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Bercovitch, Jacob, ed. 1996.

Resolving International Conflicts: The Theory and Practice of

Mediation. Boulder, Co: Lynne Reinner, Pub. pg. 11-38.

Chapter 1
The Study of International Mediation: Theoretical Issues and Empirical Evidence
Jacob Bercovitch and Allison Houston

Conflict is one of the most pervasive-and inevitable-features of all social systems, however simple or
complex they may be and irrespective of their location in time and space. This is true of personal, group, and
organizational, as well as international systems. Wherever it occurs, conflict is significant, newsworthy, and
challenging. It can lead to mutual satisfaction and growth or it may produce acrimony, hostility, and violence. Our
interest in the study of conflict is undoubtedly related to our desire to manage it in a way that maximizes its
potential benefits and minimizes its destructive consequences.
There are a number of ways of dealing with or managing conflict. These may range from avoidance and
withdrawal, through bilateral negotiation, to various forms of third-party intervention. Third-party intervention in
conflict, particularly of the nonbinding, noncoercive kind, is in many ways as old as conflict itself. It has played an
important role in industrial and preindustrial societies. Its popularity as a way of dealing with conflict grows each
year, as does its applicability to different realms. Unresolved problems and conflicts create the conditions for third-
party intervention of one form or another.
Yet notwithstanding its popularity, longevity, ubiquity, and importance, we know far less about this form of
conflict management than we imagine. Systematic analyses, let alone empirical studies, of third-party intervention
in general and mediation in particular have been very rare. The phenomenon has for too long remained little
studied and poorly understood. The purpose of this chapter is to redress this balance somewhat and present an
overview of the behavioral literature on mediation. We intend to do so by organizing our material around the
question that we believe is central to an understanding of this problem: namely, what factors and conditions
determine the success or failure of mediation? Although the focus of this chapter is the international environment,
many of the findings presented below can contribute to enhancing the effectiveness of third-party intervention and
mediation in other contexts.


The practice of settling disputes through intermediaries has had a rich history in all cultures, both
Western and non-Western (Gulliver, 1979). Although there are considerable differences in the way mediators
from different cultures deal with a conflict, all the approaches have value in terms of managing or settling
disputes. In the international arena, with its perennial challenges of escalating conflicts, shrinking resources, and
rising ethnic demands, and with the absence of generally accepted rules of the game, the potential application
of mediation is truly limitless.
Even a cursory survey of recent international disputes reveals the extent and heterogeneity of mediation. In
the last decade or so, we have seen the involvement of such parties as the United Nations (in the Vietnarn-
Kampuchea dispute, the Iraq-Kuwait dispute, and the Yugoslav dispute), the pope (in the Beagle Channel dispute),
the Organization of African Unity (in the Tanzania-Uganda dispute), the Organization of American States (in the
Nicaragua dispute), the Arab League and Algeria (in the Iraq-Kuwait dispute), the United States (in numerous
efforts in the Middle East). Less formal mediation efforts (by the Quakers, for example, or by prominent politicians
such as President Carter, Lord Owen, or Prince Sihanouk) occur on a daily basis.
As a form of international conflict management, mediation is likely to occur when (1) a conflict has gone on
for some time, (2) the efforts of the individuals or actors involved have reached an impasse, (3) neither actor is
prepared to countenance further costs or escalation of the dispute, and (4) both parties welcome some form of
mediation and are ready to engage in direct or indirect dialogue (Bercovitch, 1984).
Whatever its specific characteristics, mediation must in essence be seen as an extension of the negotiation
process whereby an acceptable third party intervenes to change the course or outcome of a particular conflict. The
third party, with no authoritative decision making power, is there to assist the disputants in their search for a
mutually acceptable agreement. As a form of conflict management, mediation is distinguish- able from the more
binding forms of third-party intervention, such as arbitration and adjudication, in that it is initiated upon request and
it leaves the ultimate decisionmaking power with the disputants (Folberg and Taylor, 1984; Moore, 1986).
The Study of International mediation 2
In an arena such as the international one, where a large and highly diverse number of actors coexist,
where each guards its sovereignty and independence zealously, and where each views the resort to violence as a
viable option, mediation with its ad hoc basis, voluntary nature, and non- binding character offers a relevant and
useful response to the problems posed by ethnic, regional, and global conflicts.
The scope of mediation activities in the international arena is truly immense. This is reflected in the
abundance of definitions offered by various students of the discipline. Doob, one of the founding fathers of the
field, uses the term in a very broad sense indeed. He defines it as the efforts of one or more persons to affect
one or more other persons when ... the former, the latter or both perceive a problem requiring a resolution
(1993:1). Mediation thus purports to offer a solution to any problem the disputants perceive as such. Other
definitions of mediation stress its objectives. Mitchell defines it as any intermediary activity ... undertaken by a
third party with the primary intention of achieving some compromise settlement of issues at stake between the,
parties, or at least ending disruptive conflict behavior (1981:287). Some definitions highlight specific attributes in
mediation or its dynamic phase structure. Folberg and Taylor see mediation as the process by which the
participants, together with the assistance of a neutral person or persons, systematically isolate disputed issues in
order to develop options, consider alternatives, and reach a consensual settlement that will accommodate their
needs (1984:7).
The reality of international mediation is in some ways closest to Doobs definition, but it is also more
restricted. Mediators may intervene to protect the parties or to promote their own interests. They may or may not
possess the required attributes of neutrality and visibility. They may be external to the dispute or they may come
from within the dispute environment. Their mediation may be passive or active, and it may purport to change
some aspects of behavior or to affect the perceptions of the parties Mediators may act as individuals or as
members of a larger ad hoc group. Taking all these features into account, we see international mediation as a
reactive process of conflict management whereby parties seek the assistance of, or accept an offer of help from,
an individual, group, or organization to change their behavior, settle their conflict, or resolve their problem without
resorting to physical force or invoking the authority of law (see Bercovitch et al., 1991:8; but compare Dryzek and
Hunter, 1987; Wall, 1981).
This may be a broad definition, but the terminology here is quite significant. Such a definition permits us
to study cases in different contexts, to employ different methods, and to make comparisons between cases.
Above all, we feel it forces us to recognize that mediation is a dynamic and complex social process comprising
parties in dispute, a social environment or a context, a particular dispute or problem, and a mediating agent. Our
basic contention here is that the success or failure of any mediation is ultimately dependent on each of these
clusters or categories of factors.


The relationship between international mediation and successful outcomes (by which we mean a cease-
fire, a partial settlement, or a full settlement) is frequently mentioned, rarely defined, and widely misunderstood.
There are some, such as Meyer, who emphasize the unique aspects of mediation and the impossibility of
generating any useful conclusions about mediation outcomes across a wide array of cases. To Meyer, the task
of the mediator is not an easy one. The sea that he sails is only roughly charted and its changing contours are
not clearly discernible. He has no science of navigation, no fund inherited from the experience of others. He is a
solitary artist recognizing at most a few guiding stars and depending on his personal powers of divination
The notion that success or failure in mediation is essentially the product of idiosyncratic factors beyond
the reach of ambitious social science scholars is echoed by another experienced mediator, Simkin, who notes
that the variables [in mediation] are so many that it would be an exercise in futility to attempt to describe typical
mediator behavior with respect to sequence, timing or the use or non-use of the various functions theoretically
available (1971:118).
Other avenues of research, despairing of the ideographic consequences of single-case description and
clearly influenced by propositions in organizational development, find the key to mediation success in normative
or prescriptive approaches. These approaches, in a laudable desire to improve the effectiveness of mediation,
offer in a fairly generic fashion a set of recommendations that, if pursued, could lead to successful outcomes in all
types of disputes from the interpersonal to the international (Burton, 1969, 1972, 1979, 1984; Doob, 1971; Fisher,
1983; Mitchell, 1981). Such approaches usually offer very little reliable evidence to support their notion of what
constitutes success in mediation and how best to achieve it. They are also predicated on the somewhat dubious
assumption that all disputes, in all contexts, can be successfully mediated.
The anecdotal single case and the normative approach represent different foci of research. Neither
approach, however, offers a reliable explanation of when mediation succeeds and why. The descriptive approach
The Study of International mediation 3
emphasizes unique aspects of a dispute, and assumes that all cases are different and that nothing meaningful
can be said about kinds of mediation and dispute outcomes. The normative approach concerns itself with a wide
range of disputes and collectivities, emphasizes subjective elements of perception and communication, assumes
that no dispute is too intractable for an experienced third party, and usually ends up as advice for mediation
practitioners. Neither approach has really stimulated much needed empirical research (Brookmire and Sistrunk,
1980; Carnevale and Pegnetter, 1985; Mitchell and Webb, 1988; Ott, 1972; Rubin, 1980; Young, 1967).
International disputes are not static or uniform events. They vary in terms of the situation, parties,
intensity, escalation, response, meaning, and possible transformation. These features define the context of a
dispute and cannot but affect its course and outcome. Mediation is shaped by the context and characteristics of a
situation. The specific rules, beliefs, attitudes, behaviors, and symbols that make up international conflict impinge
on, perhaps even govern, the process of mediation. As a social process, mediation may be as variable as the
disputants themselves. To be successful, mediation must be above all adaptive and responsive. It must reflect
different problems, different parties, and different situations. Thus, for mediation to be effective it must relate to
and reflect the wider conflict.
With this in mind, we wish to suggest an approach to the study of mediation that does take the context
and other factors into account; we refer to it as the contingency approach. This approach was used in a series of
earlier studies (Bercovitch, 1986; Bercovitch et al., 1991; Bercovitch and Houston, 1993; Bercovitch and Langley,
1993; Bercovitch and Wells, 1993). The approach stipulates variables with specific operational criteria, each of
which may have an impact on mediation effectiveness. At the heart of this approach are clusters of context,
process, and outcome variables. Each cluster refers to specific characteristics of the party, the dispute, the
mediator, and the outcome. Mediation outcomes, whether successful or not, are logically seen as the result of the
interaction of context and process variables. Our conception of the contingency approach is depicted
diagrammatically in Figure 1.1.

Figure 1.1 A Contingency Model of Mediation

Antecedent Conditions Current Conditions Consequent Conditions

Context Process Outcomes

Nature of the Mediator Mediation Behavior Success or Failure

Nature of the Parties of Mediation
Nature of the Dispute

The contingency approach offers a useful framework by which to organize and integrate much of the
literature on mediation. It also allows us to evaluate the impact of different kinds of mediation and assess the
relationship between dispute characteristics and mediation (Bercovitch, 1989), or evaluate the most successful
mediation strategies (Bercovitch and Wells, 1993).
Mediation must not be analyzed or understood in terms of a simple cause and effect model in which a
particular strategy invariably produces a desired outcome. Mediation in general, and international mediation in
particular, is not merely an erogenous input that can be applied uniformly and indiscriminately to all disputes. Nor
can it be presented only as a set of rules, the rigid pursuance of which can affect or influence the disputants, their
behavior, or their perceptions. The relationship between mediators and the disputing parties is reciprocal. Those
involved in a dispute wish to influence the mediator and the mediator certainly hopes to influence the parties. The
contingency approach enables us to focus on this reciprocal relationship through either a detailed study of a single
mediation or the utilization of a large number of mediation cases.
We will pursue the latter course in the hope that our efforts constitute a valuable step on the road to theory

The Study of International mediation 4
To start with, we should obtain information on the incidence of international disputes and international
mediation. A great many quantitative studies describe the occurrence and analyze important patterns of inter-
national disputes. These are well summarized by Maoz (1982), Cioffi-Revilla (1990), and Bremer (1993). None of
these studies, however, addresses itself specifically to the question of how disputes are managed or terminated. It
is with this aspect that we are particularly concerned.
Our empirical examination was conducted through the utilization of an original data set of international
disputes from 1945 to 1990, which was developed by us as part of a larger research project on the correlates of
international mediation. For operational purposes, we define an international dispute, as Singer and Small do
(1982), as an organized and continuous militarized conflict involving at least one state and resulting in at least 100
fatalities (Bercovitch et al., 1991). We identified 241 disputes that meet our criteria. The geographical distribution of
these disputes is shown in Figure 1.2.

Figure 1.2 Geographic Region of Disputes

Percentage of disputes

Central and South America




East Asia-Pacific

Middle East

Southwest Asia

Compiling a list of all mediation events in international disputes is an ambitious task. Routine informal,
institutional mediations are carried out behind closed doors between various international actors on a daily basis.
Our task here is to examine the nonroutine mediation attempts that were mentioned in public sources. Of the 241
international disputes identified, 137 were actually mediated. Some disputes were mediated once, others
experience multiple mediations. A thorough search of the (London) Times, New York Times, and Keesings
The Study of International mediation 5
Archives revealed 593 separate mediation cases. That is, 593 reports of formal or institutionalized, nonviolent, and
nonjudicial interventions of an outsider or third party of some sort occurred in these disputes. Figure 1.3 shows the
relationship between the number of disputes and the rate of mediation at successive historical periods.
The Study of International mediation 6

Figure 1.3 Disputes and Mediation Cases by System Period

1945-1955 1956-1965 1966-1975 1976-1985 1986-1990+

System Period

Disputes Initiated
Mediation Cases
Conflicts in progress

If we examine the prevalence of mediation vis--vis other conflict-management activities, we get a fairly
clear picture, in Figure 1.4, of just how widespread the resort to mediation as a form of international conflict
management really is.
300 Overcoming the problem of data availability brings us to the second major issue: namely, exploring
outcomes and relating them to a whole host of contextual factors. Devising an index of successful mediation
outcomes is a complicated matter. There is little or no agreement on which episode constitutes the outcome or how
to identify a terminal point in dealing with a dynamic and ever-changing process. Furthermore, mediation outcomes
200 may be perceived and in turn defined very differently indeed by an observer, by the parties involved, by the
international community, or by the mediator himself/herself. Outcomes may be considered successful at one point
only to be deemed unsuccessful a few years later. Mediation outcomes may also be defined as successful or
unsuccessful depending on the extent to which they meet certain normative criteria (for example, has mediation
100 produced greater fairness, efficiency, legitimacy, and so on?).
The Study of International mediation 7
Figure 1.4 Conflict Management Type 1

50 Percentage of conflict
40 management attemps

Referral INO





Each of these perspectives has its limitations. Here we have decided to modify Haass success index
(1986) and focus on the behavioral consequences of mediation rather than on such factors as efficiency,
legitimacy, satisfaction, or short- or long-term success. We define a mediation as successful when it has made a
considerable and positive difference to the management of a conflict and the subsequent interaction between
parties. Mediation is deemed to be partially successful when it has initiated negotiations and a dialogue between
the parties. It is defined as being of limited success when it has achieved a cease-fire or a break in hostilities only.
We contrast this with a second outcome category, failure, which is defined as occurring when mediation has had
no discernible or reported impact on the dispute or the parties behavior (Bercovitch et al., 1991). The distribution
of mediation outcomes can be seen in Figure 1.5 (we have excluded from our analysis no mediation and
mediation offered only, 122 cases, as it is inappropriate to regard these as either failed or successful attempts).
The Study of International mediation 8
Figure 1.5 Mediation Outcomes

Full Settlement 7.8%

Partial Settlement 20.4%

Unsuccessful 55%

Ceasefire 16.8%

It might be tempting to assume that mediation can produce a successful outcome in most types of
international disputes. Yet as shown in Figure 1.5, an analysis of the data indicates that this is not the case. Fully
55 percent (325 cases) of mediation attempts were unsuccessful, compared with only 45 percent (267 cases) of
successful cases (we collapse all three gradations of successful outcomes into one measure). The relatively low
number of successful mediation outcomes may be explained in terms of our very strict behavioral definition of
success in international disputes. Others (for example, Frei, 1976) consider mediation successful when it is
offered only.
The basic question we wish to address concerns the kinds of mediation cases that are successful. Which
contextual attributes or factors explain successful mediation? Can such attributes or factors be used as
information inputs by decisionmakers in determining whether or not to initiate mediation? We would like to
suggest that these questions and others are best answered within the conceptual framework presented above in
Figure 1.1.


Characteristics of the Parties

Parties political context. A traditional hypothesis in the study of international relations suggests that
democratic states are less likely to initiate conflict than nondemocratic states. Mack and Snyder (1957) conclude
that the greater ability of democratic states to channel and accommodate internal discontent makes them less
likely to exhibit external aggression. Maoz and Abdolali (1989) found little empirical support for this hypothesis.
What they did determine was that democratic states are unlikely to find themselves in a dispute with one another.
What we want to know is just how responsive democratic states, and indeed other states, are to international
mediation when they are in conflict. Does the type of political system affect the chances of successful conflict
The Study of International mediation 9
The political context can be divided into five regime types: monarchies, one-party states, military regimes,
multiparty democratic states, and others. Although we find that democratic states account for 30 percent of all
those states involved in mediation attempts, they usually resort to mediation only when their adversaries are
nondemocratic states. Only 6.7 percent of all mediation attempts involved disputes where both parties were
democratic states. Overall, we find that the kind of political system does not greatly affect the chances of mediation
However, if we distinguish between symmetric dyads (disputes where both parties share the same political
system) and asymmetric dyads (where the disputants are from different political systems) we find that there is a 53
percent probability of successful mediation in symmetric disputes compared to only 41 percent in asymmetric
disputes. Mediation is easier when the parties share a political system or have a basic adherence to the same set
of cultural norms and values. Shared norms and sociopolitical similarity minimize misperception and facilitate a
successful conclusion to a conflict.
We can also examine how such factors as internal composition, cultural and ethnic differences, and degree
of homogeneity affect the success or failure of mediation. Conflict management by third parties can occur only
between adversaries that have well-defined and legitimate identities. A mediators job is hardly likely to prove easier
if the incumbent government of one of the adversaries is experiencing an insurgency, rebellion, or any other serious
internal threat. Mediation has a better chance of success when each disputant is accorded legitimacy. Disunity or
lack of cohesion within a state makes it difficult for both the adversaries as well as a mediator to engage in any
meaningful form of conflict management. The successive failures of mediation attempts in Lebanon, Cyprus, and
the former Yugoslavia illustrate this point only too well.
The relationship between internal unity and successful conflict management has been alluded to by many
(for example, Burton, 1968; Modelski, 1964). Raymond and Kegley state that the greater the cultural differences
between disputants, the less likelihood of successful mediation (1985: 38). Kressel and Pruitt (1989) support this
argument by suggesting that internal discord within a state has a negative impact on its interactions with other
states. The greater the fractionation within a state, the greater the chances of mediation failure. This may seem
intuitively plausible. When we analyze the relationship between homogeneity, ethnic composition, and mediation
outcomes we find that mediations where one or both of the parties are culturally fragmented have a 54.4 percent
chance of success. Where one or both of the parties have no significant cultural minority, the chances of successful
mediation are as high as 64.4 percent. Where one or both parties have a significant cultural minority, the chances of
mediation success are only 38.4 percent.

Parties power. Another contextual factor relates to the relative power status of the parties in conflict. Is
there a relationship between the power and capabilities of states, or their discrepancies, and mediation
effectiveness? Ott (1972) and Young (1967) suggest that the smaller the power differences between the
adversaries, the greater the effectiveness of international mediation. Logically this seems quite obvious. In cases
of clear power disparity, the stronger adversary may not be prepared to make any concessions or compromises
that are essential to mediation success. Yet others, such as Deutsch, argue that conflicts in which there is a
mutual recognition of differential power and legitimacy (1973:46) will be more easily resolved. The presence of a
fairly unambiguous advantage by one of the parties may well create a clearer incentive toward a settlement.
The idea that mediation is most effective in disputes involving adversaries with equal power receives
strong empirical support from a reinterpretation of Butterworths data (1976). In a study examining power re-
sources and the impact of international mediation, a clear pattern emerged showing high mediation impact (that is,
abatement or settlement of a dispute) when power capabilities were evenly matched and low impact or no impact
when power disparity was high (Bercovitch, 1985). In this chapter, we wish to replicate this examination with a
much larger data set. The parties relative power was measured using the Cox-Jacobson scale, incorporating
measures of states gross national product (GNP), military spending, GNP per capita, territorial size, and
population (Cox and Jacobson, 1973). We find that where the power disparity between parties is small (0-4 on our
scale), that is, where there is little difference in the power resources possessed by each party, the chances of
successful mediation are 51.4 percent, compared to only 33.3 percent where power disparity is great (11+ on our

Previous relations between the parties. An international dispute is not an isolated event; it has a past and
presumably some sort of a future. It may occur between parties who have had a history of friendship or one of
enmity. Past events and interactions cannot be discounted. Indeed, the previous relationship between the parties
is cited by Deutsch (1973) as one of the main variables affecting the course and outcome of a conflict.
To assess the impact of the dynamics of a relationship, we divided the parties previous relationships into
five distinct categories: friendly, antagonistic (unfriendly but without previous conflict), conflictual (previous low-
level conflict), one previous dispute between the parties, and more than one previous dispute. We found that
where the parties previous relationship was friendly the probability of successful mediation was 80 percent. Where
the parties had had one or more than one previous dispute (such as in the Korean, Arab-Israeli, and Pakistan-
The Study of International mediation 10
Indian conflicts) the probability of success was only 40 percent and 46 percent respectively. Clearly the historical
context of a dispute exerts a strong influence on the manner of its management and likely outcome. 3

The Nature of the Dispute

There is general agreement in the literature that the success or failure of mediation is largely determined
by the nature of the dispute (Ott, 1972: 597). Naturally the choices of conflict management modes and the
chances of successful mediation are affected by the importance each adversary attaches to the issues in the
dispute. When vital interests are affected (for example, issues of sovereignty or territorial integrity), intermediaries
will be quite unlikely to have any impact. Can we, however, go beyond this rather obvious point and identify dispute
aspects more specifically and assess their effects on international mediation? In this section we try to do that.

Duration and timing of intervention. To begin with, the duration of a dispute and the timing of initiating
mediation may to a large extent deter- mine the likelihood of its success. To be effective, mediation must take
place at a propitious moment. However, little agreement occurs on how to recognize when a conflict is ripe for
mediation. Edmead (1971) claims that mediation is more likely to succeed if it is attempted at an early stage,
certainly well before the adversaries cross a threshold of violence and begin to inflict heavy losses on each other.
Others, such as Northedge and Donelan (1971), Ott (1972), and Pruitt (1981), suggest that mediation is more
effective when a dispute has gone through a few phases and must certainly not be initiated before each side has
shown a willingness to moderate its intransigence and revise its expectations.
An analysis of the mediation data set and direct interviews with experienced intermediaries both lend
support to Northedge and Donelans proposition (Bercovitch, 1984). It seems that mediation is slightly more
effective when it follows, rather than precedes, some test of strength between the disputants. At some stage in
a dispute, here at around seven to thirty-six months (by which stage the adversaries presumably have exhausted
other modes), mediation efforts show the greatest degree of success (50.2 percent), compared to a 47.4 percent
chance of success for earlier interventions. Attempts made at over thirty-six months are considerably less
successful in mediation (38.6 percent).

Fatalities and intensity at time of intervention. Closely related to the timing of mediation is dispute intensity.
The costs incurred by the parties from continuing a conflict may at some point become so overwhelming that
further losses are deemed intolerable and unacceptable. Here again the literature on mediation offers two
contradictory points of view. Jackson (1952) and Young (1967, 1968) suggest that the greater the intensity of a
dispute, the higher the likelihood that mediation will be accepted and be successful (as a way of cutting losses, if
nothing else). An opposing view contends that the greater the intensity and the higher the losses, the more
polarized the parties positions will become and the more determined each party will be to reject any mediation
effort and attempt to win at all costs (Brockner, 1982; Burton, 1969; Modelski, 1964).
To test these hypotheses, we evaluated the intensity of an international dispute by the number of fatalities
and related this to mediation
We found a clear and significant relationship between low fatalities and successful mediation. Just over 39
percent of mediation attempts had any degree of success in disputes with more than 10,000 fatalities, compared to
64 percent of successful outcomes in low-fatality (100-500 fatalities) disputes. Although we examined fatalities in
isolation from other variables, they are clearly an important factor in determining the success or failure of

Issues. The literature on mediation abounds with ideas linking mediation effectiveness to the nature of the
issues in dispute. Ott sees the absence of vital national security interests, particularly questions of territorial
control (1972:616) as a necessary precondition for successful mediation. Randle contends that should a dispute
affect vital security interests of the parties, no amount of mediation by a third party is likely to prevent the outbreak
of hostilities (1973:49). And Lail, himself a practitioner as well as a student of international mediation, contends
that it is one of the principles of international negotiation that when territory is at stake, the party in possession
tends to resist third party involvement (1966:100). What they all seem to say is that the adversaries perception of
the issues is a key factor in determining whether or not to accept a mediation initiative and in influencing whether
it will have much success.
Issues in conflict are the underlying causes of a dispute. They may not always be clear, but they refer to
what the dispute is all about. Often more than one issue may be involved, and the parties themselves may not
agree on what constitutes a disputed issue or on its relative importance. Here we suggest five categories to
describe and reflect the tangible and intangible types of issues that may characterize international disputes:
sovereignty, ideology, security, independence, and all other issues (including ethnicity).
The Study of International mediation 11
Sovereignty disputes refer here to disputes where the adversaries have incompatible claims to a specific
piece of territory (for example, Argentina-England dispute over the Falklands/Malvinas, Iraq-Kuwait Gulf War).
Ideology disputes are defined as disputes based on strong disagreements over the nature of a political system,
basic values, or beliefs (for example, Iran-Iraq, Korean, U.S.-Panama conflicts). Security disputes are disputes
over frontiers, borders, and territories (for example, 1967 Arab-Israeli war, India-Bangladesh dispute, U.S.-Libya
dispute). Independence disputes are fought by countries seeking to liberate themselves from another state and to
determine their own national selfhood (for example, Mozambique-Portugal, Lithuania-USSR, Bouganville-PNG
Looking at the data set, we see that sovereignty (36.3 percent) and security (23.6 percent) are the most prevalent
issues in contention in international disputes. A more interesting feature is that ideology disputes (50.4 percent chance of
success) are more amenable to mediation than security disputes (where only 40.7 percent of mediation attempts had some
success) and sovereignty disputes (44.7 percent success). Where disputes were over issues of resources and ethnicity, the
chances of successful mediation were even higher (70 percent and 66.7 percent respectively). The nature of the issue can,
and does, affect mediation outcomes.
There can be no doubt that issues in dispute, and how they are perceived, make a difference to the probability of
achieving a successful or unsuccessful outcome. This argument is implicit in much of the writing on mediation. Here we
provide some preliminary evidence to suggest the kinds of issues that are best handled by international mediation. Other
studies (for example, Kochan and Jick, 1978; Kressel, 1972) offer different views.

The Nature of the Mediator

The identity and characteristics of a mediator have been cited by some (Brett, Drieghe, and Shapiro, 1986;
Carnevale, 1986; Young, 1968) as predictors of success. Others, such as Harbottle (1979), Kockan and Jick
(1978), and Ott (1972), do not view the mediator as a critical determinant, relegating him/her to a secondary
position. Thus it seems possible to argue, on one hand, that the personal characteristics of mediators as major
agents differentiate effective from ineffective mediation, or on the other hand that personal traits are largely
irrelevant. What really matters is the nature of the dispute. Either way, it would be useful to investigate the
relationship between mediators characteristics and the effectiveness of their mediation.
Mediation is a voluntary process. This means that mediators cannot mediate unless they are perceived as
reasonable, acceptable, knowledgeable, and able to secure the trust and cooperation of the disputants. Jackson,
himself an experienced international mediator, makes this quite clear: It would be difficult, if not impossible, for a
single mediator, who was distrusted by one of the parties, to carry out any useful function (1952: 129).
Effective mediation also depends not only on the mediators knowledge of conflict and conflict
management but also on his/her prestige and authority, originality of ideas, access to resources, and ability to act,
unobtrusively. In a theoretical discussion, Wehr (1979) lists the attributes required for successful mediation as
including knowledge about conflict situations, an ability to understand the positions of the antagonists, active
listening, a sense of timing, communication skills, procedural skills (for example, chairing meetings), and crisis
The list of desired personal attributes for a successful international mediator is very long indeed. Among the
attributes that experienced international mediators cite as particularly important are intelligence, stamina, energy,
patience, and a sense of humor (Bercovitch, 1984). Such personal qualities are associated with success in other
areas of human endeavor; they are, of course, no less important in international mediation. Trust, credibility, and a
high degree of personal skill and competence in the mediator are also necessary preconditions for effective
mediation (Karim and Pegnetter, 1983; Landsberger, 1960).
Another characteristic that has traditionally been cited as being strongly associated with effective
mediation is even-handedness or impartiality. Young claims that a high score in such areas as impartiality would
seem to be at the heart of successful interventions in many situations (1967:81). His views are echoed by
Jackson (1952), as well as Northedge and Donelan (1971), who claim that parties will have confidence in a
mediator only if he/she is perceived as impartial.
We are, however, doubtful of the importance of this attribute. The traditional emphasis on impartiality
stems from the failure to recognize mediation as a reciprocal process of social interaction in which the mediator is
a major participant. It is entirely sensible to see mediation as assisted negotiation (Susskind and Cruickshank,
1987); to regard mediation as an exogenous input is both erroneous and unrealistic. A mediator engages in
behavior that is designed to elicit information and exercise influence. Mediators are accepted by the adversaries
not because of their impartiality but because of their ability to influence, protect, or extend the interests of each
party in conflict (Faure, 1989; Kressel and Pruitt, 1985; Smith, 1985; Touval, 1985; Touval and Zartman, 1985).
To exercise any degree of influence, mediators need leverage, or resources to search for information
and move the parties away from rigid positions. Leverage or resources buttress the mediators ability to facilitate a
successful outcome through the balancing of power discrepancies and enhancing of cooperative behavior. The
The Study of International mediation 12
mediators task is also essentially one of refraining and persuasion (Edmead, 1971; Frei, 1976; Gross-Stein,
1985; Touval and Zartman, 1985). These strategies are most successful, as Touval and Zartman (1985) observe,
not when a mediator is unbiased or impartial but when he/she possesses resources that either disputant values.
Effective mediation in international relations is more a matter of mediators utilization of resources, leverage, and
influence commensurate with their position to enhance fairness than it is of impartiality (Brookmire and Sistrunk,
One of the most effective resources any international mediator can possess is legitimacy. Leaders of
states and high-level officials such as foreign or prime ministers have legitimacy and can bring it to bear together
with their status and respect (Ott, 1972; Touval and Zartman, 1985). Under the proper auspices and sponsorship of
high-ranking mediators, an environment of credibility, trust, and joint interests may be established. The presence of
a powerful and legitimate mediator allows the parties to back down from fixed positions, make concessions, and
save face (Pruitt and Johnson, 1970). Leaders and representatives of large governments with more resources at
their disposal will be more likely to be successful mediators than other actors.

Mediator rank. One way in which we can examine this notion empirically is to classify all mediators
according to rank. Mediators have different ranks and possess different resources, both of which they use in
different ways in different disputes (Bercovitch, 1992). Reflecting the diversity of possible mediators in the
international environment, we have ranked mediators along a dimension ranging from government leaders and
representatives of regional and international organizations to private individuals.
In relating rank to mediation outcomes, we find that mediators with the best success rate are leaders and
representatives of regional organizations (62.4 percent and 50 percent respectively). They are followed by leaders
or representatives of small governments (54.8 percent and 56.8 percent respectively). Interestingly, both leaders
and representatives of large states fare rather worse than expected (40 percent and 31.3 percent respectively), as
do representatives of international organizations (only 23.8 percent).
Regional organizations (such as the Organization of African Unity, the Organization of African States,
Contadora group, and the Economic Community of West African States) with common ideals, perspectives, and
interests appear to offer the best chances of successful outcomes in international mediation. In contrast,
international organizations such as the United Nations have a very poor record in the area of mediation. One may
argue that an organization such as the United Nations usually deals with the more intractable disputes that resist
mediation and other forms of conflict management, whereas regional organizations deal with less serious disputes.
A more compelling argument asserts that regional organizations always mediate within the same cultural and value
system-and this, it seems, promotes agreement more than any other factor.

Previous relationship with the parties. We can also assess mediators influence, leverage, and legitimacy
by examining their previous relationship with the adversaries. The importance adversaries assign to a continuing
relationship with a mediator may well influence their perception of a dispute and their behavior. Where a mediator
is aligned with one of the parties or shares a common experience or goals with one party and future interactions
are important to both, each disputant may show greater flexibility and confidence in the outcome. Mediator
alignment, past relationship with the adversaries, and the mediators own interests affect both mediator behavior
and mediation outcomes.
Frei (1976) found that mediators who shared religious, ideological, or economic values had a higher
chance of success than other mediators. We examined the consequences of mediator alignment by looking at
the political structure of mediator-parties relationships. Thus mediators may come from the same political bloc as
one or both of the parties, a different bloc, be unaligned, or have no previous relationship with the parties. We
found that those mediators who came from the same bloc as both adversaries had a significantly higher chance
of being successful (62.18 percent) than mediators from the same bloc as one of the parties only (31.4 percent)
or a mediator from a different bloc (51 percent). Mediators from the same bloc have a strong self-interest in
maintaining peace and stability, and a greater chance of doing so.


The Initiation of Mediation

Thus far we have evaluated the impact of different contextual factors on mediation. Here we consider
the mediation process itself-the way it is initiated and conducted.
A question that invariably confronts all potential mediators and parties to conflict is whether or not they
should take the step of initiating mediation. It is agreed that to be effective mediation must take place under the
most propitious conditions, but just whose decision should it be to initiate mediation?
The Study of International mediation 13
Since mediation is essentially a voluntary process, it is logical to assume that a conflict will be most
constructively and effectively dealt with through mediation when both the parties are willing to commit them-
selves to the process. Hiltrop (1985) suggests that mediation is most successful when both of the adversaries
request it. In cases where only one party is interested in seeking mediation assistance, or interested third par-
ties propose it, the effectiveness of mediation may be reduced considerably.
An analysis of our data set clearly indicates that mediation is most likely to be successful (62.3 percent)
when initiated by both parties to a dispute, as opposed to only one of the parties requesting mediation (41.3
percent). Surprisingly, mediation also appears to be highly successful (60 percent) when regional organizations
initiate proceedings, perhaps because of common interests and relationships shared with the parties. In contrast,
mediation initiated by a mediator or by international organizations achieved only 41.2 percent and 29.7 percent
success rates respectively.

Mediation Environment
One of the central tasks of mediation is to accentuate cooperation and tendencies toward agreement. This
is best achieved when the parties conflict management takes place in a neutral environment, free from the external
pressures and influences of constituents and media. Such an environment allows the mediator to have procedural
control over the process and the parties to concentrate on the more substantive issues. In a neutral environment, a
mediator is able to create a level playing field by guaranteeing each party free and equal access to information and
resources, maintaining the flow of communication between the parties, and, where necessary, balancing power
differences between the parties.
Our data confirm the importance of environment in the success of mediation. Mediation on neutral ground
(including mediator territory) provides the conditions most conducive to successful mediation, achieving a 49.5
percent and 54.4 percent chance of success respectively. This is in contrast to mediations held on the parties
territories (45 percent) or mediations that have moved among a number of different sites (36.4 percent). An
appropriate site, then, can considerably influence the success or failure of mediation.

Strategies of Mediation
Evaluating the relationship between what mediators do and the outcomes of their efforts is, on the whole,
based on ex post facto reflections by mediators (and they may be quite reluctant either to claim success or to take
responsibility for failure) or on direct observations of their performance (rarely, if ever, available in international
relations). Although conceptualizing or measuring mediator behavior, roles, and strategies is difficult, many agree
with Kochan and Jick (1978) and Touval (1982) that it is the most crucial variable affecting mediation outcomes.
There are many typologies for describing mediation strategy and behavior (Bercovitch, 1984; Kochan and
Jick, 1978; Kolb, 1983; Kressel, 1972). Here we follow Touval and Zartman (1985), who classify mediator behavior
along a continuum ranging from low to high intervention. We identify three main strategies that encompass the
spectrum of mediator behavior (Bercovitch et al., 1991). At the low end of the spectrum are communication-
facilitation strategies where a mediator takes a fairly passive role, largely as a channel of communication or go-
between for the parties, and exhibits little control over the process or substance of mediation. In the second set of
mediation strategies, procedural strategies, a mediator exercises more formal control over situational aspects or the
process of mediation. Here a mediator may determine such factors as the mediation environment, the number and
type of meetings with the adversaries, the agendas covered in those meetings, the control of constituency
influences, and the distribution of information and resources to the parties. In the most active range of mediator
behavior, directive strategies, the mediator sets out to affect the content and substance as well as the process of
mediation. A mediator may achieve these goals by providing incentives, offering rewards and punishments, issuing
ultimatums, and introducing new proposals.
Which of these strategies is most effective in international disputes? Kochan and Jick (1978), for instance,
found that industrial mediators who used directive strategies were more successful than mediators who used
communication strategies. Carnevale and Pegnetter (1985), on the other hand, in their survey of mediators found
communication-facilitation strategies to be more effective than other kinds. In an earlier study, Bercovitch (1986)
found that communication strategies were the most commonly used but directive strategies were the most
Here we examine the relationship between different mediation strategies and mediation outcomes. A clear
pattern emerges that shows that the likelihood of achieving a successful mediation outcome is 52.3 percent when
directive strategies are employed and only 32.2 percent when communication-facilitation strategies are used. This
relationship is particularly strong when disputes are intense (Donohue, 1989; Hiltrop, 1989). Mediators who
possess the ability, opportunity, and resources to initiate and engage in active mediation are more likely to produce
The Study of International mediation 14
a successful outcome than powerless mediators who put their faith in communication strategies only. Procedural
strategies, while used in only 16 percent of all mediation attempts, have a 48.4 percent chance of success.
Mediation operates within a system of reciprocal social influence in which the parties and the mediator seek
to influence each other. Mediation behavior is not based on a specific predetermined plan of action but reflects the
changing context of a dispute and the interests and needs of all concerned. A mediator has to be seen as a full, if
external, participant in a conflictual decisionmaking system. As such, it is not at all surprising that possession of
resources and an active strategy provide the basis for successful mediation.


Third-party assistance or mediation is one of the most promising approaches to constructive conflict
management. To understand it better, we need to study what mediators do, how they do it, and the consequences
of their actions. In this chapter, we have sought to organize what is known about mediation, extract propositions
about how it works, and identify a number of factors that are hypothesized to affect its outcomes. Although we
restricted ourselves here to the field of international mediation, our findings are intended to be applicable to other
mediation arenas.
Our understanding of mediation is predicated on the notion that mediation is related to the overall context
in which it occurs. The overall context affects mediation and is, in turn, affected by it. Hence mediation can best be
seen as an extension of bilateral conflict management, not a replacement of it. The nature and effectiveness of
mediation depend as much on who the parties are and the character of their dispute and inter- action, as on who
the mediator is and his/her behavior. Mediation is a contingent form of political influence; its performance and
results are contingent on context. To overlook this point is to mistake the nature of mediation in international
Here we have gathered information on a large number of mediation cases and tested various propositions
to identify the factors that are closely correlated with the success or failure of mediation. The results of our analysis
offer some exciting insights into the most significant factors and are summarized in Figure 1.6. It emerges that
components of all four of the clusters of our framework have a direct impact on mediation outcome. Our results
reveal that all the factors, from the disputants themselveswho they are, their past relationship, their sociopolitical
norms and power, the actual dispute, the issues at stake, its intensity and durationto the mediator and the way
he/she influences the process of conflict management, determine the success of mediation.

Figure 1.6 Factors Associated with Successful Mediation

Nature of the Mediation

Rank and Identity

Relationship with
Nature of the Parties Mediation Process

Political and Cultural Initiator

System Mediation Outcome Environment
Power Status Strategies
Previous Relationship
With Parties

Nature of the Dispute

Duration and Timing

Of Intervention
Fatalities and Intensity

The approach and method adopted here are deliberately limited in their scope. Future research will be
directed toward specifying more clearly how each factor, in itself and combined with others, transforms a conflict
system. We hope that the approach we have taken and the results presented here take us some way toward
The Study of International mediation 15
viewing mediation in the proper perspective. By viewing it accurately, studying it in actual situations, and
acknowledging its richness and diversity we can provide the necessary guidelines for more effective mediation in
international relations.


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