, Ankara (|9,s3) 727-730 and A. Ertekin-. Ediz, A Unique Sword from Boazky-
$attua, Fs Nimet ozg (1993) 7T9-725' This sword has been published by myself and my
Turkish colleagues as fast as possible, i.e. three months after its discovery at flattu*a,
because we did not want to deprive the scientific world of this unique piece. Although this
primary publication in Turkish language, and, for the convenience of others additionally in
English translation in the Turkish journal Museum and succeedingly in Fs N. zg has
flawlessly been done in every respect and it does not lack anything in regard of definition of
the sword, reading and translation of its Akkadian inscription, its dating to the reign of
Tutalya ji and relating is historical and achaeological context with the historical events
of the time of this king, and finally its Mycenaean-West Anatolion origin I encounter in
recent times to my regret an influx of repetitious and mostly unnecessary treatment of the
sword by different colleagues in various journals, which reiterate in general almost our
results, illustrate our drawings ard pictures' as if one felt to be in a rush to take part in the
i unique ralue of this sword. To show how rapidly ese teatments increase I like to give a list
of these publications (so far known to me) here: Il. Bucholz, Eine heth.
Schwerteinweihung, Journal of Prehistoric Religion VIII (1994) 20ff.; (with a grievous
blunder on p. 22 with note 8) E. Cline, Sailing the Wine-Dark Sea. International Trade and
the Late Bronze.Aegean, BAR International Series 591 (1994) 73 and his forthcoming
article, "Assuwa and the Aegean''; Boazky-flattua
Found in 1991, ABSA (The Annal 994) 2lT2l5; MJ.
Mellink, AJA 97 (1993) 108, 112f. - L. Vagnetti,tJna
spada di tipo da Boazky, PP 176 (1994) 215_236.
|A' nal,| Ein hethitisches Schwert mit
akkadischer Inschrift aus Boazky, Antike Welt 23 (1992) 256_257. The immesurable
imPortance of the sword for tle Mycenaear archaeology and its uniqueness do not justiff
this spoil. Do I have to understand these authors i., ii,i. way that ihey do .rot toi.. *y
L-_
 60 AIIMETNa
West Anatolia, which is well known from his annals. We can assume that
Attavas among the children of Tutfraliya-Nikalmati, the royal couple, who
have been bewitched by their malicious ant Zplantawiya. Nemesis came,
however, upon the evil-doer very soon, since according to e above cited
KUB 36.f 11 + KBo 20.34 rev. 12-15 she shares a common fate with Atta, the
queen, and the crown prince (probably Arnuwanda i, the successor of
Tutaliya), who all appear there to be accursed and thus bewitched by
some deities. The same prince is also attested in the fragmentary text KUB
55.48 i 14 as m?A-at-ta-a in connec - this context causes great difficulties. L. Jakob-R65173, and apparently
feitivals, and.
in the same context as a Muwatalli Another Affa
appears in the colophon of KBo father of the
scribe Nananza, and must be a different person. As a scribe he appears also
in KBo 18.181 rev. 10. Atta as a craftsman in the inventory iext KUB
42.31:10 certainly represents a third person.
| 9 hatta- is primarily a terminus technicus of butchery. It covers a
broad semasiological spectrurn: "to make a hole, pierce, prick, stab, slash,
perforate, stick (as means of killing), hit, strike, engrave'\68. In spite of its
primary meaning rendered by Puhvel which implies "to stick, stab (an
animal) " it is still obscure what kind of slaughtering method it exactly
denotes. It seems that the meaning "to stick, to stab" iJrather to be soughi
ina quite diffel Other terms of slaughtering ire
ark1 ep(p)-, ar 69,
fouek-, kuen-, mik-, -i'iya-,
arf,a par-, ara
primary publication seriously so that they need to repeat it wi their own signature? I hope
sincerely that this is not the case! Moreover, it now seems, to my pleasure, that is
findings belong no more to rarities, all the more so as there is another "unique" sword'o.t
from
Kastamonu at present being prepaired by myself for publication. Moreover, most
surprisingly, in September 1995 the Director Mr. lhan Temizsoy kindly showed me in
Ankara a silver bowl acquired by the Museum of Anatolion Civilizations (now exhibited in
the Museum), similar to those found in the region of Kastamonu (A. narotu -K Emre, A
Group of Metal Hittite Vessels from Knk - Kastamonu, Fs N. zg (1993) 675_713) which
bears a Hieroglyphic inscription of Tuthaliya J on its outer rim. The inscription is a
dedicatory one on the occasion of his conquer of Tarawazawa, ard compares in regard to its
wording, style and historical background with the Akkadiar inscription of the swoid. It wi
be published by D' H. Hawkns. It is, therefore, reasonable to wait unl further ''unique',
objects turn out. Another surprising finding of recent times is an ax of Ammuna with an
Akkian inscription on it, M. Salvini, Un documento del re ittita Ammuna, SMEA 32
(1987) 48.1f.
U-Priesters, ChS IIlt (1986) Zg.
48ff. under atta-
ch in der hethitischen Kche: Philologische
Anmerkungen zu einer Untersuchung von A. von den Driesch undJ. Boessneck ber die
Tierknochenreste aus Boazky-$attua, or 54 (1985) 431f.
THE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 61
obv. ii 15 reri- attested only here and in KUB 43.60 i 9 as te'ri'ya'a
xu'jl7|; cf. further the
TJD-a, and confirms the Indo-European reading of
writing l3-]ya- ab-fua-an-z 4ya-afu-[a-an-zi in the meaning of "to triple'' and
"to quadrup/e"in KUB 55.20 + KUB 9.4 + ii 33, 35172.
obv. ii l6ff. The practitioner tries to save the life of his client by
means of some sophisticated metaphors. The interpretation of welwila'in
following herJ. Tschler|74, take on the basis of KUB 24.9+ iv 22,28 (s.
below) welwi|a-as ''deties'' or "demons"who, like DINGIR.MAH of the
river, seem to stand in relation to rivers. The edence for river-deities is,
howe,en, very feeble. Note that KUB 36'|45 obv. 9 does not attest welwila'.
The abbreviated fi-e-elstands there for i-e-el-wa'a which occurs in line
7175.
The word welwila- is attested only very few times, unfortunately always
in fragmentary context. I would like first to quote the related attestations
and to ponder thereafter some possibilities for determining approximate
meaning of the word: in KUB 24.9+ iv 22 it seems to stand in relation to the
river: [nu-k 6]n i-i 2NINDA.S1ES iD-a ,i*<l-i--Ia-a pariya ''He breaks
two thn ]oa,es to the ri,er, (i. e.) to we|wLa- of the river". KUB 24.9+ iv
27f.: .'.. i- as |teel-rt-i-la-a. DINGIR1MES 3y-2g az-zi-k-ki-ten ak-ku-u-ki-
ten |''Deities of the welwila-f of the ri,er; eat (and) drnkl". KUB 37.127 +
ABoT 44 rev. iv &7 is too fragmentary and corruPt to gain any context, but
of
it shows again that we|wIa- can designate a SPace or locality as it appears
together with aIIu_ "deep, Iow'' (an adjective used generally for the valleys
and rir'ers?): nu (erasure) a'a|n-..' fi-i-el-w]Ja-a (erasure) i-na-na-x'x-
x(erased)-p1t an-da-an bal-lu-wa-i nu? i'-el-i-i-Li li-e' Since KBo 11.14 is
very badly presen,ed at this point, rve can also consider another optional
reading for this crucial word: iee1-fi-']a-a. GUDHI'A which the collation
|71 o. Carnba, Sui numerali da "l" a "5" in Anatolico e indoeuropeo, Amsterdam
Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science IV, Fs Szemerenyi (197?) 191-205;
H. Eichner, Anatolian, in: J. Gvozdanoc (ed.), Indo-European Numerals, Trends in
Linguistics. Studies and Monographs 57 (f992) 65 without citation of KBo 11.14 ii 15; J.
Marazzi, Bibliographie zum hethitischen Worschau, AfO 32 (1985) 231) is not available to
me.
 62 A}IMET NAL THE RITUAL or geNrreSSu 63

makes possible' a|so "(unte) the cows of welwila''. From these fragmentary ii 2l DAgj: See for more details H. otten 'M. Mayrhof.rl8l; A'
obv.
Kammenhu6rrlS2; K. K. Riemschnei{rrlSS;H. M. *'--11184; E.
attestations one can gain only the following possibilities:

7. we]w]a- is a noun c. of unknown meaning LarochelSS.

2. It is a reduplicated form of the noun ye11u - ''meadow, pasture, obv. ii 22ff.: The only parallel passage to this contagious magic using
grass'' and means the sme as the simple form. This would make good wheels as a simile comes so far from KUB 36.91 (+) KUB 43.68 rev. 10-12
sense in our context and in the above mentioned passages. with its dupl. which is published now as KUB 60.156 rev. 12ff.186: lalp-pi-iz-
,r-'ucS[u-u- ur-ki-i ma-a-a-a|n a-an-te-iz-z-n] (3) tcS];rr-r-rr-1i-in -u
3. It is a reduplicated form of wilan- "mud, clay',.
i-e-mi-ya-az-z|) (14) |]-da-alu'u ud-da'a-na'an-Za QA-TAM'MA
4. In connection with the river, it may have the meaning ,,s]rface,,of [EN.SISKUR fi-e i-e-m-ya-zi) "As the rear wheel Can not touch/o,ertake
the river. [the front] wheel, in the Same way |et the e,l thngs |do not detect the
obv. ii 16f.: Ia tariyantan turiya wariyanta ',nte the exhausted one client]".
and harness the fresh, robust, healthy, sreek one" is a well known magical obv. ii 25: For the identification of Kamruepa with the Hattian
metaphor in Hittite. The repetition of the formula three times (see obr,. ii goddess Kattazpuri, who is closely affiliated with magical skills see E.
19) is obviously intended to paciff the negative mood. of the deities. Murili Laroche|87, A. Kammenluberl88, A. ArchI89, v. Haas190, FL Klengell9|,
] in his prayer KUB 24.3 6f. tries to pursue the gods to ward' off the
plague G. F' del Monte|92, andF. P. Daddi-M. Pol,an|93i she is also borrowed
from the Hittite countries and to transfer it to the enemy countries. He into the Palaic pantheonl94
designates his countries as being "weary" and those of enemies' as being
obv. ii 33f.: treated by H' Wnk 11195. However, his translation of the
''|,ital", i. e., not "exhausted by plague": nu tariyandan
]atten wariyandan- passage is not quite correct: "Auch deshalb, wel ch ene Beschwrung
ma turiyatten "Now loose the weary, but harness the rested,{26. cf. also
durchftihren werde, Iasse du, Sonnengott, es (zund.chst) auf sich beruhen".
KUB 24.4 + KUB 30.12 obv. 24; KUB 86.83:24ff. and cHD LN (1980-1989)
appan tarna- must be translated here in a different way, since its literal
2b. KUB 12.63 + KUB 36.70 obv. 9ff. with dupt. KBo 22.116122 *or1d not
meaning "to let, to release, to leave behind, to leave something back, to
change this meaning of tariyant-, since we can restore the passage as kun
GUD.MAH -an tariya dan wa| ( rkan tan ) eppir]
181 p". Gott Akni in den hethiischen Texten und seine indoarische Herkunft, OLZ 60
obv. ii 20f.: translated by H.A. HoffnerlT8 .16 G. Beckmanrzg. For
the meaning of kappi- and to the passage in generar see above commentary
to i 1l. The graphic i3-par-ti-i-e-iz-zi, sg. 3. prs. of i3part-/iparz-,,escape,
get
away, slp away, suruiv, Save one'S hive'' is attested. only here; the
usual
orthography is i-par-za- r1l80.

776 g. R. Gumey,Hiuite prayers

of Mursili II, r.AAA 2z (rg40) 2g and the discussion

r ZZ (1976) 237b.

Hittite,JNES 4b (1986) 24n.Zt.

*l="'
there the following different writings
i,ff}li}:ir]',i:H.!1'J:I"]',?,ii
par-za-i (KUB 40.33 obv. 20); -par-za-az-zi (Targ obv. 10; 66.
Kup B iii 32) .

L-
 64 AHMET er
return, to restore"l96 6a'roL. here a special phrase "to return somethng
to somebody, to grant, to give, to make a concession, to restore,,,.it is also
almost synonymous with pa- "gi,e, grant' pro,ide", KUB 2|.27 ii 20, nu=ta
fwekmi] kuit na-at-mu pai "Grant me (Sun Goddess of Arinna) whate,er [I
request] from you", [we^k-] "request" hang here the position of fiuek- "to
attain something by means of conjuration ". Approximately in this meaning
appa(n) tarna- is attested in the following texrs: KBo 4.10 obr,. L2; KBo 5.g
iii 33; KBo 6.29 + iii 18f.; KBo g.82 rev. 4; KBo 10.2iii 2997. KBo 1l.10 ii 9;
KBo 15.25 obv. 17; KBo 17.18 iii 3; KBo 18.137:6; KBo 21.76 r. col. lt; KBo
23.57 rev. iv 14;KUB 7.7 +i36; KUB |3'27 +KUB23'77 obv.3l, 77,re,'99;
KUB 14.3 iv 25; KUB 14.10 + KUB 26.86 iii 18; KUB 15.84 ii 25, iv 82; KUB
18.7 rev. 8; KUB 21.15 + iv l3; KUB 28.5 (+) ii lB, l8f.; KUB 29.4 i 22; KUB
34,23 i 33; KUB 39.71 rev. l5f.; KUB 48.106:8ff.; Hart. iv 67,70; HBM g4
rev. l. edge I; Hukk |7,57,68;Tunn iii 14; Vowof pudu[epa i G lg (with
negation); -kdn appan tarna- has again a quite different meaning in the
historical text of Suppiluliuma i, KBo 12.38 ii 16: here it alludes to
Suppiluliuma, who, while collecting and recording the deeds of his father
Tutfualiya jv, he did not omit anything: "Beca]se I dd not want to make any
mistake (wakiya),I did not mss/o,erlook anythng (from the heroic
deeds of my father) "198. 15. opposite of the phrase appan tarna-seems to
be appa wahnu- " to ret]rn-, to reject, refuse, not grant", cf. KUB 6.45 iii 37-
39: nu-za.4NADINGIpMES (38) [i<ue AWATEME ar]kuwar yami (39) na[-
at-mu EGIR-p]a Ie wafinuwanzi "Do not let (them, i. e., the gods) refuse
[me, whatever words] I shall put as [req]uest to the god,s,,.
The verbal non aPPa(n) tarnumarwhich aPpears almost exclusively
in connection with tafolstsl99, is treated by L SingefOO, who also citing
different views of other scholars (carter: "(tablet) of to be re-edited,' (lit.
''of re-editin8''), Gterbock: "(a tablet) of lea,ing'', i. e. ,'abridged or
a* lan;-ing Parcle
ry
}9
For a possible Akkadian
_z
,to
bring up, to donate, to cnnn
ak
Yazs H^akknda Yeni Gzlemler, Fs N. zg (1993) 729.
l98 xo 12.38 ii 15f': wa-ak-i-ya-nu-un
ku-itua (16) EGlR_a_ma-lci n (JL tar-na-ah-hu-
un.
l99 oft"., follewed by ifutamaattested
as (DUB) EGlR-an/appan tarnumain KBo 2.7
left edge; KBo 30.15 iv? 4; KUB 2.8 2; KUB 9.16 iv 11; KUB z7.oa ,.rr.
iv 1; KUB 34.726
rev. 6; KUB 4|.26 + iv 28; KUB 44.18 rev. ll; KUB 44.24 7;
KUB 55.13 rev. 3; KUB 55.96
rev. 5;^KU_B 56.40 iv lb; VBoT 9b rev. [l]; IBoT 2.66 rev. 9(?); lzmir
avv The Hiuite KI.LAM Festival, l274iv? 4.
StBoT 27 (19g8) 4lf.
.L--
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 65
excerpted ,ersion'' assumes it to be an activity of copying the text from a
wooclen to a clay tablet or denoting a compilation of the "first draft".'fhe
enigmatic phrase has been treated also by O. Carruba20l "rurilrlrkehren
Lassen", E. Neu202 ''Tafel des ber]a55625'203, L. M. Masceronfl04 and
approving Singer's opinion and inferring further meanings "to be left
behind, to be ceded to another and higher authority", by Ph. H. J.
Houwink ten Cat305; cf. also G. F. del Mont306.I would like to propose
that DUB... appa(n) tarnuma could denote tablets rvhich have been
written down or copied kept in various archives or libraries at flattua or in
pror'incial towns, thus imping "tablet(s) of returnng back, handing o,er,
deli,erng, transferng (to the main archi,e, after they hae been used in
the [ocalities of the rites)". All this remains, howe,er, conjectural , as Singer
confesses.
obv. ii 36: The role of Fate Deity DGu/Ja207 i' 6i6.ult to estimate in
this broken Context. The same graphic of DGuI-a,j-,a-a/n as here appears
also in KBo 30.4 iii 8; KUB 7.41 iv 22; KUB 43.55 obv. ii 7; KUB 58.105 rer,.
iii? 7;VBoT 58.1 32.
rev. iii 3: Here the abstract conception tarnuwar seems to have been
represented in e form of a model and materia magica made of a precious
material. Thus, it represents the concretized ''granting, gratfication''
(appa(n) tarna-) which the practitioner has been trying to acquire from
the Sun God according to obv. ii 34 and rev. iii 2208. 6o-oarable ro rhis
kind of concrete representations are the years and months made of
201 Das Beschwrungsritual fr die Gttin Wiurijanza,
StBoT 2 (1968) 25.
202 5p6;. ber den Gebrauch von Genetivformen auf -ua des hethitischen
Verbalsubstantivs -uar, Gedenkschrift Kronasser ( 1982) 131.
fr3 According ro FL Oren, Hethitische Totenriruale (19b8) b0f.
204 A p.opor-d'r, gro,rp" de colophons probl6matique,
Herhitica b (1099) 9bff. ,,(le
texte, le-contenu) de la moiti6 (estl6tait) i n6glier".
205 Bri"f Co-ments on the Hittite Cult Calender: The
Main Recension of the Outline
of the-untarriyasba Festizl, especially Days &12 and |5'-22', Fs otten2 (1988) 187 note 4l.
zuo Reew of Hethitica 5, oA22 (1983) 320f.
207 5"" G. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals, StBoT
29 (|983)247-245; o. Caruba,Das
Beschwrungsritual fur die Gttin Wiurijanza, StBoT 2 (1906) 3a; A. Goetze, Kleinasien2
(7957) 742; o. R. Gumey, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion (1977) 18; V. HaaG. Wi]he]m,
Hurritische und luryische Riten aus Kizzuwatna, AOAT Sonderreihe 3 (1974) 744f.; H.
ouen'J. Siegelovd, Die hethitischen Gul-Gottheiten und die Erschaffung der Menschen,
Afo 23 (1970) 32-38.
208 po, ietails see above commentary
on obv. ii 33f.
66 AIIMET Ner
precious metals such as gold and silys1209 and soul again made of gold and
silver2l0. The abstract ConcePtions ''.life'' (T|, fuuwatai2ll ard "we]I being"
(SIG5) are also represented as concrete objects which can be conceived as
hieroglyphic signs for "TRIANGLE" and "ANKH' respectively2l2.
rev. iii 5. 7: As is noted in transliteration the reading of GISMAR in
lines 5 and 7 is very uncertain. F. Josephson, who cites this passage does not
attemPt to read this crucial g916213. Note, however, the usage ocSMNlin
a similar Context in the ritual KUB 7.41 + i 46: karuwariwar-uAzJ fl-ir
bai |na-a-k6n anda] paizzi URUDUAL URUDUMAR uUDugu/Jubi [arz | l
6gft2l2 URUDUAL paddai pattear URUDUMAR-jr x [ ] ''Nexr morning the
di,ner oPens the house [and] goes [into] (it)' He ho]ds a hoe, a spade
(and) a sckle (in his hand). He digs (a hole in) the earth wth the hoe.
[He] e[mpties?] (the earth in) the hole with the spade"274 and in KUB
53.4 rev. 26: aki I*TU cS14AR GISAT K.BABBAR GAR.RA purut
lpaddanzil, cf. also KUB 53.3 rev. iii 3f.,v 4ff.; KUB 53.6 + iii 17f.
rev. iii 8: For
paddai-cf. N. Robertso2|5.Itis attested in the
reftan
following texts: paddai- KBo 4.2 ii 36; KBo 10.37 ii 49; KBo 22.177
eftan
rev.? iii 3f.; KUB 12.44 |i 3, 12; KUB 39.12 rev.? 15; Mastigga ii 32, 5t;
daganzipan GAM-an ara paddai-: KUB 24.12 ii 4; daganzipu*-a ara
paddai-: KBo 24.93 rev. iii 79; taknaz=kdn kue (var. &uir) ara paddai-; KUB
58.74 obv.22; kattanda dankui takni karuilej DINGIRME-a Paddaj-: KUB
37.727 + obv. ii 2. The unique writing cS6*-1r5r, p6d4a-a-i in KUB 24'9 + ii
18 can scarcely mean "he digs (out) by means of a mattock/hoe", therefore
it has to be taken as a mistake for tekan "earth".
209 3o 77.40 i 7; KUB 58.28 iv 8; IBoT 2.1 rev. v 4 and e
vows of Pudu[epaCTH
58&584.
210 Made of gold: KUB 55.54 iii 6, iv 13; KUB 39.17 rev.
iv 6; KUB 1b.11 obv. ii 22;
KUB 15.18 obv. ii 6; KUB 15.19 obv.? 13;8o2738 i 18 and made of silver: KUB 7.27:7;KIJB
l5.l ii 12, iii 3; KUB l5.l5 rev. 7, see the details in A. naL, Review of KUB 55,Bior 44
(1987) 485f.
21115. Luwian hieroglyphic equivalence of TI or ZI may be atari- "form, fgure, soul",
seeJ. D. Hawkins, More Late Hittite Funera y Monuments Fs zg (19s9) 190 with note
l96f.; N. BolatiGuzzo, Review of R. Werner, Kleine Einfhrung ins Hieroglyphen-Luwische,
Or 63 (1994) 289.
212 6nu1,loc. cit.
213 The Function of the Sentence Parcles in
old and Middle Hittite (1972) 333.
214 5.. L.JakobRost, Das Ritual der Malli
aus Arzawa gegen Behexung, TH 2 (rg72)
66tr
215 FI1166 Ritual at Sardis, Classical Anquity
1 (1982) l27.
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 67
rev. iii 8: The pig as a sacrificial animal has a preeminent function in
this and in some other rituals. First of all it seems to have been especially
preferred by the gods of the underworld, since obviously on account of the
tenderness of its meat and abundance of its blood it often appears in
conjurations for the Underworld deities. It is attested with the verbs ed- "ro
eaf"KBo 10.16 iv lff.;KUB 77.28i2-3 ba-''to open'216I(g3 44'57:5;asin
flantita{u- ritual f,atta- ''to c]t oPen' pierce, stab, slash, to strike down"
KUB 17.28 i 6; ftuen- ''to klL"I<Bo 2.3 ii 3ff. with dupl. KUB 15.39 + ii; KUB
43.56 rev. iii 11f.; kuer- "to cur"KUB 7'54ii 20ff.; KUB 17.28 iv 47; ipant-
''to consecrafe" KBo 10.37 iv 32; zau- "to cook''KI.JB 17.28 i 16. Its relation
to the "inner chamber" is also edent from KUB 17.28 i22ff.: Sag.u-an
dafui na-an B.A-na anda pedabi ''I take the pg\et and bring it into the
inner channber". While in our passage its blood will be poured down into
the sacrifcial pit, in KUB 43.56 rev. iii rlff. they pour the blood of a pig
into a thin bread (a sort of unleavened bread in thin sheets like Turkish
yufka) and place it in front of the deity: nataSag para pedanzi na-an-k6n
kunanzi nu efuani kattan NINDA.SIG kattan appanzi natan PANI
DINGIRUM EGIR-pa tiazi AH--a e anzi |n a]-an-k6'n pttahwan markan zi,
"They bring out the pig and slaughter it. (To catch the blood) they place
underneath (its) blood a and put it in front of the deity. The pig itself (
ma) they prepare (i. e. butcher for cooking) and butcher it'plain"'217. 11.
offering list to the deceased kings KUB l0.ll vi 5-6, 16 gives the only
parallel for "catching the b|ood of sheep behow": (5) u UDUHI..A*a ee-!a-
ni kat-ta-an (6) ap-pi-i3-ki-iz-zi nu ZAG.GAR.RA-i (7) e+-[ar pi-ra-an i-pa-
an-za-k-iz-zi, cf. vi 15ff. concerning the blood of bulls. According to KUB
36.83 i 3ff. the pig is slaughtered into a sacrificial pit, which must than be
bridged over to allow the offerant to stand over the carcass,J. Puhvel2l8. ...-
ktn paddan nu-k6n SAg-an (4) IGRUI.]-Su is\iyanz na-an-kiln patteni
kattanta (5) |tia)nzi namma=i huppiyanni fuanda er tiyaizzi. The binding
the legs of the sacrificial piglet before slaughtering it has its closest parallels
in the Islamic sacrificial rites. According ro KBo 10.16 iv bff. the meat of
the piglet has been eaten up in connection with a cultic ceremony in front
of the door b.olt: nu H.uR NINDA x[.... cS42]ta\wa-pd.t piran ara
adan|zi ....] LUZUba]para kuit azi na-at-an ANIA ... Ila[uwanz. on the
importance of pigs in Hittite economy, husbandry and cuisine see A.
216 Probaby
or ts
zr / See CHD
218 R..*of 3 (19s3) 479.
66 AHMET Nar
precious metals such as gold and silvs1209 and soul again made of gold and
The abstract ConcePtions ''Jife'' (T|, uiilwatar)2ll and "well being"
'i1o..2l0.
(SIG5) are also represented as concrete objects which can be conceived as
hieroglyphic signs for "TRIANGLE" and "4Nm' respectively2l2.
rev. As is noted in transliteration the reading of GISIU,\R in
iii 5. 7:
lines 5 andT is very uncertain. F.Josephson, who cites this passage does not
attempt to read this crucial 16.6213. Note, however, the usage 6f GISMAR in
a similar context in the ritual KUB 7.41 + i 46: karuwariwarLtAzu fr
URUDUAL URUDUI\{AII unuDugu/Iubi
fia |na-a-k6n anda] pazz barzi I l
16/22 URUDUAI- paddai pattear URUDUMAR-ir x [ ] ''Nexf morning the
di,iner oPens the house [and] goes [into] (iQ' He holds a hoe, a spade
(ad) a sickle (in his hand). He digs (a hole in) the earth with the hoe.
[He] e[mptes?] (the earth in) the hole wth the Spade''2l4 and in KUB
53.4 rev. 26: aki I*TU cSyAIt cSAt r.gABgAR GAR.RA Purut
lpaddanzil, cf. also KUB 53.3 rev. iii 3f.,v 4ff.; KUB 53.6 + |iI7f.
rev. iii
For tekan paddai-cf. N. Robertso?|5.It is attested in the
8:
following texts: te.kan paddai- KBo 4.2 ii 36; KBo 10.37 ii 49; KBo 22.L77
rev.? iii 3f.; KUB 12.44 1i 3, 12 KUB 39.12 rev.? 15; Mastigga | 32, 57;
daganzpan GAM-an arba paddaj-; KUB 24.12 ii 4; daganzipu-a ara
padda-: KBo 24.93 rev. iii 79; taknaz=kLn kue (var. kuir) ara paddai-: KUB
58.74 obv.22; kattanda dankui takni karuile, DINGIRMES-a paddai-: KUB
31.127 + obv. ii 2. The unique writing GtSp.-1r5n p6d4a-a-i in KUB 24.9 + |
18 can scarcely mean ''he dgs (out) by meas of a mattock,/hoe'', therefore
it has to be taken as a mistake for tekan "earth".
209 KBo 77.4o i 7; KUB 58.28 iv 8; IBoT 2.1 rev. v 4 and the vows of PuduepaCTH
58&584.
210 Made of gold: KUB 55.54 iii 6, iv 13; KUB 39.17 rev. iv 6; KUB 15.11 obv. ii 22;
KUB 15.18 obv. ii 6; KUB 15.19 obv.? 13; Bo 2738 i 18 and made of silver: KUB 7.37:7;KUB
i5.1 ii 12, iii 3; KUB 15.15 rev.7, see the details in A. nal, Review of KUB 55, Bior 44
(1987) 485f.
21 1 15. Luwian hieroglyphic
equivalence of TI or Z| may be atari- ''forn, igure, soul'',
seer[. D. Hawkins, More Late Hittite Funerary Monuments Fs zg (1989) 190 th note
196f.; N. Bo]ati4uzzo, Reew of R. Werner, Kleine Einfhrung ins Hieroglyphen-Luwische,
Or 63 (1994) 289.
212 6nu1,loc. cit.
213 1r. Function of the Sentence Particles in old ard Middle Hittite (1972) 333.
214 5.. L. Jakob-Rost, Das Ritual der Malli aus Arzawa gegen Behexung, TH 2 (1972)
66tr
215 tI161" Ritual ar Sardis, Classical Antiquity 1 (1982) 127.
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 67
rev. iii 8: The pig as a sacrificial animal has a preeminent function in
this and in some other rituals. First of all it seems to have been especially
preferred by the gods of the underworld, since obviously on account of the
tenderness of its meat and abundance of its blood it often appears in
conjurations for the Underworld deities. It is attested with the verbs ed- "to
eaf''KBo l0.l6 iv lff.; KUB 77.28i2-3; ba-"to open'2l61gg 44.57:5;asin
flanta{{u- ritual batta- ''to cut oPen' perce, stab, slash, to strike down"
KUB 17.28 i 6; kuen- "to kill"l<Bo 2.3 ii 3ff. with dupl. KUB 15.39 + ii; KUB
43.56 rev. iii 11f.; ker- "to Cuf''KUB 7.54ii 20ff.; KUB l7'28 iv 47; ipant-
"to consecrafe" KBo 10.37 iv 32; zanu- "to cook" KUB 17.28 i 16. Its relation
to the ''inner chaber" is also evident from KUB |7.28 i 22ff.: SAfI.TUR-an
da[f;i na-an B.A-na anda pedabli ''I take the piglet and bring it into the
inner chamber". While in our passage its blood will be poured down into
the sacrificial pit, in KUB 43.56rev. iii llff. rheypour the blood of apig
into a thin bread (a sort of unleavened bread in thin sheets like Turkish
yufka) and place it in front of the de\ty: nataSA$ para pedanzi na-an-kdn
kunanzi nu efuani kattan NINDA.SIG kattan appanzi natan PANI
DINGIRUM EGIR-pa tian zi AH-ma e anzi I n a]-an-k6n pitalwan m arkan zi,
"They bring out the pig and slaughter it. (To catch the blood) they place
underneath (its) blood a and Put it in front of the deity. The pig tself (
ma) they prepare (. e. butcher for cooking) and butcher t'plan"'217. 11.
offering list to the deceased kings KUB 10.11 vi 5-6, 16 gives rhe onry
parallel for ''catching the blood of sheep below": (5) nu UDUHI.La e<|-!a-
ni kat-ta-a (6) ap-pi-i-ki-iz-zi nu ZAG.GAR.RA-n i (7) ees-[ar pi-ra-an i-pa-
an-za-ki-iz-zi, cf. 15ff. concerning the blood of bulls. According to KUB
36.83 i 3ff. the pig is slaughtered into a sacrificial pit, which must than be
bridged over to allow the offerant to stand over the carcass,r[. Puhve]278' ...-
k6n paddan nu-k6n SAH-an (4) tcinu.l-SU isBiyanzi na-an-kl.n patteni
kattanta (5) |a]nzi namma= uppiyanni [anda er tiyazz. The binding
the legs of the sacrificial piglet before slaughtering it has its closest parallels
in the Islamic sacrificial rites. According to KBo 10.10 iv bff. the meat of
the piglet has been eaten up in connection with a cultic ceremony in front
of the door bolt: nu SAg.uR NINDA x[.... Gsb2]talwa-pilt p,iran ar[a
adan|zi ..'.] |UZUha]piilara kuit azi na-at-an ANIA ... I]abuwanzi. on the
importance of pigs in Hittite economy, husbandry and cuisine see A.
216Probably gut".
217 seecHi)
2l8 R..* of S 103 (1983) 479
68 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 69

n'12|9' attestations of pig in the recently published KUB and KBo
volumes are collected by Ru&iye Doa7220.
rev. iii 9: For battear and' api- "sacrifcal pit" see M. Vieyra22l; H. A.
gogn.r222;
P.J. McCarthyZzTi A. naP2a. The api- will be opened by
means ou GIAI. (hitt. reftan) "mattock,loe''. The verb used, for this action
in KUB l5.3l obv. ii 6ff. with par. KUB 15.32 obv. ii lff. is knu- ''to break
open" (not paddai- "to dig (out)" as here), and this might indicate that the
Hittite api-'s were dug not in the loose earth like the other sacrificial pits
and holes, but into a resistant surface like stone or rock. In this connection
it is important to mention the so-called 'cup holes' (Schalenfelsen)
scattered all over flattusa and in the close proximity of the Hittite rock
monuments in other regions for which no reasonable explaation has been
found .o ur225. A very illustrative archaeological sample of a sacrificial pit
has recently been unearthed not far from Nan tePe at Boazky; it is 2.5
m. deep and measures 2x2 m. in dimentions. Its determination as sacrificial
pit is secured by a whetstone and two bronze axes en miniature lying
nearby beneath the allual level inside the pit226.
rev. |i
77 ti(tltiya-:r would like here to give my own comments on
and understanding of this crucial word which has already been discussed
on various occasions by many Hittitologists. Starting from the context and
from the etymological point of view, I tried many years ago to combine this
word with the rarb ttta- "sdugen, stIlen" (to give milk, suckle, nourish)
(see immediately below) and with its Luwian ParticiPe form titai(m)mi-
"nourrison'z?7, i. e., "suciled, suckng''. Even ough the double writing of
the tenuis -r- remains without any explanatiorr228, the only reasonable
solution to explain the origin of ti(t)tai- is combining it with a
denominative derivative of (UzU)
titan- "weibliche Brust, Ztze, Euter'' (engl.
''teat, ti(1229; see../. Fredriclf30; A. Goeae3|i w. C. Cartefl\z; V. Pian?'};
H. G. Gterbock2\4; D. M. Weeks235 considering also the Lycian cognate
tidemi- "son " with this word; see also F. Starkd36. tita- is the Luo_Hittite
equivalence of the logogram (uzu)UBUR; see Friedric7237; E. Laroch$38;
A. Goead\9. a rcda-, teta(n)-iswell attested in the following texs:
HT 6 + KBo 9.125 rev. i 23 (tita) with its dupl. KUB 35.149 obv. i l0
(uzuddan) (the text shows that a newly born puppy instinctively is able to
locate the breast of its mother); KUB 4.1 iv 29 (attesting the breast of a
sheep, UDU_a. tetan); KBo 14.98 obv. i 16 (tera(n), f'or context See
immediatelybelow);KUB 35.2 ii 14, iii 1;KBo 29.3 (+) 4 i 6 (UDU.GANAM
titant|anl, "a sucklng sheep'); KUB 43.52 + KUB 60.17 + KBo 22.145 + t28
+350/z iii 1l (a-i_ra_a in opposite to te-ta-nu-u"hrsu in the same line);
KUB 35.102 iii 6, iv 5; te<4a in KBo 3.34i23 i obscure.

. "-'
Beitrge zum Fleischverbrauch in der hethitischen Kche: Philologische 227 E. Iororhe DLL (1959) 9s and C. Melchert,Cuneiform Luwiar Lexicon (1993)
Anmerkungen zu einer Untersuchung von A. von den Driesch und J. Boessneck ber die 228.
Tierkn^o-chenreste aus Boazky-$attua' or 54 (1985) 429 with note 59. 228 5.. now Tiscbler, HEG IIII10 (1994) 343 in regard to tkzz "Diese kann- totz
220 Boazky ,etierinie Geen Baz riuyur., s-i..i, i"' a."dolu Medeniyetleri der Doppelschrebung des in]autenden Dentals, die sich beim Grunduort nie findet, - a]s 3'
Mzesi l Sg. Prs. des sk-Forn *titip- ''siiugen, stillen'' interpretiert werden", citing also GoetzeJCS 18
22r
222 recedenrs to rhe Hebrew,ob,JBL g6 (f967) 3g5tr
(1964) 83; Eichner, Lautgeschichte und Etymologie (f980) 160 and Oettinger,IB$V 37
223 d and Sacrifice,JBl 88 (1969) 166tr; idem, F.urther Notes
(1986) 32.
229 on dta- see E. Laroche,Reew of KBo g, oIZ (1959)
275f. and,J. Tischter, op.
on th-e_SYnbolism ofBlood and Sacrifice,JBL 92 (1973) 205tr
zl'| Beitrdge zum Fleischverbrauch in der hethitischen Kche: Philologische
cit.3ff.
Anmerkungen zu einer Untersuchung von A. von derr Driesch und Boessneck ber die
J.
Tierknochenreste aus Boazky-Hattua, or 54 (19s5) 432 with ,rot. g6; idem, Boazky
Metinlerinin I Altnda Hititler Devri Anadolu'sunda Filolojik ve Arkeolojik e.iler
Arasndaki iikierden rnekler, in: 1992 Yl Anadolu Medeniyeileri Mzesi Konferanslar ;fi;:-
(1993)' 23 and note 43; idem, Reew of M. Hutter' Entshnung und Heilung,
(1993/1994) t23f.
Afo 40-41 235 Hittite Vocabulary: An Anatolian ]H:*,:'IT'Jll? ilH*#:J3.,..,.u
Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages" (Ph. D. University of California 1985)
225 P. Neve, Schalensteine und Schalenfelsen in
Boazky-sata, |M 27/28 31, 87.
(1977/78) 67-72. 236 Urrt...r.hungen zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen
Nomens, StBoT 3l
(1990) 229f.
in Boazky-$attua 1991, AA (1992) 316r. und Abb. ri, rg; idem, Hattua- Stadt ie, 237 Hw 3. Ers.39.
Gtter und Tempel. Neue Ausgrabungen in
-der
Hauptstadt der Hethit"r, o" Antike Welt'
Sondernummer (1992) 52 andAbb. |42;A' nal,ero +o+ (1993/1994) 123f.
ff!n ni"*or"xso rt,oLZ(1963) 240.
239 Reew ofKBo ll,Jcs 17 (1963) 61.
 I

70 AHMET qar THE RITUAL or geNrreSSu 7t

My basic argument for combining (Uzu)teta(n)-
because of etymological considerations, i. e. eng. "teat", germ. "Zitze" etc.
Moreover, the sg. nom.-acc. neuter participial adjective form tittiyan,
mentioned in flantitau- ritual in the same context immediately following
a piglet (SAH.TUR) (A rev. iii 8, l1), can be taken as the syllabic writing of
SeH.runz40, i. e., a "piglet which is suciled, gi,en breast, nursed, suckling
pig", ger. "Spanferkel", "Span" here meaning exactly the same like its
middle high German form spen, spune "1s27'247.
'vu;th ti(t)tai-is of someone, to fondle, to care, to be concerned about someone, to show
one's compassion, tender, kindness" :
Tel. i 12, 20' URUDIDLI.HI.A Gll .GAl.rru dtante er "The big cities
ha,e been taken care of by him" (|it. "were nursed, breast-fed') (var. adds
"in his hand", i.e. ''h his custody'').
KBo 14.98 i l6f.: ... cg-an teta-et... DUMU.SAL tittikizzi ''on her
left breast .... the daughter is sucking".

In ew of all attestations of the word in question I communicated to KBo 10.37 ii 42: ... u-za AMAR-SU ti-i7t-ti-ya-.'. "It su[ckles] its ca]f'.
I. Hoffmann the basic meaning of tittiyant- as "gesdugt, gendhrt, KBo 22.107 i73: tittianna pafibur bulekmi] "And II will con]jure
'ersorg|242. The word has so far been evaluated and translated differently the suckling/blazng fire/flame (?)'a51'
by many scholars: Friedrch243 "unted, joined, associated",. idem, Die
hethitischen Gesetze (1959) 97 (citing also F. Sommer, HAB p. 121) KUB 57.35 rev. iii 3f. ..... ANA LUGAL SAL.LUGAL (4) tittyanta
"associated with, assign6 16'244' N. ,an gror1<245 takes it as reduplication (context is broken).
of dai- "r6unr, adjoindre(?) "; H. A. Hoffner246 combines it with the verb KUB 42.100 iii
34f.: nu-wa-mu UNUTEMES (gf) ftue EGIR-pa
dai- "put, place, install''; A' ,969247 ffanslates ''assigned (in hs stead)"; c. manyab[ir nu-war-at tittiyan "The utensIs which they ha,e entrusted to me
[,. 67zp48 translates "assigned(?)";J' Tischle7249 "ensetzen, anlegen''; see ha,e been taken care of well''.
also L Hoff1n2172250.
KUB l5.1l ii 31: tittianz (in broken context).
In the following I will try to peruse anew all attesrations of this word
and venture again to find out its basic meaning. In doing so we will see that
KBo 16.97 obr,. 42: ZAC-az G|JB-lazziya tttianza "It is suckled with
with the exception of Laws SS 40-41 all the attestations support the primary
right and left (breast) l" (oracular Context is not clear), similarly re,. 45.
meaning ''to breast-feed, to n]rse' to feed, to Put Someone to the breast, to Laws 40, 47:ru ILKI ttyanza '' (If an artisan is dead and) ILKI man is
take to the bosom, to embrace, to chersh''' and euphemistically "to be fond' supplied (to take care of hs duties).
KUB l3.4 i33: man-a aki-ya kuwapi na-a UL l-a aki MA$SU-ma_ ji
240 o1" tnat AH.TuR is a a-stem
in Hittite, cf. H. Ertem,Boazky Metinlerine Gre tityan-pilt "If he is executed, he does not die alone. His c]an (members)
Hititler Dewi Anadolu'sunun Faunas (1965) 72ff. are Put besde him (put to his breast)'', i. e., as a result of collectir'e penalty
247 K\ug",Deutsches etymblogisches
Wrterbuch (1960) 719; T. V. Gamkre]idze-V. V. they must be executed all together.
Ivanov, Indo-European and Indo-Europeans (1995) 508f. with note 68 do not consider rhis
reading of SAH.TUR, instead they reconstruct the Indo-European word for "piglet" xpl,erkh- KUB 8.l4 rer,. 8f. cSlvaR.6iD.DA_aj tittiyanda|(-) is an astronomical
"sootted".
' ErlaB Telipinus, TH 11 (1984) lb with note
designation for the Big Dipper (Groper Bir, groBer wagen). It seems rhar
?n?Der 1.
4'c Hw 225. the following word tittiant- designates here a constellation of stars, "the
244 Fri"drirh, Hw g. Erg. 83
changed his translation and took two entities under sucklng (baby).of the Big Dpper'' which could only mean the Little
tittiya' |)" einse-a-en; (Sada anhgen'' (nicht ''verein igen(?) , beigesellen(?),,; 2) ,'siugen, . Dipper as "infant" of the Big Dipper252.
<tJ Les thmes verbaux i redoublement du hittite
et le verb indo-europeJn, RHA

251 The context is fragmenrary

1e82)'7e'151 and ambigiou s; "[I will con]jure the 'suckling' and the

;;ffi;;,_
fire" is also possible.
252 Cd a|so -it-'ya-an-ta-anin fragmentary
context in KUB 51.53 rev. right col. 7.

72 AHMETNAL
rer,. iii llff.:
conjure up the gods and demons of the underworld,
different ingrediens and dainties shall be placed into the sacrificial pit into
which a piglet has previously been slaughtered; cf. KBo ll.l7 obv. i zff., ii
l2f. and KBo 17.94 rer'. iii 24 where ingredients such as beer, wine, refined
oil, fat bread, sweet bread, tarna-, flour and honey will be additionally
placed down into the pit.
rev. iii l2ff. Transliterated and translated by H.A, Hoffnefl53 in
slightly differen t way.
rev. iii
14. 18: For the karuile DINGIRMES, akk. DA.NUN.NA.KJ4,
sum. LIBIR.RA "former, ancient, antique deities" see E.
Haas-G. wilhelmz\6| V' Haas256i A. Arch257. 'uroro\4;Y.
rer,. iii ?0ff.: In opposite ro the roof (above 38f.) as ritual locality in
dealing with the Sungod of Hea,en the door bolt appears here as focal
place in bartering with the deitie of the Netherworld. Many details abour
the construction of the Hittite door and gate alongside their essential
components belong still to the moot points of Hittite architecture. From
the archaeological point of view see R. Naumann2SS; P. t"ro259; K.
BifteP60' M. chighin6 s121.261' M. Darga262; for philological data cf. N.
Boysan- frjgtrjI7263. In studying the structure of the Hittite door it is wise
to compare it with its Mesopotamian counterparts which archaeologically
and philologically are documented fos1gs1264.
The remains of signs in iii ?5 resist, unfortunately, all attempts at a
convincing reading. I have already explained my reasons for this suggested
]!3 ei*..rt Hethaeorum (|g74) 7g.
254 1.. d6nominations ae dieux ''antiques'' dans
les textes hittites, Fs Gterbock
che Riten aus Kizzuwarna, AOAT 3 (1974) bOff.
82) 32.
Gods, Or. 59 (1990) lf 4ff.
z (971) 60ff.
rke (1982) 49ff.
ji:l,TiTi::'#ffii"::e con Sistemi Moderni, Fs Puglisi
(1985) 237tr
:|ZHitit lvIimarl I (1985) 130tr
4ur Das hethitische Lehmhaus aus der Sicht der Keischriftquellen,
TH 12 (1987)
106tr
264see most recently o. Aurenche, La maison orientale i (r98r); M' S. Damerj,Die
Trrach Darstellungen in der altmesopotamischen Bildkunst, BM 22 (199l); c. A.Teick,
Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Architecture (1988); M. Krafe\d-Daugher,Wohnen im
Alten Orient. Untersuchung zur Verwendung von Rumen in alto;ientalischen
Wohnhusern (1994).
THE NTUAL OF HANTITASSU l5
reading above(p. 23 note) and below. The reader will see there that I am
inclined not to follow the restoration gi,en by N. Boys an-Dietrch265 ;r, iii
25 as URuDu!|za-a]k-k-in-na-Pa|kar-ap-i ny) GIS161, simply because it
would require too many farfetched emendations, although from the
contextual point of ,iew zakki'would fit here flawlessly. M. Popko's
reading266 differs also, but he has at least a better starting-point for the
restoration of this CorruPt line. 14 Haas paraphrasing the passage obously
a
has zakk- in mind as well: "Wdhrend des Pcituals der'Hantida,ju aus
flurma sa]bt de Beschwrerin das Regelholz auf, die Tr zu ffnen;
wahrscheinLch deshaLb, dap das Bse aus dem Haus geLangen kann", adds,
howe,er, that the given interPretation is contro'e15in|267.
The terms pertaining to the doors and gates, such as GrSu6r-7^3utu'
,,Innentor?,' c;ru11r, -,Drehpfaflne',,GIShuta/u_ (GSsAG.KUL), 1cSrr_
Ia(m)ma-, fkkuiltipr-''Torbau", GIS1ru11u1uzzi- "Schwelhe'', wawarkma-
''Trangel", (GIS/URUDU) zakk- ''Negel, Schliissel", GIIG "Trfrgel", etc. do
nothelp to read and restore the missingword aft[-..]-x-^ki- na-Pa in iii 25
which doubtlessly rePresents a dece to oPen and close the door.
Without further discussion, I would like here to make the following
obsen'ations: First of all aftU<i],fti as a possible Hittite reading of GISIG())
"Trfltigel", can be mooted, if, of cours, mY above reading is correct. It is
important to to obsen,e that cSurru- must be understood as a ''door'post"
ruS3da-, usually interpreted as
Part of harness, as a "hnge", i. e', a
"116
leather strip which helps the door-post turn axially. The significant
e.idence for the interpretation of the last two words Comes from KUB
27.67 i19ff. which reads: nu na purpurel urtallienz (10) 1 c341 .7225
nu-ansicitagga [uittiyanza (11) 3 GIHI'A ezza Piran-a-an iilna purpure
(12) cSatfalu GIs tarzuwan piran-ma-a (13) KUS34a3 aminkanza nu-an
ftr (14) buman ctpaddani dai "They mix the balls of dough. (There is) one
bow of straw; one bow string (which) is strung, three arrows of straw, in
front of them there are balls of dough. A bolt (and) door-post, in front a
Leather hinge s attached (to it) ''. (All these things are ing in a sieve). N.
Boysan-Dievir7fl68 reads ii 13 .ku.-,a-la-a-a and relates it to ftu.,alai-, a 'erb
of unknown meaning269. This combination seems, however, to be unlikely,
l
 74 ar.lrr Nar THE RITUAL OF UANTITASSU 75

since the word is never written with cVC sign KUS, but always in broken rev. iv 1: The appearance of the king in this version of the ritual
writing ku-ui-....
(KUB 43.57) is very significant. He is here the patient, i. e. he replaces the
- In general it is accepted that the Hittite reading o c54.KUL is EN.SISKUR. He appears again in iv 13 instead of EN.SISKUR. It is
G.sattalu-270 KRo
13.l09lii G8, however, contradicts this equation, since unfortunate that the name of the king is not known to us. The exclusion of
cSbattalu- tectural dece which serves to open the king in iv 18-22 where he is no longer concerned in the ritual, because
156 GISSAG za GIM-an (7; cs*o".KUL EGIR-pa the ritual expert enacts the rest of the ritual in a place other than the
nanna (8) 'Just as the door-bott (attatu-1 pus palace as royal residence, provides additional proof that KUB 43.57 was
the fthus) op-e-ns the door,,.For bai_ ,,to open,iwith performed for the benefit of a king or kings in general.
Par gnh][6277;
a with -(a)pamust be added to ir'2-3 and 46: Treated in CHD LN (1980-1989) 360a.
the o's study272.
i, 5-6. 13: -za- (an) f;ukanta nai-here and possibly also in ir' 22 (see
rev. iii 28-31 are rreared by H. A. l!6ff11s7278. rhe note to this line) is a unique expression and difficult to interpret.
rer'. iii 28: In spite of the paragraph divider at the end While the meaning of nai- is very well established2TS bukanta remains
of line 27 the
appeal to the door-bolt continues here. uwate sg. imp. enigmatic. It is pl. nom. aCC. neuter of either buek'"to slaughter, to kll" or
z. of uwate- ,,to of [ue]-276
bring, to fetch up (the deities) " seems the onry poisible reading
here, not burr- ''to conjure, to exorcse''. A rapid check of the attestations
i-wa-te-e|n, pl. imp. 2, of uwa- ''come!". For similar shows that the plene writings with bu-u-k mostly denote to tueft-
Context in other texts
see KBo 20.82 obv. ii 29; KUB 12.60 i t0; KUB gb.5 ii g; "slaughter", i. e., u-u-u k-zi, f,u-u-k6n-zi, bu-u- ga-an-zi, [u-uga'an'na, [u-u-
vBoT 58izt,26.
k6n-ta, bu-u-k6n-du-u3, bu-u-ke-ni. While the majority of attestations are
rev. iii 28-29: For -za apiya da- see in a similar conrext r{Bo
4.2 | 24: written f;u-u-k6n-zi, exceptions appear as bu-kdn-zi in the following texts:
nu'war'at' za apiya dandu " (Fodder for the horses, morsels
of food for the IGo 2.12 ii 34; KBo 3.63 ii 3; KBo 7.38 left col. 6; KBo 8.85 obv.? 6; KBo
dogs we brought). Let them (now) take (from) them
for themse],es!,,. 11.10 iii 34;KBo 11.29 rev.3,6; KBo 12.106 + ii 10 (or to "conjure'?);KBo
rev. iii 33f.: bapenaza... ftuer- is attested similarly in 75.33 + 3 iii 13;KBo 16.68 i 6, 12, \i5,77,29; KBo 16.7l + i l0;KBo 16.80
KUB 58.43 v 2:
UZUhappenaza kur-a-k6.n-z'
kuer- "to c]t,, affords usually an acc. object: ii 2; KBo 17.59 obv. 1; KBo 17.105 iii 28; KBo 20.58:14; KBo 29'137:7,8 (or
KUB 3l.68:13: SAG.D|J-an kuer-; KUB 25.12 15: G,gp.MAHu.e to "conjure'?); KBo 20.72 + rev. iii 20; KBo 25.99 rev.? 3; KBo 30.19 obv. 2,
iurr-;
KUB 20.90 iii 12 uzui.g1G kuer-; KBo 23.8 obv. 13; VBoT 8; KUB 17.35 i 7, 20, 1| 4, 29, ir' 9, 20, 28; KUB 20'31:4; KUB 30.19 + i 24;
24 i 33:
i 9, l3: EME-an kuer-.According to KUB 44.21ii 4, iii 2; KUB 51.1 + ii 18; KUB 55.28 ii 3; KUB 56.48 iv 8;KUB
57.67:{5) they cut off meat (arfia 58.61 i 16; VBoT 24 | 36; IBoT 2.63 v 9; Tunn i 57 , 67, ii 54; Bo 3478 (+)
,;:.Tl1';',}i-ff 368/r,line 5; Bo 5478 i 4; Bo 6210 obv.? 6.
(i k a r a n t ) 27 4 d pie c e s .' ;l ;i :#,1i
the c h o_pp e
r3 For determining the exact meaning of bukanta, it is of importance to
obv. 5f.: bumandazaulluR-za (6; uzui tepu danz;KUB
55.20 + KUB 9.4 + note that it always stands in close proximity to sacrificial animals such as
iii l 6: ISTU 1 2 uzugpaL'-a kar-,similarly KUB 9. 34 iii 47 . sheep and cows. In the parallel text of flantitau ritual KUB 57.79 i'5,
26f., bukanra seems to be represented by sinews of a bull (GUD.MAH-aJ
UZUSA) which are shrouded (andakuwai' s. below p.92 note 45) in a
bloody or red ox hide. It therefore must have the meaning of "the
) 332t.
e Hebrew'ob,JBL 86 (1967) 390f.
ssigned to ikaranta:,,.... and make it into 275 cHD L-N (1980-1989) g47ff., 4 (1989) 3b3ft;J. Boley,'tlne Hittite Particle -z/'za
. of the well known verb jftar- ,'sting, prick, (19e3) 132tr
276 5"" now Puhvet,HED 3 (1991) 323tr without consideration of the attestations in
.c1!1q,
stua''' seeJ, Puhvel, Ho -i 1ies+) J.
9-10 "[Meats] which are stuck on the staff,.' the ryaI f. tajjsu ritual.

,\-_
76 A}IMET ar THE RITUAL OF UANTITASSU 77

slaughtered things", not "the conjured thngs" (thus translated as ''conjured

things of the L,ing'' in CHD LN, 1980-1989, 360a)277. In this meaning the
word appears in the following texts: KBo 21.86 ii 16; KUB 7.1 + KBo B.g
obr'. ii 13 with par. KBo 22.|45 obv. ii 5; KUB 10.1 l; KUB 25.27 ii 22f';
KUB 55.28 |72278' KUB b7.79 iv 26, 35 (see below); IBoT 2.126+ i 9; KBo
20.1I obr'. ii 7 is too fragmentary to yield any contexti x-an- k6n namma
[u-
ga-a-an'ta'an. [u-u-k6n-na-a and !u-u-ga-an-na-a MUSENHI.A in KUB
76'47:12 and KUB l8.12 i 7 etc. is possibly Cognate to uek- ,'to slaughter',
and means "birds of/for/to sLaughter'', cf' A. naP79. I would like to cite
here only a few typical passages for the meaning of [uek- "to slaughter, to
strike":: KUB 25.27 ii22f', .'.1 GUD.MAH 5 UDU Is7'UKI.I-AM
u-u-kiln-
du-u p|ianlzi "They d[eli,er] from the market one buII (and) f,e sheeP
(which) are slaughtered". cf. also Bo b47g i 4: nu
lukanzi r GUD 20
UDUu'e ma|n] bu-ga-an-tu-u ipanti "They s|aughter one bu]] (and) 20
sheep. Wh[en] they offer (the animals whch) have been s1aughtered,,. The
part. pl. nom.-acc. neutr. bukanta can be compared with /<ura ',animals,,
or "their members which have been cut", fror,i. many attestations here only
some texts: KUB 11.24 i2,6,ll and passim; KUB 20.59 iv22, iv lg; KUB
58.3 iii 17ff.; KUB 58.33 iv t6; HT bl obv. 6; KBo go.tzl rev. 6 and passim;
IBoT l.23 rev. iii 4 and passim. Similarly cf. the part. forms of
atta-,,to hit,
slash, stab, pierce" in KBo 2z.lg} r. col. 9; KBo z5.zg |? 6; KUB 12.26
|i 4;
KUB 29.7 obv. 1, 13, 38 and passim and substantivized participle n.-acc.
neutr. pl. paft^ku,d.iuwanda''cracked(?) grain, gri*(?),, from pakku-,, to
pound, crack"KIJB 9.6 i lf., see CHD p (lgg4) bg.
What can be the exact magical or medical connotation of ''turnng,
sringing" or "hanging around one's neck'? Is it possible that some of the
or the limbs of the piglet have been prepared as a pulp which is
'iscera
then applied as a cauterizaiion or poultice to the neck of the ailing
patient?
If this is the case, the patient, i. e. here the king, would have been
sufferrg
from a disease which would be bothering him at his neck, shoulder
or in
his throat. Supporting this view, note that the "slaughtered', pieces
have
been regarded as ritual residuals which according to rev. iv l3ff.
have been
remo'ed and concealed in a chest after they have allegedly absorbed or
healed the sickness of the king and thus became impure and contaminated
(see commentary on rev. iv 15).
rev. iv 7: The phrase LUGAL-i arkuwa- is not attested elsewhere. For
arkuwa-see E. Larochd8U and A. Kammenhubefl8l.
rev. iv 8: Para uwa- with local particle -/<5n (as here) and -ata ''to
come out (of a buIding/room), to ext" indicates that the king and the
ritual expert have been carrying out this part of the ritual in a building
which can only be identical with the palace mentioned in rev. iv 19.
rev. iv 9: kuwatta- can possibly refer to kuwatta(n) ''where, whther";
the plene writing ku-wa-a-ta-an-za in the duplicate A iv 9 would not be an
obstacle for the identity of the word, because similar plene writings of the
cognate kwa- are attested many times: ku-wa-a-t-in, cited by J' Tischlerz&2'
ku-wa-a-at, KBo 8.42 obv.? ii l1; KUB 60.131:4; ku-wa-a-p, KBo 15.l0 ii l3,
iii 47; KBo 16.50 obv. 10; KUB 7.48 obv. 13; KUB 33.60 rev. 4; Matigga iv
35; ku-wa-a-pi-k-ki, KBo l7.l iv 13; ku-wa-a-pi-ki, KBo 17.3 + rer,. iv 9; ku-wa-
a-pi-it-ta, KBo 7.14 rev.7; KBo 17.1 iv 17; KBo 20.31 obv. 14; KBo 25.31 iii
10; KUB 39.64:4. The word does not seem to be related to Luwian
<kuwayat()- ''fea, anxiety'', E. Laroche283'J. Friedrir6284' Tischlef8l, and
<kuwata- "to fear".
rev. iv 11: arfua ed-see KammenhubelSo
rev. iv 15: The contaminated ritual residuals are usually buried in the
earth: cSp14 aS a recePtacle for these ritual remnants (here probably
[ukanta "slaughtered corpse of the pglet" used probably here as a
medication, see above commentary on rev. iv 5-6) appears for the first time
in this text. For other ways of removing ritual residuals see in details D. P.
Wrgh7287 and V 9""'288.
gie, Annuaire Ecole Pratique (1964{5) 13ff.

277 see now correctlyJ.

Borey,The Hittite particr e -z/-za (lggg) r34 transrating ,,as you
'tumed' on yourself the kil]ed offerings of tving things on the ninth
day, let all the gods ca||
'
you!"
278 A. naL, Hittite Architect y Writings; Ph. D. University of California,
and a Rope{limbing Ritual, Belleten 205 (1988) 1476, Berkeley (1984).
1478. 288 Ein hurritischer Blutitus und die Deponierung der Ritualrckstnde nach
279 Zum Status der 'augures'
bei den Hethitern, RHA gf (lgZB) 45. hethitischen Quellen, in: B. Janowski et al. (eds), Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehungen
 78 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 79

iv 16. 17: kinu- ''to break open'' and ninink- "to dsturb" in its
rer,. H. Otten295 recording a ritual practitioner from Surma ...ulz-zi SAL
exaggerated meaning "to break open ,iolent[y, to Sunder" are used in this URUHurma in 396/d line 13 and'^Ku-wa-an-n SAL(!) .NcRlr (KUB
text as quasi synonyms, see above p. 25 note 722,35' ftn is written with 32.729 + KBo 33.723 obv. i 1) ; for inconsistent writing in IBoT 2.115 obv. 1
the initial sign gi- in the following texrs: KBo 2.7 rev.16; KBo 10.45 |i 22 fPupuwann; uSN.D and for more examples of this kind see B.
(=kinu-, KUB 7.41 iii 13); KBo 13.f92 obv. 10; KBo 21.22 obv.49; KBo Benedetti296. flantita.ddu's profession is mentioned neither in the incipit
24.56:6; KBo 26.182 i 5; KBo 26.202:2;I{8o26.214:12; KUB t.t7 iv b7; KUB nor in the colophon of the ritual text. Possibly the later compilers or
13.9 iii ll; KUB 13.32 obv. 9; KUB 25'23 i 39, ii 16, i,8, 38; KUB 57.79 iv copyists of the ritual were ignorant of his career as well. H. D. Engelhard
38; KUB 57.97 i 16; Bo 4876:10 (= kinu-, KUB 9.22 ii 49). For rhe disposal infers from a comparison with the rituals of Pakuwatt, Anna, Ambazz,
of ritual residuals and impure objects in general see D. P. Wright2\9. [Jruwanda and' Zual]i (i. e. A.l/i) that santita.j.u was a serSU.GI297. 11i. i'
rev. iv 20: LUGAL_ui--a UL tikizzi is an ellipsis for appa(n) ,,to quite impossible, as he was a man. Therefore, he must have been
a- ^ru67g
care about, to look after, to tend, to busy oneself with". or LUgAL.
rer'. iv 23: geographical location of the city of urma is in
southeast Anatolia, and thus in a genuine Hurrian region290. ryantau,
the name of the ritual practitioner, is originally the name of the city god
who was venerated in flurma alongside the Storm God, Tutelary deity,
Teub, flepat, ''male and female deites", mountains and rivers2gl; see A.
Kempinsk-S. Koak292. Thus the author of the ritual assumed his,/her
name from the city god which might literally mean according to G.
N e u m an n293 " Se h r-s tark", i. e' " the ve ry S t o n g o n e,' or,, fug 75 ;7]<g 7: 29 4 .
The shift of the sex in the personal name determinative m/f
indicates the long tradition of this ritual, i. e., in later times the compilers
or copyists of the ritual became confused in regard to the person and sex
of the author. we may assume, however, that the authentic author was a
man' not a woman' since {/anrira.j,u is the name of a god, not a goddess.
such changes in personal names are quite common in Hittite texts, cf.
fWattit (KUB 7.l iv l0; KUB 30.49 iv 2) versa mWattiti (KUB
30.48:7); see

zwischen Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament, Orbis Bibticus et Orientalis 129
(1993) 67-85.
289 Disposa of Impurity in
e Priestly Writings of the Bible with Reference to Similar
Phenomena in Hittite and Mesopotamiar Cultures, Ph. D. University of California, Berkeley
(1984) 238tr
290 G. F. del Monte-J. Tichler,Die
orts-und Gewssernamen der hethitischen Texte,
RGTC 6 (1978) 12af.; del Monte, Die Orts- und Gewassernamen der hethitischen Texte.
Supplement RGTC 6/2 (1992) 43f. with furrher lit.; p. Cornil, Liste des noms
geogrph-iques-des textes hitties. KBo XXII-XXX, KUB xLV-LuI, Heitica l0 (1990) 34.

.Flaas, Geschichte
292 1g 13.
295 Stadt Zalpa, StBoT 17 (1973) 40.
9 (982) 101'
293 i;;; 296
2g7
ia 15 (1980) 9.
294 v. Haas, (1e70) 23f.

V. sYNoPsIs A{D STRUCTURAL A\TALYSIS oF THE TEXT
i 1-2: Introduction and determination of the medical diagnosis.
Prosion and arrangement of' materia magica requisite for the
2-17:
execution of magic and the negotiation with the Sun God and the inferior
deities who are assumed to be responsible for the evil or bad health of the
sacrificer.
17-23: First application of the contagious magic followed by an
incantation by means of which the practitioner attempts to conjure the Sun
God and to attain his divine support for the cure of his customer.
2[3]: Employment of a mythologem (mostly in broken context) to
enchant, lure and convince the Sun God and to encourage the patient to
recover quickly.
32-ii l9: After all sorts of conjurations, offering and pampering, the
Sun God is now believed to be enticed enough and ready for the focal
action of the ritual, i. e. exchange barter of the sacrificial materials against
the life of the offerer. The mother of the client and the ritual practitioner
undertake this incantation
| 20-26: Second use of the contagious magic aiming at the rescue
the client's life from Agni and to gain the aid of Kamruepa,
| 27-34: Offerings accompanied by incantations which are to be
repeated seven times.
ii 3439: Additional offerings.
iii 1-4: During the performance of a part of the ritual on rop of the
roof, the ritual expert requests his client's life from the sun God.
Representation of this "regues t, grant" as a magical object (tarnuwar).
iii of a magical ritual in the inner chamber: The
5-19: Execution
practitioner digs a pit in the ground and makes blood offerings for the
deities of the Netherworld by slaughtering a piglet.
iii 20-31: carrying out a ritual accompanied by contagious magic at
the door bolt, aimed at the incantation of the sun Goddess of the
Netherworld.
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 81
|i 32-37: Offering of different parts of the suckling piglet which has
been slaughtered.
iv In this version of the ritual, the king appears as client. The
1-3:
palace is the location of the ritual.
iv 48: Benediction of the king by the practitioner.
iv 9-12: Distribution of magical material.
ir,13-17: Concealing and sealing of the ritual residuals in a chest.
iv 1&22: The final part of the ritual outside of the palace without the
king's participation.
iv 23-25: Colophon.
The stuctural analysis of the text must give answers to four basic
guestions:
A. What is the reason for this ritual? On this question see above the
commentary on ninink-
B. Who is the ritual practitioner? On this question see the
commentary for iv 23. Not a single copy of the ritual is written by
flatita*flu, the genuine ritual practitioner. He or less possibly she seems to
have composed his/her ritual conception already during the Middle Hittite
Kingdom.
C. Who is the client? The present ritual composition renders at least
of five different versions, each of which seems to have been adopted for a
special case of these different personalities: The first version KBo 11.14 is
the anonymous version, i.e., it is the library copy and does not mention any
person by name. The second version KBo 17.104 (+) 2029/S is adopted for
the case of Atta. The third 'ersion KUB 43.57 is composed for an unknown
Hittite king or for kings in general; for details see above commentary on ii
8; in the other versions no information is preserved on the client's
personality.
D. What are the ritual means? Sacrifices, offerings of precious metals,
gems and cereals, sedition, barter, bribery, contagious or sympathetic
magic, utilization of a mythologem as a "belle chant" and mediation of
gods are the basic ritual means. The santtau ritual differs from the
medical and homeopathic rituals in that the client is not supplied with any
food, drugs, medication or concoction. It is an example of a pure magical
ritual lacking any medical aspect. The usage of a mythologem is also one of
the particularities of this ritual (see commentary on obv. i 24ff .).
 VI. DATE oF THE UAilITITAsSu-rruer
I have already referred to the date and dating criteria of the
individual versions of the flanttau-ritual above in chapter ii. In this
chapter I will only add some additional criteria.
It seems that the oldest preserved examples of the anda.d,du<itual
(see below KBo 20.34) come from the reign of Tutfualya-Nikalmati and
Arnuwan da-Amun ikal|'
KUB 43.57 (+) KBo 18.174 is, similar to KBo 11.14, MH/NS, but its
script reveals earlier sign forms.
KBo 20.34 represents so far the oldest example of the whole
ensemble which is to be dated in the reign of Tutaliya ij and Nikalmar?
It is true that the main version of the santitau-ritual KBo ll.14
shows Old, or better Middle Hittite language while the ductus is New
Hittite. MH/MS dating in CHD L-N (1980-1989) I has been corrected in
CHD LN 61 and 219b to MH/NS3
KBo 17.104 seems to have NS, CHD LN (1980-1989) 219b.
VII. ADDITIONAL FRAGMENTS BELONGING TO THE
ENSEMBLE OF THE HAr{TrrAssU-mrUer
Some of the parallel and duplicate texts which belong to a related
text assemblage have been evaluated above in the text edition of the
Ilatitau- Ritual. However, Some parts of these texts could not be placed
in the main composition, because ostensibly they do not belong primarily
to the same tablet or composition. Another possibility is that they belong to
the missing gaps of the composition and therefore cannot be placed
exactly. KBo 17.104 is a good example, because its rev. belongs with
certainty either to the gap at the end of col. ii or at the beginning of. rev.
iii. It consists of the 7th (?) day. After a break of some uncountable lines
KBo 13.145 rev. must have followed it. KUB 36.111 + KBo 20.34 represents
obously a tota||y different ritual. What brings it closer to our ritual group
is the mention of Atta.

1 Fo. u full list of texts dated to their reign see briefly see F. Freu,
Le d6buts du nouvel
empire hittites et les origins de l' expansion myc6nienne, Annales de la Facult6 des Lettres
et Science Humaines de Nice, 35 (1979) 13tr
2 I. Hoff^unn, in: S. Heinhold-Kahmer et al., TH 9 (1979) 93, l00 and on
page 112
listing old signs such as LI, NI, DU, UK and ZU, cf. also CHD L-N (1980-1989) 79a
determining it as OH/MS.
3 Cf. i., general H. Otten,Bemerkungen zum hethitischen
Wrterbuch, ZA 72 (1982)
283 on New Hittite signs TAR' K, DUMU' LI ad KI; cf. also E. Neu,Interpretation der
hethitischen mediopassiven Verbalformen, StBoT 5 (1968) 51 (ltere Sprache) and C.
Watkins, Hittite and Indo-European Studies II, MSS 45 (198b) 248 (MH or older,/NS).
84 AHMET NAL THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 85

1. KBo 77.104rev. iii: (End of the col.) 2.2029/g:

-]x cj[-. . .] I ltu-u-r|
2 ]x a-a-zi 2 w]a-ar-[a-

3 -aln-zi 3 -lri-ya-anda
4 UD.7.KA]M tu-bu-bu-t[a] 4 -l iz-zil

5 flu-uk-kat-ti-ma-za 5 lkap-pi i-par|-

6 K]Us SAr or-r-, 6 il -p ar-z a4u EG|F.-i z-z I i
I a-al*zi -ilz-zi- n cS;r r.-11-1' 1 2
8 ] $UL_lu_uJa UD.KAM _za mAt-ta-a-a|n

I -tl a am-meel udda-a-ar DUTU-ai DK[am-

l0 -a] 3 !u-uk-ma-u,s.,jee, a-a-an 4u|
u ]u-uk-ma-in 7-SU u-uk-zi t71|
12 ir-l a-a-iz-zi nu NINDA.KURa.RA p r-i-ya nu |u-
l3 -] ki-iz-zi 7 NINDA.KURaH{ya D (? ) t
t4 -ilz-zi QA-TAM-MA DUTU-u.f z[i-
l5 ] x u-l<ied-/< i-mi n a-at I

16 -n] a(?) me-a-an u-[uk-ma] |

77 I xx [ (Restbroken)

l Not. that KUS SA5 does not indicate here a "red, bloodstaned''hide, but e natural
color of an animal's hide, as can be seen in KBo 13.145 rev. 9: KUS slAs BABBAR-ya "red
and white hide" (see below). Further attestations indicating the natural color are: KUB 7.33
+ KBo 35.101 obv. 22 (with dupl. Bo 2495 + KBo 35.103 obv. i 6f.; IBoT
KUS cuD sAE r KUS GUD GE6 I KUS GUD BABBAR I KUS uz6 sAE
l KU Uz6 BABBAR;KBo 19.162 rev. 3: 3 KUS UZ6 SABA r SA5 1E6;;
obv. 12; KUB 54.85 obv.l3; KUB 2.2 iv 3. In the meaning of "btoody, bloodstained hide" it
aPPears in the Soldier's oath KBo 6.34 + iii 46f. where SA5 is referred to as earnu- ''to
smear with blood, soak in blood". white and black shoes (for example KUB 2.6 iii 26; KUB
56.35 i 2 ard KBo 10.23 + obv. i 16) were obously not made of animal skin or hide, as it
would seem at the first sight,.but made of white and black wool lsic; , as shown in KUB 2.2
ir 5' INUTIM KU.E.SIR r sic BABBAR I sic GE6. In this case one would beuer speak of
" so cks, I egg in gs" comparabal. *1 6,
(ruc)GArrA DAM.
86 AHMET NAL THE RTTUAL OF HANTTTASSU 87

3. KBo 13.145 rev. 4. KBo 20.34 (+ KUB 36.111)4

I lx[ obv. (upper edge is visible at the right side of the tablet)
9 uzlulsA da-al_i 1t e-ftu-ul t?-ti+n nu-za lni-ik-ticnls

3 lx nu-kdn EN.INUM 2 |nu xeS cSuN NINDA.... P]A-N[4 DINGIRUM da-a[-i?l

4 lx (da-a-i nu-k6|n
3 [u me-ma-i? MUUI].A |ma-ni-in-kfu-wa-an-tec* <iah-n? A-NA
EN.SISKUR?]
5 lx-a ftu-ir ftu-ir[ 4 [ku-ie-i? pi-ya-an?ltee [
u-] uk-k6n ki4a-ni [A-NA EN.SISKUR?]
NA4GIUGN&TI NtA+
6
5 |anda? HUL-lu-j] ti-- n[a?-i]4u-ma-aF
I BAIPPIR mu-mu-wla-i
8 -i e-i r-ra-a-a-a|n
6 [nu-ui-],ia-an8 kat-ta t|ar-n]a-a-z 3 NINDA.KU&.RA
l
I KUS SlAs KUS BABBAR-1a pu[2-
7 | na-at?1 lN ki-z 1N |k]i-iz-z-ya
p'l pfu-i-|yanu-u]^i2

l0 I a-ra-a[-z a ar-n u-ul z-z i 8 [J'-ieei_.da-]ni-it ku<-za ir!-!|a-il z-zP nu-uk-k6n a-Pu-un
11 a-ra-a[-z a ] aL?-pa-an GIM-a xI
9 IDUGI] u-pu-rtr-ni-in10 p|a-r) a-a la-u-u-wa-an-zi
72 -lLa-an D-zi l0 a-pu-un-na ar-[a tu-wa-ar-ni-ya-an-zi
13 a] n4u r-z a QA|-TAM-MA D -zP 11 nu l DUG KAS fuu-upra-an a-a-a-an a-ra-af,-za-a4a
t4 lx EN.INIM x[ 72 i-iec-a-ni-it gul-a-zill DUGUAR.LIAB ar-a n-wa-ar-ni-ya-a-z
15 -p]i,e-r I
16 dla-a-i UD. tgl I.KAM QA-TI

77 -ilix[ 4 obv. 7-9, &10, 11-12 ae treated byJ. Boley,The Sentence Particles (1989) 188, 238,
(Rest broken) 439,469,655,439.
5 For this restoration see KUB |2.|7:7; KUB 20.92 rev. ? 9; KUB 33.62 iii 11; KUB
43.31 left col. 6.
6 Restoration is not quite sure. For MU1u.e; mannkuwat- ''short year(s) " (opposite
_gl
expression is GD(.DA) = datuga- ''long year(s)) see KBo 75.|2:|2; I(Bo 17.61 ..n. KBo
25.193 obv. ? 9 (dupl. KBo 21.6 obv. 7); KUB 9.34 i 29, ii 1; KUB 17.14 rev. 19f.; KUB 35.80
rev.? 9; HT 6 + I(Bo 9.125 i 11, 25; IboT 3.102 + Bo 3436:8; Hatt i 14.
' Reading not sure. Note also that the prohibitive Je and imper. 2. pl. dumat are
mism^atching.
8 or .iera-aja-a.
9 This restoration and emendation of this line are beyond any doubt, see KBo 4.13 +
ii
26f., iii rgf. (wi par. KBo 30.77 iii 23f.); KBo 27.49 ii 9f.; KBo 23.56 rev. iv 10f.; KBo 35.155
rev. 4 9f.; KUB 2.8 i 35f., ii 32f. ; KUB 11.26 obv. ii 3tr, 12tr; KUB 20.84 obv. 9f.; KUB 32.87
rev. 16; KUB 41.50 iii 5ff.; KUB 53.11 iii 4; KUB 54.81 obv. 4f.; KUB 55.25 ii 15ff.; KUB
58.5 i 15; KUB 58.71 obv. 10ff.; IBoT 3.1 rev. 51, 57,64f.; IBoT 4.137 ii 6; IBoT 4.317 obv. 5.
10 This orography of the Hurriar
2 vessel name seems to be unique, cf. KBo 5.7 \i 44;
or i[n- or te-?
KUB 45.54 left col 4' (Duc)hu-pur_ni,'KBo 25.|90 +534/b obv. 4: u-wu-ur-n; KBo 24.59 +
3 This obous simile ''as ... makes outsde .,', let it make in the same way inside '..,,is KBo 27.199 iv 23: fuu-u-wu-ur-ni.
not attested elsewhere wiin the Hittite magical repertoire. I I The very phrase
is arresred in KBo 15.25 rev. 2l; KBo 15.34 ii 8; IBoT 1.29 rev. 54f.
88 AHMET UNAL THE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 89

13 ma-a-na-at*6n |aJ-a-nu-u|z]'z[i|2 nu'u]k-k6n 8 QA-TAM-MA mi-ya-ue< ee{teen nu-u-ma-aj EGIR-SU

74 ba-a|-a-an a|-ra-ab-za-an4a|3 la-]u-u-wa-i
9 ftu-ir da-a- na-at-i-k6n a-a-nu-ut-teen

15 tn] u ki-i*a-|a me-ma-i ka-a-a u-ma-a-aA-]NA?? plglpveSla 19 G|7]-pa-r Z-SU 9-an ki<-iz>ma gan lu-uk-k6n-zi

16 IKASGESTTN...lxt 11 |k]-iz-zi-ya 9-an lu-uk-k6n-zi

(Rest of the column broken) 12 [n u ftd.-.ia-an fd] a-ra-an-zi ku-i mAt-ta-a-i

rev. 1 3 IDUMU LUGAL? r
21 i-ipJa-an[4] a-a7iug SAL.LUGAL DUMU.NITA
I t...1xI 74 [i4a-Iu i-ya-a]t ma-a-an [n]ee-pi-a-ai DINGIRUM
2 i-tappa-an|-zi nu ki-i-a-a da-ra-an-zi1 1 5 | n a-a*mla-a,i DU [TU tA] k-n a-a <D, -1 i-1[-ya-2.fi'-1 20

3 nu li-i-ma|6 z[-ik DUTU-u da-ra-an-za Li-i.maD.....l 16 |ka-a-a ki-iz-za 0]an [cS34g5un ki-iz-zi-yJa 9-ancs34Nl1gp1
4 da-ra-an-za zi|-k toUT]U[-u li-i da-ra-an-Za etc. 77 [az-zi-ki-it] -t|i<n nu a-u-ul fi-w]a-te-t-ti<|nl

5 Zi-ipJa-an4a-w5 [SA]L.L[UGAL] D IUMU.NITA]

f
(Lower edge)
6 NINDA. .r. or.a fi|-m?-] id4a|7 i#pa-an-za-ki-zi
7 nu-u-ma-a a-ru-i-i3ga-z ma-a-ki-i-ga-zil8 nu-u-ma-i-k6n

12 For this rare orthography of ajjaru- instead of commonly used aj_ja-nu-zj see KBo
4.10 + obv. 6; KUB 6.45 iv 1; KUB 7.13 obv. 33; KUB 24.5 rev. 10, 20; KUB 39.31:6; IBoT
4.112 obv. 5; 2011,/u rev. 3.
13 For the restoration see obove line 11 and KBo 15.34 ii 8.
14 Restoration very conjectural, cf. however KUB f5.34 ii 42f.
rb For the restoration see KBo 10.37 iii 39ff. in the following note.
16 B".ur." of plene wring of :- and not gemination of -m_ it is questionable whether
this broken word should be subsumed under the lexeme (: lim(m)a- (a beverage),asis
done in CHD LN (1980-1989) 62. A strikingly similar passage from a magical ritual against
gossip and el tongue KBo 10.37 iii 39ff. reveals clearly at the unique and archaic writing
fi-i stands here in KBo 20.34 rev. 3 for prohibitive adverb /i-e; KBo 10.37 iii 3M5: DUTLlui
DU-adDLAMMAp1p.vrs da-pi-an-te-el<a-a-ja [X] (40) li-e-maDUTU-u. da-ra-a--za]i-e-
ma DU-a da-r|a-an-za| (4|) l<-ma DI-AMMA_aj da-ra-an-za ]i<-ma a-ma-i- DINGIR[LrM]
(42) ku-i{ki da-ra-an-za z:-ift DUTU_uJ DU_ni DLA]\4I![\ -i A-NA DINGIRMIS-;a (43) ha-an-te-z-
zi-i nu a-a*u |u-u-ma-an u-meD|J-at-ten (44) na-a3-ta$Ul-/u wa-afi-nu-ut-ten na-at a-a-
ju D-at_ten (45) nu-k6nA-NA DUMUII EME UUL-/u-na an4a le tar-na-a|t-te-]ni //.
Since the change of e/iis a commonplace phonological appearance in Hittite phonology
(E. H. Sturtevat - E. A. Hahn, A Comparative Grammar of the Hittite Language |957 20; J.
' Gestalt und
Friedrich, HE 12 1960, 25 K' K. Nemschneder, Zr Unterscheidung der Vokale e und i in
der hethitischen Orthographie, Fs Otten (1973) 273-281; H. C. Melchert, Studies in Hirtite
Hist it does not surprise us.
(1980-1989) 62.
ee CHD LN 2f0.
19 s. . Bin-Nun,The
Tawananna in the Hittite Kingdom, TH 5 (1975) 164 with note
|64' 254 reads rongly NikaLmat, but on p. 257 she refeis to this line in connection wi
ZiPIa*aYi' see G, Szab6, Ein hethitisches Enrshnungsritual, TH 1 (1971) 62.
'" 0n account of the religio<ultural ambience, the preceding dine names, and the
available space at e end of the line, the most reasonable restoration of the dine name is
'D'Ulili'ai,_no! u/- ''green''. on the other hand the optional reading of Uliliyantike
would be farfetched, since it would bring us to the Palaic patheon which definitely is not in
placehere.Forattestationsof Ullyaisee KUB7.5iiLg,iii1, 17;KUB9.27+i4;KUB
14.13 + i 12 (with dupl.); KUB 30.65 + ii 6; KUB 49.39 obv. ii 9; r{. A. Hoffner,paskuwarti's
Ritual Against Sexual Impotence (CTH 406), Aula Orientalis 5 (1987) 281 relates e name
to e Luwian word wa]ila,/i- ''ield, plan'' ard takes it as a goddes s. I. Wegner,
Kult der ItaSawuka in Kleinasien'AoAT 36 (1981) 31 ad V. Haas,Geschichte der heth.
Religion (1994) 143, 349,439,611 conceive her as a native Luwio-Anarolian interpretarion
of the Mesopotamian goddess ltar. ff is is the case and the etymological conniction to
Luwian walila/- ''field'' is certain, she might, then, have been venerated is a kind of ''Itar
of
open counsde, steppe'' (ISTAR LiL, written also GASAN ,i-, r i nitt.
mra-).
90 AHMETUNAL
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 91
5. KUB 57.79 obv. i21
23 xf
I x[...
24 nu .ku-u-un bu-uf-uk-ma-iln 3-S hu-u-uk-z?9 nam-ma-k'n 1
2 [ku-i]t 1.... c34gp
3 DUTU_u[,...
25 DUTU-i IGI-an|-da da-a-i]3o e-ir-ra-a-a-an l NINDA.KUR4.RA
4 [] u EN[.SISKUR22 DUTU-i ki-i*a-an bu-u-uk-2jl23 BA.BA.ZA
5 DUT[U!-uj-za EZEN -anD|J-at nu-za dapindufl2a 26 U P-NI da-a-|i ....'Zi]Z? DUTU-, BAL -an-ti 1 NINDA.KUfu .RA par-.{ -
6 DINGIR'ES-r1d balzai.''.25 yal
7 EN.SISKUR.m[a-ai-,-ft 6n''.'.. 27 GESTIN -ya |i-pa-an-a l ...]x nu me-|m]a-j DUTU-u. GARdu
8 e-re-i[r e-ku-ir nu-za-k6.nDuTu_j..... 28 nu k- A[-wA-TE?l ku-it !|u-u-u]k-ki-i{k-mi ku-it
9 SA+a ftar-na-a UM-MADUTU etc. ..26 29 n a-at-mu oUTU-ui EGIR-an tl ar-n a-afd ! -3t du... l r[.... ] 32
1

l0 nu-wa d[a-pi-an4u-u^ DINGIRlns ba|zi!un1 30 EGIR-an 4a 1......-l 2it....... l

l l nu-wa-za fdapi an du pg14grSl-. ULZU 31 ie-te-it
alzi !un] t........-]xt_.......]
l2 EN.SISK[UR-ma me-ir-ta27 32 sAr.lrs-x[.........]
13 fual-z|-.... 33 sAr ss_x[.......]x33
14 [k]i-nu-u[n?.... 34 uzutl*.......1
35 NA4AIRJ ..........]
l5 bal-zi[....
36 pu-x[-.......-]zi
16 nu-wa-za f...
37 pia-|i-....-]x[_....]
l7 SAG.DlU?28.... 38 Glsa/-/u [-u-u.-,i] a_an 3a zil-ik-k6] n |-zi ? ...]
l8 D-za? ['... 39 zi-ik-ka-ri r.vrr9 pu-i-nu-u-a-an5 f ou-u71-4 i36
19 na-a-t5k-k[6n '...
29 For the context cf. KBo ll.l4 ii 27tr. and,KUB 58.94 obv. i 21.
20 a-ai-a|-.... 3o cf. KBo 1r.14 i 3.
31 wro.rsv
27 (erasure) t-ui ..... u]zuc.cc e2
-a.r.
cr. Kso lt.t4 ii 3sf.
22 JuzuiG.G]IG [...... uz]uNG.GIG lEN ?
5'r ,, sign and
cs2//p.{.{a-
-zj in line 36 may belong to obv. ii of which nothing else is preserved.
is a wooden utensil inlaid with silver and lead, KUB +z.+s:ot.;ius ss.oo
ii3'4'5'cf. H. otten, Bemerkungen zum hethitischen Wrterbuc]n,2,A66 (1976) l00f.
27 Popko, or 57 (1988) rD The role of kainaqnen"in-law, relative
S. Koak,Reew of KUB 57, ZA68 (t988)
92; by marriage" is not known to me from
3l2; G. F. del elsewh^ere in the rituals. They are attested only once in e festival text KBo 10.16 i 4.
58, OA28 (1989) 166.
36 Signs are badly deteriorated,
bv. i 3 ENAWATL so the reading has to be taken wi caution; it fits the
and KUB 58.94 obv. i 3ff. are duplicates. context, however, as one needs fo-r."sleeping" in the following tine a locality, although with
24 and, KUB b8.94 obv. i 4. the exception of ''bed" (ata-, cI[*A; tte tuilding,.oo- o. place of ''sleeping;is not
see KUB 59.94 obv. i 4ff. indicated as a rule in the texts. The word pulla- is enigmatic ltser. ts ony attestati-on in the
bv. i Z. old Hittite festival text KBo 77'29 + KBo 20.1 i 2 ]x or frpu-ut-1[a..., E. Neu,
4i9f. Althethitische Rirualtexte in umschrift, stBoT 25 (19g0) lbl (reads il pu-ul-lla-), idem,
bv. i 14, 16. Glossar zu den althethitischen Ritualtexten, StBoT 26 (1983) 152 (reads fpu\|a-(?) (ei
Gebiude) (?) ) , has been taken recently by I' Hoffmann, Das hethitische Wort ir ''Sohn'i, Fs
92 AHMETNAL THE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 93

40 .de_ej-.da -an-zi P AP PAP37 n i-ku-u{a-a -.,Sgpg-u,$8 r 1 A-NA NINDA.ERfMES 36-;a da-a'i na-atn.A-na pi<4a-i

Lower bottom 12 UD.&.KAM tub'fuue*ta

KUB 57.79
L3 lu-kat-ti-ma-za |JD'9. |.KAM ka-ri-w]a-r'wa-ar [u-u4a-ak
rev. iv

1 Ia W] a'aI-Pu-wa-an-z|i PA'NIJ
GIABME? GIBANIUR'AD'KID ti-|a] n-z
[....NIN] DA.KUR4.RA-I$s tNNa] pu-u|1l-li-i-3a-r240 p a-] ta-an -
cS43 ? 'af n'zi ma-
l5 ININDA.KUR4] .RA lpar-ila'a] n-Z|i n a-atp4--iyJ
2 l'.....k] u-ir an4a ki-it-tar.gABgAR GUSKINNA+ZA.GiN a-an- ken DUTU-[u],
3 [N]A4GUG NA4TI NA4DUH.SU.A SI al-pu -i<-mlar!l !
16 |u-up-]-z[i] nu EN.SISKUR PA-INJI GIAB ti-ya'z
4 |kap-pi-i] mu-m|u-w]a- p161plrS- a par!-[ue-n|a-an1a7 fi4a-i 77 |na-a] A-NADUTU t*x-nN nu-k6n LGUD l UDU
5 | e-ir-] ra-a-a-an GUD.MAH-ad UZUSA A-NA IK] Us SA5?
18 IA-NA] DUTU BAL-an'ti.ju[-u.d] [u<|l-wa'za z6-yla-an'ta-ZaJ46
6 |IG|? -zl i-ya in ?-n a?-a-t{2 an4 a da-a-i n I a-a] t-|a-a] n
19 IDUT]U - ma-n|i-ya-a]-[a-an-za7 a NNo,q..KU7 A-NA DUTU Par-
7 [ a-r] a-ab -za ar-[| a k] u ?-r-zi ta-a t?|...lx-x
!
i|-ya]
8 ( t<] ) ki-in-za-al-pa-|a]a3 GIM-an SU [M-a] n-z[i] c] 5*__ t a|r-!] a? cSgASun NNn4 gpivrs e'ir da-a'i
lpeiya'?l
20 [n u-u,d_] ia<-an>48 4-1y4

9 |nla-at ANA? DINGIRUM ZI ki-a-a!-ilz-zi++ na-f a da-pi-an |ma-]a[- 2I [nuP] A-NA EN.INIM wa-al-a-iSUM-an-zi nu PA'NIGtsaNtun
[la!- anl ti-ya-zi nul
l0 anda | i-k] u-wa-iz-zia5 na-a r E [N. INI ] IM EGIR-pa ka| t-t] a? 22 |A-]NAD?[U]TU? 3-S si-pa-an-t EN.SISKUR me-ma-i

23 IoU]TU-uj e-z-zadu e-ku-uddu IS-TU [ss]ruRru e

Alp (1992) 282 as the Hittite reading or ou,u1MEs;, thewordpu/1a-being then the 24 |m e-ma?-] ! a-[u-un ku-i#9'mu DINGIRMES-aj EGIR-pa R-in i-ya-at
equivalence of DUMU "child, son". The new attestation of the word here would not
contradict this equation. However, if my reading is correct and it stands here, as expected, 25 [DUT] U? z-i|k-m] aP-mu EGIR-pa EN-an i-ya-at
in dat. sg., "The brother-inJaws sLeep in the 'children house'; the sister-nJaws (and)
juveniLes (sheep in ...)'', Hoffmann's reading asi pu-u[-l|a... would need to be
Proven; note 26 n |uEN.INI] M GUD.MAH-aj??
50
u-u-kin'ta A-NAKU.SA5
also Neu's contradictory readings Ep. versaEp. (see above). pu-ut-la-an[(-) in KUB 5g.49
rev. iii? 11 represents cerLainly a differentword.
c / Signs of illegilibiry. 5478 i 2. From the context andaikuwai- seems to have the meaning of "to wrap, to
J In this unique enshroud".
Passage one may be tempted to find some reference to incest
between brother-inJaws (kaena-) and sister-in-l avs (nega-) 46 Fo. similar sequence of offerings see KBo 4.13 + iv 29f.; KBo 26.159:6f.; KUB 7.13
'
39 For this nominal ending cf. KBo
17.88+ ii 19, 22; KUB 57.100 obv. ii ll and acc. sg. obv. 41, rev. 14; KUB 7.24 + KUB 58.29 obv. 6f.; KUB 11.30 + KUB 44.14 obv. iii 7ff.; KUB
in -in: r(Bo 25.178 iv 14; KBo 30.103 obv.? 10; KBo 21.99:11; KBo 19.163 iii 32, 36 etc. 25.23 \ 42f., | 21, iv 53; KUB 44.42 obv. 10f.; KUB 53.49 obv. 13f., rev. 6f.; KUB 55.21 i 8f.
au Reading very conjectural. Note that in most cases ,ipad- ''to ]ibate, consecrate, slaughter'' is interchangeable with
ar Cf. KBo 11.14 i 12 and C i 2. uek-' " to slaugh ter''.
42 Reading very conjectural, +'l mairah-is attested in similar context in KUB 24.5 rev. 18ff.
since the signs are badly preserved.
tc For this Luwian word see ki-in-za-al-pa-a-i-i, ki-in-za-al-pa(a) which seems to 48 Fo. irn see KBo 11.14 obv. i 4.
49 Th" broken siqn seems to be -j but from e context -itwould fit better.
denote a silver utensil, KUB 12.1 iii 5, 36f.
44 kis^i' ''to comb, stroke" is not known 50 Reading is ve conjectural. The preserved signs allow to read neither GUD.MAH-a.j
elsewhere in connection with the 'iou.I" of the
deitv. nor uzusA which are mentioned in iv 5. Unfortunately I am not able to make any better
'45 suggestion as to how to read these broken signs. From the context and parallel texts one
Reading anda
ikuwai- according to KUB 44.61 rev. 13, C. Burde, Hethitische
medizinische Texte, stBoT 19 (1974) 20; cf. also rev. iv 27 and possibly KBo g.b7 i 1; Bo would expect e sacrificial animals or eir limbs in pl. nom.-acc. neutr.
 THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 95
94 AHMET NAL

6. KUB 58.94 may belong to the end of santitau ritual?

27 k|u-Je? an-da 3|i-k]u-u-wal-an-ta1 A-NA EN.SISKUR pa-ra-a e-ip
zlil KUB 58.94 i
28 EN.SISKUR IGI-an-da US-KI-EN ne-iz-za-an A-NA IEN.SIISKUR- 1[.MlS-21....
ma? I|-NA G-sU na-a-l12
2 S[AG.]DU-YAft[u....
29 EN.INIM ftj-an me-ma-i z-ik-za-k6n GIM-a
30 UD.6.KAM T|-an-ta-a u-u-kLn-a [nla-a- 3 nuEN A-WA-TI DUTU-i k|l--a-an [u-u-uk-z
DUTU-u,-za EZEN-an

3 1 |k] ie4a-n i-ya me-m-ya-an-ni DINGIRMES r] u-u-m a-an-tea D-ar15o

32 |QA-TAM-I|,1]A a-pa-a-at e+c4u [a1-zi-ya-an4u53 4 nu-za da-p-an<-dp-u, DINGIRMES bal_za-a|-1 nu-za da-p-an-du-u
33 nu-u t-t] a MU.KAMHI.A ITU. KJN\4HI.A UD.I(JN\4H| -A ta-]unae+,j a-,a-
.uu-u
|

an- dlul64 5 baI-za-a-iEN.SISKUR-m a'a'-k6n |anda pa-it?l

34 |nu E] N.INIM A-NAEN.SISKUR S.x-nN nu-l<in EN.SISKUR 6 e-z-te-ir e-ku-rDINGIRME| nu-za-k6n

DU [TU-uj 1ri. a-1,y4-7BuS1

35 lbul-u-kdn-taINA UD.7.KAM ne-ya-an fiar-zi 7 A+a ar!-na-a UM-MADUTU k-i-wa ku't |'ya-nu'unl

36 |ma-]a!-an? UD.7.KAM pa-iz-zi na-a|t]-za-kdn ar-a da-a-i

8 nu-wa-za da'pi'an4u-uj DINGIRME-u bal-z-bi-bu|-unl57

37 |na-]at*6n A-NAGIISANI TGTI an4a ti-a-z 9 nu-wa-za d a-pi-an-du-u. pg14g',S. -. ur r U |!al-zi-i[-u-un

EN.SISKUR-ma58I
38 [na-']a, UL g-nu-u3-kin-zi na-an-k6n 4 f.N,a611p1
10 me-ir-ta-at nu-wa-ra-an-za-an E tN A-WA- TI mu-un-na-ir? DINGIRMES
39 lPi-] e4a-an-z na-an naln-ma -u ru-i*< gli-nu-z?J dapiandu]

40 |ki--m]a-k|6n] SISKUR EN.INIM ta-mee4a-ni par-ni |I '-U

oa-ra-a ti-e-r nu DUTU-i fki-i*a-an me-mi-ir ? EN.SISKURku'wa'at
L b al-z a'a'i 3 U M-MADIJTU
-u]
41 l-y| a-zi EN.SISKUR-ma-at-k6n 12 nu-wa-ra-an-za'an UL al'z|i'[-u-un? ...
42 tEGIR-p, - ti]-i-ya-zi -UL a-a-ra1' 13 nu-wa-k6n ku-t A-N[A EZEN an4a -ya'at-ta-af,l
| 4 U M-MADINGIRMES SAc.u-w[a+a DINGI
pu i'*-u1169
Lower bottom 15 e-iz-za-rt60 nu-wa-za el-ftu-uddu? ...

56 Cf. KBo 11.14 i 23 and dupl. KUB 57.79 obv. i 4ff, Trarslation of KUB 58.94 obv. i &
18 is siven above p. 60f.
57 pur'ug. refers to the festival given by the Sun God in KBo 11.14 i 24f., cf. also
ni,
KUB 57.79 obv. i 4ff. and its dupl. KUB 58.94 obv. i 3ff.
51 Thi' context suPPorts also e suggested mearing '' to wrap' for 58 Prererved in KUB 57.79 obv. i 12.
anda j/<uwa.-. It is
possible at the frukanta's are wrapped in a bloody (i. e. fresh) skin to be applied by the 59 Fo, choosing a deity as one's "chief' god cf. DINGIRTTM sA SAG.DU in KUB 36.80
offerant as a kind of p. 76f. obv. 2f.; KUB 24.1 iobv. 6f. As the claims of Qpeen Puduf,epa show clearly, the elevation
52 For this poss C iv 3. of a god as one's main or protective deity is frequently used to deceive that particular deity,
cr All the gods o.ryi1 order to gain its attention towards the worshipper, see KUB 21.27 and also the
D4 This could s as opposite of ninnk-; see above commentary on i oraver for Gaulivawiya KBo 4.6 +, CTH 380.
' ' 60 The imper. ,j. 2.
1tr fo.-
of. ed- "to eat"which is attested only here must be added to
55 cr. rus b8.94 iv 1-3. the forms e-izju, e-ii'za'adu, e-iz-za-ad4u, 'iz'za4u in Hw2 E 128'
96 AHMETNAL

16 na-a-t6'k-ft:in SAG.DU-i pa-x[-.....

77 nu-wa -idduEN.SISKUR x[_..... VIII. INDEX
18 nu-wa -id4u DUTU-i A-NA t SAG.DU DINGIRLIM....
l9 UZUNG.GlG-wa-k6n a-a-a-an nu|-'. A) LIST OF THE TREATED WORDS AI{D NAI\,!ES
20 nu-wa DUTU-a,(sic l ) EN.SISKUp uzuyi. 1GsU-Nt U.. a)HITTITE, SUMERIAN, AKKADIAN, HURRIAN, LUWAN
AND OTHER WORDS
2| nu [k] u-u-un u-uk-ma-in T-SU u-uk-zfi ]
22 nam-mu-1a, cS341SuR ouru -i IGI-an4a |da-a-?]
23 e-ra-a-a l NINDA.KU&.RABA.BA.ZA []P-NI da-a-i AD.KID ... cS341Sun.o.xD and ALAM.AD.KID
24 1 NINDA.KU&.RA par-i-yaGESTIN-ya BAL-an-ti nu me|-ma-i] cS41. 66,68
25 me-mi<-ki-mi ku-it bu-u|k-kie-ki-m? ku-it] AI-AM.AD.KID.SAL .... 45
26 |na]-at-mu DUTU-uj if-ta-ma-a4u? .'. cS11r35r- 91 note 34
alpu- .............49
KUB 58.94 iv alpuemar .............49
f INIM da-m[ eda-ni par-ni]61 AMAR 54
2 5KUR-ma-ftin] AN.BAR.GE6..................... '.'...',.'.....,,.,,., 47
3 -(a)pa........ 23 note 87,73f.
appa(n) see tarna-.
Free space aP- ..'''......' ...68
4 DUB. /.KAM ff fla-a-ti-ta_a,-^du] Ne"{=Nea bararazi- .47f.
5 SAL URU[ur-ma] arkuwai-
6 t-UL] QtA-rl]broken
assnu-.'. 88 note 12
atari- (HH) (=TI,ZL) .66 note 210
oh
................. c /
cS34yp ..............40ff.
cS34gp.AD.KID 42f.
ouu =ipull,.(?)
E.SA-na ...........67
EN.SISKUR, metion of the name of E. '.56ff.,7
84 note I
.... 95 with note 60
... 27 note 734,46
EZEN iy*............ .51f.
GAB.t.AL 50
fl cr. run b7.79iv 4ot. 1rc;GAn4.DAM
uu Cf. KUB 57.79iv 42.
...42 with note 60, 84 note 1
cS41.&qr ....... 42

-^
98 AHMETUNAL THE RJTUAL or gar-rraSSu 99
cS.p161p.INANNATUR/GAL... .................43f. kappai- 47
LUHLAL........ 37 47f.
Uzuhapear 48 note 106
kappiha........''
NAaba'arazi- ::: ::: : ;,;;;;;;;,;; /<arawar see SI
G|Sariuzzi- 42 knu-................ 25 note 722,36,68, 78
larrant- kinzalpa- ......... 92 note 43
a.i- ''to open'' 67 wit} note 216, 74 ......... 92note M
IaSduir 49 note 114 ...........45f.
atta '... 60,76 74
cts[attalu ,...73f. TUGftureijal" 43 note 72
46 J<u.aJai-.... 73f.
68 kutiya 45f.
64,75ff. < kuwata........... 77
uwant-. 3l note 162 kuwata tt
fuukat- 26 note 730,75tr. < kuwayat(i)-. 77
umant...'. 26 note 130,53 La-.. 62
fiuppai-/fruppiya ...........48 Gtslahura-. 42
bupurniy'uwurni- ...'.. 87 note 10 laknu-.... 41
c$0urfti-.... ...... 63 le see li-i
fuurtalliya. 48 li-i unique writing for prohibitive adv. lie ............. 88 note 16
47 l1ipa(i) 28 note 143
50 (:)lim(m)a- .... 88 note 16
GISIG 73 LDUlIsKUR_ 37
c.uSrN. 37 LUGAL I5
48 m a inkuwanr_.......... 33f.,87 note 6
87 with note 9 cSM,lR 66

44,74 note 274 .1

iSpart- 62 with note 180 45
tanaa-... 42 .1
itap 47
iya-see EZEN mumuwa- 48
Lukana- 91 note 35, 38 MUN 50f.
kap-(urar.) 48 note 109 37
 AHMETUNAL THE RITUAL or gavrraSSu

:
100 101

nab SI 49
DUGnakappit-/nikappi ::: ;;;;;fi; SALSUHUR.I-AL ............ JI
34,37 da- 50,54 74
nega 92 note 38 dafuanga-......... 42
nikt (Iit.) ................34 DuGhhakaPP-.
1p4.BpivS .,.......'..',..47 dai-, mena\b an da d. ........
ninink- ......33ff., gg TAMLU
NUMUN 45f. dapi-
pal 53,54f.,64
,^
pakku(uwant) ............. /o
.r.prpr-..... ............41f.
NAaparaa- note 738,47
.............27 with tamuwar
par[uena 27 with note 134f., 46 c51,,,'u-,
paddai- .......66,69 GIS16/22

5t tekan
tepawah
91 note 36
3l
G|spur(ya) 42 ahr
PURSITUM 48 note 109
snu
SaH.run.. ..67f.,70 with note 240
sSAzu. 3t
cSSAG.gL ....................... 73f. *tri see terl-
KUSiaJa-.........................;...... uzuuBUR... .............69
*ameiya.'.. 50 uIili- 89 note 20
LUSANIGA.. oh
.,.,.....,...4 41 note 55
I ulreift-..
.............49 uddar, u ddan a ija-lEN-a. B ELU ...... 37f. with note 33ff.
9l note 36 74,77
ikuwai, anda,................ ......75,92,94 note 51 74
spen, spune (high ger.) 70 -wa, omission of the direct speech particle -wain some versions ......... 57
sSU.G 11,37 wabnu-, appaw.
ubba ....39,46 walila- (Iuw.)
Sr = appa(n) ta.rna- 64 note 197 warIui- 49
102 AHMETNAL THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 103

wariyant- .7
62 flaya
we-, DUTU arabza wefu- 1l
53 aauili i .................,
wel- see welwila- ......... I note 4
flattuI ................
wellu Kallawi .................. 36
62
welwila Ma(n)dura 19 note 25,63
.6 I f.
Muwa ................... 10
czAG.GAR.R{.. Muwatal| i.......... 60
uRUDUza/<.ki- ...... Nikalmati 59f.

zina[ Puduepa.....
Pupuwani..,
Ramses ....................
b)DIVINE NAMES Saburunuwa...
Agni/Akni 63 Suppiluliuma i
Tamiarri.
40
40
Tadubepa
..72
ERES.KI.GAL.... Tutlalya ji .................
39f.
Etan(u) '..' Tutaliya ni ................
39f.
I3[ara
b5
Wattiti
ISTAR 56, 89 note 20 Ziplantawiya..
Kamruepa
63
Kattazipuri d)GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES (TURKISH AND ANCIENT)
63
Gu]a'
ob Acemhyk 43
Le|wan
40 Naca Hyk 43
Ninga....
36 Arzawa 11
Uliliyai Ayanky 50 note 128
89 note 20
DUTU
..........39ff. Babylona 11

c)PERSONAL NAMES
ankn..' 50 note 128
Arnuwanda
.......vII,59 ekerek 50 note 128
.vII, 59, g2 Delice river 50 note 128
,......vII,57 Emrgaz ,.44note 79
16,56ff.,93
........ Fraktin 43
,.78f. and passim Hacbekta . 50 note 128
04 THE RITUAL OF UANTITASSU r05
A}IMETNAL
Hakm/ Haftpid....................' bargain with gods.. 64f.
..... l0
barter 54f.
flupina 2 note 5
bIood........ ,,67
flurma 78f.
Inadk belle chant see conjuration
Iuwa bragging ..12
Kazapida bribe 7f. with note 26

Kastamonu butchering, terminology of b. ........ 60

59 note 165
Knk 59 note 165 case collection
Krmz 50 note 128 chief deity, choose of c :: .. .::: ::::: ;;;;,]l
Kizzuwatna clients, richness and poverty of c........... .... Twith note 25
9ff.
Kltepe mention of the name of c. . ......56ff.
41
Marali see Baraf,i collection of magical practices.. ......... 1 1

Maat colophons 13

colors, black, white and, red 47,84 note I

Parai see Bara[i

concoction....
conjuration as belle chant ;;;;;;;,;;;;;;;;. i;
Barai . 27note 138 copies of Hantitau ritual..... .'....74ff'
Sarkaya cow as mean sof ritual Payment ...... L7 note25
.50 note 128
Sapinuwa cumln ..47
.................9f.
Sarkam cup holes ..68
, 50 note 128
Tasus..... date of the texts . ..82
'..,,'....''.....43
Tepesi Delik ... ......50 note 128 date of Hantitau ritual ..........
Yan ...................... 43 deportation of magicians and artists to Uattua ............. 8, 37

dialoque between practitioner and god ............51

dichotomy see religion
e)SUBJECT INDEX
Dipper, Big and Little D
abstract conceptions see models
do ut des
aL|egory..... 54 note 140 doctors..,
........40ff, donkey, d. as means of ritual payment
....................... 66 door
aphrodisiac ....................... l2 dreams 36
apotheosis ,,''...,..',.,......'.' 51 earthquake(?) 36
archaeological monuments (table, altars on a.) education of magicians.. 37
authorship of magical rituals 13 ellipsis 78
lr'
'l

106 AHMETNAL THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU

error, scribal e. ................. 54 materia magica...........,
fell, animal f. see skin medicine
folklore ..........11f. Middle Hittite dynasty
formula, empty f. ........... ....11 f.,57 millstone .....
gate see door .......... ...........1 1f. metaphor.....
gems......... .............59 minerals.......
goat as means of ritual payment ....... ,7 note 25 models, concrete m. of abstract conceptions
gods, primeral g... ,c, mother of the patient
t...,...t,,ta , a

grindstone musical instruments.................

............48
herbs, medical h. mythology, insertion of myth in conjuration .. I f.
12
hide see skin nasal -n-.....
neck, desease ofn.
hog see piglet
numbers
horn, to cut, scrape or break the h. of animals
'...,''...,..'.,... 49 old women
homo sapiens ...,.........'.,.....5 omission of particle -wa ....,
human, early h. societies ..................... 6 oracle in Lycia and Delphi
Hurrianization of middle Hittite dynas...... ,..........,....'.. l0 painted pottery see \ase
Hurrians ................. gff. participation, p. of human being in a dine party .................... 51f.
rncest.. .........92 note 38 part}, to arrange a p., see also EZEN. ..'....,,,.',......51 f.
indiduality in authorship ....... l3 patent ...................... l3
ingredients, ritual i. ................... ............,........ /t. ,f patient, personal mention of p. in rituals ...................57ff.
intellectual history ..................... t3 payment, means of p. of the magicians .............. ........7f. note 22
king as patient in rituals ..............,....., /D ,/ pea, chick p. ............. ,.45f.
leggings pharmacology........... 2,72
.........84 note I
lentil..... pg .67f.
.................45f.
piglet ,.67f.
...................34
pit, sacrificial p..... 69,72
,......39, 61, 66
poppy........
poultice
: l:::ri1l:r,13 pound
lyre see musical instruments
pulp
magic, black and white m.........
recipes, medical r. ................
in historical context
religion, dichotomy between r. and magic
magicians, types of m. removal of ritual residuals...
ethnic background of m. ...... river deities
the omnipotence of m. in their field roof as locus of ritual performance .......

h_
108 AHMET NAL HANTTTASSU
THE RTTUAL OF 109

its construction ................... , 38 note 38 B)LIST OF THE FULLY EDITED AND TREATED TEXTS, AND
royal family (s. also ruling class) ,...,............ l CITED PASSAGES
ruling class, dependency of r. on magic........ ...............8f.
A)TEXTS FULLYEDITED
salt
SAZ KBo 11.14. 74,l7ff.
science, natural and human s. ..6f.
KBo 13.145 14f., 20fr., 86

seeds.......... 46f. KBo 17.104 (+) 2029/g .. 15, 19ff., 84f.

sex, change of s. in personal names of magicians.. 78f. KBo 18.174 see KUB 43.57
sheep as means of ritual payrnent t^r
/ note z5 KBo 20.34 + KUB 36.rrl 15f., 87ff,
shoe ..84 note I KUB 43.57 (+) KBo 18.174.......
simile........ 63, 86 note 3
shish kabab 74 KUB 58.94
skewering 74 2029/gs. KBo T7.704
skin 84 note 1
slaughtering see butchering
socks b)CITED TEXTS AND PASSAGES
spit KBo 2.6 ii 55f. ...35 with note 26
stone cutters from UupiSna.... KBo 3.34 i 23 ........... 69
stones, precious s. ............... KBo 3.38 i 16........... 37 with note 33, 38
suggestion KBo 4.2 ii 34............ ..74
Sun God, Sun Goddess...........
KBo 4.11 obv. 25..... ..38
sword from Boazky ....
KBo 4.12 obv. 5 ..48
table..........
KBo 5.2 i 38, IV 20.. 48f.
wicker work table .....
KBo 5.3 iv 40-41 ...... . 36 with note 30
basket table ..
KBo 6.3IV 18 .......... .'......',...,......... 48
take-andgive formula ..
TRIANGLE.... KBo 6.29 i 7............. ,..,.....,..,.......... 48
66
vase, Inandrk vase KBo 6.34 + iii 46f. 84 note 1

verbal imperative or spells..... KBo 6.45+ ,....................,. 39

versions of Hantitau Ritual............. KBo 8.1 iv 21 ..... . 35 with note 17

vocatve KBo 8.91 obv. 17 39
wax 45
wheels 67
year, short years in life span, short y. 84 note I
KBo 10.37Li42........ 71
KBo 10.37III39-45 88 note 16
 r10 AHMETNAL THE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 111

KBo 10.45 ii Ol ................... KBo 32.13 i lff. ....... 5l with note 134
4B
KBo 12.38 ii 10..................., I\Bo 34.47 see KBo 17.105
,.....64 with note l9g
KBo 12.96 re\'. i\, 10ff......... ...........55 KUB 2.2 iv 3,5 , 84 note 1
KBo I 2. 123:7ff. ................... KUB 2.6 iii 26.................. .84 note 1
..........39
KBo l3.l0l ob,. i l3f., 3l... 35,74 with note 274 KUB 4.r ii l-6.................. 5b
KBo l3.109 iii 8........'....... 69
74
KBo l3.l45 re'. 9 ...'............ .84 note I KUB 5.7 obv.24 .......41
KBo 13.161 rev. right col. lff. ..... KUB 5.20 + KUB 18.56 obr'. 38ff............. .... 36 with note 28
D5
KBo 14.98 obv. i tO KUB 6.45 i 4f. 46
69,77
xgo ir.o i l8_2l, 25ff.......'.......... ,.......,............ 59 KUB 6.45 iii 37 ff.
KBo 15.25 rer,. 28f..,... KUB 7.33 + obv. 22..............
7 with note 24
KBo 16.97 obv. 42 KUB7.4r+i4-6
........7r
KBo 16.97 re\,. 5, 10............... KUB 8.14 rer,. 8f.
note 2b
..... 36 with
KBo 17.29 + KBo Z0.t i2....... KUB 8.28 obv. 17, rer'. 13f.
9l note 36
KBo 17.62 + ir'7ff. 35 with note 18 KUB 8.57 i 10 DJ
KBo l7.105 + KBo 34.47 re,. iii 30ff., KUB 9.31 ii 40..
,..,.......... 56
KBo 18.177:5 ........... KUB 10.11 iv 5f., l6 .........
.............. 45
KBo 19.129 obr,. 3l KUB 10.99 vi 15f. .............
..............47
KBo 19.162 re'. 3 ........ KUB 12.16 ii 14, l9 47
..84 note I
KBo 20.1 see KBo l7.Zg + KUB 72.24 obv. i 2ff......... 55
KBo 20.11 obr'. ii 7............. KUB 12.63 + obv. 9ff........ 62
KUB 12.63 obr,.31 48
KUB 13.4 i 33............ 7r
KUB 13.14 + iii 3G39 35 with note 24
KUB 14.1 obv.44f. 34 with note 14
KUB 15.11 ii 3l .................... 77
KBo 23.8 obv. 13..... KB 15.3l obv. ii 6ff............ 68
l{Bo 23.44 rer,. i' l0 KUB 16.34 i 14.. 41
KBo 24.3 + i 9, lB KUB 16.47, 12.. ........76
I(Bo 24.4 + IBoT 4'l4 re,. zff. ....'... KUB 17.24 ii 16f. ... 7 note 25
KBo 24.93 rer,. iii lg. KUB 17.27 + KUB 12.50 ii 28-34, iii 9................ .....72 with note 36
KBo 27.85+t9Z/v rer,. 14........ KUB 17.29 iztr.,6,22ff. 67
KBo 29.209: 13 ................. KUB 17.28 ii 5l 45
KBo 30. I 64 obr,. iii 8f. ....................... KUB 17.30 iii 3-5 btr

LLI
112 AHMET NAL
THE RITUAL OF HANTITASSU 113
KUB 18.12 i 7 KUB 38.3 i 10........... ..........45
KUB 20.90 iii l2
..........53
KUB 21.1 iii 46f.
..........48
KUB 21.27 ii 20...........
..........47
KUB 23.11 rev. iii 28ff........ KUB 42.57:3 .'....',.,45
KUB 42.100 iii 34f.............. ..........77
KUB 42.94 obr,. 17 45
KUB 24.9 + ii 18, ir,7 KUB 43.49 rev.? 30f. 45
KUB 24.9 +iv22,27f. KUB 43.52 + iii 1l ... ..................69
KUB 24.721i 4 KUB 43.56 rev. iii f 1ff............. .................. o-h /
KUB 25.r2 ,i l5 ........'......
KUB 44.15 obv.9f. 49 note l13
KUB 25.27 ii 22f. ..............
KUB 49.7: ll ........ CJ
KUB 27.1 obr,. i 31-34...... KUB 50.79 obv.? 6........ 35 with note 16
KUB 27.67 + ii gff. 73f. KUB53.3v6..... 39
KUB 27.67 + rer,. iv 33ff. ........... KUB 53.4 rev. 26 66
KUB 29.4 ii 67ff......... KUB 55.20 + KUB 9.4 + ii 33,35, iii 16..........
KUB 30.28 rer'. lff. KUB 55.37 iii r2-15 o/
:,j)
KUB 30.51 + 45 + HSM 9644 ii t9-23 KUB 55.48 i 14... 60
KUB 31.68: l3 ............
KUB 56.35 i 2 84 note I
KUB 3t.7l re,. iv 35 ..............
KUB 56.36 ob'. 5f. ......74
KUB 31.86 iv lff. with dupl...............
KUB 56.51 obr'.9-12 ......53
KUB 31.100 obv. 24...........
KUB 56.59 rer,. 33-34...... 7 note 25
KUB 31.127 + ABoT 44rev. iv 6f. .......
KUB 57 .34:9ff..................... cl
KUB 31.127 + obv. ii 2f............
KUB 32.129 + KBo 33.723 obv. 1........
KUB 33.121 ii 15
KUB 35.102 iii 6, iii 5............
KUB 35.145 ii 9..........
66
KUB 35.149 obv. i 10............
......','....,,,,. 47
KUB 36.18 ii 21............ 53 KUB 60.73 rer,. 5-7 .................. 55
.ct
OH
KUB 60.156 rer'. l2ff. 63
.53 HBM 74:72ff. ...... t0 and note 32
.67 HT 6 + KBo 9.125 rev. i 23 ..69
.63 VBoT 24i33... ..74
 E

114 AHMET UNAL fHE RITUAL oF HANTITASU 115

VBoT 24 iii lff., i'29-31 C) LIST OF THE ABBREVIATIONS

1
IBoT 3.148 iii 50-52 a)ABBRE\IIATIONS USED IN THE LITERATURE
Bo 4999
Av^iA s.[,AAA
Bo 5478 i 4.......
ABoT Ankara Arkeoloji Mzesinde Bulunan Boazky Tabletleri
Bo 6200 rev. 9f,
- stanbul 1948
69/d iii 6......... ACME Annali della Facolti di Filosofia e Lettere dell'Universiti
41li lines 5f. ..., Statale di Milano
423/27f. Afo Archir'fr orientforschung
HAB ii 14f.................. AH< E. Edel, Die iigyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz I-II
Kup. A i24 ................ r994
Laws $ 40,47 AHw w. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwrterbuch
Laws $ 74 ............... Wiesbaden 1958-1981
Mastigga ii 32,51 .., ANET J. B. Pritchard, (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating
Tel. i 12, 20............. to the Old Testament

Weidner 1911, 81 i 4...... AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament - Neukirchen-Muyn
AoF Altorientalische Forschungen - Berlin
Athenaeum Athenaeum _ Paa
Belleten Trk Tarih Kurumu Belleten - Ankara
BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalis
BMECCJ Bulletin of the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan,
ed. by H. I. H. Prince Takahito Mikasa - Otto
Harrassowiz, Wiesbaden
BSL Bulletin de la Soci6t6 de Linguistique de Paris
CHD The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the
Uni,ersity of Chicago (1980ff.)
ChS Corpus der hurritischen Sprachdenkmiler - Rome
CTH E. Laroche, Catalogue des textes hittites, 2nd ed. - Paris
1977
DLL E. Larrche' Dictionnaire de la langue louvite - Paris 1959
EOTHEN Eothen - Florence
Fs Festschrift
IIAB F. Sommer-A. Falkenstein, Die Hethitisch-akkadische
Bilingue des Hattuili I (ABAW, NF 16) - Mnchen 1938
HBM S. Alp, Hethitische Briefe aus Maat-Hy"k - Ankara 1991
 AHMET NAL
116
THE RTTUAL OF HANTITASSU r17
HDA E. 'on Schuler, Hethitische Dienstanweisungen fr I-AAA Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology -
hhere Hof- und Staatsbeamt'e, Afo Beiheft 10 (l957) Liverpool
HDW J. Tischler, Hethitisch-deutsches Wrterverzeichnis _ LingBal Linguistic Balkanic
Innsbruck 1982 Madd. A. Gtze, Madduwatta (MVAeG 32'1) _Leipzig 1928
HED J. Puhvel, Hittite Eqmological Dictionary - Berlin 1984ff. MSs Mnchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft - Mnchen
IIEG J. Tischler, Hethitisches etymologishes Glossar r952ff.
Innsbruck 7977ff.
Mze/Museum published by T. C. Kltr Bakanl Kltr ve Tabiat
Hethitica Hethitica - Louvain-la-Neuve
Varlklarnr Koruma Bakanl, Ankara ( l 989ff. )
HFAC G. Beckman-H.A Hoffner, Hittite Fragments in American
MVAeG Mitteilungendervorderasiatisch-gyptischenGesellschaft
Collections, JCS 37 (1985)
- Leipzig
HH E. Laroche, Les Hi6roglyphes Hittites (1960)
OA Oriens Antiquus - Rome
HSM Harvard Semitic Museum, inventory number
OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung
HT Hittite Texts in Cuneiform Character in the British
Museum - London 1920 Or. Orientalia - Rome
HW J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Wrterbuch _ Heildelberg
RIiA Reve hittite et asianique - Paris
195zff. RIA Reallexikon der Assyriologie - Berlin
HW2 J. Friedrich-A. Kammenhuber, Hethitisches Wrterbuch, StBoT Studien zu den Boazky Texten
2nd ed.- Heildelberg 1975ff. SV J. Friedrich, Staarsvertrige des Hatti-Reiches in
IBoT stanbul Arkeoloji Mzelerinde Bulunan Boazky hethitischer Sprache (MVAeG 31.1, 34.1) Leipzig 1g26,
Tableri - stanbul |944ff' 1930
IF Indogermanische Forschun gen Targ. Treaty of Murili ii with Targanalli, ed. byJ. Friedrich'
JAos Journal of American Oriental Society SV l:51ff.
Tel. Telipinu-Erlass
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies TH Texte der Hethiter - Heildelberg
JIES Journal of Indo-European Studies TUAT O. Kaiser (ed.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten
Jkr Jahrbuch fr kleinasiatische Forschungen (= Anadolu Testaments
Aratrmalar) - Heildelberg/stanbul Tunn A. Gtze, The Hittite Ritual of Tunnawi (AoS l4) New
-
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies - Chicago Haven 1938
KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazki ullik. Ullikummi myth, cited according to H. G. Gterbock,
KST Kaz Sonular Toplantsr, publihshed annaully by the The Song of Ullikummi, revised, rext of the Hittite
Turkish Minstry of Culture, Ankara lgTgff. Version of a Hurrian Myth,JCS 5:135ff., 6:8ff.
KUB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazki \lBoT Verstreute Boghazki-Texte
Krp. Treaty of Murili ii with Kupanta-DLAMMA, ed. SV 1:95- Xenia Xenia,Hurriter und Hurritisch. Konstanzer Arthistorische
181
Vortrge und Forschungen' Heft 2l, ed. byV. Haas
KZ Historische Sprachforschung = Zeitschrift fr 74. Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete
Vergleichende Sprachforschung (Kuhns Zeitschrift)
118 AHMETNar THE RITUAL oF ge111ro,r, 119

b) GRAMMATICAL AND OTHER ABBREVIATIONS NS New Script

abl. ablative OH Old Hittite
ACC. accustive obv. obverse
akk. akkadian op. cit. in the work cited, opere citato
c., com. common gender om. omit
cf. confer p. page
dat. dative parallel
Par.
dupl. duplicate part. participle
ead. eadem, the same pl. plural
ed., pl. eds edited, editor pl. plate
eng. english PN Peronal Name
esp. especially prs. present
f., ff. following Prt. preterit
fasc. fascicle rev. reverse
fig. figure sg. singular
hitt. hittite S.\. subvoce, under the word
HH Hittite Hieroglyphics sum sumerian
gen. genitive unpubl. unpublished
ger. german urar. urartean
i.e.. id est, that is \ar. ,ariant
id., idem the same
imper. imperative
l. c. loco citato, in the place cited
Lfg. Lieferung
loc. Locative
lit. Lithuanian
lit. Literally
lit. Literature
Luw. Luwian
MH Middle Hittite
mng. meaning
MS Middle Script
n. neuter gender
neutr. neuter
no. number
nom. nominative