Management of The Male Image in Yugoslavia

Management of the Male Image in Yugoslavia
Author(s): Andrei Simic

Source: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1969), pp. 89-101
Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research
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MANAGEMENT OF THE MALE IMAGE
IN YUGOSLAVIA1
ANDREI SIMIC
University of California, Berkeley
Comparisons are drawn between male role performance

in Yugoslavia south of the Sava River and in Mexico. The
style of male expression is very similar in both areas, and
there is much affinity for things Mexican in Yugoslavia.
The apparently irrational and unproductive behavior of
some Yugoslav men can be explained in part in terms of
anxieties created by an inability to live up to ideal stand-
ards of male excellence. As in Mexico, the qualities of
"manliness" are stressed, and there is considerable concern
regarding the face presented to the outside world. In re-
sponse to these preoccupations the culture has provided
socially sanctioned patterns of action which dramatically
portray the elements of machismo. The analysis is based
primarily on field work conducted in the summer, 1966.
Visitors to Yugoslavia, particularly those who venture south or

east of the Sava River, will be surprised by the enthusiasm they
encounter for Mexican things." Musicians reproduce huapangos
and sones veracruzanos with amazing authenticity in the original
1 It should be kept in mind that Yugoslavia is a country of tremendous

cultural diversity. The phenomena discussed in this paper pertain specifi-
cally to Serbia and Bosnia and more generally to the southern and eastern
parts of the country. In this connection the somewhat free use of the words
"Yugoslav" and "Yugoslavia" should not be interpreted as meaning that
the cultural patterns depicted are universally applicable to all regions of
Yugoslavia. For example, I feel quite certain that another frame of refer-
ence would be needed to view the male role in Slovene society.
Material for this paper is based principally on field work carried out
in Yugoslavia during the summer of 1966 and supported by the National
Institutes of Health (National Institute of General Medical Sciences),
Training Grant No. GM-1224. Data were gathered through personal inter-
views conducted in Serbo-Croatian as well as through direct observation
and participation.
The author is indebted to Drs. May N. Diaz and Gerald D. Berreman
for their comments on a draft of this work. I am particularly grateful to
Prof. Eugene A. Hammel for his advice and assistance during the research
which led to this paper, as well as for his observations on Yugoslav customs
and life.
2 The adjective "Mexican" is often used to denote anything Latin
American or Spanish and this represents a degree of confusion in the minds
of Yugoslavs regarding the Hispanic world and its subdivisions.
89
90 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY
Spanish or in Slavic translation.3 Latin American mo

and singers enjoy immense popularity, and I was sta
first time I heard a Belgrade university student speak
personalities as Jorge Negrete and Lola Beltr~n. As t
the contact between the two peoples may seem, Yugosl
apparently discerned certain overt (and perhaps cove
acteristics of Mexican behavior which strike a culturally
sive chord. Their view of Mexico is primarily that proj
songs and films (among the most popular are th
ranchero themes).
What has actually been perceived in these present
most probably the stylized representation of the Mexi
of the male and female role and, more specifically, the
machismo. The Herzegovinian peasant,4 who, though h
poor, dons his finest Sunday garb and rides proudly on
into the village, presents a picture not too different f
Charro in his finery galloping in Chapultepec Park.
Societies appear to vary markedly in the degree to wh
differentiate between appropriate male and female beh
some, such as our own, the boundaries are vague an
defined while in others a sharper contrast prevails. The
sex-role differences in Latin America is far more ex
documented in anthropological literature than is th
Balkans. For example, the Mexican-American male striv
a living validation of the assumption that the male is s
more reliable and intelligent than the female. A man mu
tain his public image of independence, self-reliance and
Weakness or pettiness in the male is scorned and the La
any open display of these traits. Among other ways
virility is proven through his ability to drink frequent
quantity and to master the art of verbal dueling with h
3 Musical ensembles often specialize in the performance of Mexican
music to which they devote themselves exclusively. One such group,
"Paloma," recently recorded the Mexican ranchero hit "Lleg6 Borracho el
Borracho" which became a Belgrade bestseller. The "Trio Magnifico" from
Skopje, Macedonia, while touring Mexico, played and sang for President
Lopez Mateos who presented them with serapes which they now wear
during performances.
4 Erlich (1966:383) cites the following example: "The peasants of
Herzegovina want to show more than they have. A peasant who at home
probably hasn't enough to eat will dress up magnificently on Sunday, will
mount his horse and ride proudly into the village."
MALE IMAGE IN YUGOSLAVIA 91
ing companions. Sex is a central motif an

tions, which provide the best proof of t
1964:18-20).
The Latin female takes an antithetic ro
part; she should be submissive, sexually p
ful to her husband's wishes. A wife's life centers in the home and
family group while her husband is responsible for representation
to the outside world. Madsen (1964:51) concludes, however,
that "the conservative Latin wife is, in fact, a skilled manipulator
of her lord and master. The weapons she uses in disguised form
are his own self-esteem, his machismo, and his role as provider
and protector."
These data and other examples from Mexico (Lewis 1960:54-
59), Brazil (Wagley 1958:160-161; Willems 1965), Spain
(Pitt-Rivers 1954:84-121), and Italy (Barzini 1965), as well as
from the general Mediterranean area (Peristiany 1965), Greece
(Blum 1965:47,277; Campbell 1964), Bulgaria (Sanders
1949:95-96) and Montenegro (Djilas 1958), suggest that the
same general ideological pattern regarding the expectations of
male and female behavior exists in Latin America, the Mediter-
ranean and the Balkans.
Although there are some differences in style, the Yugoslav
variant of machismo is very similar to the Mexican. The
Yugoslav is much given to public demonstrations of his strength,
generosity and pride. For example, I once observed a Serbian
bus driver who, when stopped by the police for a minor traffic
violation, leaped from the bus hurling invectives at three
militiamen and threatened grave physical injury to anyone who
dared lay a hand on him. The officers, realizing the nature of the
situation, retreated and later at the next stop the offending bus
was met by an entire patrol. The driver was last seen stubbornly
holding on to his seat and swearing that neither God nor army
could wrench him free. In similar fashion, petty disputes regard-
ing a few cents on a restaurant bill, who reached the ticket win-
dow first (standing in an orderly queue is virtually unknown),"
5 Curtis (1960:62-63) humorously writes: "Riding a bus in Yugoslavia
is somewhat like a game of football and, like football, it is one of Yugo-
slavia's most popular sports. Kick-off time comes when an empty bus
heaves into sight. At this point, 250 people (any number can play the
game) storm the ticket office, waving their dinars and shouting their battle
cry of "Molim Vas." When the 30 lucky ticket-holders have triumphantly
or the price of onions on the market place may result in

frontations from which neither party may gracefully wit
without a prolonged and boisterous display of bravado. Br
however, may lead to violence, especially when enormous q
ties of plum brandy have placed one in a position of no p
retreat without loss of face.
As in Mexico, it is in the caf6 (kafana) that one can be su

witness the dramatization of the masculine concept. The s
tacle is played out with such regularity and predictability o
content and sequence of action that it cannot be view
random behavior but rather as a culturally defined and gen
pattern.
The following examples are illustrative of what appears to be a
widespread phenomenon in Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia-
Herzegovina, and to a lesser degree in Croatia.6
One summer night, Husein, an eighteen-year-old waiter from
Zvornik,7 gathered six close friends and invited them to ac-
company him to a cafe, well-known in the area for its spirited
and curvaceous folk singers. He guided his companions through
the boisterous crowd to a large table next to the musicians and
already partially occupied by several hard drinkers in an ad-
vanced state of intoxication. As is typical of Bosnia, and indeed
most of Yugoslavia, few women were in evidence among the
revellers. The young men, though Moslem, repeatedly exchanged
traditional toasts and downed glass after glass of brandy. The
drinks were not paid for after each round since the waiters
understood that it was "Husein's night" and he would meet all
and any expenses at the end of the evening. His guests would not
trooped into the bus, the remaining 220 then turn around and assault the
driver . . . The process of boarding a train or a boat is exactly the same
as that of riding a bus although a traveler on the Dalmatian coast once
reported seeing people standing in line as they waited for a steamer. Closer
investigation showed that the first six people in line were British, and
the rest were awestruck Yugoslavs standing there to stare at them."
6 My personal acquaintance with this phenomenon in Yugoslavia has
been entirely in Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro. I suspect that
it is also common in Macedonia. A former caf6 musician from Croatia
related several similar instances from his own experience; however, my
contacts with Croatian immigrants in the United States would indicate
Croats are less given to open displays of machismo.
7 A small, basically pre-industrial, market town in eastern Bosnia on
Drina River, the boundary with western Serbia.
offend the host by offering to share in the

attempt to occupy the center of attent
were spotted among the growing throng, r
in front of them with best wishes from
Husein's favorite sevdalinke (from the
melancholy Bosnian love songs of an ero
dered time and time again by a suggesti
stress who often received twice the goi
Money for the musicians was always fl
manner designed to indicate a contemptuo
cost.
By the early hours of morning, under the influence of son

and drink, Husein had, as the Bosnians say, "fallen into sevda
("pao je u sevdah"; an ecstatic trance-like state with erot
overtones). At climactic moments in the music he would cl
his eyes and raise both arms above his head swaying his hand
gently from side to side and release a shrill hiss between his tee
At other times he would smash his glass or bottle with full fo
against the floor or wall while emitting an orgastic moan, "jo
(an exclamation denoting grief or pain). His behavior becam
increasingly intense and finally with a single dramatic gesture
swept the entire evening's accumulation of bottles, glasses, plat
and silverware from the table onto the floor. The following d
much of Zvornik was aware that Husein had spent over 40,00
dinars,9 the equivalent of a month's salary, and indeed there w
no secret made of it. The money had gone for carousi
(lumpovanje, an approximate equivalent of the Spanish ronda)
and no one suggested it could have been better utilized. Th
was general agreement that Husein was not only a fine a
spirited young man (mladic) but a prime example of the depth
and intensity of Bosnian temperament.
8 It is not generally the custom that each member of a group pay

own caf6 bill but rather the one who suggests the refreshments is responsib
for the cost whether it is for an entire evening of drinking or a cup
coffee. This custom appears to be quite formally determined. An Americ
professor, driving a visiting Yugoslav colleague to the airport, suggeste
cup of coffee in a restaurant on route. After the coffee, the Yugoslav ar
from the table without any suggestion that he should pay any part of th
bill. Scandinavian tourists in Yugoslavia have evoked surprise when they
have been observed paying individually when in a group.
9 The official exchange rate in 1966 was 1,250 dinars to the dollar.
A yearly stock fair (stocni valar) is held in Loznica1o dur

the month of July. Peasants flock from the surrounding cou
side to buy and sell animals and to spend two or three days
meeting old friends, enjoying music, dancing and, above al
the case of the men, drinking together.
Jovan Jankovic never misses the valar. Though a Gypsy,
leads a sedentary life in a nearby village. He is a successful s
trader and this year he had, during the first days of the f
amassed a considerable sum of money, a large part of w
would be spent in non-stop carousing over a period of two
and nights. On the final night of the fair he stood at the he
a table in an improvised caf61n with perhaps a dozen of
cronies seated around him. Musicians, at his total dispo
played continually and Jovan waved a wad of dinars in his r
hand above his head in time to the syncopated beat. He a
nately flung bills on the table for drinks and at the feet o
bleached-blonde singer engaged in the Serbian version of
Middle Eastern belly dance. Perhaps as a partial explanation
his very public display of machismo he proclaimed loudly,
Gypsies are now a national minority and have the same righ
everyone else."
A factory worker in Belgrade spent almost two months' sa
entertaining fellow workers in a caf6. At no small expense
sent for eight musicians from his native Leskovac in south
Serbia who played in a style which "touched his heart."
caf6 was left a shambles as the result of a brawl touched off
heated words were exchanged between the worker and
leader of the Gypsy ensemble. It was alleged that the music
had not played for the agreed length of time and the natur
insults involving the respective mothers left no possible alternat
to violence. The cost of destroyed tables, chairs and fixtures
added to the evening's bill and no doubt the entire event
regarded as a total success.
Yugoslav-Americans are extremely fond of music from t
"old country" and any function featuring folk singers
10 A small market town in western Serbia which is developing in
industrial center.
11 Tents or crude wooden frames covered with branches (gatre) serve as
temporary cafes and coffee houses.
musicians will regularly draw an enormo

ings are usually held in halls belonging to
or the Serbian Orthodox Church. The
evening is when the entertainers retire
the bar,12 surrounded by admirers, t
becarske pjesme (carousing songs). Inv
forward and festoon the pegs of the berd
with five, ten or even twenty dollar bills
to an old custom, someone will spit on a
forehead of the berda player (berdas) ind
must continue until the saliva dries and t
floor. An elderly Los Angeles Serb, affect
Marko" (Old Marko), would habitually
and order three whiskies to be set up sim
man around the bar because "he disl
drinks."
Drawing on Goffman's (1959) metap
performance as a framework to view hu
situations, these vignettes can perhap
dramatic, well-staged performances.
251):
"In their capacity as performers, indivi
with maintaining the impression that the
many standards by which they and the
Because these standards are so numerou
individuals who are performers dwell
think in a moral world. But, qua perfo
concerned not with the moral issue of
ards, but with the amoral issue of eng
impression that these standards are being
In contrast to the behavior patterns of

also involve to a varying degree the definiti
cation as an often indistinguishable part
ordinary social interaction, the Yugosl
tense and highly stylized representation
12 There are halls attached to most Serbian Orthodox churches in the
United States and I have never seen one without a bar. Alcohol is an
essential part of most religious and secular celebrations and on such
occasions heavy drinking is the rule. In contrast to the United States,
Orthodox churches in Yugoslavia do not generally have social halls.
by which the society opposes the male to the female ro

component element of the ritual lends itself to analysis
be viewed as symbolic of some characteristic of the mac
syndrome as it applies to Yugoslavia.
The coffee house or caf6 as the setting or stage can b
trasted with the home in terms of the nature and style
events which are played out in these separate realms. Th
is most closely associated with wife, mother, and childre
the kafana serves as office and living room for the hus
pre-war Yugoslavia it was in the cafe where many of the
of government were decided, jobs distributed and favors
(Rayner 1957:6-7). Social interaction centering in th
often follows rigidly determined sequences of ritual wh
as distance maintaining mechanisms (Hammel 1967:55
the case of the celebration of the krsna slava (the yearl
memoration of the patron saint of the husband's pat
Casual visitors are likely to be female friends of the wi
family or affines. The somewhat closed nature of the ho
gests a reflection of concern regarding the subordinate c
and sexual purity of the female, while the cafe is a sym
male prerogatives, that is, the man is free to relate to the
society.
Drinking is characteristic of almost every situation involving
male interaction. A "real man" drinks often and heavily and
one's ability to consume vast quantities of liquor is a highly
valued trait. Alcohol is regarded as beneficial" and drinking is
almost universal among men over eighteen years of age. In con-
trast, abstinence or extreme moderation is considered proper
female behavior. In the Serbian village of Borina,"4 women do
not partake of distilled alcoholic beverages until after marriage
and then only in small quantities. Similarly, Halpern (1958:203)
observed in the village of Orasac15 that "old women . . . can
dance, drink, tell jokes, and 'whoop it up' . . . without being
condemned for their behavior." It seems clear that in the village
13 Alcohol is a commonly administered folk remedy for a variety of

diseases. A Belgrade informant related that sick men who have been for-
bidden alcohol by their doctors are ashamed to turn down a drink in
public since this would be a sign of weakness and reflect on their manhood.
14 A village in western Serbia on the Drina River near Banja Koviljaca.
15 A village in Sumadija near Arandjelovac. This area is considered the
heart of Serbia.
situation the right of the female to imbibe i

her sexual attractiveness and eligibility. In t
are served hard liquor while women are likely
liqueurs referred to as "zenski liker" (wome
regarded as both milder and somehow mo
wine fall into the realm of soft drinks and n
for the purposes of this discussion. Men are
the stamina and strength necessary to with
hard drinking while the more fragile nature
intoxicating distillants as a threat to their integ
The heroic tradition is strong among t
probably dates at least from the conquest o
Ottoman Turks in the fourteenth and fiftee
1961:154-163) and perhaps from even ear
regions of the west (Durham 1928: 13; To
Yugoslav children are regaled from early chi
legendary heroes (junaci), Robinhood-lik
and the more recent exploits of the Partisa
the Second World War. In Montenegro t
once highly valued and today, when the
totally disappeared, accounts of daring an
one's ancestors are proudly recounted. (H
that such attacks were, in reality, often mad
the victims lured to their death by deceit. S
Daring and aggressiveness together with t
out bold and dangerous tasks and endure gr
acterize the Yugoslav heroic ideal (Brkic
1948:49). However, as Friedl (1962:87) poin
of the Greek village of Vasilika, the patte
permits few opportunities for one to em
enterprises or to dramatically defend his
manhood. A man can, however, become a
American "drugstore cowboy") by exhibi
independence and lack of concern for pe
Marko" was too preoccupied with "the im
life" to be bothered waiting between drinks
waiters often portray Italian tourists as "gr
kavaliri; they will never be junaci due to Ita
the Second World War) because they spen
with no apparent concern. Frenchmen, on the other ha

poorly regarded because of their open thriftiness and pr
tion with detail, traits commonly attributed to women a
dren.
For most Yugoslavs cash is a scarce commodity, a fact

probably enhances its value as a means to status. Low
have, to some degree, prevented the acquisition of ex
material symbols of prestige; however, apparently rash
pulsive expenditures can serve the same purpose.16
Virility is an essential element of Balkan machismo
contrast to many American men (excluding adolescents)
slavs brag openly of their real or imagined sexual exploit
ever, there appears to be a proportionately small nu
women with whom one can have spontaneous sexual rela
and this is especially true in the rural setting. South Sl
strong believers in the "double standard" and sharply def
boundaries separating "sacred" and "profane" wome
mel 1957:61). Wives, daughters and particularly mother
be protected from the dangers of predatory males and an
gression or suggestion of transgression; that is, overt b
deviating from the ideal female role, is a reflection on t
of the household and the manliness of the husband, fathe
Caf6 singers fall into the category of profane women an
context of the machismo drama symbolize erotic sexualit
cannot be expressed towards one's wife. Urban Serbians
times, make public displays of affection towards prostitu
they would consider similar behavior with their wives im
If Husein did not actually consummate a physical rela
with the songstress, there was a symbolic sexual realization.
The cafe drama is played out in the company of a c
male friends of approximately the same age group (cf. th
can palomilla) and these are the primary recipients o
trived set of impressions. Those with whom one cannot
compete and towards whom behavior is dictated by
16 I have the impression that similar "impulsive" acts of generos

with some frequency among the American "working class," par
among those of Southern and Eastern European descent. This ma
in part, to the retention of Old World culture traits and, in pa
their perception of "upper class" behavior.
patterns of respect are excluded from th

not expect to find a young man breaking
of his father, his father's brother (stric
On the other hand, a brother or wife's
be invited along for an evening of carousi
The implications extend beyond the i
since there is the important psychologic
strengthening of self-image as well as est
the community. Hammel (1957:56) com
while public behavior emphasizes a strict
perception of back stage behavior indicat
lation and disparity from the ideal. He is
by the acute differentiation of sex-role b
the efforts made to publicize it." It can b
gant displays of machismo are based in t
the deviation between the ideal and reality
The model of the patriarchal extende
based on ties of agnatic kinship, and
describes as a hierarchy determined by ag
principal being dominant, fits closely wi
the ideal man. At the turn of the centur
quoted her Serbian traveling companio
tion for a man: "Best of all is to be a
household or family community), then
what to do, and you spend your leisure e
From the turn of the Century, and partic
the Second World War, there has been a
patriarchal nature of Yugoslav socie
150). Even when this system was strong,
short of expectations. The nature of inte
in the present-day Serbian village sugges
to the realization of the male ideal may h
17 Erlich (1966:64-68) cites examples of cere

from southern and eastern Yugoslavia: "A son may not smoke in his
father's presence, be lacking in solemnity, laugh, stretch, or swear or do
anything of that sort, neither in his father's presence or that of any other
senior person . . . I know of a case where a father has three sons. The
eldest is 40 and the youngest 32, and though all three do smoke and drink
coffee, not one has ever done so before his father."
18 A Belgrade informant related that he was always careful not to drink
in his "father's cafe."
the mother. In Borina, where residence is overwhelm

patrilocal, middle-aged women often occupy a subordina
tion to their mothers-in-law. A forty-year-old peasant r
that he always consulted his mother before making any
tant decisions but did not feel obliged to do likewise w
wife. In popular folk songs, mothers, not wives or swee
plead with young men not to drink up their mon
carouse until dawn. Moreover, it is also doubtful that th
cultural pattern of husband-wife relationship is often ac
Few men are the dominant figures they would like to be
many wives totally submissive.
Thus the behavior of some Yugoslav men, which may o
appear irrational and unproductive to the casual observer
be explained, at least in part, in terms of anxieties create
inability to live up to ideal standards of male excellence.
Mexico, the qualities of "manliness" are stressed and t
considerable concern regarding the face presented to the
world. In response to these preoccupations the culture h
vided socially sanctioned patterns of action which drama
portray the elements of machismo.
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Management of the Male Image in Yugoslavia

Author(s): Andrei Simic

The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research is collaborating

Comparisons are drawn between male role performance

Visitors to Yugoslavia, particularly those who venture south or

1 It should be kept in mind that Yugoslavia is a country of tremendous

Spanish or in Slavic translation.3 Latin American mo

ing companions. Sex is a central motif an

or the price of onions on the market place may result in

As in Mexico, it is in the caf6 (kafana) that one can be su

offend the host by offering to share in the

By the early hours of morning, under the influence of son

8 It is not generally the custom that each member of a group pay

A yearly stock fair (stocni valar) is held in Loznica1o dur

musicians will regularly draw an enormo

In contrast to the behavior patterns of

by which the society opposes the male to the female ro

13 Alcohol is a commonly administered folk remedy for a variety of

situation the right of the female to imbibe i

with no apparent concern. Frenchmen, on the other ha

For most Yugoslavs cash is a scarce commodity, a fact

16 I have the impression that similar "impulsive" acts of generos

patterns of respect are excluded from th

17 Erlich (1966:64-68) cites examples of cere

the mother. In Borina, where residence is overwhelm

HALPERN, JOEL MARTIN

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