536416

research-article2014
ISW0010.1177/0020872814536416International Social WorkHawkins and Knox

Article i s w

International Social Work

2014, Vol. 57(5) 511522
Gender violence and discrimination The Author(s) 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/0020872814536416
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Catherine A Hawkins
Texas State University, USA

Karen S Knox
Texas State University, USA

Abstract
Russian social services and the social work profession have experienced dramatic growth since
the 1990s due to numerous political, societal, and economic changes. This article discusses
gender violence and discrimination against women, perhaps the most pressing problem
confronting Russia today. The authors conduct a literature review and describe a collaborative
engagement between a social work graduate education program in Russia (Vologda) and the
United States (Texas) that involved curriculum development, classroom teaching, professional
training, and agency consultation. It recommends policy, practice, and research needed to
continue improving social services for Russian women, their families, and the community that
also informs social work practice in the United States, with particular emphasis on domestic
violence.

Keywords
Alcoholism, domestic violence, gender discrimination, gender violence

Women in Russia have experienced gender violence and discrimination historically, yet there are
dramatic changes currently occurring in the political and social responses to these problems that
offer unique opportunities for social workers to improve services for women. The extent of gender
violence and other types of discrimination against women and the current needs and obstacles for
Russian social service and legal systems can be better understood through knowledge of the his-
torical and cultural contexts of these problems. The Soviet Union failed to respond to the problems
of domestic violence and did not provide services or shelters for victims, and since Perestroika,

Corresponding author:
Catherine A Hawkins, Texas State University, 601 University Drive, San Marcos, TX 78666-4616, USA.
Email: ch11@txstate.edu
512 International Social Work 57(5)

limited changes have occurred in both cultural attitudes and political agendas. Legislation on gen-
der violence and discrimination introduced in the mid-1990s failed to be enacted, which was con-
sistent with the historical response that domestic violence is a family matter. The ancient Russian
proverb If he beats you, this means he loves you reflects the traditional cultural attitude of blam-
ing the victim, making excuses for the batterer, and perpetuating a cross-generational pattern that
tolerates and actually seems to endorse domestic violence.
Current changes in cultural attitudes are emerging due to increased media attention and public
awareness of domestic violence. Grassroots initiatives by women to provide services for victims of
gender violence have resulted in the establishment of more crisis centers and shelters. Global
efforts have been enacted through the United Nations, such as the Convention for the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). The UN conducts periodic examina-
tions of how the Russian Federation is complying with the implementation of all necessary meas-
ures to combat violence against women. A report by the Moscow-based ANNA (National Centre
for the Prevention of Violence) was submitted to CEDAW in July 2010. It reported that the lack of
a systemic governmental approach and specific legislation to combat violence against women are
the key reasons for the continued high level of gender violence in Russia.
This article discusses the situation in Russia with regard to gender discrimination and violence.
It is based on observations, discussions, and reflections arising from a RussianAmerican exchange
program, supported by relevant literature and media sources. The authors draw some comparisons
with the situation in the US; identify some aspects of the exchange program that have contributed
to the focus of the article; and make some suggestions about research and policy developments
which might enable social workers to address this social problem more effectively.

Gender discrimination in Russia since the 1990s

There are significant historical roots for contemporary gender violence and discrimination in
Russia. Despite proclamations of gender equality in the former Soviet Union, women were highly
dependent on the state, which fostered a protectionist philosophy through the state-sponsored
social welfare system. Usha (2005) noted the presence of a gender paradox, in which Soviet
women had legal and political rights, as well as high levels of education and employment, yet were
virtually absent in political institutions, which is a legacy that continues today. During the Soviet
Era, womens groups were prohibited from independently organizing and only began to emerge in
the 1990s (Hemment, 2007). (For a detailed historical review, see Engel, 2004.)
With the fall of communism in 1991, women in Russia obtained new opportunities for travel
and education, but despite these changes, women also lost the official state policy of protection for
marriage and motherhood (Kalabikhina, 2005). Women were forced out of politics and employ-
ment due to the creation of a highly competitive economic environment and new government poli-
cies. While Russian women desired to work and focus on their careers, men still retained Soviet-era
expectations of the more traditional role of women (Richardson, 1995). Maternity leave was
extended, although this was done primarily to discourage women from returning to the labor force
after giving birth (Moghadan, 1995). Older, rural, and less educated women in particular were
restricted to more traditional household responsibilities.
Women were especially vulnerable to poverty since they were mostly employed in the low-
income sector, comprising a large share of pensioners, and headed virtually all single-parent fami-
lies (Kalabikhina, 2005). After the transition, one-third of the Russian population fell into poverty
with more than half of these households headed by women, and with women comprising the over-
whelming majority of unemployed workers (Moghadan, 1995). Many of the economic sectors in
which women were concentrated, such as health and education, were publicly funded and saw a
Hawkins and Knox 513

massive drop in pay. Where cutbacks occurred, women were immediately targeted for administra-
tive leave, specifically women with children or those approaching retirement (Kay, 2002).
Another problem concerned employment opportunities since the available jobs for women were
typically short-term, low-skilled, and minimal wage. This was largely attributed to fewer desirable
positions and a preference for hiring men (Zavyalova and Kosheleva, 2010). Further, the labor
market not only discriminated based on gender, but also on age, with hiring practices favoring
younger women (Kay, 2002). Employers encouraged women to quit when they had children and to
become full-time homemakers; but, when their children were grown, it was nearly impossible for
them to reenter the labor market. Sexual harassment in employment settings was rampant, and
there was (and still is) a cultural norm for responding through informal channels, as opposed to the
US model of using legal or institutional mechanisms (Stuchevskaia, 2011).
More recent research reveals a shift in thinking between older women who grew up in the Soviet
era and younger Russian women from the post-Soviet era. Older women tend to adhere to more
traditional roles and younger women tend to postpone marriage, have fewer children, and pursue a
career (White, 2005). Younger women value more egalitarian households, in which both partners
work (for equal pay), run the household, and share parental responsibilities. Despite these changes,
the identity of Russian women is still closely tied to motherhood, with the result that almost all
women have at least one child (Temkina, 2010).

Current gender violence and discrimination problems

Women in Russia today experience a greater amount of role strain and psychological stress than
under the Communist system, due to the demanding nature of these rapidly changing expectations.
Barrett and Buckley (2009) found that Russian women report lower levels of personal control than
men under similar social and economic conditions, which is an important aspect of psychological
well-being. Complex challenges for Russian women in both rural and urban regions include job
availability and unemployment, healthcare and mental health, reproductive and maternal rights,
alcoholism, domestic violence, child maltreatment, and crime victimization.
Russia is still experiencing a demographic crisis that began in the late 1960s with a stagnant
birth rate, low life expectancy, high abortion rates, and premature death rates due to unhealthy
lifestyles (smoking and alcoholism) (Eke, 2005, 2006). These problems pertain to a lack of preven-
tive and wellness programs and family planning that persist today, especially among young women
who are in critical need of educational programs. Russia has an alarmingly high level of maternal
mortality, with one-quarter of deaths related to illegal abortion, which is prevalent among adoles-
cents and young women (Solodnikov and Braithwaite, 2011). Russian women have a lower use of
reliable contraception (despite its accessibility), and a higher rate of induced abortion than Western
European women (Larivaara, 2010). One reason for this incongruent pattern is that abortion is still
used as a method of birth control. The government has begun to put restrictions on abortion and, as
a result, the number in homeless and orphaned children is increasing to alarming levels. Russia and
Ukraine are among the Eastern European countries with the fastest growing rate of HIV infections,
including a substantial number of women (Burruano and Kruglov, 2009).
Socio-political, economic, and health care changes occurring in Russia are having some posi-
tive impacts on the health and well-being of women and newborns. Financial initiatives are
awarded by the Russian government for family planning to encourage a higher birth rate and pre-
natal health care (Dymchenko and Callister, 2002). Recently, the government has provided more
funding for social services and child welfare programs. Social problems such as poverty and alco-
holism are now becoming openly acknowledged by the government, whereas they were denied
in the past. For example, Green etal. (2000) profile an innovative holistic treatment program in
514 International Social Work 57(5)

St Petersburg that demonstrates how policy-makers, politicians, and clinicians can advocate for
change, work together to promote innovative programs, and collaborate with international col-
leagues to foster service development.
The problem of domestic violence has only recently started to change from being viewed as a
family matter to a societal and legal one, despite the past 20 years of advocacy by Russian women
for changes in the response to gender violence. This is a similar pattern to the feminist movement
in the US during the 1970s, when women gained power and resources through grassroots efforts
and legislative reforms. While there were major political, economic, and socio-cultural changes
happening in both countries during those respective times, improvements in the US in social and
legal services for domestic violence occurred at a faster pace than in Russia due to federal and state
legislation and subsequent changes by law enforcement and the courts. A feminist movement simi-
lar to that of the US has yet to materialize in Russia, and the popular culture in Russia persists in
viewing feminism as a threat to Russian national values and leading to conflict with men (Voronina,
2009). (For a further discussion of feminism in contemporary Russia, see Holmgren, 2013;
Johnson, 2013; Kizenko, 2013.)
The extent of domestic violence and its impact on Russian women and their families is pro-
found. Yet, domestic violence is still not registered by most of the police, making accurate statistics
nearly impossible to collect, and available estimates are considered to underreport its prevalence
(Cubbins and Vannoy, 2005; Zakirova, 2004). Kalabikhina (2005) found that approximately one-
half of women surveyed reported experiencing domestic violence. Current estimates are two-thirds
of homicides are related to domestic violence, about 14,000 women are killed by husbands or other
relatives each year, 40 percent of all serious violent crimes are family related, and 6070 percent
of women suffering from domestic violence do not seek help from law enforcement (ANNA,
2010). Women report not being respected or protected by the police, even when physical injuries
are clearly visible, and women rarely take their cases to court for fear of revenge or judgment
(Richmond, 2003). Similar to the US, Russian women are more likely to be killed in their homes
by an intimate partner (Eckhardt, 2009). It is usually only in family violence situations involving a
homicide that the Russian legal system gets involved. (For a further discussion of gender violence
in Russia, see Johnson, 2009.)
This lack of trust in law enforcement extends to crimes of sexual assault where reports indicate
that no more than 10 percent of rape victims in Russia go to the police, and surveys of crisis centers
show that almost 22 percent of Russian women are victims of rape (ANNA, 2010). The National
Commission on the Rights of Women and Violence Against Women estimates that approximately
30,00040,000 sexual assaults are committed in the Russian Federation annually, whereas the
Ministry of the Interior registered only 4790 rapes or attempted rape crimes in 2009 (ANNA,
2010). Currently, only NGOs and crisis centers provide services to victims of sexual violence, and
the government does not provide any macro-level prevention system, legal services, or profes-
sional help for rape survivors (ANNA, 2010). In fact, the Code of Penal Procedure places rape in
the category of private-public prosecution so that court proceedings are only instigated by peti-
tion of the victim or her legal representative, which imposes the burden of prosecution on the vic-
tim, and it is estimated that only 50 percent of all sexual assault complaints see any investigation
or court involvement (ANNA, 2010).
Another form of gender violence affecting Russian women is sex trafficking with Central and
Eastern Europe, with the Russian Federation, being second only to Southeast Asia in incidence
(ANNA, 2010; Tverdova, 2011). Social factors of poverty, unemployment, alcoholism/drug abuse,
domestic violence, and lack of education are associated with sex trafficking. About one hundred
NGOs in Russia are currently working with victims of sex trafficking with the key goal of increas-
ing public awareness, advocacy, legal aid, and counseling services (ANNA, 2010). Bridal
Hawkins and Knox 515

abductions and honor killings are also still a concern in certain regions of the Russian Federation;
however, there are no official statistics on these types of gender violence (ANNA, 2010).

Services for Russian survivors of gender violence

Beginning in the 1990s, there was some success with the establishment of emergency shelters that
were initially funded by Western supporters (Johnson and Saarinen, 2011). Safe houses and other
grassroots community resources developed first, and it was only 20 years ago when womens rights
activist Marina Pisklakova started the first crisis hotline and developed legal and counseling pro-
grams for battered women. Her organization, ANNA (National Center for the Prevention of
Violence), currently operates a network of crisis centers across Russia and established the first
National Help Line for Women in March 2011 (Pisklakova, 2010). Current estimates indicate there
are 2040 shelters (operated by both the state and NGOs) in Russia for victims of domestic vio-
lence and over one hundred crisis centers and crisis units in social service centers that provide
psychological, legal, medical, educational, and social services to survivors (Balmforth, 2013;
Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2009).
Domestic violence is still not recognized as a crime and there is no legal definition of domestic
violence in the Russian Criminal Code (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 2009). The
Russian government does not compile official statistics on the incidence of domestic violence. Yet,
it is estimated that 12,00014,000 Russian women are killed every year and 50,000 are hospital-
ized as a result of domestic violence (Balmforth, 2013; Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada,
2009; Kuchma, 2011). There are radical changes being proposed in the Russian Duma, however,
with the introduction in January 2013 of legislation on domestic violence. This legislation includes
legal definitions for family and domestic violence, allows pretrial and judicial protections such as
restraining orders, permits financial and medical payments to victims, and mandates arrest and
punishment for offenders (Balmforth, 2013; Krainova, 2012). The Duma appears to still be consid-
ering this legislation as of June 2014 (see Meyer and Galouchko, 2013). If it is eventually enacted,
it will create significant changes in how law enforcement, the courts, and social services work with
domestic violence victims (survivors) and offenders.
The contributing problem of alcoholism in relation to domestic violence has also not been
addressed adequately by social services. Russia has historically had high rates of alcohol abuse and
dependency, with cultural values and political agendas promoting vodka as a traditional icon.
Consuming vodka at family and other social gatherings is typical and the government has restricted
the wine and beer industries to promote vodka as the national alcoholic beverage. Russias vodka
sales increased almost 70 percent between 1990 and 2003, and hard liquor consumption in Russia
is estimated to be the highest in the world (Currie etal., 2012). A correlation between alcoholism
and women is related to child-bearing and child-rearing problems; two-thirds of respondents in one
study reported a high rate of drinking among pregnant women (Kristjanson, 2007). In addition,
higher rates of Fetal Alcohol Syndrome, alcohol-related birth defects, and alcohol-related neuro-
developmental disorders have been observed in Russian orphanages compared to the general popu-
lation. Alcoholism and alcohol abuse/neglect are the two most common reasons for children being
placed in the child welfare system in Russia. Two-thirds of the estimated 700,000 social orphans in
Russia today are removed from their families for these reasons (Achmatova, 2010; Currie etal.,
2012).
Similar to the US, domestic violence in Russia is closely linked to alcoholism, which has reached
epidemic proportions, although there is apparently widespread continued denial regarding the extent
of the problem. Trygged (2009) reports that in a survey of social workers across Russia respondents
seemed highly ambivalent toward alcohol abuse as a social problem. Historically, values associated
516 International Social Work 57(5)

with alcohol were obstacles to developing effective substance abuse treatment services and pro-
grams. There are approximately 15002000 substance abuse treatment centers for alcohol and sub-
stance abuse treatment in Russia today (Currie etal., 2012). Self-help and 12-Step programs, such
as Alcoholics Anonymous and Al-Anon, are not widespread or accepted by the Russian Orthodoxys
leadership; there are around 370 AA meetings in Russia currently (Weitz, 2011). The preferred
method of treatment for alcoholism has been biologically oriented, relying on aversive interventions
such as Antabuse. Recent legislative mandates recognize the growing need for substance abuse
counselors through providing for training of more specialists by 2020 (Currie etal., 2012).

Social work as a profession in Russia

Social work began in Russia during the early 1900s following a similar path as developed in the
US, with friendly visitors, who were usually untrained and unpaid. By 1905 in Russia, there
were approximately 60,000 young women and voluntary housewives trained by various chari-
table organizations (Tevlina, 2008). The development of social work as a profession was side-
tracked during the Soviet era, since the totalitarian government officially declared a policy of
social protection for the Russian people with free health care, education, and social services
(Tregoubova, 2000). In the mid-1990s, however, during the time of great political, economic,
and social changes, social work reemerged and has been slowly gaining professional status. In
late 1991, the first formal program for training social workers in Russia was established at the
Moscow Pedagogical University, and by 2004, there were more than 120 social work programs
in Russia (Iarskala-Smirnova etal., 2004; Templeman, 2004). State university social work pro-
grams can vary from four to five years of educational curriculum. Graduates earn the title of
Specialist in Social Work. In addition, there are social worker positions that are often filled
by staff personnel who do not hold a social work degree, which is similar to the US prior to
licensing requirements.
In 2009, the Russian Ministry of Education and Science added a specialization at the bachelors
degree level called social psychological help which is housed within the university social work
programs. It is similar to social work in the US with an emphasis on counseling skills and a
strength-based approach, but is designated as help rather than counseling, so as not to be confused
with psychological counseling provided by psychologists (Currie etal., 2012). Organizations in the
private sector, such as the RussianAmerican Institute in Moscow and religious-based seminaries,
are also offering counseling training programs and continuing education conferences and seminars
on trauma and addictions counseling, play therapy, marriage and family counseling, pastoral coun-
seling, and psycho-educational programs (Currie etal., 2012). Russian social workers are integrat-
ing innovative and evidence-based practice and research methods that can identify emerging
problems, prevent or moderate social conflicts, develop family communication skills and inde-
pendence, and develop family self-help capabilities.
Social workers in Russia are striving to achieve a stronger professional identity through their
professional organization, the Russian Union of Social Workers and Social Pedagogues headquar-
tered in Moscow (n.d.). Although this organization developed a Code of Ethics, there are still no
licensing credentials for social workers. To ensure a higher level of professionalism, legislation or
requirements for licensing could be enacted, which may include job descriptions, salary guidelines,
and continuing education requirements. Other obstacles to professional status may be lack of fund-
ing and basic supplies, formal training, high turnover, low pay, and bureaucratization (Iarskaia-
Smirnova and Romanov, 2002; Iarskaia-Smirnova etal., 2004; Templeman, 2004). (For a thorough
discussion of the development of professional social work in Russia, see Iarskaia-Smirnova, 2011;
Iarskaia-Smirnova and Romanov, 2013; Romanov etal., 2011.)
Hawkins and Knox 517

Similar to the US, the vast majority of direct practitioners are female. Iarskaia-Smirnova and
Romanov (2008) reported that the Russian state set up inadequate wage policies for social workers,
supporting the societal assumption of cheap womens labor. Further, they show that power rela-
tions in social work practice reinforce social inequalities. Social work practitioners are over-
whelmed with demands to fix poverty, poor health, violence, and other devastating social issues.
As a result, they report often feeling discouraged; yet, they are eager to learn more and to receive
training and literature from social workers from other countries (Templeman, 2004). Currently,
social workers have been change agents in social policy, implementing new methods of case work,
and developing new technologies for social services that are often adopted from international
cooperation (Romanov etal., 2011).

International Russian initiative collaboration

During the past decade, there have been a number of international collaborative projects between
Russian social work agencies and educational programs and partners abroad. One such arrange-
ment dating from 2004 involved the authors of this article and other colleagues from Texas State
University in collaboration with social work faculty and social service agencies in the Vologda
Oblast. Vologda is the administrative center and a major transportation and manufacturing area for
the Oblast, which is located in northeast Russia. Vologda is one of three designated historical cities
in the Oblast and has a population of over 300,000. It is a large urban city on the Vologda River that
is surrounded by rural areas. Vologda has several state universities, including Vologda State
Pedagogical University that houses the Department of Social Work.
As a result of the authors first contact in 2004, faculty members from Texas State visited
Russia again in 2006 and 2008 to further the collaborative academic project and to conduct field
visits. At the request of Dr Svetlana Michailova, Director of the School of Social Work at Vologda
State, social work faculty wrote lexicon articles and teaching modules on best practices in
domestic violence, child abuse and neglect services, juvenile justice, alcohol/drug treatment, and
volunteerism. University administrators in Vologda presented the Texas State delegates with a
Memorandum of Agreement to conduct research that was signed by the Presidents of both uni-
versities in May 2006.
One of the most important lessons learned from the collaboration has been the mutually ongo-
ing commitment in time and effort required to develop and maintain a relationship involving
numerous social work faculty, students, and social services staff. It appears that, while the Russians
were very interested to participate in the project, there was also a level of trust that needed to be
established before meaningful exchanges could be pursued. Although the authors are not bilingual,
translation was not a problem during the visits and subsequent contacts, since many of the Russian
young adults and students were fluent in English. There were also many Russian-origin faculty and
students at Texas State who were familiar with the culture and fluent in the language. Direct com-
munication via the Internet turned out to be highly problematic since Vologda States computer
technology and software programs were not updated. As a result, the Peace Foundation, the NGO
in Vologda that sponsored our trips, served as an intermediary.
In addition to writing and translating articles, Texas State faculty members conducted trainings
and workshops at social service agencies and presented at social work classes during the second
and third trips to Vologda. The authors also visited key agencies to conduct focus groups to explore
agency administrator and staff perspectives on social issues and service delivery. Agency visits
included the Centre for Social Aid to Families and Children, Phoenix House, and Orphanage #3.
The Centre is a regional social service agency that provides basic needs, educational and voca-
tional training, and counseling for victims of family violence. Phoenix House is a NGO that is a
518 International Social Work 57(5)

residential facility for youth and teens in the region, and Orphanage #3 houses social orphans in
state care. Many innovative changes were observed in services delivery and therapeutic programs,
such as a gardening project to help orphans build vocational and social skills.
The Centre was expanding to include services for substance abuse and a shelter for battered
women and their children. The Vologda region has used safe houses previously that were devel-
oped by local advocates, but these facilities were no longer meeting the expanding needs for safe
shelter. Phoenix House is developing a foster care and adoption program and their three social
work specialists were in charge of that project as well as providing case management services for
the residents. The agency used several play therapy and expressive arts interventions, although
counseling was being provided by the staff psychologists, not the social workers. Orphanage #3
was in the midst of remodeling by changing the dormitory style housing to family style apartments.
Each family apartment will house a married couple as the foster parents and children of varying
ages. Both genders will be placed together to provide a family atmosphere, rather than separating
children into dormitories based on age and gender. All of these improvements were the result of
increased funding received by the government; however, the administrators expressed the need for
higher funding to meet service needs.
During the 2006 visit, the authors were able to tour the womens prison in Vologda and to meet
with the prison psychologists. During this meeting, the two female psychologists related that the
majority of the women in the prison had childhood sexual and physical abuse histories, were sur-
vivors of domestic violence, and had substance abuse problems. The majority of the women were
incarcerated for drug and alcohol offenses and prostitution. The prison provided educational and
vocational training programs, counseling services, and even had a prison chapel. The women did
not wear prison uniforms and were able to dress in their own clothes and decorate their dormitory
style barracks with personal items. The level of rehabilitation and individual freedoms found in this
prison was quite impressive compared to the US.
In 2008, the School of Social Work at Texas State sponsored a trip to the US by Dr Michailova.
She presented to social work and sociology classes and met with faculty and students across cam-
pus. She also toured several local social work agencies, including two domestic violence shelters
and a substance abuse clinic. She met with administrators and staff to learn how the agencies oper-
ate and how the services are provided. In turn, she shared about social work education and practice
in Russia. In addition, she co-presented with the authors on our collaborative project at an interna-
tional multi-disciplinary professional conference held in Miami.
Based on the exploratory field visits during our three visits to Russia and Dr Michailovas
visit to the US, a clear picture emerged regarding pressing social problems, service delivery
gaps, and the urgent need for effective policy and best practice guidelines. The Russian practi-
tioners particularly emphasized the challenges of addressing alcoholism and family violence.
They regard these two issues as related, on the increase, and exacerbated by the extreme social
upheaval associated with the change from communism to capitalism. They also stressed that this
is an opportune time to explore policy and program innovations in Russia because of recent
increases in governmental funding for social services and their societys expanding willingness
to address these problems.
Unfortunately, grant and research funding from the US has decreased in the past five years due
to a more contentious political climate between the two countries. An example is the current policy
preventing the adoption of Russian children by potential parents in the US. This change has been
seen by both Americans and Russians as a political agenda that has had severe negative impacts for
Russias social orphans. Further, the authors have not been able to travel back to Russia to follow-
up on the earlier initial field visits in order to determine changes since 2004 and to evaluate addi-
tional service needs in the region. The authors have applied for several grants to fund continued
Hawkins and Knox 519

collaboration with Russian colleagues, but have not been successful to date, given the difficult
funding climate that currently exists in the USA.

Concluding discussion: Implications for policy, practice, and

research
Based on the knowledge gained from the ongoing RussianAmerican collaborative project
described in this article, it appears that social workers in Russia and their international colleagues
currently have an historic opportunity to promote innovative changes in legislation and social poli-
cies related to their criminal, health/mental health, child welfare, and social service delivery sys-
tems. Recent governmental financial investments in social services and the emergence of
professional social work education in Russia have been influential developments to facilitate such
changes (Alekseeva, 2007; Gassmann and Notten, 2008). This increased funding by the govern-
ment is particularly important, since social services in Russia are provided primarily by govern-
ment-funded agencies, and development of more non-profit, faith-based, and/or volunteer social
services is needed to fill the gaps in public services.
In both the legal and social services systems, social workers in Russia indicate that they could
advocate for womens rights in terms of equal pay, workplace discrimination, and domestic vio-
lence. Gender violence is a critical area that requires innovative policy and cultural changes in
Russia, including a shift to a human rights agenda and more effective community-based approaches
(Alekseeva, 2007; Shakhmanova, 2010). Community-based services, such as shelters for battered
women, are still limited to few areas in Russia. If the currently proposed domestic violence legisla-
tion is enacted by the State Duma, then dramatic changes could be expected in both funding and
services provided through social service agencies and the legal system. The legal system and law
enforcement could be targets for change through education and promotion of pro-arrest policies
and increased services for survivors of domestic and gender violence. This would be an opportune
time for further research in how these changes manifest for survivors of domestic violence and
professionals who work in this practice field.
Concurrently, related problems of alcoholism and child abuse are increasing, although former
cultural taboos about discussing these issues are lessening (Alekseeva, 2007; Koposov etal., 2005;
Korneshov, 2010). Across Russia, emergency shelters and orphanages are populated primarily by
social orphans whose parents are still alive, yet a foster home system is practically non-existent
and there are limited potential adoptive homes and adoption services (Arefev, 2005; Goodman
etal., 2005; Shakhmanova, 2010). Social workers in Russia recognize that macro-level changes in
social policy and funding to support community-based child welfare services are needed, along
with an increase in substance abuse treatment facilities. From a US perspective, family-based
reunification services are recommended, such as family group decision-making approaches that
include kinship systems for out-of-home placements. Another crucial area in child and family ser-
vices is the need for more education and promotion of safe sex practices, healthy methods of birth
control, family planning services, and proper education of prenatal care.
Russian social workers have identified the need for continued professionalism of social work to
address the problems of inadequate pay, high turnover, and the low status of the profession. Social
work licensing and educational standards could be mandated. Professional social workers and
educators could incorporate evidence-based practice standards and empirical research in curricu-
lum development and agency polices and services. Collaborative scholarship and advocacy initia-
tives might promote human rights, legislative and policy changes, and gender equality. Additional
funding for computer and communication equipment is needed to foster international networking
and consultation. Despite differences in history, culture, and language, there have been many
520 International Social Work 57(5)

partnerships between Russian, American, Canadian, and European social work colleagues. The
social work profession can strongly benefit from such international collaborative approaches that
enable professionals in both countries to pursue social justice and gender equality.

Acknowledgements
The authors gratefully acknowledge our Russian colleagues who have made this article possible. Technological
difficulties prevented co-authorship of this article and the views expressed are those of the authors. We par-
ticularly want to thank Dr Svetlana Michailova, Director of the School of Social Work at Vologda State
Pedagogical University.

Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit
sectors.

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online at: www.asia-news.it/news-en/Russia-facing-am-orphanage-and-adoption-crisis-18587.html
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Author biographies
Catherine Allensworth Hawkins is a Professor in the School of Social Work, Texas State University, USA.
Karen S Knox is a Professor and Field Coordinator in the School of Social Work Texas State University,
USA.