Do anti-capitalist movements offer alternatives, or do they stay in the critique?

There is no alternative. Margaret Thatcher often used this slogan to justify the neoliberal
agenda that she was implementing. The set of policies included budget reductions on public
services (like education or housing), a shift from direct to indirect taxes, and privatization
of public companies1. The measures encountered opposition by workers and unions, whose
power was decreased by the continuous use of the police to repress and dismantle them2. As
a response to popular unrest, TINA (as the slogan was abbreviated) came to state that free-
market capitalism was the only possible way to structure society, in order to create wealth
and guarantee living standards. A similar claim has been alleged other times when
unpopular measures had to take place. That was the case after the fall of the Berlin wall,
when East German public companies were dismantled or privatized for very low prices 3.
Precisely, the end of the Soviet Union served as the perfect argument to sustain such a
claim: in a world divided between capitalism and socialism, the failure of the latter left a
clear path for the former. More recent, the austerity implemented in Europe is still justified
in the same way. Even though the 2008 crisis supposed a consequent failure of free market
capitalism, and massive mobilizations have taken around the world, there has not been a
shift of paradigm. Austerity represents the neoliberal agenda to its maximum exponent,
which means that the system has actually been reinforced after the crisis. Such an outcome
can be attributed to a lack of alternatives4. In fact, relevant disclaimer voices -which go
from intellectuals like Joseph Stiglizt or Paul Krugman, to rising political parties, as Syriza
or Podemos, or even social movements like Occupy or the Indignados- have adopted a
Keynesian discourse that does not seem to question the systems core. That the so-
considered radical or extremist perspectives are just sustaining small deviations of
capitalism can be regarded as a huge triumph of the system. On contrary, this has not
implied a renounce of popular mobilization. The years following 2008 have witnessed
intense riots and protests in many parts of the world, such as Spain, Greece, the UK and the
US, several Arab countries and, happening as I write, France. Therefore, the critique and

1
Seldon, Collings, Britain Under Thatcher, Longman, 2000.
2
Wilenius, "Enemies within: Thatcher and the unions". BBC News, 2004 (consulted on 26/4/16)
3
Ghaussy and Schfer,The Economics of German unification, 1993.
4
Mirowski, Never let a serious crisis goes to waste, Verso, 2013.
the nonconformity are very present, but they have not seemed to be channeled to any real
transformation. Is this due, certainly, to a lack of alternatives? In fact, insurgent positions
are in need of a plausible system in order to become hegemonic.
A social class cannot convince other of the validity of its world view until it is fully
convinced itself.5
When alternatives are missing, the dominant ideology becomes hegemonic by default,
especially if it has managed to affect every single corner of existence, like culture or
morals, and present itself as the natural order of things6. When this has happened, even
stronger propositions are required in order to displace the dominant ideology. Is the anti-
capitalist movement, then, unable to provide a coherent model away from capitalism?

Lets start by analyzing the visual face of anti-capitalism: the insurgent movements that
have spread throughout the world in the recent years. These movements are, namely, the
movement of the squares in Greece and Spain, Occupy in the UK and the US, the Arab
Spring, and the Nuit Debout in France. I will discuss in relation to the Indignados or 15-M
movements, because of higher proximity and because I could live it in person. These
moments have similar organization and communicative structures in network7. They
coordinate big crowds and spread information through the Internet, which was essential for
getting support and media coverage. Information travels fast through social media, not in
control by the establishment like traditional networks, which facilitates the transmission of
unbiased facts and ideas. This can explain the popularity and international extension of
these movements. More than that, the concept of network also refers to their political
structure: horizontal and non-hierarchical. The absence of authoritarian leaders requires a
radical democratic form of making decisions. The assembly was adopted as the instrument
to discuss strategies of action, solve problems within the squares, and talk about the
alternative system that wanted to be implemented. The squares, then, were occupied and
converted into free spaces where the discussion of ideas could take place. No one
represents us, one of the most popular claims by the Indignados in Madrid, represented a

5
Bates, Gramsci and the theory of hegemony, Journal of the History of Ideas, 26:2, 351-66, p.355
6
Mirowski, as quoted before
7
Castells, Networks of Outrage and Hope, Polity Press, 2012
critique to parliamentarism. The disaffection with traditional political parties, in an
environment where the social democratic opposition had been shifting to the right and
applying neoliberal policies as well, translated into a critique of the whole logic of
representation. Therefore, adopting a real democracy as a way to construct the future
society was one of the biggest demands8. Even though the libertarian structure adopted and
the emphasis in constructing ideas from below, the masses that got involved went beyond
the anarchist Spanish sphere. With the presence of smaller groups of orthodox communists,
the other major group that attended to the squares was formed by the citizenists. These
ones, incarnate by platforms like Democracia Real Ya (Real Democracy Now) or Juventud
Sin Futuro (Youth Without Future), promoted a series of demands that attempted to be
more reformist than subversive, with the focus on domesticating capitalism through state
regulation rather and claiming against the corrupted politicians. This view was colliding
with groups that demanded a radical transformation of the system, which necessarily
required an abolition of capitalism and parliamentarism. Without a culture of democratic
decision-making where people can develop skills for operating in such way, assemblies can
be turned to places of confrontation, with people attempting to impose their personal views
rather than looking for consensus. This is what was happening in the 15m. Even though the
movement was still working democratically outside the door, the reformist platforms were
gaining more power and operating in a close-to-hierarchical way9. The outcome of the
movement was a series of claims made to the politicians, named Manifesto of the
indignados in 25 propositions10. The first proposition consists on a reform of the electoral
law established in 1978, so it will turn less disadvantageous for smaller parties11. This
implicitly sustains the principle of representation present in parliamentary democracy,
denying the use of assemblies as the instrument for radical democratic decisions that was
promoted in the movement. The following proposals move on that line, creating a
manifesto to reform parliamentarism rather than promote an alternative to the system:

8
Taibo el 15m en sesenta preguntas
9
Garcia, El 15M que yo vivi, Ekintza Zuzena, 41, 2014
10
Velasco, No nos representan. Manifiesto de los indignados en 25 propuestas, Temas de Hoy, 2011.
11
The Spanish electoral law, also referred as law DHont, establishes that the votes are accounted in a
regional level. There is a minimum of votes required in each region in order to obtain a representative,
regardless of the percentage of the total votes. This is very disadvantageous for small parties, that face
difficulties to achieve that minimum in every region, even though they might sum up a good amount of
votes at a national level.
proposal 2 claims for less monetary and legal benefits for professional politicians; number
3 states that politicians must obey they will of the citizens; 4 demands an independent
judicial system; 5 requires transparency , and so on. The suggestions that lean more on
economics aspects consist on more consumption power for the people, finishing evictions,
increasing taxes for the rich or imposing the Tobin tax in financial transactions. The
manifesto is fulfilled with some vacuum claims for freedom of press, critical education or
ecological concern, which do not go beyond asking the government to take these into more
consideration12. Overall, the manifesto seems more like a nostalgic claim of the golden
years of capitalism and parliamentarism rather than a serious set of alternatives to solve the
current crises. More than that, the occupations were dismantled, mobilizations were caleed
to stop, and the strategy adopted in order to establish such proposals does not go beyond
than asking politicians to do so. It is quite nave to think that the beneficiaries of this
system will implement measures that go against their interest; especially if they do not
perceive the insurrect movements as a threaten (which happened when the 15m got
institutionalized in such a way). In fact, in the middle of this process, the two big parties,
PP and PSOE, agreed a constitutional reform that would prioritize the fulfillment with the
deficit level above anything. A few months later the right-win Partido Popular obtained the
absolute majority in the national elections, which resulted in a strong imposition of
austerity measures, police repression and the approval of laws that would decrease civil
liberties. But even if the immediate scenario had been more favorable, there is enough
evidence to think that this is not just an isolated crisis due to the people on charge. A
system that allows for differences in power positions, being this one political or economic,
plus an ethic of competition and selfishness, just provide the frame for individuals to be
rational and maximize their own utility, even if that harms the rest of the society. Instead, a
thorough alternative that targets the causes of present discontents is required13. I have not
stopped to analyze other movements that I mentioned. In the case of Occupy, the list of
demands is similar to the Indignados manifesto, claiming for a restoration of capitalism
without touching the core of the system. And the Arab Spring, that I will leave aside for
further research for being a different and complex scenario, does not seem to provide a

12
Rodrigo Mora, Pensar el 15m, Manuscritos, 2012.
13
Rodrigo Mora, La democracia y el triunfo del Estado, Agapea, 2011
different discourse that Western movements.14 These contemporary anti-capitalist
movements (if the term can still apply) do not provide an alternative to capitalism, nor
plausible ways to achieve social transformation.

Nonetheless, do these movements have to provide alternatives? This might be the question
that I shall be reflecting upon. Social transformation is a complex and long process that
relies on many factors and agents, which brings me to the case that the networked
movements task might be another one, as important to the general outcome. Throughout
history, social movements have been the agents of social transformation. Even when the
changes were implemented by an institution, the demand for change firstly arose from a
social movement15. According to this, a social movement should be judged for the impact it
has in the general process of transformation, without expecting that a single movement
must undertake the whole process on its own. Networked movements can be seen as
explosions of passion due to a limit situation, not as strategically planned attempts to
overcome capitalism.16 The 15m explicitly stated that when it considered its supporters as
the indignados, the outraged. In spite of a strong will to come up with demands and
solutions from public discussions, there were limitations that cannot be overlooked. Many
people attracted to the squares did not question the system before 2008, when their material
conditions and expectations were met, avoiding discontents. Many others did not have the
knowledge required to identify the state of social relations, in order to provide answers that
tackle essential aspects. There is a possibility that some were trying to use the movement
for personal interests, as obtaining political credit. All of these are necessary consequences
to the course of past decades, where the attempts to eliminate critical thinking and
alternative propositions, as well as a modification of moral itself, have been remarkable17.
This explains the naivety of the proposed manifestos, which I attribute more to a lack of
skills than to conformism with well-functioning parliamentary capitalism. Rather than
providing alternative theories, the relevance of these movements must be measured in other
parameters, namely, the creation of a critical identity, the establishment of networks

14
Khalil, Neoliberalism and the failure of the Arab Spring, New Politics, XV-3, 59, 2015.
15
Tourain, The voice and eye, Cambridge University Press, 1981
16
Castells as previously quoted
17
Mirowski as quoted and The Road from Mont Pelerin, Harvard University Press, 2009
between disperse activists or discontent individuals, the promotion of different ways of
organizing. The focus to evaluate the impact of these movements has to be changed
towards those terms. Two different outcomes can be attributed to the 15m, or, even if they
were not created from it, they were certainly fostered and encouraged by what happened in
the squares. The first one, more obvious, is the change in conventional politics, with the
appearance of new formations like Podemos. This current has widespread in several
countries, like Syriza in Greece, Jeremy Corbyn in the UK, or Bernie Sanders in the US.
This way can be traced to the reformist wings of the movement. It tries to take the power of
institutions in order to apply reforms from the government. The requirement to win
elections forces the new parties to adopt a discourse settled in the political center,
publicizing a return to the consumption society pre-neoliberalism. The programs of such
parties are mostly social democratic, with a special keen in Keynesian economics and
promises of political transparency. They do not question parliamentary capitalism, and
many important issues as the environmental crisis or the proliferation of war are regarded
as secondary issues. Moreover, the new parties are structured in a hierarchical way, around
charismatic leaders, and radical formations are left out and criticized. They call for the
unification of resistance and try to absorb different initiatives, which had a negative impact
on the level of popular mobilization, which had been very high in the preceding years.18 For
all of these points, I will not consider these new formations as providers of real alternatives,
and I will not discuss them in more detail. However, the change in traditional politics can
be understood as a growing unrest with the status quo along society, and a desire for things
to change, which is fundamental condition for social transformation. The second way that
can be traced to the 15m is the proliferation of libertarian initiatives. As I have noted,
popular mobilization remained very high in the four years following the movement.
Protests and demonstrations in the streets took place constantly, in spite of brutal repression
by the police. More than that, many attempts of creating autonomous initiatives were
established. In the cities, the movement for squatted social centers is remarkable, under the
slogan one social center in every neighbourhood. These social centers provide a common
place for people to meet, discuss ideas, attend workshops of varied activities that go from
yoga to self-defense, and also for political collectives to have their meetings and organize

18
Mateo (dir.), Hasta luego Pablo, Catarata, 2015.
events. The popular support gained by social centers in these years is unprecedented, with
the remarkable examples of Can Vies, in Barcelona, and Patio Maravillas, in Madrid. Both
of them took thousands of people in the streets when they were evicted. In the case of Can
Vies, some streets were shut down for several days by the riots, until the government
announced that the building could be occupied again. El Patio Maravillas was evicted in
the last day of the right-wing government of Madrid (before they had to give power to one
of the new formations, Ahora Madrid). Another building was occupied that very evening,
and retained from the police with the support of thousands of people, that included families
or old people as well. The occupation of spaces to be self-managed by their users is not
marginal anymore, but regarded as something essential for everyones life. Along with
social centers, there have been other occupations in the form of squares dedicated to leisure
or urban gardens. Overall, this indicates an increasing shift on the attitude, from the logic of
representation towards a preference for direct action. Moreover, platforms to resist the
harms of the economic recession have appeared, following the same principle. A
remarkable example is the Platform for Mortgage Affected (PAH, for its acronym in
Spanish). The PAH is constituted in regional, independent formations that operate in a
horizontal structure, using assemblies for decision making. They include activists, but their
biggest achievement is to integrate the affected by evictions or housing issues, so they can
take action directly. From providing a social frame for people not to feel isolated (which
includes psychological services) to resisting evictions collectively, providing new housing
or bargaining with the banks, the PAH has been a fundamental network for those involved
by such a dramatic situation19. A different indicator of this will to change the current state
of social relations may be the increment of cooperatives in several economic sectors, from
banking to food, energy or communications. Cooperatives are owned and managed by its
workers (and costumers, in many cases), who become partners and have the same political
rights towards every decision. Overall, there seems to be a change of consciousness
towards different values, like mutual aid and direct action, and a proliferation of ideas on
how to implement those values in daily life. Regarding social movements as an ongoing
process, which get physical form in occasions, there is no doubt of the relevance of the one
happening at the moment.

19
Documentary Si se puede. Siete das en PAH Barcelona
Nonetheless, the change of values and increased motivation are still restrained to a small
share of the population. Even if this perception managed to include, lets say, the people
that are supporting the institutional way and other sectors that have not fallen in
disenchantment yet, so as to constitute a majority, the probability of a real transformation
would be very little without a solid strategy. A feasible alternative is required. One that
targets the foundations of parliamentary capitalism and provides medium and long term
objectives that would overcome them. This must be a priority task for anyone discontent
with the system, especially for social scientists, who are supposed to have greater
knowledge and skills to analyze the functioning of society20. Michael Albert, very aware of
this affirmations relevance, starts an essay with this Keynes quote:

"[Capitalism] is not a success. It is not intelligent, it is not beautiful, it is not just, it is not
virtuous -- and it doesn't deliver the goods. In short, we dislike it, and we are beginning to
despise it. But when we wonder what to put in its place, we are extremely perplexed."21

Albert is part of The Next System Project: a growing initiative in the US left aimed to
provide a platform for discussing how to overcome present failures and seek alternatives
for them. It has been joined by many relevant figures, such as Naomi Klein, Noam
Chomsky or Oliver Stone22. Albert, along with Ethan Miller, has created Participatory
Economics, better known as Parecon. It is an attempt to go beyond the duality between free
markets and State intervention. Its main principles are self-management (businesses are
managed by the workers), fair remuneration (which shall be based in effort and sacrifice,
not in outcome), dignity at work (which requires a new division of labor in order to
redistribute pleasant and tedious jobs) and participatory planning (allocation is done by
fully informed workers and consumer councils who exchange preferences and come to
consensus).23 I have my doubts about several aspects, but movements in this direction
should defintely be encouraged. The biggest suspicions, in fact, are not from the system

20
Tourain as quoted
21
Albert and Miller, Post-Capitalist Alternatives: New Perspectives in Economic Democracy, Socialist Renewal
Publishing Project, 2009.
22
http://thenextsystem.org/
23
Albert and miller, as quoted
itself, but from the way to get there. Parecon relies in a progressive transition from within
parliamentary capitalism, by an increasing number of co-ops and the use of the State to
apply rules that will favor the transition. This is highly problematic, as the State and the
market are institutions made and controlled by the elites, which seriously questions the idea
that they can be used against them. It is hard to believe that such a progressive transition
will take place without encountering severe opposition24. The theory of degrowth moves in
similar waters. It is based under the paradigm that infinite growth in a finite planet is
impossible, to provide an economic, social and moral system that can be sustainable over
time. Some of its main proposals are: decentralization of society in smaller, independent
settlements, renounce of consumerism in favor of a frugal way of living, return to
sustainable practices of agriculture and production, a reinforcement of the social life.
Degrowth is, in fact, totally subversive, as it even claims for the moral transformation of the
individual. However, it stagnates at the same place as Parecon: how to get there. The theory
of degrowth predicts that a collapse of capitalism will necessarily take place, as a
consequence of the environmental, energetic, financial, political and social crises that we
are facing. The only way to avoid a totalitarian regime, result of the elites trying to maintain
their privileges in such a situation, is to start constituting smaller cracks25 within the
system, which need to get bigger enough and attract more people in order to provide an
alternative society when the collapse happens. This idea, however, omits the fact that the
elites could violently smash those communities when they are perceived as a threat. As
important as thinking in alternative system is the strategy to reach it. More than that, if we
consider that neoliberalism has penetrated in every corner of life, even modifying the self 26,
having a solid alternative system will not be enough to convince many to follow. We
should be prepared to expect resistance and have strategies to overcome it. However, as a
good friend of mine, part of the Integral Cooperative of Asturias27, once told me: What
happens in the future will be my grandchildrens concern. Now, we have to focus on laying
the foundations, so they have something to build upon. This issue, though, should not be
left aside, and contemporary social movements might come to play a key role in it.

24
Price, A new vision or a new reformism?, Anarkismo.net, 2016.
25
Holloway, Crack Capitalism, Pluto, 2010
26
Dardot and Laval, The New Way of the World: On Neoliberal Society, Verso, 2014.
27
Integral cooperatives (cooperativas integrales) attempt to provide the essential resources for life,
managed and owned by all the members, as well as a place where subversive values can be put practice.
References

- Albert and Miller, Post-Capitalist Alternatives: New Perspectives in Economic Democracy, Socialist Renewal
Publishing Project, 2009.
- Dardot and Laval, The New Way of the World: On Neoliberal Society, Verso, 2014.
- Ghaussy and Schfer,The Economics of German unification, 1993.
- Holloway, Crack Capitalism, Pluto, 2010
- Mateo (dir.), Hasta luego Pablo, Catarata, 2015.
- Mirowski, Never let a serious crisis goes to waste, Verso, 2013.
- Mirowski, The Road from Mont Pelerin, Harvard University Press, 2009
- Price, A new vision or a new reformism?, Anarkismo.net, 2016.
- Rodrigo Mora, Pensar el 15m, Manuscritos, 2012.
- Rodrigo Mora, La democracia y el triunfo del Estado, Agapea, 2011
- Seldon, Collings, Britain Under Thatcher, Longman, 2000.
- Tourain, The voice and eye, Cambridge University Press, 1981