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Author: A. Y.

Title: Katyn massacre: facts, which can't be ignored
Publication date: 15.06.2012

Katyn massacre: facts, which can't be ignored

The so called Katyn massacre which was shooting at the beginning of the Great Patriotic
War of Polish military men near Smolensk including officers was a result of Poland loosing
short-lasting September campaign, fought against Germans in 1939 and which after the period of
over a half of century seems to be one of the main tools of anti-Soviet, thus anti-Russian politics,
being in use by contemporary Polish politicians and the most hostile towards Russia forces abroad
(and from the beginning of 1990s also inside its borders); the aim of these actions is to discredit
Russian Federation and giving a serious blow to her reputation and authority.
The new round of this affair has started in 2010 by emission in the Russia's main TV channel
outright one-sided movie by Polish director, A. Wajda, titled Post Mortem. Katyn Story which
characterizes itself with traditional, definitely anti-Soviet point of view in the matter of so called
Katyn case, as well as, following it in April 2010, National Duma's discussion at the round
table, exposing lack of professionalism and contradictions present in the Katyn case alone and
political involvement of Wajda's film.
The same Wajda, who in August 2010 was awarded by president D. Medvedev with the Order
of Friendship for the great contribution into development of Russian-Polish relations in the field of
Unfortunately, the Russian Duma made a lip service, running a water on a mill for the offi-
cial Polish propaganda, stating in November 2010, having no grounds for that, that shooting of Pol-
ish military men in Katyn occurred because of the direct order from Stalin and other Soviet deci-
sion makers.
We won't discuss here the moral side of Duma's statement in which Red Army soldiers, being
captives during Polish-Russian war of 1919-1920 and whom couple of tens thousands were held in
Polish concentration camps were forgotten, while the honest worry about the wrath, grudge and
lack of trust from the side of Polish nation due to homicide by NKVD of Polish officers in Katyn
was expressed.
The Katyn case since a very beginning of its creation in 1943 properly described as a
Goebbel's provocation with no exaggeration turned out to be one of the greatest political myths
of XX century, where the one who're guilty turn out to be alternately Germans and Russians, but
never Poles, who always depict themselves as innocent victims of totalitarian regimes, unchange-
ably gain here unconditional support from Western countries (currently also from new-
europeans of the East) and the USA, who have in this matter obvious, political interest.
The Katyn case turned out to be one of the characteristic examples of Second World War his-
tory falsification in the framework of the brutal ideological conflict in nowadays World.
In connection with this, we once more will investigate the basic facts and arguments, which
contradict the only proper version of Poles being shot by NKVD of the USSR, which is being ag-
gressively forced by interested forces, ignoring of which is impossible to do if one would want to
consider the issue at least a bit objectively, instead following the known beforehand politically cor-
rect answer.
First of all, what Polish version of the charge is build on so called three documents, unex -
pectedly found in the autumn of 1992 (when Gorbachev ordered to general prosecutor off the

USSR, M. Trubin, looking for information in this case earlier, nothing was found), of which the
main proof was L. Beria's note to the Politburo CC CPSU from March 1940, which is supposed to
contain the order of execution of Polish military men.
I intentionally used phrase supposed to, because the text of this note (same as the other two
documents being elements of the proof: extract of the decision of the Politburo CC of March 5 th,
1940 and note of KGB of the USSR representative A. N. Shelepina on behalf of N. Khrushchev of
1959) is full of semantic and spelling mistakes, as well as, typographic errors, which cannot be
accepted in regard to documents of this rank additionally, their accidental discovery rises justi-
fied concerns about their authenticity, not to mention the reason for Soviet authorities to make such
an order (I remind, that we're talking about mass execution of the military from foreign country).1
Of course, at the same time, any lawyer and objective researcher has facts confirmed by evi-
dences and attestations at disposal, which points out, that Poles were shot on the order of occupa-
tion German authorities, issued in autumn of 1941, after Smolensk and its surrounding regions were
captured by hitlerite army, not by NKVD in spring of 1940, as interested forces from inside and
abroad of Russia are stubbornly claiming and as it was shown in film by Wajda, mentioned earlier.
Main of these attestations and facts, including direct irrefutable proofs, are listed below.
1. In the area of execution the casings of German production were found, calibers of 6.35 and
7.65 mm (produced by GECO and RWS companies), which attests the use of German
pistols in executions on Poles, because the Soviet Army nor NKVD troops hadn't weapons
of these calibers at their disposal. Attempts made by the Polish side to prove, that
especially on the purpose of executing Polish officers such weapons were bought in
Germany are inconsistent, because there are no documents confirming existence of such
transaction (executions conducted by NKVD were, of course, performed with use of
weapons being in standard equipment).2
2. Hands of some shot officers were tied with cotton ropes which weren't produced in the
USSR, which proves its external origin.3
3. The absence in archives any documents confirming execution of sentences from the Court
(exactly from the Court, not decision of the Politburo of CC CPSU, which issued only po-
litical decisions), although documents precisely describing the process of handing Polish
prisoners to NKVD in Smolensk region exist (they were handed to the Polish side in the be -
ginning of 1990s), which prove, that Soviet government didn't hide anything (apart from a
fact sending prisoners to labor in camps near Smolensk), so, if they'd want to remove all
traces in the same manner, as they supposedly destroyed documents with the order of
execution they'd surely destroyed information about localization, too.4
4. The documents found with bodies of some officers (both by Germans during exhumation
since February to March 1943 and by Burdenko Commission in 1944) in particular offi-
cer's licenses, passports and other documents confirming person's identity (bills, postcards,
etc.), which for every investigator are the evidence of Russian non-involvement in this
1 See, e.g. declassified in 2010 by the main archive of Russian Federation Shelepin's note of 1959:; other documents of these three are published there as
well. In fact, these declassified documents were already published earlier many times inside Russian Federation
and abroad and were also revealed before the Constitutional Court in 1992 in connection with so called CPSU
case see, in particular, Shved, W. N. Katyn secret, Algoritm, 2007, pp. 530-539.
2 The report of Polish Red Cross members, Skaryski i Wodziski / Katyn Drama / compiled and edited by Jasnov
O. V., Politizdat, 1991, pp. 98, 100; Military-Historical Journal (- ) No 11/1990,
p. 33; Nurnmberg trials the greatest war criminals. The materials compilation Vol. 7 t. 3, 1958, p. 187; Fran-
ciszek Gajek Katyn Evidences, Praha 1946 / Translation to Russian:
(dead link translator's note).
3 Military-Historical Journal No 4/1991 pp. 86, 88; Katyn Drama p. 101.
4 The Secret of Katyn tragedy. Materials of the round table, shown before Russian Federation Duma April 19 th,
2010 / The person responsible for publication: W. I. Ilyukhin, 2010, pp. 26, 27.

Firstly, NKVD would never leave such documenting evidence (as well as, they wouldn't
leave newspapers originating exactly from the spring 1940, which were abundantly found
by Germans in holes), which clearly indicates actions done in accordance with instructions;
secondly, because, that if documents for any reason was left by the NKVD, they'd be
present in all people being shot (or in majority of them), not in selected part of them (I'm
reminding, that from 4123 people exhumed by Germans, documents were found only in case
of 2730 of them).5
In 1941 Germans could leave the documents in holes: at that time they weren't afraid of any-
thing nor anyone: they thought, that they'd stay there for eternity and earlier (in the spring
and summer of 1940) purposely and without keeping a secret they've murdered about 7000
representatives of Polish elites (in particular, in Palmiry forest near Warsaw so called,
Palmiry massacre).
5. The presence of Polish captives-officers in Smolensk region between second half of 1940
till 1941 was attested (both by Russian and Polish sides).
6. Finally, the quiet shooting of a few thousands of people wasn't really possible in 1940: the
Kozye Gory resort, located in the vicinity of the railroad station Gnezdovo, was an easily
available and popular (located 17 km from Smolensk), because it was a favorite place of
recreation for townspeople, a region, where many camps were built and many footpaths
were leading into the forest, where NKVD dacha were located (burned by Germans during
their retreat in 1943), placed at the maximum distance of 700 m from the bustling Vitebsk
road including bus lines (the burial site is in the distance of 200 m from this road). What's
important: the access to that place wasn't never close until 1941, when Germans put a fence
of barbed wire and secured the are with armed guards.6
7. Apart from that, it must be stressed, that the USSR has never conducted the action of mas-
sive shootings of the foreign military men (with exclusion for individual executions done on
the basis of criminal sentences on these Poles in the years 1939-1941), especially officers.
More specifically, such events didn't take place out of the law order, without sanctioning
through proper legal procedures this is a fact, obviously passing unnoticed by Poland &
There are attempts of arduous persuasion, that several dozens of thousands of foreigners
were shot on basis of the order from the Politburo of CC CPSU, that means, the leadership
of a political party (which controlled the country, though), which, let's repeat, could make
and it did only political decisions, passed further to the obligatory, formal and legal han-
dling which, we still repeat, didn't take place.
However, all these arguments and facts are consciously ignored or simply directly hushed by in-
terested anti-Russian Polish and foreign forces, as well as their supporters inside Russian Federation
(in the first place by these people, who actively promoted Katyn myth in Russia in late 1980s and
first half of 1990s).
In connection with the last remark, once again please take note on the document being the evi-
dence, on which version about shooting Poles by subordinates of Beria Note of Beria to
Politburo CC No 794/ from _____ March 1940 (the day is missing).I
The idea is such, that twenty thousands of Poles were executed on the ground of NKVD
triple. As it was already proven numerous times in the course of many studies and in publications,
applying this system for sentencing to death is a complete absurd.
Firstly, because troikas authorized to sentence for shooting in addition, which apart of pos-
5 Amtliches Material zum Massenmord von KATYN Berlin, 1943; The Statement by the Special Commission
the Circumstances of Execution by German Fascist Occupants of Captives, Polish Officers // Pravda since March
3rd, 1952; Katyn Drama pp. 93-95; Franciszek Gajek Katyn Evidences, there.
6 Military-Historical Journal No 4/1991 p. 80; No 12/1990 p. 38; Smolensk. Guide Smolensk, 1933, p. 156.
I The scan available on the webpage of the Polish IPN:
13485.jpg (translator's note).

sessing such authority, didn't perform executions was disbanded back in November 1938, so in
1940 such shooting troikas simply didn't existed.
Secondly, because Special Council of the NKVD in the framework of the special regulation
were able to issue sentences of maximum 8 years of labor in correctional camps for which Polish
military men were, indeed, sentenced, who between 1940 and 1941 were building the road Moscow-
Minsk because Special Council hadn't authorization sentencing for shooting.7
Let's repeat, that mentioned Beria's note is the main document being a proof, on basis of
which all attempts are made to convince, till today, that Polish military men in Katyn (also in
Mednoye in Tver and Pyatihatkah near Kharkov) were shot by by NKVD.
One can be only perplexed, why current authorities of Russian Federation, having at their dis-
posal these attestations, insist on continuing to follow bent line of Gorbachev-Yeltsin, over and
over again stepping on Katyn rake, instead of withdraw from this position once and forever, re-
moving from them and the country the guilt for the crime which wasn't committed.
Procuring the new, objective and complete investigation of Katyn case (the recent investiga-
tion with No 159 was closed by the Main Military Prosecution Office of Russian Federation in
2004) in order to achieve the final determination of what really happened, turns out, in this circum-
stances, not only possible, but also required.

Aleksey Yurevich Plotnikov, doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, member of World War II His-
torians Association.
June 15th, 2012

The original in Russian:

7 Mukhin, Y. I. Katyn Detective 1995, p. 144, first publications in Military-Historical Journal No 9/1993.