Eternality of Punishment

Eternality of Punishment: A Theological Controversy within the Amsterdam Rabbinate in
the Thirties of the Seventeenth Century

Author(s): Alexander Altmann
Source: Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, Vol. 40 (1972), pp. 1-
88
Published by: American Academy for Jewish Research
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ETERNALITY OF PUNISHMENT:
A THEOLOGICAL CONTROVERSY
WITHIN THE AMSTERDAM RABBINATE
IN THE THIRTIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY*
By ALEXANDER ALTMANN
Isaac Aboab de Fonseca (1605-1693), the distinguished

of Amsterdam Jewry,1 has long been known to be the a
an unpublished treatise Nishmat Hayyim dealing with re
punishment in the hereafter.2 There is nothing extraordinar
fact that Aboab's literary activity included a work of th
His colleague Menasseh ben Israel published a work of t
title, which became rather famous, in 1651, having brou
in 1636, his tripartite treatise on the Resurrection of th
both Latin and Spanish.3 Saul Levi Morteira, Senior Hah
the Amsterdam Rabbinate,4 wrote a tract on Immortali
* The English section of this paper was read at the Annual Meetin
American Academy for Jewish Research in New York on December
1 See D. Henriques de Castro, Keur van Grafsteenen op de Nederl.-
Israkl. Begraafsplaats te Ouderkerk aan den Amstel, I (Leiden, 188
76; Cecil Roth, art. "Isaac Aboab de Fonseca," Encyclopaedia Judai
2, pp. 95-96.
2 See de Castro, op. cit., p. 73, No. g; M. Kayserling, Biblioteca Espainola-
Portugueza-Judaica (Strasbourg, 1890), p. 5. The work is not listed in Johann
Christoph Wolf's article on "R. Isaacus Aboab, junior" in Bibliotheca Hebraea,
III (1727), pp. 537-539.
3 Cecil Roth, A Life of Menasseh Ben Israel (Philadelphia, 1945), pp. 93 f.,
97-99, et passim.
4 On Saul Levi Morteira (Morteyra; Mortera; Mortara; ca. 1596-1660) see
Cecil Roth, A Life of Menasseh Ben Israel, p. 24 ff., et passim; Kayserling,
Biblioteca, p. 74 f.; Shelomo Simonsohn (ed.), Rabbi Yehuda Arye Mi-Modena,
She'elot U-Teshubhot Ziicney Yehuda (Jerusalem, 5716/1956), Introduction, p.
47 f.; Text, p. 75 f.
5 It is part of his Obras originaes which are extant in manuscripts (420
pp.) at the Library of the "Portugees Israeilietisch Seminarium Ets Haim" in
Amsterdam. See Carl Gebhardt, Die Schriften des Uriel da Costa (Amsterdam,
1922), p. 247.
2 ALTMANN [2]
another colleague, M
in manuscript, a Trata
one may assume that
da Costa's denial of i
Samuel da Silva's refutation of da Costa in his Tratado da Immor-
talidade (1623).8 In 1633 da Costa had been placed under herem
for the second time and the fresh publicity thereby given to the
apostate's views during the last phase of his life - his suicide
occurred in 1640 - may have aroused a sense of obligation on
the rabbis' part to fortify the community's belief in the traditional
tenets of immortality and resurrection.
Isaac Aboab's Nishmat IHayyim, though composed, as we shall
see, in that very period, is the document of a controversy which
had caused a rift within the Amsterdam rabbinate itself. Those
primarily involved in the dispute were Aboab and Morteira; bu
far from being a purely theological issue, the question at stak
had created a great deal of ferment in the community. As our
analysis will show, the conflict embraced two distinct, though
closely related, levels, one theological and the other pragmatic
and the arguments advanced on the pragmatic level were clearl
inspired by Marrano sentiment. The position taken by Aboab an
the faction led by him reflected a basic concern to assert the in
alienable Jewishness of all Marranos. Aboab himself was a former
Marrano, born a Catholic in Castro d'Aire, Portugal. After a shor
stay in Saint-Jean de Luz in the southwest of France, his parent
had brought him, at the age of seven, to Amsterdam, where he
had studied with Haham Isaac 'Uzi'el of Fez and had become
Haham of the congregation Beth Israel at the age of twenty-one
6 Gebhardt, loc. cit.

7 Gebhardt, op. cit., p. XXXII.
8 Gebhardt, op. cit., pp. XXIX; 35-64 (65-101). Harry A. Wolfson has
made it plausible that Spinoza too meant to oppose Uriel da Costa whe
he affirmed the immortality of the soul. See his The Philosophy of Spino
(Cambridge, Mass., 1934; New York, 1969), II, p. 323 ff.; 350; and Religiou
Philosophy, A Group of Essays (Cambridge, Mass., 1961; New York, 1965),
p. 268.
[31 ETERNALITY OF PUNISHMENT 3
Another Marrano, Abraham Herrera, a discipl
had tutored him in Kabbala.9 The mystical th
had adopted supplied the intellectual armor -
with which he defended his viewpoint. Saul Lev
other hand, was of Ashkenazi descent.10 Born i
year 1596, he seems to have studied with Leon
in a responsum,11 referred to him as "one de
bhen yakir ii). The fact that Morteira's name d
da Modena's list of disciples "reared and broug
can be explained by his departure from Venice
of twenty before he had matured as a scholar
Aboab, the ardent devotee of Kabbala, Mortei
caught his teacher's distrust of the mystical tr
ist of no mean quality, he showed also some i
Hebrew philosophical literature.13 It could hav
of surprise to the Amsterdam community to
Morteira on opposite sides of the fence in the
9 For the biographical data see note 1 and the literat

article. On Aboab's relationship to Herrera see the text
(# 6, lines 23-25; # 7, lines 49-53) published below an
10 Wolf, Bibliotheca Hebraea, p. 1000 f. quotes from
de Barrios' Arbol de la Vida (Amsterdam, 1689) a refer
German origin: "Fille Saul Levi Mortera/de Alemania n
11 Zikcney Yehuda (see note 4), Nr. 54, p. 76.
12 See Yehuda (Ludwig) Blau (ed.), Kitebhey Ha-Rab
Modena (Budapest, 5666/1905), pp. 169-170.
13 His philosophical bent is manifested in his Gibhe'at
1645; Warsaw, 1912), a collection of homilies, and in t
printed below, where he refers to Maimonides as "the
(rosh ha-medabberim; line 48) and quotes Isaac 'Ar~ima
Albo (103-106), and Isaac Abrabanel's Naihalat Abhot an
123). Like Abrabanel, he restricts transmigration of so
three times (Text A, 93-97; Gibhe'at Sha'ul, No. 48, pp
Warsaw edition). Leone da Modena attacked the doctrin
in a tract Ben David written during the winter of 163
time of the Amsterdam controversy, at the request of
in Egypt, who had lost a young son. See Abraham Gei
(Breslau, 1856), p. 12.
4 ALTMAN N [4]
erupted. Their radic

have been apparent
The controversy is d
here for the first t
one of them. All three texts are extant in Hebrew MS. 5 of The
John Rylands Library, Manchester, which contains the book plate
of the Duke of Sussex and was sold as Lot 398 in the Sale of his
Library, 3rd August 1844, when it was bought by Payne.14 Two
of them are described in Thomas Joseph Pettigrew's Bibliotheca
Sussexiana, Volume I, Part I (London, 1827), p. XXXII: oyXmn
32. A Dissertation proving the doctrine of Eternal Punishment,

by Rabbi Shamanyah the son of Moshe de Medina, and
Azaryah the son of Ephraim Peguh of Venice, in a letter
addressed to Rabbi Yetzchak Abuhab, in contradiction to the
doctiine then held forth. Ms. in chart. Saec. XVII. Octavo.
Six leaves... Bound up with this Ms. ...
33. Abuhab (Y) The book Nishmat Chajim on the question of
Eternal Punishment. Ms. in chart. scrip. 5408 (1648). Octavo.
Twenty-three leaves.... This treatise is against the doctrine of
Eternal Punishment.
Pettigrew did not notice that No. 32 contains two items, viz.
a dissertation (hasa'd) and the letter mentioned. After the disser-
tation two folios are left blank. There are similar blank folios else-
where in the MS. at the ends of individual pieces.15 Ben Jacob's
Osar Ha-Sefarim (p. 283, No. 232) copied Pettigrew's entry about
No. 32, and Leopold Lodwenstein's valuable essay on the Aboab
14 Information supplied by Miss G. Matheson, Assistant Keeper, Depart-
ment of Manuscripts, The John Rylands Library, Manchester, and commu-
nicated to me by Dr. F. Taylor, Librarian. I wish to express my sincere thanks
to Dr. Taylor and his predecessor, Mr. Ronald Hall, M.A. for their kindness
in providing me with photostats of the texts concerned and for granting me
permission, on behalf of the Governors, to publish them.
15 Miss Matheson suggested that these may correspond to the ends of
quires. It need not be assumed, therefore, that there is a hiatus after Text A
and that any document is missing.
[5] ETERNALITY OF PUNISHMENT 5
Family, though making distinct reference on
tioned also the controversy and the support g
the two Venetian rabbis.16 Strangely enough, he
No. 32 from which his information derived. P
had no access to Pettigrew's catalog and receiv
at second hand from someone who did not bother to be accurate.
Otherwise, L6wenstein would not have stated that Aboab upheld,

while Morteira denied, eternal punishment. The true position is
the exact reverse and was correctly reported by Pettigrew. On the
other hand, L6wenstein's informant deserves credit for having sup-
plied an important piece of information which he could not have
culled from Pettigrew: He discovered that the copyist's preamble
to the Venetian rabbis' letter contains, in cryptic form, a reference
to Morteira as Aboab's opponent in the controversy. It speaks of
him as a*S kI,, the superlinear dots indicating that the three
letters form an acrostic to be read: nwtv~z 'i ,i . Pettigrew
had obviously been at a loss to identify the reference to Morteira,
the only one found in the entire source material at our disposal.
Thanks to this item of information, LiSwenstein was able to state
that the dispute was one between Aboab and Morteira. Nothing
beyond this bare report has ever been published about the con-
flict.17
16 See Leopold Loiwenstein, "Die Familie Aboab," MGWJ, 48, N.F. 12

(1904), pp. 668-673; particularly 671 f. and note 3 on p. 672.
17 In 1919, the Reverend Dr. Abraham Cohen, Birmingham, England, who
during his previous stay in Manchester had studied the three texts at the
Rylands Library, inquired in a letter to the then Librarian whether the Trus-
tees would commission him to prepare an edition. The answer seems to have
been in the negative since the project did not materialize. The letter, which is
dated March 31, 1919 and a copy of which has been kindly put at my disposal
by Dr. Taylor, described Aboab's Sefer Nishmat Hayyim as "not only unique"
but also as "an unknown work of this author, none of the bibliographers
making mention of it." While these observations were incorrect, the charac-
ter of the treatise is aptly described: "The work is Kabbalistic in spirit and
abounds in quotations from the Talmud, Maimonides, Nahlmanides, the Zohar
and little known medieval Kabbalists. But Aboab has the annoying habit of
citing his authorities by name without giving the quotation, or giving only
the opening words followed by 'etc.' On my visits to London I spent much
6 ALTMANN [6]
The documents testif
following texts, wh
notated edition:
Text A (Ryl. Hebrew MS. 5, fols. lr-4v), a Letter - Pettigrew's
"dissertation" - addressed to an unspecified rabbinic court, which
gives a dramatic account of events at the early stage of the dispute
and makes a strong plea for support of the traditional doctrine
of eternal punishment for certain grave offences. It cites an im-
pressive array of authorities who upheld this doctrine in the past,
and it implores the Beth Din to declare the contrary view an out-
right heresy (kefird). The document is undated and unsigned. The
missing information can be easily inferred, however, from Text B,
which leaves no doubt that Text A was written prior to January,
1636; that Haham Saul Levi Morteira was its author; and that
his plea was directed to the Beth Din of Venice.
Text B (Ryl. Hebrew MS. 5, fols. 5r-6r), a Letter written in
Venice during the week of Parashat Shemot in the year 5396,
which corresponds to one of the first few weeks in 1636. It is
signed by two well-known Venetian rabbis, viz. Shema'ya -ben
Moshe di Medina, grandson of the famous Samuel di Medina
(MahaRaSHDaM),18 and 'Azarya ben Ephraim Figo, author of
the homiletical work Bind La-'Ittim.19 The Letter sought to per-
time at the British Museum tracing and completing these references; and I
am now ready for the work of editing." Regrettably, it was a case of love's
labor's lost.
18 A native of Salonica, Shema'ya di Medina was one of the rabbis of
Venice, whose name appears under many decisions of the yeshibha kelalit.
He wrote a commentary on Proverbs (unpublished) and edited his grand-
father's sermons (Sefer Ben Shemu'el) with an introduction of his own, which
contains many autobiographical references. See Mordecai Samuel Ghirondi
and Hanan'el Neppi, Toledot Gedoley Yisra'el U-Ge'oney Italia - Zekher
Saddikc Li-Bherakha (Trieste, 1853), pp. 352, 323, 358; Shelomo Simonsohn,
op. cit., p. 48 (Introduction).
19 "Azarya Figo (Pigo; Pichio), born in 1589, was a disciple of Leone da
Modena's (1571-1648), whose list of favorite students he heads (see Blau,
op. cit., p. 168). A responsum addressed to him by his teacher vividly illus-
trates their happy relationship (see Blau, loc. cit., No. 87, pp. 85-87). Figo
published a commentary to the Sefer Ha-Terumot of Samuel ben Isaac Ha-
suade Aboab to make a public declaration re

It contains important information on the co
beyond the stage reflected in Morteira's Letter.
document bears a date enables us to place th
controversy in the year 1635, if not somewhat
preamble reveals Morteira's role as Aboab
already been noted. Incidentally, the preamb
to the year in which Texts A and B (which ar
were copied. For the scribe refers to Shema
still alive (vI"a) and to "Azarya Figo as one alr
Since Figo is known to have died on Adar 4t
di Medina is known to have died on Siwan 1
copyist must have written these texts between
and the summer of 1648.20
Text C, Aboab's elaborate treatise Nishmat IHayyim, is extant

in three copies (Cl; C2; C3), which enables us to present a critical
edition of it. C1 is Ryl. Hebrew MS. 5, fols. 9r-31v. C2 and C3 are
extant in the Library of the "Portugees Israelietisch Seminarium
Ets Haim," Amsterdam, bearing the shelf marks MS. 47 C 25 and
MS. 47 C 3 respectively.21 The title page of C1 indicates that the
Sefer Nishmat IHayyim was composed (zibbero) in Amsterdam in
the year 5408 (1648) and copied (nikhtabh) by Isaac (ben Moshe
Rafa'el) de Cordova. The same date of composition is given on
the title page of C2, which was likewise copied by Isaac de Cor-
dova, as is attested by the colophon at the end of five more pieces
Sardi under the title Gidduley Terumd (Venice, 1643). His Bind La-'lttim fol-
lowed in 1648. See Abba Apfelbaum, Rabbi "Azarya Figo (Drohobitsch, 5667/
1907); Israel Bettan, "The Sermons of Azariah Figo," HUCA, VII (1930),
pp. 457-495; Simonsohn, op. cit., p. 56 (Introduction).
20 For the date of Figo's death see Blau, op. cit., p. 85; the date of Shema'ya
di Medina is given as Siwan 13th (June 3rd), 1648 by Steinschneider, Cat.
Bodl., No. 7117, p. 2516 f.
21 I am greatly obliged to Miss Erla Broekema, Librarian of the Seminary
Ets Haim in Amsterdam, for informing me of the existence of the additional
two MSS. of Aboab's treatise and for putting microfilms at my disposal.
8 ALTMANN [8]
in the same hand. C3
It was copied by Davi
C1 excels in beauty o
bly illuminated. It sh
borne aloft by cheru
side). They depict, over
lowing events: David d
David; Elijah bringing
Solomon's judgment.
four crowns are inscr
and shemr tobh. The fi
within a garland, abov
scription: 'Ateret tif'e
C2, though less ornam
page shows beneath t
placed in an aureole o
trumpets, with sheets
King David playing th
by two female figure
under an arched roof
title in the center form
title page of C3 has a
MSS. It is decorated w
initial sentence on pag
by flowers.
The fact that according to C1 and C2 the treatise was composed
in the year 1648 is rather puzzling. Aboab could not have com-
posed it in Amsterdam in that year because he left Holland for
Brazil in 1642 and did not return until 1654. He had accepted an
invitation to become the rabbi of the prosperous Jewish community
of Recife, Brazil, which was under Dutch rule at the time, and
22 Information supplied by Miss Broekema (July 15 and October 24, 1971).

A manuscript of Nishmat lUayyim written by David Franco Mendes is men-
tioned by J. S. Da Silva, lets over den Amsterdamschen Opperabbijn Isaic
Aboab (Amsterdam, 1913), p. 12.
23 Viz. 2 Sam. 6:14; 1 Sam. 16:12; 1 Kings 18:37; 1 Kings 3:28.
had thus become the first American rabbi. When Portuguese reb
bands started a war of liberation in 1645, he remained with
flock and endured the terrible hardships of the siege of Recif
1646. While many Calvinist preachers returned to Holland, he
not leave until after the final conquest of the city by the Portugu
troops in 1654, when all Jews were forced to emigrate. His e
poem Zekher 'asiti le-nifle'ot El is considered by the histor
an important document of the events of that time.24 The ter
through which he and his congregants had passed are also referr
to in the preface to his Hebrew version of Herrera's Puerta
Cielo (Sha'ar ha-Shamayim, Amsterdam, 1655). There he rend
thanks to God who had brought him out of the kur ha-brazil
Brazilian furnace).25 As recorded in the minute book of the Unit
Congregation Talmud Torah in Amsterdam on Elul 29th, 54
September 1654,26 Aboab was reinstated as Haham, a capacity
which he served until his death at the age of eighty-nine in 1693
Since there is incontestible evidence that he stayed in Brazil from
1642 until 1654, the title page of C1 has to be understood in
following
Aboab sense: Sefer
in Amsterdam Nishmat
(i.e. while still inH.ayyim composed
Amsterdam). by Rabbi Isaac
The indication
of the year 5408 (1648) in the next line refers to the year in which
de Cordova copied the text. As we have noted above, Texts A and
B were copied about the same time. It is not clear what prompted
24 See M. Kayserling, "Isaac Aboab, the First Jewish Author in America,"

Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 5 (1897), pp. 125-
136; Idem, Rabbi Yiszac Aboab Ha-Shelishi, in: Ha-Goren (ed. S. A. Horo-
detzki), III (1902), pp. 155-174; Arnold Wiznitzer, Jews in Colonial Brazil
(New York, 1960), index s. v. Fonseca; Hermann Wiitjen, Das holliindische
Kolonialreich in Brasilien (Haag-Gotha, 1921), p. 237; C. R. Boxer, The Dutch
in Brazil 1624-1654 (Oxford, 1957), pp. 181, 274.
25 A pun on the Biblical phrase describing the slavery in Egypt (Dt. 4:20;
1 Kings 8:51; Jer. 11:4). See the Warsaw, 1864 (Israel reprint 1969) edition of
Sha'ar Ha-Shamayim, p. 23.
26 See Wiznitzer, op. cit., p. 170.
27 He died on Adar II 27th, 5453/April 4th, 1693 (see De Castro, op. cit.,
68). Morteira died on Shebhat 25th, 5420/February 9th, 1660.
10 ALTMANN [10]
the copying of the docu
time when Aboab was n
Since the year 1642, in w
represents the terminus a
we still have to settle t
ginated. In our view th
thereabouts. Evidence t
criteria as a degree of em
to score points in an on
arguments brought for
Aboab's angry rebuttal o
ponent, he was a mere y
on the assumption that it
when Aboab was still c
in 1635-36. He was then
forty. A few years later
sidered quite irrelevant,
retort29 would have been
ful impetuosity. Hence
documents of the cont
1635-36.
The course of events which emerges from the documents at our

disposal was as follows. As Morteira's Letter (Text A) described
the controversy at its initial stage, a new-fangled doctrine had
taken hold of many young people in the Amsterdam community.
It assured every Jew, no matter how grave his sins, of a share
of bliss in the world-to-come. The Mishnaic phrase "All Israelites
28 Strongly emotional passages: # 1, lines 12-15; # 3, 99; # 6, 4-11; #7,

5-6; 48; 68-69. References to arguments used: # 1, 21-22 (Maimonides); 49-
51 (Albo); # 8, 6-15 (Marranos); 18-20 (Kabbalistic sources). Rebuttal of
charge: #7, 7-19.
29 #7, 7-19. Although it was not uncommon in rabbinic circles
of the 16th and 17th centuries to refer to men of 35 or 40 years of
age, even when married, as bahurim, as Me'ir Benayahu, Sefer Toledot Ha-'Ari
(Jerusalem 1967), p. 176, note 2 has shown by a wealth of material, Aboab
personally does not seem to have taken kindly to the description of him as
a sa'ir.
have a portion in 'olam ha-ba"' (Sanh. 11:1) w
about as a slogan in complete disregard of the qual
had been applied to it in the Mishna itself and
rabbinic sources. In the words of the thesis (ha
Morteira's avowed purpose to refute: "Whosoe
the name Israelite will not suffer eternal punishm
he may have committed the gravest possible s
Kabbalists, Morteira pointed out, who were re
spreading of this false doctrine of salvation f
more specifically characterized those propoundi
logy as "maskilim who claimed to be proficient
Kabbala,"32 and he called the new heresy "a roc
stone of stumbling33 dressed up as Kabbala."34 To
rabbinic sources were the only "trustworthy Kabb
between him and the partisans of uncondition
Jewish souls is portrayed in the following acco
experience:36 In the course of a sermon37 he h
sage in Rosh Ha-Shand 17a which affirms the eter
ment
rosim,in hell
etc. Hefor
hadsuch
addedgrave
a hostoffenders as minim, supporting
of other quotations informers, api.oro-
this doctrine. The result was an outburst of indignation. Among
the congregants "were some of those young men who were deficient
(bilti shelemim) in this belief, and their party lodged such vigorous
complaint against me that in my anguish I was compelled to admit
as controversial a perfect doctrine of our faith which we received
30 Text A, lines 1-2.

31 Lines 14-15.
32 Ibid.
33 Cf. Isa. 8:14.
34 Lines 201-202.
35 Line 16.
36 Lines 16-26.
37 The sermon in question could not have been the one published in his
Gibhe'at Sha'ul (No. 48, parashat wa-yelekh, Warsaw, 1912, p. 295 ff.). Al-
though the latter affirms eternal punishment in hell for certain transgressions,
it is philosophically structured, not primarily surveying the Talmudic material
as did the sermon spoken of in our text.
12 ALTMANN [12]
from our Fathers, the
and which, permitting
authorities." The rebel
pronounced as normati
controversy. Another
believing in the eternal
religion of the Christi
and that, on this accou
atonement for it by hi
ing support to the Chris
of the young radicals t
of the communal leaders
ding me to give further
commit grave sins and
punishment."39 It was w
leaders with the seriousn
of the group formulat
(p. 11). Morteira's repo
they would hardly find a
formulated the followin
to believe that the wicke
to eternal punishment
that a refusal to believe
demned as heresy, and
to their position so long
As Text B reveals, it w
was to settle the issue,
was intended to elicit
eternalist doctrine.
It will have been noted that Isaac Aboab's name is not men-
tioned in Morteira's Letter to the Venice authorities. The villains
of the piece are the radical students referred to by him as "im-
mature disciples" (talmidim she-lo' shimeshu kol zorekam). To il-
39 Lines 204-206.
40 Lines 207-210.
lustrate their immaturity and the excesses of
capable Morteira cites the case of one who publ
he wished his soul were the soul of Jeroboam son of Nebhat
which had been said to be sure of a portion in the world-t
come.41 Aboab was not altogether free from blame for statements
of this kind since the young man in question may have heard him
say that according to a kabbalistic view the soul of Jeroboam
was to be reincarnated in Mashiah ben Yosef. Aboab's Nishma
IHayyim quotes this opinion approvingly.42 It was, therefore, par-
donable if his enthusiastic disciple entertained messianic aspira
tions. The master was obviously unable to curb the zeal of hi
students but he himself seems to have kept in the background
at least at the initial stage of the conflict. Otherwise the two
Venetian rabbis could not have expressed even feigned surpri
when, somewhat later, he publicly championed the cause of th
anti-eternalists.43 As their Letter indicates, the rift caused by the
controversy made it imperative to the community leaders to su
mit the case to the Venice Beth Din. Both parties entered the
respective pleas supported by elaborate arguments.44 Text A u
doubtedly represents the plea submitted by Morteira. We do n
possess the plea of the other party, unless we consider Aboab
Nishmat Iiayyim to be it. This is most unlikely, however, for t
following reasons. First, it neither addresses itself to any Beth Din
nor
or a does
plea. it ask for
Second, its alength
verdict. It constitutes
is that a pesa.,polemical
of a full-fledged not a she'eld
treatise. Third, it is so replete with personal references to him-
self - mentioning as it does his youthful age, his teacher Herrera,
his attachment to Lurianic Kabbala -that the two Venetian rabbis,
in their letter to him, could not have pretended to have been
ignorant of his role in the conflict. We must therefore assume that
the plea submitted by the radical group was a document now lost,
in the drafting of which Aboab was involved but which was dif-
41 Lines 198-200.
42 Text C, #3, lines 69-72.
43 Text B, lines 46-49.
14 ALTMANN [14]
ferent in many respects
afterwards, though not
As Text B informs us, t
ments of the case not direct to the Beth Din of Venice but to the
old and venerable Abraham Aboab, one of the most highly res-
pected members of the Venetian community,45 requesting him to
transmit the papers to the Court. Before acting upon this request
Abraham Aboab took counsel, however, with rabbis Shema'ya
di Medina and 'Azarya Figo and they strongly advised against
placing a matter of this kind before the Beth Din. The issuance
of a pesak, they argued, might be misinterpreted by the rank and
file as evidence of some doubt in the matter, and this could have
a morally damaging effect. Moreover, the Beth Din was sure to
confirm Molteira's opinion. As a result, his opponent (whose
identity was undoubtedly known to them) would find himself in
an embarrassing position, and the strife would only become more
heated. It was the delicacy of the situation, involving as it did
two members of the Amsterdam Beth Din, which made it appear
preferable to withhold the case from the Venice authorities. At di
Medina's and Figo's suggestion Abraham Aboab returned the
documents to Amsterdam, pleading at the same time with the
community leaders to restore the peace by prevailing upon Isaac
Aboab to renounce his view in public and by his example to cause
the rest.of the dissenters to follow suit. It was the failure of this
strategy which prompted the two rabbis to write direct to Aboab.
Their Letter (Text B) is a paradigm of ecclesiastic diplomacy.
It opens with some flattering remarks about Aboab's high reputa-
tion as a Talmudist and thinker, which had awakened in them a
desire to enjoy his friendship. God had willed to present him with
an opportunity for evincing his full moral stature in public and
45 Lines 28-45. Abraham Aboab had founded the Synagogue "Keter Tora"
in Hamburg before moving to Venice, where he died in 1642. His eulogy by
Figo is contained in Bind La-'lttim (No. 77). See L6wenstein, op. cit., 674;
Apfelbaum, op. cit., passim. Abraham Aboab's eldest son Samuel (1610-1694)
was first rabbi in Verona. He became rabbi in Venice in 1650 and was the
author of the Responsa Debhar Shemu'el (Venice, 1702).
thereby enhancing the glory of God, which they w
he desired. Some time ago the aged Abraham Ab
them to the controversy that had arisen in Amster
pleas that were to be submitted to the Venice B
telling the story of the consultation and the advice
the Letter continues:46 "We were hoping for the
bring the message of peace... but our expectation
trated. For we were again informed that the conf
that the spokesman of those denying the belief i
of punishment is none other than you, Sir (hu' nihu
you preach thus openly and publicly." The two
to say that they were not a little aggrieved to lea
whom they wished to honor and whose reputat
hate to see tarnished in the least was in support of
to traditional doctrine. Their only consolation lay
that it would have been far worse had the group
irresponsible, self-willed person. The fact that it
a godfearing man gave grounds for hope since he co
to live up to what was said in Proverbs 12:15: "H
hearkeneth unto counsel." The rest of the Lette
appeal imploring Aboab to abandon a view whic
to the principles of the Talmud, and to refrain,
preaching and publicizing it. What he ought to do w
at a public gathering that he had now seen the
firmly convinced that certain grave transgressions w
to be punished eternally. He would know best ho
declaration and how to warn the group (ha-kat ha
ventuiing rash opinions on subjects of this kind. It
appropriate to issue such warning to "those of
came from those places," i.e. Marranos, who "sh
one thing, namely the way how to serve God in
temimut) and how to fulfil the miswot accordin
all their minutiae."47

16 ALTMANN [16]
Far from intimidating

rabbis only served to s
mat IHayyim was his a
defiance. Had it been p
the Letter from Venice would have been inevitable. The fact that
the rabbis only mentioned his preaching and urged him to refrain
from preaching and publicizing his views appears to suggest that
nothing was known about a treatise written, let alone in circu-
lation. Aboab's
(teshubhd) to theNishmat
question H.ayyim presents "Is
(sha'al ha-sho'el):48 itself as eternal
there a responsum
punishment of souls or not? And what did our rabbis, of blessed
memory, intend by saing, The following have no share in the
world-to-come ?" The answer opens with the ringing statement:49
"Truly speaking, matters of this kind have been entrusted only to
the Kabbalists, illumined as they are by the light of truth." There
follows a frontal attack upon the adepts of philosophy, who "lean
upon a broken reed" and are unqualified to interpret the profound
utterances of the rabbis. By asserting the role of Kabbala as the
only competent authority for the interpretation of rabbinic dicta
Aboab clearly opposed Morteira's initial statement that the Tal-
mudic tradition as such was the only "trustworthy Kabbala."
Aboab's rejection of the philosophers' exegesis of rabbinic escha-
tology is likewise directed against Morteira who had quoted
Maimonides and Albo. According to Aboab, "we have no dealings
with Maimonides as far as this subject is concerned, for he dis-
cussed it from the aspect of philosophical inquiry, and not from
the aspect of Kabbala."50 "Neither do we turn to the words of
the philosopher R. Joseph Albo, for he has nothing to say (al-bo)
in matters of kabbalistic science."51 There is a note of bitterness
in Aboab's complaint that his adversaries mocked at his zealous
running after teachers of Kabbala: He did indeed belong to what
his denigrators called kat ha-shotim (the party of fools) but the
48 Text C, lines 5-6.

49 1, line 7 sq.
50 41, 21--22.
51 #1, 53-54.
word had to be spelled with a taw: He was on

"drank" (shotim) the waters of Tora and sat at the
True, he was young in years but the true "elder

one who had acquired wisdom, and in this resp
than his opponents who became more foolish a
in years.52 Morteira had quoted some kabbalist
take the wind out of the other party's sails bu
Kabbala had only incensed Aboab in whose view
right of interpreting kabbalistic passages unless
tiated into the esoteric tradition by a qualified
himself a link in that tradition.s53 Aboab proudly
this requirement sitice his teacher Abraham Her
Luria's teachings from Israel Sarug, who was a d
disciple IIayyim Vital.54
Outwardly viewed, the conflict between Aboa
may seem to have been a mere rehash of the old ri
pure Talmudists, philosophizing rabbis and Kabb
mate would be justified had the controversy been p
What makes it historically interesting are the non-
matic arguments which were advanced on both
evoked so much feeling on the part of Aboab's
point pressed home by Aboab and his faction w
of ultimate salvation for all Jewish souls. It w
suggest, by a sense of concern for those Marr
yet, not returned to the fold or, having returned,
remiss in their duties or had relapsed into their ol
words, the issue at stake was the recognition of
inseparably belonging to the people of Israel an
election and privileges. Underlying this claim w
notion of the exalted nature of Jewish souls which had been in-
creasingly stressed in the kabbalistic tradition. The question of
the status of the Marranos had been a matter of debate during
the last phase of Spanish Jewry and among the generation of the
52 47, 15-19.
53 #7, 20-26; 60-67.
54 #6, 23-25; #7, 48-58.
18 ALTMANN [18]
expulsion,55 and it h
seventeenth century.5
presented here that i
behind the discussion
teira condemned the
eternalists as one like
"impure land" and to
fear concerning the ult
Moreover, he asserted
spread to would-be-emi
where. Finally, what w
for martyrdom if salv
alike?57 The two Ven
effect which the new
ranos.58 Aboab's repl
The doctrine of ultim
promise a bed of rose
of God. It merely asser
of its sins in what mig
entailing much suffer
Marranos would be sw
consequences of sin and
for the sake of mate
this answer is the re
least, virtual Jews.60
55 See Hjayyim Hillel Be
26 (1961), pp. 34-43; B. N
XIVth to the Early XVIth
(New York, 1966).
56 See Yosef Hayim Yerus
Cardoso: A Study in Seven
(New York & London, 19
57 Text A, lines 190-199;
58 Text B, 59 Text
lines C, #8,
71-74.
60 This mystically inspire
view (op. cit., p. 39 f.) th
Christian was a potential
could transform 61 Text
into C
an ac
is what oui rabbis, of blessed memory, mean

phrase, 'Though he sinned, he is still an Isia
ha.ta' yisra'el hu').62 They intended to convey th
he sinned, he was not cut off thereby for ever
remained a Jew; and even if he apostatized f
hemir et Ha-Shem) and chose new gods, he
a Jew as a result of transmigrations, and pu
the words of David ibn Abi Zimra quoted by
passage,63 "All Israelites are a single body (guf e
is hewn ftom the place of Unity (mi-mekom
The radical students whom Morteira described as "maskilim
claiming proficiency in Kabbala" were not only Aboab's discip
but, like him and the vast majority of Amsterdam Jews at the tim
also of Marrano descent. Their argument that belief in the et
nality of punishment reeked of Christian dogma must be evaluate
against their personal background. What inspired it was more tha
mere theological quibbling. Behind it lies the question: Is it worth
while for a Marrano to shed Christian beliefs if on arrival in
Judaism he meets again the doctrine of eternal damnation ? It must
have been known in Amsterdam circles that Uriel da Costa had
discarded Christianity because the dread of eternal damnation
had to-rmented him in his youth, as he confessed in his auto-
biography.64 True, his Exemplar Humanae Vitae was written as
late as 1640 and was not published until 1687.65 Yet his story was
common knowledge among Amsterdam Marranos. His impas-
sionate disavowal of both Christian and Jewish eschatological
doctrines had occasioned some literary activity on the part of the
Amsterdam rabbinate, as has been noted above.66 The shadow
of da Costa may be discerned behind the young intellectuals'
argument that by affirming eternal punishment we were back in
62 Sanhedrin 44a; see Jacob Katz, Yisrael af 'al pi she-bata', in: Tarbiz, 27
(1958), pp. 203-217.
63 Text C, #6, 19-21.
64 See Gebhardt, op. cit., pp. 124 f.
65 Gebhardt, op. cit., 259 sq.
66 P. l f.
20 ALTMANN [20]
Christianity. This line of
typical of Marranos. What
was the mystical concep
Jewish souls and the conco
in integrum (which will b
'There was, at the same
troversy. The protest ag
eternal punishment is indi
gaining ground under the
to 1638, in the very perio
Dutch translations of So
probably in Amsterdam,
Socinianism in its native
of the movement.67 Thoug
of the trinitarian dogma
Collegiants, represented
rigorous Calvinist dogma
doctrine of eternal dam
these dissident groups s
solatory rather than terri
a crypto-Socinian,69 wro
of punishment on the gro
of God.70 This work wa
of thinking could have
67 See H. John McLachlan, S

(Oxford, 1951), p. 23 f.
68 See Leo Strauss' characteri
kritik Spinozas als Grundlage
69 He was professor of medic
In his youth he had spent a
van Slee, De Geschiedenis van
1914), p. 45. It was he who co
(cf. Slee, op. cit., p. 201).
70 Ernesti Sonneri Demonstra
piorum supplicia non arguant
Socini, item E. Sonneri tractat
editi... (Eleutheropoli, 16 54).
eighteenth century it became famous as a result

to refute it and the controversy which ensued b
defended, and Johann August Eberhard, who
Hugo Grotius, who had assailed Socinianism i
his opinions under the growing impact of th
an extent that Socinian writers were inclined to claim him as a
convert. His treatise De veritate religionis Christianae, which ap-
peared in 1627, already testifies to his change of mind. Grotius'
contact with Menasseh ben Israel is well known,73 and, in general,
the lines of communication between the Amsterdam Jewish Ghetto
and the intellectual world outside were wide open. Aboab's courage
in taking so strong a stand against the eternalist position thus
reflected the spiritual stirrings of his time. He motivated his un-
relenting fight against the traditional view by pointing out that he
could not bear to see God's mercies upon his creatures impugned,74
and more than once he used the phrase "God forbid" (has we-
.Ialila) whenwith
reconcilable rejecting
belief inthe doctrine
a just of eternal
and merciful God.75punishment
Notwith- as ir-
standing his dislike of philosophical arguments, he made ample
use of Albo's treatment of the theme:76 Isaiah (66:24) and Daniel
(12:2) "did not mean to say that the punishment was eternal -
'Far be it from God, that He should do wickedness; and from
the Almighty, that He should commit iniquity' (Job 34:10) - to
punish man, who is 'dust from the earth' (Gen. 2:7) and 'a wind
that passeth away, and cometh not again' (Ps. 78:39), with an
eternal punishment, while sin derives from his material part, which
is corruptible and non-eternal. Thus David said, 'Also unto Thee,
O Lord, belongeth mercy; for Thou renderest to every man ac-
71 For a discussion of this controversy see Henry E. Allion, Lessing and
the Enlightenment (Ann Arbor, 1966), pp. 86-93.
72 In his Defensio Fidei Catholicae de Satisfactione Christi adversus Faustum
Socinum Senensem (Leiden, 1617).
73 See Cecil Roth, A Life of Menasseh Ben Israel, pp. 146-148 et passim.
74 Text C, :7, lines 46-48.
75 #2, 51; #3, 145; #5, 28. God's mercy: #3, 65-66; #5, 53-54; 65-
66; 46, 36-38.
76 # 5, 24-34.
22 ALTMANN [22]
cording to his work' (P
formed by him who is
mere creature, against
adversely affected by t
substantiated his own v
sentence:77 "All this is
ment (ke-fi mishpat ha-g
were afraid lest, apart f
Marranos, the lenient n
sion among the non-Jews
should the Gentiles say
good fortune, the right
nothing will be withhold
(Gen. 11:6); for the fea
hears here an echo of t
in the regnant Dutch C
new liberal trends.
As a mystic and adept of the new Kabbala of Safed, Aboab
could afford to be more liberal than the strict Talmudists and phi-
losophizing rabbis. We meet a similar phenomenon in the seven-
teenth century Christian mystics of England and Germany who
followed in the footsteps of Jacob Boehme. It was these mystics
who ushered in a new eschatology by reviving the anathematized
doctrine of apokatastasis pantin, which goes back to Origen and
proclaims the restoration of all things to their pristine harmony
in God. They did so in open opposition to the orthodox theology
of eternal damnation.79 Aboab's treatise Nishmat IHayyim repre-
sents a seventeenth century Jewish attempt to break the spell
of the traditional eschatology of hell by publicly embracing the
Lurianic
tasis) doctrine
through of tik.un (theofHebrew
the transmigration souls. Inequivalent
so doing hefor apokatas-
rein-
forced a trend which had been in evidence ever since the notion
77 # 8, 44.
79 See Ernst Benz, "Der Mensch und die Sympathie aller Dinge am Ende
der Zeiten," Eranos-Jahrbuch, XXIV (1955), p. 157 ff.
of metempsychosis (gilgul) began to clash wit

theory of hell,80 and which had played a do
thinking of David ibn Abi Zimra, who was
Aboab was by no means an innovator. His me
ness with which he not only affirmed the Luri
attacked the time-honored eternalist position. T
to dislodge the notion of eternal punishm
Mendelssohn in his time had been anticipated m
before by Isaac Aboab. Yet the radical diffe
outweighs by far the resemblance. Mendelsso
purely deistic perspective of sweet reasonablene
lacking this nuance but, primarily, he invok
of kabbalistic symbolism with which the Div
(miSwot) in particular had been invested. All
restoration found in the Tora are made to s
ultimate salvation: The miswd of returning lost
abhedd); the laws of shemit.td and the Jubilee y

of the leper; of the cleansing of the house
had been pronounced; all these and other com
the character of expressing in so many ways th
the eventual return of all things to God. Eso
dimension to Halakha and, at the same time,
tional eschatology of eternal punishment to
new message. If Morteira felt to be on sure
took his stand on the terra firma of the classic
Aboab preferred to soar into the realms of k
happened to resound also with echoes of kin
contemporary world at large.
80 See Gershom Scholem, Einige kabbalistische Hands

Museum (Jerusalem, 1932), p. 28 f.; Idem, Von der m
Gottheit (Ziirich, 1962), p. 223.
81 See my Moses Mendelssohn: A Biographical Stud
Alabama Press, University, Alabama, 1973), index s. v.
attempt at reconciling Enlightenment sentiment with
of hell was made by Mendelssohn's friend Naftali
in his Ma'amar fIjlkckur Din (Berlin, 1786).
24 ALTMANN [24]
A synopsis of the doc

to bring the points o
crucial element in Mo
dorot - understood as
13:5) quoted with sligh
17a): "But the minim,
(gehinnom), and are pun
(le-dorey dorot), as it
upon the carcasses of
for their worm shall n
and they shall be an a
teira sees an equivalen
(Berakhot 28b), and, m
ment of karet after d
denied a "share" (helel
being condemned to s
equations are tacitly a
teachers of blessed me
for this simplex theory
rities. Leaving out of
the non-attainment of
quotes his paraphrase
punishment in Hilkho
lowing have no share in
lost and are being punis
of the greatness of t
term le-dorey dorot is
82 "Punished" (nidonin)
"Some Aspects of After L
Wolfson Jubilee Volume, E
note 57 (quoting his artic
83 Commentary on the M
Teshubha 8:1; 8:5. Maimon
Adam, Sha'ar Ha-Gemul (s
Moshe Ben Nalhman, Jer

Commentary on the Tora
Tora, Num. 15:22.
u-le-'olemey 'olamim. At the same time eternal punishm
with both karet and exclusion from the world-to-com
was able to cite in support of his view even Nahman
"a great Kabbalist and hasid" (line 62). Although h
from Nahmanides' Sha'ar Ha-Gemul (lines 51-57) is
functory, he was unquestionably right in claiming h
Notwithstanding the fact that Nahmanides gave a
allegoristic, interpretation to the Talmudic passag
of those serving a twelve months term in hell,85 he le
ness of eternal punishment for the gravest categor
(ha-resha'im ha-gemurim ha-hamurim) unchanged. He
concept of unlimited sufferings in hell with that o
introduced a graded system of this form of retribu
is briefly mentioned by Morteira (lines 52-55; 57-
"great Kabbalist" quoted with obvious relish is Balh
who used the more philosophical term eonesh nibzi
coupled with the Talmudic phrase le-dorey dorot (l
Having established, to his own satisfaction, the authe
ing of the Talmudic phrase as denoting eternality
concilable with the new-fangled interpretation of it
a "limited time" (zeman mugbal), Morteira proceeded
the Talmudic passage containing that phrase had b
by Asher ben Yehiel in a systematized form arranging
grades of sinners under six heads; that Isaac Al-Fasi
it in its original form; and that Rabbenu Nissim had c
ruling, adding, however, Zerahya Ha-Levi's proviso tha
(teshubha) canceled the eternality of punishment. Reca
Karo's codificatory rule that a joint verdict by the thr
authorities, viz. Al-Fasi, Maimonides and Asher ben
be accepted as halakha, Morteira asserted the unassa
of the doctrine (lines 86-90). Strangely enough, he
84 The word obhedim ("are lost") may reflect the philosop

the death of the soul, which, however, is strangely out of tune
as noted by Nalimanides, loc. cit.
85 See Kitebhey, II, p. 288.
86 Kitebhey, II, p. 290.
26 ALTMANN [26]
it had been recognized
Ha-Kodesh (completed in
had used the doctrine of
repentence had failed to
ner, God provided a chan
of transmigration (hese
tions was limited to thr
pared to admit the theor
Isaac Abrabanel had fou
"If in the end (i.e. after t
wicked will be finally cu
95-96). The text does n
quoted was added on by
rectly reported.88 In a
teach in public only wh
nounced. It was a "crimi
traditionally received w
ment "All Israelites have a share in the world-to-come" could not
be regarded as an unconditional "absolute verdict" (ke-gezera
muhletet). The term "Israelite" was synonymous with "righteous"
?(addit), as Isaac 'Arima had declared (lines 99-103). Joseph Albo
had, moreover, distinctly upheld the notion of eternal punishment
in the case of those who denied the (Divinity of the) Tora and
the principles (ha-'ikkarim) of the Faith (lines 103-106).89
One should not be misled, Morteira pointed out, by what seemed
to be a dissenting view on the part of Isaac Abrabanel in his
Commentary on the Tora (parashat shelah lekha), where he spoke
of various degrees of the punishment of karet in opposition to the
views held by Nahmanides and others and declared that in the end
the soul would receive the bliss of the next world. According to
Morteira, Abrabanel was dealing here exclusively with the special
punishment of karet,90 and not with the retribution meted out to
87 See note 47 to Text A.

90 "Special," that is, according to Abrabanel, while Morteira, following
the grave sinners listed in the rabbinic sources
demned to stay in hell eternally. Morteira took
show that in other works of his Abrabanel recognize
that certain offences entailed the loss of 'olam h
the passage from the end of Rosh Amand which
phrase le-dorey dorot in Rosh Ha-Shand 17a as pro
trine, thus implicitly identifying eternal hell with
of a share in the world-to-come (lines 103-129). H
any possible misconception of Abrabanel's position
with a sense of relief and, no doubt, special satisfact
traditional view held by his opponent's famous
Aboab I, in his Menorat Ha-Ma'or, and he thre
measure, an equally orthodox expression of opini
Jonah Gerondi in his Sha'arey Teshubha (lines 12
Kabbalist, Menahem Recanati, was added to the li
not realize that the passages which he quoted fr
Commentary on the Tora as well as the text cited by
Sefer Ma'amar Ha-Sekhel91l (lines 147-160) were in
from Nahmanides. He brought his marshaling of
kabbalistic sources to an impressive climax by ad
sages from the Midrash Ha-Ne'elam and one from th
he had found in Elijah de Vidas' Re'shit Hokhma
These passages reflect the graphic descriptions of
partments of hell in old midrashic material whi
earliest Christian and Islamic texts on the sub
exercized a great deal of fascination on the relig
of Jews and non-Jews alike. The passage from Midra
on Ruth quoted by de Vidas and rperoduced by M
those sinners who are listed in Rosh Ha-Shand 17a
cend into hell and never rise up again, while of a
it is said, "He bringeth down to She'ol and bringe
Nalhmanides, identified karet in its gravest form with eter

hell and loss of 'olam ha-ba'.
91 On this work see note 75 to Text A.
92 See Saul Lieberman, 'Al Iata'im we-'Onesham, in: Sefer Ha- Yobhel Li-
Khebhod Levi Ginzberg, Hebrew Section i, New York, 5706/1946, p. 249 ff.
28 ALTMANN [28]
2:6). The term She'ol des
hell. Of those condemne
called ere?
thither nevertah.tit, the(ha-yored
rises again" strikingsham
phrase is eyno
shubh used:eoleh),
"He whowhichdescends
sounds like Dante's "All hope abandon, ye who enter here" (Divine
Comedy, Inferno, 3:9). In proudly reviewing his array of authori-
tative sources Morteira felt that he had put up an invincible case.
The method by which Aboab's Nishmat IHayyim (Text C) sought
to demolish the solid arguments presented by his adversary may
be characterized by the dialectical pattern of "Yes, but." It would
have been futile to make a frontal attack upon what, unques-
tionably, was the established doctrine. He, therefore, frankly ad-
mitted that the overt meaning of the texts quoted was in favor
of the eternalist position. He denied, however, that this was the
end of the story. As a Kabbalist, he claimed to know certain
truths of an esoteric nature which put an entirely new and dif-
ferent complexion on things. If those truths had been withheld
from the uninitiated in the past, this was perfectly understandable,
but it was now imperative to disabuse people's minds of concepts
of God which were contrary to his justice and mercy. To under-
stand the texts literally was to ignore their inner soul which only
Kabbala revealed.93 Divulging the full esoteric truth in these mat-
ters did not imply any departure from the classical rabbinic texts.
It only meant casting light on their hidden meaning. For the
words of the rabbis (razal), the Zohar, and the Kabbalists stemmed
from one and the same source (4 3, 49-50). Our synopsis will
show how Aboab applied this principle in detail.
At the very commencement of his discussion Aboab stated his
fundamental belief that "all souls will be refined and purified in
the end of days," a belief founded, as he put it, on the kabbalistic
understanding of the rabbinic haggadot (# 1, 18-21). From the
vantage point of this firm conviction he could afford to make
a direct attack on Maimonides' (and, as he mistakenly assumed,
93 See Text C, #3, lines 6-7; 50-53 (previous esotericism); #8, lines 35-
37 (need for divulging the truth).
Albo's) position which identified the punish

the non-attainment of the soul's survival afte
The motley assemblage of authors asserting t
of the human soul (Me'ir ibn Gabbai; Tar
'Uzi'el; Solomon ibn Gabirol) need not detain
that Maimonides' affirmation of eternal pun
sins contradicted his theory of the death of
not new. It had already been made by Nahma
Morteira undoubtedly took it. The only nove
tempt to refute Maimonides by pointing out
the "reproaches and everlasting abhorrence"
12:2 and Isaiah 66:24 could refer to the body alo
rection (as had indeed been suggested in Abra
on Isaiah ad. loc.), in which case, however, t
the everlasting punishment of the soul made
was wrong. Besides, Abrabanel had denied th
with eternal punishment of the soul, and (co
contention95) had not stipulated that the gr
the rabbis were in a special category and lia
ment.96 There was, at any rate, little point in d
of philosophizing Jews who accepted Aristotle's
as a "mere disposition."97
Turning from the philosophers to the Kabbali
a great deal of attention in the first place to
view had been critized, and wrongly identifie
in Abrabanel's review of the various interpr
karet (# 2, 1-9). He quoted Nahmanides' utte
Ha-Gemul at some length and made it prefec
repudiated the notion of the soul's annihilation
any circumstances (* 2, 9-47). He conceded
punishment of the worst offenders was con

94 Kitebhey, II, 291.
96 We have emendated the text (line 51)by reading: u-m
otam asher manu h.akhamim. Otherwise, the text mak

97 Text C, # 1, 54-55; see note 29 ad loc.
30 ALTMANN [30]
had stated the eternalist
not unduly perturbed b
although his words may
ment meted out to the p
is eternal
variably (niS.F),
adopted the this is not the
phraseology view
of our he actually
rabbis, of blessedheld. For he in-
memory,
from which one may infer that punishment is eternal, as they said
in the tractate Rosh Ha-Shand (17a), 'and they are punished there
le-dorey dorot'. Yet God forbid that they (sc. the rabbis) should
have assigned to the soul a punishment whereby she will not
'return to her Father's house as in her youth'. The term le-dorey
dorot denotes a limited time (zeman mugbal), which may be shorter
or longer according to the severity of the sin committed, as I am
going to show with God's help" (# 2, 48-53). The rabbinic phrase
could not possibly mean anything else, Aboab explained, because
of God's mercy by which "He devised means that one that is
banished be not an outcast from Him" (2 Sam. 14:14). The words
of the woman of Tekoa recorded in this verse had become the
favorite proof-text of the Kabbalists for the doctrine of trans-
migration (gilgul; eibbur). They were understood to mean that
through reincarnation God gave sinners and imperfect men a
chance of purification. If Nahmanides' discussion of reward and
punishment in his Sha'ar Ha-Gemul was silent on this aspect of
human destiny, it was due to the fact that in this (exoteric) con-
text he did not wish to touch on the subject of metempsychosis.98
As to Nahmanides' adherence to the view that transmigration was
a means
be of the
no doubt, soul's
Aboab restoration
suggested. For to
weintegrity (tikcc.un) of
had the testimony there could
98 Aboab was right in saying that Nalbmanides treated the "mystery of

transmigration" (sod ha-'ibbur) with the utmost reticence. This was true of
the Jewish mystics of Gerona in general. See Gershom Scholem, Le-Ifeker
Torat Ha-Gilgul Ba-Kabbala Ba-Me'd Ha-Shelosh 'Esre, in: Tarbi.z, 16 (5705/
1944-45), p. 135 ff. Nalimanides mentioned it, nevertheless, in his Torat Ha-
Adam (Kitebhey, II, 275); in his Commentary on the Tora (Gen. 38:8; 46:12;
Ex. 21:10; Lev. 18:6; 26:11); and, above all, in his Commentary on Job, where
the theme assumes central significance.
Menahem Recanati to this effect. The passage qu

is the same which Morteira had adduced to pro
maintained the eternality of punishment. Mort
note, however, that Recanati was merely reproduc
opinion, and he had omitted the final sentence
the testimony considered vital by Aboab: "But
rabh, i.e. Nahmanides) has written that accordin
of transmigration
Nahmanides there is
passage referred to aby
tik.un to is
Recanati this
fou
Ha-Gemul,100 where it is said in more general
already alluded to the fact that there is a tilkkun
tions..." which Recanati took to imply a referen
'ibbur, although this term is not distinctly mentio
was, therefore, on somewhat shaky ground when h
tion of Nahmanides' doctrine of tiFkun through g
ticular "testimony" by Recanati (# 2, 60-73). H
Nahmanides' allusion to the "great mystery" to
30:2 is hardly more convincing, since nothing is
gives a clue to the doctrine of the eventual pu
souls, including those condemned to eternal pu
It is only some of the Kabbalists (Recanati and
who read the notion of a general restitutio in in
of transmigration into the Nahmanides text. It is
Bahya ben Asher, one of the three kabbalistic in
text in question (# 2, 73-80) had this particular
Nevertheless, Aboab felt justified in drawing def
as to Nahmanides' position: "Thus unto thee it
thou mightest know that the sod ha-?ibbur was no
for the Master (sc. Nahmanides) as far as tikun
and after the tenor of these words He made a covenant with all
souls of the house of Jacob that they have a share in the world-
to-come, as we shall explain" (# 3, 1-3). In view of the fact that
this view was shared by Menahem Recanati, the teims "no share
99 I.e. the question why the punishment of karet is sometimes not applied.
1oo Kitebhey, II, p. 291.
32 ALTMANN [32]
in 'olam ha-ba"' and "b
dicated a state of thin
redress through transm
refrained from revealin
Yet there was a "comp
reincarnations, the num
times but could reach
the Sefer Bahir (# 3, 3
instrumental in bringing
and that the completion
the coming of the Messi
Kabbalists as Me'ir ibn
Zimra (# 3, 14-25). Abo
authority than the Zohar
Tora, Rabbi Shime'on b
a passage in which, he
no account denote eter
"limited time" (zeman m
tion that the sod ha-tic
to what would otherw
buttressed this rather
ibn Abi Zimra's Mem
veritable quarry for th
the traditional view of e
not considered as the f
means that one that is
He imposes upon him tra
ahar temura) ...and aft
him from one rung to
until he assumes again
ning" (# 3, 33-45).101 A
borative evidence for t
101 For the Kabbalistic doc

of existence see Gershom S
der Seelen," Von der mystis
doctrine by the theory of ti#kun in Isaac Luria's Sefer H
wanot (# 3, 43-47). He concluded this part of his treatise wit
sweeping statement: "There is no doubt that the words
Zohar and the words of our rabbis, of blessed memory,
words of the Kabbalists, peace be upon them, are all hew
one rock... and that the term le-dorey dorot denotes a
time, not eternal punishment..." (# 3, 49-53).
Having answered the first part of the she'eld posed at the
ning of his responsum, Aboab now applied himself to the
"What did the rabbis mean by saying, 'The following h
share in the world-to-come' ?" Morteira identified eternal pu
ment in hell with having forfeited one's portion in the "o
ba'. Not so Aboab. He offered two possible interpretations
latter phrase. According to the first, it means to say that th
of the sinner will not be resurrected in the eschatological
colam ha-ba' denoting the period of resurrection (eolam ha-t
The fate of the soul is of an entirely different order. Her u
bliss is assured through the purifying effect of transmi
According to the second interpretation, 'olam ha-ba' is th
of souls in the hereafter, following death, and having n
(helek) in it does not signify the exclusion of the sinner's so
this realm altogether. It merely means that whereas the righ
have their own special - one might say, private - compa
therein, the sinners are placed together and live in comm
we might say. The second interpretation is put forward only
the first has been discussed at considerable length (# 3,
The resurrection of the body, Aboab points out, spells th
pletion in physical terms of the completion of the spiritual
of the soul, and the soul which has achieved perfection
united with that body in which she acquired her integri
intermediate bodies in which she lodged during her many
tions had not been created in vain, for they provided opport
for improving the soul's quality. Aboab mentioned in th
nection the difference between gilgul and 'ibbur, promising
plain the distinction later, which he forgot, however, to
obviously meant to say that in certain cases only spark
34 ALTMANN [341
soul, not the totality of h
body (# 3, 55-67).102
Aboab found proof for th
the kabbalistic tradition
Joseph will be a reincarna
of Nebhat. How could such a view be reconciled with the rabbinic
statement which denied Jeroboam a share in the world-to-come
unless it was understood to mean that the body of this man would
not be resurrected, without denying that his soul would be purified
and thereby become worthy of Messianic rank? (# 3, 68-72). A
clear utterance expressing precisely the same view was quoted by
Aboab from Samuel de Uceda's commentary on Pirkey Abhot
(Midrash Shemu'el).103 There it was argued that the phrase "The
following have no share in the world-to-come" could only mean
that their bodies will not be resurrected because the Talmud dis-
tinctly said: "He denied the resurrection of the dead; therefore
he shall have no share in the resurrection of the dead." At the
same time, de Uceda stressed the availability of the soul's redress
through the purifying effect of transmigrations (# 3, 73-84). Aboab
found support for his interpretation also in "two pillars," viz. the
Zohar and Cordovero's Pardes Rimonim. From the Zohar passage
he skillfully distilled the theory that the original bodies of those
who denied the Divine origin of the Tora and the resurrection and
of those who denied the existence and unity of God would not
rise again; that other bodies would be built in their stead (in
which the soul could lodge during her peregrinations); yet that
even a single miSwad done was sufficient to secure resurrection. In
other words, he tried to prove that the Zohar too understood the
Mishnaic statement about those who had no share in 'olam ha-
ba' as bearing on the fate of the body at the time of resurrection,
102 On the difference between gilgul and 'ibbur see Scholem, loc. cit., 219
ff. Cf. Emanu'el I;Iay Riki, Sefer Mishnat Iasidim (Lemberg, 1858), fol.
43a-45a.
103 Samuel ben Isaac de Uceda (1540-?), a native of Safed, was a disciple
of Isaac Luria and HIayyim Vital. See Me'ir Benayahu, Sefer Toledot Ha-'Ari,
Jerusalem, 1967, p. 177 f. et passim.
and not on the destiny of the soul (# 3, 84-100)

passage Aboab could similarly find confirmation
between the final damnation of the sinner's bod
remedy of the ills of the soul (4 3, 100-105)
number of further proof-texts and argumen
significantly add to what he has said already in
No. 1 '(4: 3, 105-156).
Next on the agenda is theory No. 2 accordi
phrase "no share in the world-to-come" only
ner's soul will have no special place allotted
after. Aboab found support for this rather le
in a number of kabbalistic texts which elab
midrashic
paradise notion thatwith
in accordance every
the .saddit. hastohis
honor due own
him; compartment in
moreover,
that even those who have no merit whatsoever receive a measure
of bliss from the gracious bounty of God.104 Ezra ben Solomon
of Gerona (whose unpublished Commentary on the Aggadot was
unknown to Aboab) had stated:o105 "You will find in many places
that the rabbis, of blessed memory, said, 'He has no share in the
world-to-come', meaning thereby: He has no free place (pena'i)
to himself nor any treasure at his disposal and under his control...
and one who has no merit stands in a place where many others
stand." Bahya ben Asher and Abraham ben Yehuda Elimelekh,
the compiler of the work Likkutey Shikhehad U-Fe'd, quoted this
passage, and Aboab drew on their quotations. He also mentioned
the use made of the original haggadic motif by the Zohar HIadash
and by Menahem Recanati in his Commentary on the Tora (# 4,
1-15).106 He even went so far as to suggest that the restriction of
104 See note 90 to the text (#4, 10).

105 See Efrayim Gottlieb, Ha-t(abbala Be-Kitebhey Rabbenu Behay Ben Asher
(Jerusalem, 5730/1970), p. 54.
106 Bahya ben Asher's position is not entirely clear. Morteira had under-
stood him to affirm the eternality of punishment, and this interpretation would
seem to be correct. There is, however, a certain ambiguity in Bahl.ya's discussion

of the theme (at the end of parashat aharey mot) in that he appears to suggest
that even sinners condemned to eternal punishment in hell not only enjoy
rest from their afflictions on Sabbaths and festivals but also eventually gain
36 ALTMANN [36]
the souls of sinners to

the pre-restoration peri
gilgul was completed.
of Jacob would be reh
"become straight." He
R. Joshua ben Levi's d
various "houses" and
etc.), his intention ob
various compartments
(# 4, 16-29).
Although convinced
Aboab felt it advisable
gument (pilpul). What
of the eventual tiitun o
of the kabbalistic notion of the return of all souls to God at the
time of the Great Jubilee (ha-shabbat ha-gadol). The authorities
quoted by him as spokesmen for this concept are the "holy"
author of the Sefer Ha-Kand; David ibn Abi Zimra (in both his
Magen David and Mepudat David); Moses Alshekh; and the Zohar
(4 5, 1-23). He also deemed it necessary to clarify the meaning
of the Biblical verses Isa. 66:24 and Daniel 12:2, which Morteira
had considered unquestionable proof-texts for the doctrine of eter-
nal punishment. In Aboab's view they did not refer to the punish-
ment of either soul or body but to an eschatological event, i.e.
the display of the dead bodies of grave sinners - or, possibly, of
bodies resurrected for the occasion but endowed only with "vital
spirits," not souls - in order to make an example of the dishonor
of the wicked, as happened in the case of Zedekiah and Ahab
admittance to paradise, though being denied compartments of their own.
Another difficulty concerns the identity of "Rabbi Abraham" against whom
(and Maimonides) Babya ben Asher argues for the survival of all souls. If
the reading "Rabbi Abraham" is due to a scribal error (mistaking Ezra ben
Solomon for Abraham ibn Ezra), as Gottlieb, loc. cit., p. 39 suggests, there
would be a contradiction in Ezra ben Solomon: On the one hand, he would
share Maimonides' view that karet means the destruction of the soul. On the
other hand, he would maintain that all sinners are eventually given some place
in paradise.
(Jer. 29:22). This would serve as a "reproach and

ever, not that the fire would burn for ever. As Abo
his interpretation agreed with the way in which
KIimhi, and other commentators had understood
also conformed to Abrabanel's view as expressed
tary on Isaiah and in his discussion of the meaning
tioned before. Yet even on the assumption that
described the punishment meted out to body and so
tion would come to an end with the termination of the sixth
millenium when all souls would have completed their purification
and when their "return" (teshubha) to God would arouse God's
forgiveness of past sins (# 5, 24-68). Finally, Aboab referred to
a Zohar passage1o7 according to which the word dera'on is to be
understood as an expression of repentence on the part of the sin-
ners, meaning: dai re'iya da' ("we have seen enough"). He added
that in Targum Jonathan's rendition of dera'on (Isa. 66:24) the
same pun carries a different meaning: It is the Saddilcim who say,
"We have seen enough" (misat hazina'), and by their pronounce-
ment put a stop to the sufferings of the sinners in hell. As Aboab
recalls, the Zohar knows the descent of the righteous into hell in
order to cause the wicked to repent and rise again (# 5, 68-73).108
Summing up, Aboab enunciates the following four principles as
guideposts for the interpretation of rabbinic passages dealing with
the subject under consideration (4 5, 74-75). (1) The locus clas-
sicus (Rosh Ha-Shand 17a) does by no means indicate the destruc-
tion of the souls of sinners, as might appear from the description
of the fate of those condemned to stay in hell for twelve months.
The words, "After twelve months their bodies are wasted away,
their soul is burnt, and a wind (ruab) scatters thent under the feet
of the righteous" have to be allegorically understood. 109 "Under the
107 See note 47 to the text.

108 See note 48 and the text # 5, 77-81; 91-93.
109 Aboab does not use the term "allegorical" but this is the gist of his
interpretation, which is modeled on Nahlmanides' (see # 2, 25-47). He in-
troduces a fresh nuance by adding the motif of the active help rendered by
the righteous.
38 1ALTMANN [38]
feet of the righteous" me
of the righteous who raise
which the same Talmudi
the worst offenders, does
In a similar way, the rab
serve him for ever (le-'o
Jubilee year. The expiess
Messianic era in which "O
generation cometh" (Eccl
to mean: The generation
the cycle of transmigratio
of David arrives. Then al
need of returning to ear
"They go down (into hell
is: They shall not rise (by
the righteous who go down
recalls in this connection
which depicts the openin
in hell who respond to the
"They have no share in t
in one of the two ways su
the ultimate admission o
in question. Aboab mentio
that after the cessation of
no more proselytes will
room whatever for the e
maining sections ( # 6-8) o
aspect that has not been
as matters of historical i
final section of the text pr
Disclaiming his opponen
Aboab wrote: "Moreover
the Kabbalists without un
110 See note 58 to the text a

Tolerance and the Jewish Trad
said, 'All say what they know but not all know
(# 8, 17-19), the implication being: Morteira say
while I know what I say. Who was the "wise m
remark is cited here? It is tempting to relate
to an anecdote which is mentioned by many h
the only source of which is Johann Christoph
Hebraea (III, 709). The story is that Antonio V
Jesuit preacher and Portuguese diplomat, when on
to Holland, went to hear Menasseh ben Israel
preach, and when asked for his opinion about
merits gave the following reply: "Menasseh ben
he knows, while Aboab knows what he says."1
true, it must have been widely discussed at the tim
seem most likely that Aboab alluded to it in th
quoted, substituting, however, Morteira for Me
He would have been able to take it for grante
understood who the "wise man" was, and enjoye
tation. Yet there is a chronological difficulty w
been unable to resolve. According to his own ac
to him),113 Vieira had several discussions with
and Menasseh ben Israel in particular during hi
when on diplomatic missions in the years 1640 and
on the other hand, that he could not have visite
because he was in Brazil at the time, delivering
bolster the morale of the Portuguese in their st
Dutch. It was only in 1646 and 1648 that he we
King Joao IV to Holland,114 and established co
111 Heinrich Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, X (2nd ed

Keur van Grafsteenen, I, p. 72; L6wenstein, "Die Fam
note 2; Cecil Roth, A Life Gf Menasseh Ben Israel, p. 1
112 Menassen dicere, quae sciat, Aboabum scire quae dica
113 J. Lficio d'Azevedo (ed.), Cartas do Padre Antdnio V
1928), p. 781 f.; cf. Cecil Roth, A Life of Menasseh B
note 29.
114 See J. J. van den Besselaar, Ant6nio Vieira en Holland (1624-1649), (Nij-
megen-Utrecht 1967), pp. 8, 12, 14 f. No dates are given by J. Lticio d'Azevedo,
Histdria de Antdnio Vieira (Segunda Edirgo), I, (Lisboa 1931), pp., 139-141.
40 ALTMANN [40]
Jews. 1640, the date given
1646. Now since he did not
that Aboab was absent from
until he returned in 1654
sermons with those of Me
It is not known whether h
completion of his nine yea
the Amazon delta. Hence
Israel and Morteira whose
he listened to Morteila's pr
of the fact that he tried u
logical disputation.116 The
garbled account of what a
referred to in Aboab's Nishm
Vieira. Even assuming that
1654 and before Menasseh ben Israel's death in 1657 Vieira had
an opportunity of hearing both, the fact that the treatise was
written as early as 1636 and copied in 1648 precludes the pos-
sibility that Aboab was quoting Vieira. Who the "wise man" was
who anticipated the Jesuit's remark remains a riddle.
115 See note 113.

116 Roth, loc. cit., 163 f.; d'Azevedo, Histdria, p. 140 f.
TEXT A
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50 ALTMANN [50]
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52 ALTMANN [52]
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171DO ' lawn 2 131V WT 1'13 73 1 I,.t TIT jP031ll 417

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n*%nin m rini xriS1Pj%?5pn oqo~qal mairim irrivoi irnnm
Nm1 .xrivam 1iisk inni 1ti l2i nwnimo wrym virn asa iTE
tmS p vow 5 ira Nirmum ir ifivir Bmi inprita n urr

N7s5 oT= 51 MSDN bT5mt 59 ; Np 01 3 irfnvm nirm
mo8snmm mmn nim " ftr D nnnri it? airnl =m$nri ripmnm
it 130W n "t 1i 7 SW ju 1W13 rlt5n ;T"In T=1 N61TV1 =

5vign mnom jur~rivi n5 5v nna?znktm roinninn manuirm arr
nY''bS# lf43 1YKn# 10175 IMtt atbt TES r9039 t228 ~an
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1imri
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min -hrmn w ty0-in urim m5Nn1 t1p0rii innion t mu7nw
nwx purn me orn mi nt =a 12mmmt3r in~i vo ;*D5 nirm
n~fvnn Y=5 v ~siN ir-on x ~i nnnon rinimn 1-rmnn min
i31nn , 1imDr 3 70$1 mil mimp,5 115 rm mm1w NW I '

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54 ALTMANN [54]
111211,11=1tI 4n 11B "D 6*2TIM 112"rIDST 1,1033' imTWM M IVI1.1 URI 2V
Nl tin
lt? '7 fl3
m.1' jt
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6011"
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tt? ,:) Inv= m5n~ ~wt rilgir ii rmni ~ nsirm onswi, ixt 16 1111 I~n? rjjni
tNran vm f17v 0n- imW1n' rflK ,fljt1n nz' im is1rn8 vbm pon
24tD P4l X " W23 t'l 7 j tt I 7,t3 13v 1 z37fl 80 19m mir a i Ii
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Is ?T'1 r1fl7 - 2pT ft1?Z1 n1 f pl 1"1fiZ~ T'17? T Zl '8 TD 3 mip 65
0 181,71 13"'I 13"3017T 2=2 1 13Y V2*1 Own 13-11 -71 m 6K 85
13"731
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y mnlqv 0i3*n
tl mTI"
NSt=n
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131;1 M1111"nX nI r M, In999 tft= ' 19 b; ?n nI6 1,l1 411f19 n9 i70
billayniWWl 713a# 51mor Imy7 1911 wD nyI 19 20.1? ftm mmorr vnzl N iorri t 70
Iri1rmn mi Psio 1vri mvin 1i3u1 20,mt itir g nrim Ox wor* y mrl mm i3f
lN llYn1; NIt ml ,I ftleTwo larm #31 nl lr?Dl I in 6,1 tif T1

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TEXT C*
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ii n x rn-1in [n13 12 15 11 = rirnipn W7211-pVi 12 11 2 N V1=21D binl1=2m 9
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.g~ ,fl1 f~l?rNK1~ b"1 3
.1,,I 13'")121 "A)

. ,n 'I~uzJ b~f 7 .%D ,U4 , = 9 6
56 ALTMANN [56]
w*3) lo mw:n v 11 ux i
ftmr'i v oiTD 0t2m= zr
?,w ril-m ?N mna D'3f

1'3n9l, i)pptt' 09u mnin
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58 ALTMANN [58]
11"11 01 "'IT PX br %? '131, 2

3n'1v plum I'Dlli am n Yi V1
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60 ALTMANN [60]
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11?' 01 1N? W "i99 (90 00% (N 01fNl13 1Nfl fl~18fl11 T' lT'l
i'n n," nr'ton in '~ "nr1 T'in n",M 131' 1111 To1"a"n rn'l"at r 1= n~n "
]W, 9 '1 6IT 160 1 1 : tl'r1 f1 11 r '1Tj [f1V17 n D '~ ~i7 .11 57 II j [3t ? ]I 1 n i
nn311 rm -mv1 zirmnn vit v vC n '1,2 '1311; 1,- 173'18 rim ifrr71-o3n
Dmmlln 3 '4D 7, '= I 1om10*2 m217rl mlm? mv-1 "Inx nn pT 1iv
iqn ?3 innn noi n n nnn '" l -invins av 20ln" i xv ' mrnn oinn
["1 mIn i l l72"1 l n NM,64 I1 7 ,'T1?Z [21 "1N I'"' 611 1 0In mmi NX 65
15ND pl m 1, "1
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.9? zm1 n "arn V711m trim 7 917 im1 n91Sw tz* nv rit 'l Yt -"798 70
in W.) -113.1wl 71t -s5 4n nnn b" t xvi 1?DtN 20 p 51n njnt 13-1-"1, "
1"11 23.44nZ 114nol njiftil 22,0ggj? 6"I'llnn n-1 14-I0 K jW7311 21134=22
]W71 11 60 11 a1 = prn m- ir i- n-T? ll-'l "11* 7"11'71 57 11 x 10 i0n l ii Nm ir-7mv
II 2 -11MV1 E112'SM 71 111 JW 17"MV) 67 111 ["Z1 1 11 N 7*2IW lyl IW 11 N X 10**3
.2 ,ni, T
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11i fl10v- vm 1m -7 -t kD 71 ' W1 NW T17 2 t1'OX 'TI0 9p'n17 110 in ?I

."1= T "7' 1=2 1
t V ... 1V71O 11W V, ~n7 'D"T1 'I)I,l'; .,l :: ,: ?7 ,V'2in ,,. ', i 22
nimri rnpp~m m rn1vWn B ao i'm "r- n lm I rv in -rm ',n -s nnii "iin
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Wt'lb ... lbNt -'1 6r7 1r:2M1" :**lr 2 ,1l=r33 j , j1"1n-j , ItV 2 ')r ) M 1 23
-i nm? mmo z?., I rtr? " l rr , I t,PIf loom 130t v mt , ',n " f",,,n1
62 ALTMANN [621
8390 53 24 1471ny-1 al
I1WDn t31 unt 21 in N 1112W
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13 Ki Tn 'xin'i
71671 pj3'1K 'Ts~'K
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6DT WW "11 lnvw ma
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Imn t6 4D lin11zi 10,71,47 min ? pll .1-ID -mv ravlull n n." mlivirS a -T 5
b i5 n 3 71,47, 411 11 H 1 NiV"%= 11-71113 Iwnp trr1v f 3"D1 1136311 Titfl
I'1gXA l'W 1i2'12 N' W P'"2 ''Vf 0Y'N~ Pft~2 01@$ D 'l 611 Dn DW1
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1J UI j12S f1f It1to1 Vl W n '3D1 27 p -'ri m1l'-I ?w volofn. xggmv
1371 ? w n NY 18 '1m- 1 31 1tts 1f -W1 WW 12; Imv3 vvel -InD 10
n?NX /"N 0X 0 T 'V 131 28 Z3'itttWn VV41 13423V JJJWV? 1-74 1p13 013J Yt3 Sjw
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5=l'agn 31 199 t 3031m 3"9 1111 111 '733 Jtfw1 ;I"3pr 1891 092319
[76n1'l II 1 T~ N 1K II 1 3 lapptr' [7ITl 77 11 1 j2'p7 m 3 Pha ly 76

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IN (T 17 117 I 2l7] 15 1112 3 Wn low7IICT 7 11 = A??Il 5 1! X XNN [X [3 1112 X' 12-la * 1 3
Hinsiv 1"121 maim -7mv1... M M'M =1 MSh ."...tIM Dll

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IN ... 1ppIrt l17w r nimtbC ?1m Inni rinivrio 1 n1Wi n ,11,7 tvo 189 -1 rf
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11?2K 11,1V r11117 innbTr mtrnv tn n 0 -3W ?mm Dflv
1inr m 1 1137 m1mmm 1*34 %n-T In rritm-m mn 1
nirrWm ?"r* tW4 31 -) nftrg 41; DX 1 ,71 mn 7 b In
32 vinno ig v im ion winto vift iu11X *7t) rv rimoi
'N32W 1Ill DitV ;I 7I tD 'DIW Rn %71w1 I3 74t *t7N nl '8
Inntir m 2m3 ?D .1D rrio 11*3 itD n tn g2m 'i1 1 m
34 t-'17 3 jar~;t mrinum ion mlln Ini . Inl u n"sym110.1 1
Ml~ 5"U 3"T 3?5it? 1213 '03~ N3183 }1 .'131 13 7"7 1105 '1
1311'7;0 nn "Nj 35asw 1 112tZ X1?27 J In '1"7fj--nm* t?
rinn i131o n 310 rt 3 tio im: in;tmin mwil i 1 t#
mrvl'-1T wels1i m$1vn nix nx IUNm -1y I51 -IfrN %1
xvil 41tr In14 ]121 Wvit nnillm x80voWlrRT T1

T T0i =11103 ,01"13W '"Y 1 t3"W M1 616110.1 IN'll NT11 ?
3'D7' 181730 i#218 IN D'900 130 fEN~ 13 W1 WS1' '71
Ni? m11'1 put r tlt' W ?IN 11N 'i 7t-7 'IN 38, u1 *1 ?3y
- tnW i '161 26-28 111 DXN [198b 20 112 X 11RN2 [ 111MN II N 11*
.n1mim mrnoml "mm pion 'I'C t *W "H-,l p"00773 Wo rtutb f 0

min (N ,-q3s, ns4 InD pu1ml) 2 s 131 WlbIu -i w1ira m
3 ,33 TT ,WrTfiy rn1 '0 o31

.N ,0 rvz 32
-4 rljj 14 - Inn mSJ 0 -,1 72 a tDDon 9-1 ?-j ,r" 189 bili ,'034
131- 1riv 9 }TIY Iy inmo... rnvpti?-2 tvnw ri i=-wm 131 mrn ,11-? 2 v i1tori
mm" Txn 'ninlyimn bD 1pr...'1r)'SM MT ?TD ' ,111 I M-1 tmJDDlOn ".1-1081M 91
... ror*1D pI 1 0K3 JW 10 1 7
.2-K ,H17Z rM ,'l 31 m12 ,(T"-Wn) "=1D K-n11pNt ,?" VP ' l fl t ls '0 35
.N ,M l 7 1 a 36
'7 009 AbWM ,11 ll1611nin$ 0 ,to NW1,( "t) n" 11if ,-jj,- 100 37
nb .:9"tl,2 ,N xo Nb,(n"fT) m1muln 1010- 0DTv mm 1 w ,11V 0 -)-Ton wm1wpils.
NnitW1 (Nwimntl : "mimo jvn"it N Ntom T ?"Wi ?n-r mnnm tv'm nn*m robm
i xrNPtrlNx: K"0) ' qn-ym 6 mi WCn o r D 1K,;,14 (m tvi 1: i "t) 1NK7x1pm
5nl KNifWln3 N1o lKnm3 1 K l7 nri1i 1 ... Mt K11ia nf pi Nt K7vv1 (2"T.
p orCt Imml (.0 711 tl K1 t k inth: n "T) .11-110b= btlm .11-m*1 tn3 rbuvi
12 M11 NK?IK K W1'0 rnKr 1 X Nn1wtZ72 P0'07 7Kn KN ?* vn (KTirr WK, :*.2-) 'KW
v1i- '9!7 (m?*0s It : 7'01( ,1" n0-)K?r ") rr mir -w irt J1 38in
S1YtN 513'330 8 11 '91B nNnt 7M N (N ,(H 14 n'T tt081 T) -, 4 n' I -@ 38
64 ETERNALITY OF PUNISHMENT [64]
7 ir) 141Z tmin D ''n K'i39,1'1 V31gn l"fi 91)y ~ j 1 @ I

1IInW DB2
loinmv imn TII 8101mitill
74krall TK39 611naln
K8 K131 [Kppm
bnit ' 351l K 1
n? rn rlr"
lvz[IWt V f1l? 134-35
In* xl-Klrrv r-wivi
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nf1138; N'IP30 nlbishi Z89 'bD 9"t N)1t? IS tlf l"'lntt 1't) P98 019WS
'IaT '11 ill ?%y 718 091T8 ittn NV '173 WV1 :-"Tl 40 'Tlr 1 l? 35
1imwaw l'ar (?vi on' rW -i) '1in1 i1n1hii n itn?n vv' tK ti01n r
W1t t*kf -htN-i ?X M'Btirt h NlD 21ZW TD1 j x im v vi m insi D

W-M &161,12V X? tSttlN t3'1W0371t 1117MM =IV' IV *7%7 * 7tl 'Mn X IV 11-ID-T~
r"v? [it?4 t" 7m1 K it "li t39w1 ).1f 23K1 .'In ri X lini [r'l r 37
ID3 K " t"17 Il 4N 1NX21 ".1 Ni 0 41" t IID W inw Ptl i1flO 43-1 40
Molyw'l li'Mill :**31 111213 jV73 ry n"111-- 4-11.* 7"11-71m xvill
nn$ 1ia nt b vi n intWE nwv min 'i 41'131 NI'W ttt4V 0Il,146?1
117 W f1t S'vm T 19 136T ri1in m ait 7v 9*i -*rwmnz m irnn vf

prs-9' ovbv1"iv *1 Inwv v671, nnhmn nW r11 rm i3t1:.'u o 11 tMZ 45
JI~ntl t)1610 jj'ljjV WW11tKSl XTM -)n r1uT1 :9"z 42 T"3 9- ftiti 'OD N'lli
n11 jjj ?$ CV 3W711711 t0wfZ0t0 1 2V 99:t ) -11 43 Ij:) 9?n4 -1)ngft y
tr'Tim 132"m t'laliu'rl .11N ?n=1 on m wnri wnl? lip S rry xl" - ,11
II N V713 [W-713113 11 11-911- Tl131l 33 11 N 7772 [772. 32 11 1 2 N 7'1-1'7l 14'3-Z3711

11 = NX71Y [12 A 1 3 D? 0 = 112 9 bt.1 HVV [X 35 111 = X -7t" [Nl7 n-Tls 34-35
ti ['10D 40 111 =N t'TN 17" [- 39 11 1 0 Z3198 ft8 ii1I =1 m mi2m In7-131 37
11 X N3li l 1 ' ?li Vl3;1 l 49 111 1 " -1 N; 45 11 1 illn [nl lnn 43 11 X
"Nil .11=0 VIDM VIVIN11 I'll!)= Im"11 ''11 Imn 1 2 g1 m 1Z7vi ... ( 17: 1 )n llr 1pirr
.(Mn9w mmor10 o n1 11 11"-.) M-7 811.11)17 X? mI ;Iinmi D 1 .t NT
.fl4'7120 Nrlo0111 r Imb t 'DZ 12 ZtV 1"N 0 J MV 0 ?nIV3,1 DN rilKhlt ?"1 39
-Tt ?"I) mn t3l1llo 11111 IMt N hl := ,1011 ,Il0 bt1 ' N1PBMN? 013-o 40
11721 I-its -Ts":1) 1 31-2 t34-172 Pwwri n w-mi ft r x r- 1 (Ts= mri n nilwn
?MK. Itr W so ?17bKfl 'M 1K 1 11ri inK NmM =n 1.n .., 1s3Zi 'K 1.0?W
K1P2
In ; "OVn3M
Obt3? MVM Z=
111- IVK 1 n=I
t1PS 31 " it
li .017- V'31
M=l=MI81tV
1N ?K tW
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1-7tV -MIP90
I111In
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.. 0, b IN'K 1K T"n WU D X'1n 10113n
2t271 1041 mll %? nnis ' 0ml t341 O' ll 1342b?273 11"nm jjntrj= 1Ti 12'Wt D JtVO :- ttt 41
.34 , V1 1Il 42
mnj? m8vt nin nrsnrwmnn-in -,) nK -Ni.*' "1 43
S1?3 X 1311311n nznll 31 1"1" I13t ( 121 b 13MI1 10' 0197M

6,111t 1111i167 V3?3 IT'll0"O3 t 031 0" 9 3l 1 V 1 081 3I tftS 'N11 0
S111$ l't' 449; 3' 0 0 1ZL8 D'92 * 3 Opis~j~ltlN 31'3 5f
l4'j'ltj?161 i 1 13 3 13toV 7 -gj 9 $17 N 09r1 4D 3 1j NY 131
viv MBRU 1ti 1 *pit tvin ,liw ?n l;1b 1"NV 1*X1
Nt '3 1171 N 'X 126', 1" ? M 17i 1"M 3'13-1nn ,
,1*X 61ft tlbl1 W 113 InX 10I N ?X ' 310yr n 3 '11viD i in3 nev
niit DN1 i31mi onni r- 1vn ftuI nwx vn 0 A un ?m
I"Ol 1 1131D I "InK ?n Nlll-n 1 31X; V X T7 7,1"M l 3
13"Illi T l i"Ctl"' W I fN" Cft mx rrnn vcrm r mr wri n v 13
'I WC2 njn'0V? j t no8 ';7 IlblIA01D a 45sll 6 8I7 In Inj n 13
kLl 17311-74 tL6 N 1?VM i"39 ' 1 wivit trimi rr *? -nl m
46*n8n1n ni ,-l 'i 0m1n3 r1nm nnThl W01, 71 173 I), 1t6D
Do 01 ?* vi97 voin, iR x1 n 1ixqY nw-pin 1m1 .-nivio nr1
t nn1 9 3"tr11T wirr TVm -7y owor i 3 -i1nrnm in
i1t- nwvn ?y nnnn17 Innin 3n 'v*m9# ',i jn2 p3 Nt
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j 7n1 111 yviq 3 -9n r n 31 (;l"fiov 1in 13T ft1r) iiyTr
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4aijpnn m1ti inn1 n Dn 01 wbrin n3xv1' mr yn 1WCvW 1
so50 Nj 1-ft ft)V X 1 31 4,1 %Ty V11'101 167 ?Dn bi?1 2 1
i I winnn [Im 1wN 65 11 2 NM 1 '9M' [I 1''M 61 11 1 ED* [ ,0-f 57
M1 N [N100] 70 11 1 MK'17W [1,1M 69 1 2 112W? 1197 67 11 M I Kun b [-flmm
.2 ,-In I-In10 44
.ri ,U D bit
.n ,1 tr mfl 46
.03 ,~~it3 n b 47
no0. nv 113 jr-rs : 9 ?ia*m niniw I-,= Irmm Un 13n ;I- ,111-11'3'on 48
m z -rnm risni msiri minn minvni xN~m rixi~an ml~n imm 1,4m misnrmn~ nnx
tw1i0,o
b fTOmwn nn11002
V NW n ix-in nw1iY0
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f1'?K912?ZI '1 m3im
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fltht
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,? 11 ,'lit 9I7V ,nl'91b t 1'K1 f 'l . ' #-In V Itfl ?NZ K 132 Mn iT 49
M1I i 31K1 ND'lZ n H6 N7(m..." :(K -"2) t f ii fw lit in=7 Nnm ,=-x
(D-p 1I) MW "3'TDW 13M '21241 =1- 11" 3'71 31 ".1.1 'Mi t3=2 13 t11'T 11731
NW111 r"Y t=1YtU9."]**03

909 1,2 fl1t
lInnb 1'; ,1) D'
?"9 '313170p } tX9S
133n 02 '1N15
1' 5N
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66 ALTMANN [66]
.0 9"14 DW2 11i '1113 PN; 002l IIn~tg11 ' MAD I8# sl 3"iSW (i ~19 J N 0311'
1NìR Wl 52: " f g fg .0, Nfig 91 gigg 1 318 jp

Hnn M 11%Y? 1'7 '11 t~l1Yf 74XV J?R Inj 53'1 ?DRI' 57 H'InI111 =Wn "VII 75
NE 019 D~ISPin DBr t'N'2 198N *DA ss1~i? 1 NPTJX Y1313 )9878 tl inni 75
ninm 10D Hill Iftn tIln 1m *ITin 'n" x1mv trinnn nivinm loinn
nwr '0T I l" DW 6122ml ilN zf1 173I 114Imn it? Nm 7n5l minn m
WC2 DW$lmN innr* Nbl rmM iin r1it wj i 31nB ni n 9939 ninwr
,*1v1 tripz n5s i3n nn72 n 1 mi mlItu ImsB n" 88 tr1n 3 m 4tr DIv
7,1w 1 v1 0iii 1 pinv t ftry nin1 b$ 1TI It $n n 31 nv pi rm '11R W WI 80
n1116,1 POWMDW 1 3 Isilt 11""l- u b junv 112 twi3 BD 17 Tv NI m t 1 p
1*D"7 R"M 091*2 13#9VVll m111=21 III X611 Mlp$ 161 InIllM tII 1*1Y' i 't6 N*mn
D N13H ?Wt * D" V N4 W Y1NSW "ISIX 1= 1 7-9iX ' 1U 1M 7111123 rlinyl11
11ny1 54.(1Iol0 II) t09jJ1N S9 nil67 61- 1 -jj'4Xj ',J7jy TNW,. I3D I
MITNW161171 T17121 0 1 331 "ItV 7VV TES *3W ( nXT 173113 11720? 4n= 85
111-711 %V Wnbinrl 1M t PIn WI t14tt I w 0111j3P4DXl IT91nil '".0 "D M1i TINmil
m1i'1 ?n31 $nn 111 iun ft=in kht wm133.1m in tull8wn nwft? m? t m3?
NR23 13'46'?491Y T91M 44 I=B 'UTI1 1 N11 55 ts DWV 'on i"ti "DW17 71W?
t'1'5Y Dips 89U)'131 '0> 01131 n9 nlllx 5 a1 lnI M :6138 -169 t'6
D *MDl 1,12 19WR 13t"11= 1 W9.=1 6" "n In 131W91 tli ".(,1 1 90
v9D 13= 7t61 VD tlli }*nD 181il l'm0D 1WTV1 P44 0 3Ol n1 1 13190611167'l9WNIl
K N~K [1 I1 i1 a Nl=1ivi [m1lt , 83 II 2 1 1 i 1M I [IT ~ I 77 1 ~ 1='I [Y1 ZV?3 75

['1%111 92 II 1 21 11 t [KXd 89 II N 1XT [WIfl1 85 11 2 N '31K 11 I 3' 84 II 1
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A1 ,"M17T,71 711 01"Yn UT KK1D370
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wim ity no-t2 mm"-l jirT -mmn= ? 1 0 31=o 81 'inT; 7 minv? rr? n'm-l m1r1i
911 Mt: 1,-I mi1r l N ;'1 xmin 1 1 "'rin lin lporr 1 71 -I= X-1 2 7"s-) 12 (tiltv)l
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NW1 *7%7) '131 In uy1 :v" m msn un-7 ris -,to 'ni In3 t31 66.(fTin
Vit'l El*[i 38 II 2 11 1 N $l X I ll-o95 111 = 1-122MMI 111VDIR2 93 il 12 13-mm 1 m 13-73m.
ii11 mvnins Issris 99 111 = r 1-min h110 3 97 11 X '= -) [I'T X 1112 7" 1'2 [J "'* t 96 1111
In1-1 II 1- im 1-110123 11 a'1:1 [*1I 105 11 1 = Xn11l'12?3l -12 1 1 11 t =1 II~ 3 l11 104
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M717 4 TN1 t b 13l-4 :)1 1V = Zfl E 1 '11 3110 11n l- 7 "'t IN l t, l1 13 -111 1 1 l- ?
p'l b3 'm-1 )1- rrjym -172nn r- lomNn I-til ,t)ili min ?r .N imn ,013
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68 ALTMANN [68]
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69 ETERNALITY OF PUNISHMENT [691
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Paul Volz, Die Eschatologie der jiidischen Gemeinde im "Y .t ,' 1,'-1
neutestamentlichen Zeitalter, Tiibingen 1934 (Hildesheim 1966), 257; 264;
Saul Lieberman, "Some Aspects of After Life in Early Rabbinic Literature,"
Harry Austryn Wolfson Jubilee Volume, English Section, Volume II, Jerusalem
n in -j ,"l-m7"n ' ,' r ,t , n nll-t r 1'sjv)b , .1965, 501 f., note 41

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76 ALTMANN [76]
"D '"JI3 W11 1'3 INSXI 'i

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78 ALTMANN [78]
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1Wtif "'1fl Yr K1 " ?rr
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inno pimD ?y i-inx In1.001i
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ln? tv'1817 1 ...?N'3 m Im .. bt,4- 1 ?Hvi'n ?iw* Inin rrn orri lnv 11iS D 0ptli 12
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Plftr Frnm n"-n ?m ninilrin ninvan r ?zv I-#= I vis nnwin 4.nvi~tD
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f i0 ' m = '1 i ,n - = ,N n1 ,r -r1iD , "wVf 0'V1Vr ,f00 'b mo iVlr b m I1'
nl '4 t1?MMnN M17 (1 ,T f100i) - 1M14 7 lNK iNisK r1im *4s" : Yrn'K l'lm-
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.1 ,IT= I"VIVII 58

Eternality of Punishment

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Eternality of Punishment: A Theological Controversy within the Amsterdam Rabbinate in

the Thirties of the Seventeenth Century

Isaac Aboab de Fonseca (1605-1693), the distinguished

6 Gebhardt, loc. cit.

9 For the biographical data see note 1 and the literat

erupted. Their radic

32. A Dissertation proving the doctrine of Eternal Punishment,

Otherwise, L6wenstein would not have stated that Aboab upheld,

16 See Leopold Loiwenstein, "Die Familie Aboab," MGWJ, 48, N.F. 12

suade Aboab to make a public declaration re

Text C, Aboab's elaborate treatise Nishmat IHayyim, is extant

22 Information supplied by Miss Broekema (July 15 and October 24, 1971).

24 See M. Kayserling, "Isaac Aboab, the First Jewish Author in America,"

The course of events which emerges from the documents at our

28 Strongly emotional passages: # 1, lines 12-15; # 3, 99; # 6, 4-11; #7,

30 Text A, lines 1-2.

46 Text B, lines 45-54.

Far from intimidating

48 Text C, lines 5-6.

word had to be spelled with a taw: He was on

True, he was young in years but the true "elder

is what oui rabbis, of blessed memory, mean

67 See H. John McLachlan, S

eighteenth century it became famous as a result

of metempsychosis (gilgul) began to clash wit

abhedd); the laws of shemit.td and the Jubilee y

80 See Gershom Scholem, Einige kabbalistische Hands

A synopsis of the doc

Moshe Ben Nalhman, Jer

84 The word obhedim ("are lost") may reflect the philosop

87 See note 47 to Text A.

Nalhmanides, identified karet in its gravest form with eter

Albo's) position which identified the punish

punishment of the worst offenders was con

otam asher manu h.akhamim. Otherwise, the text mak

98 Aboab was right in saying that Nalbmanides treated the "mystery of

Menahem Recanati to this effect. The passage qu

101 For the Kabbalistic doc

and not on the destiny of the soul (# 3, 84-100)

104 See note 90 to the text (#4, 10).

seem to be correct. There is, however, a certain ambiguity in Bahl.ya's discussion

the souls of sinners to

(Jer. 29:22). This would serve as a "reproach and

107 See note 47 to the text.

110 See note 58 to the text a

111 Heinrich Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, X (2nd ed

115 See note 113.

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