Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
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Dispositio/n 52, vol XXV 63-80
2005 Department of Romance Languages and Literatures, University of Michigan
John Beverley
University of Pittsburg
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64 JOHN BEVERLEY
the same set of facts in situations of gender, ethnic, and class inequality,
exploitation, and repression. The truth claims for a narrative like 1,
Rigoberto Mench depend on conferring on testimonio a special kind of
epistemological authority as embodying subaltern experience and "voice."
But, for Stoll - who is arguing also against the emergence of a "postmod-
ernist" anthropology - this amounts to an idealization of the quotidian real-
ities of peasant life to favor the prejudices of a metropolitan academic
audience in the interest of a solidarity politics that (in his view) did more
harm than good. Against the authority of testimonial voice, Stoll wants to
affirm the authority of the fact-gathering procedures of traditional anthro-
pology or journalism, in which accounts like Mench's will be treated sim-
ply as raw material that must be processed by more objective techniques of
assessment. The argument "desde latinoamerica" - to borrow a phrase from
Nelly Richard - against what I will call in a kind of short hand "studies"
(postcolonial, subaltern, cultural, women's, africana, gay, latino, and so on)
as a discourse "sobre Latinoamerica" seems to have three major compo-
nents (I am aware that I am conflating distinct and perhaps incompatible
positions here):
1) "Studies" represent a North American problematic about identity poli-
tics and multiculturalism, and/or a historically recent British Com-
monwealth problematic about decolonization, that have been
displaced onto Latin America, at the expense of misrepresenting its
diverse histories and social-cultural formations, which are not eas-
ily reducible to either multiculturalism or postcoloniality.5
2) The prestige of "studies" as a discourse formation emanating from and
sustained by the resources of the Euro-North American academy
occludes the prior engagement by Latin American intellectuals -
"on native grounds," so to speak, - with the very questions of his-
torical and cultural representation they are concerned with. That
prestige portends, therefore, an overt or tacit negation of the status
and authority of Latin American intellectuals, a willful forgetting
of what Hugo Achugar calls "el pensamiento latinoamericano."
The new hegemony of metropolitan theoretical models amounts in
Latin America to a kind of cultural neo-colonialism, concerned
with the brokering by the North American academy of knowledge
both from and about Latin America. In this transaction, the Latin
American intellectual is relegated to the status of an object of the-
ory (as subaltern, postcolonial, calibanesque, etc.) rather than its
subject (Antonio Cornejo Polar, in particular, was concerned in his
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ADIOS: A NATIONAL ALLEGORY... 65
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66 JOHN BEVERLEY
Rigoberto Mench - whereas the Latin Americans are criticizing what they
see as essentially a new North American critical fashion - "el boom del
subalterno," as Mabel Moraa puts it. Whether he meant it to or not (and I
take his claim that he did not at face value), Stoll's critique of Mench has
served the interests of the right in both the United States and Guatemala by
partially de-legitimizing Mench. But Arturo Arias points out that there are
Guatemalan intellectuals of the right who have attacked Stoll precisely as a
North American denigrating a Guatemalan national figure.8
Here a different kind of cutting edge comes into play, an edge that
separates and places in antagonism what on the surface might seem like a
shared critique of postmodernist relativism and multiculturalism. That cut-
ting edge takes us back to the Ariel-Caliban question, except that now
Rigoberta Mench - that is, almost literally Caliban, "the deformed slave,"
in Shakespeare's characterization - is in the place of Ariel, facing the power
and vulgarity of the Colossus of the North, represented by Stoll.
This seems to be the appropriate moment to recall the famous pas-
sage in The Philosophy of History where Hegel envisions the future of the
United States. Hegel writes:
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ADIOS: A NATIONAL ALLEGORY... 67
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68 JOHN BEVERLEY
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ADIOS: A NATIONAL ALLEGORY... 69
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70 JOHN BEVERLEY
that US policy has used historically to destabilize the left and democratic
regimes.
I believe that what divides "studies" from its Latin American critics
may be less important in the long run than the concerns we share. I am sen-
sitive in particular to the concern with the prestige and power of the North
American academy in an era in which Latin American universities and
intellectual life are being decimated by neoliberal policies connected in
great measure to US hegemony at all levels of the global system, but partic-
ularly in Latin America. Nevertheless, if in fact globalization entails a dis-
placement of the authority of Latin American intellectuals, then the
resistance to studies is itself symptomatic of the unequal position of Latin
American culture, states, economies, and intellectual work in the current
world system.
Paul de Man memorably described the resistance to theory as itself a
kind of theory. If I were to characterize the theory implicit in the resistance
to "studies," I would say that it amounts to a kind of neo-Arielism: a reas-
sertion of the authority of the literature, literary criticism, and literary intel-
lectuals as the bearers of Latin America's cultural memory and possibility
against forms of thought and theoretical practice identified with the United
States. But Arielism almost by definition is an ideologeme of what Jos
Joaqun Brunner usefully calls the "'cultured' vision of culture": that is, the
vision that identifies culture essentially with high culture. For it is not only
"in theory" (subalternist, postcolonial, marxist and postmarxist, feminist,
"queer," or the like), or from the metropolitan academy that the authority of
the Latin America "lettered city" is being challenged. This is also a conse-
quence of the effects of globalization and the new social movements inside
Latin America itself. Subaltern studies shares with cultural studies a sense
that cultural democratization implies a shift of hermeneutic authority from
the philological-critical activity of the "lettered city" to popular reception, a
shift which entails a corresponding displacement of the authority of what
Gramsci called the traditional intellectual (and literary intellectuals are,
along with priests or clergy, almost paradigmatically traditional intellectu-
als).
The problem is, of course, that the displacement of the Latin Ameri-
can intellectual occurs not only "from below" but also "from the right," so
to speak, as neoliberal policies restructure the Latin American university
and secondary education system, and revalorize significant academic or
professional credentials in a way that devalues literary or humanistic
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ADIOS: A NATIONAL ALLEGORY... 71
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72 JOHN BEVERLEY
ing and possibility of solidarity with forms of popular agency and resis-
tance in Latin America.
The prior Latin American tradition displaced in the name of egalitar-
ianism by "studies" may reassert or reinvent itself against the influence of
"studies," but it does so at the expense of reaffirming exclusions and hierar-
chies of value and privilege that are internal to Latin America and that rep-
resent "survivals" into modernity of colonial and postcolonial forms of
racial, caste and gender discrimination. In this sense, the resistance to
"studies," although it is undertaken in the name of the project of the Latin
American left, creates a barrier to fulfilling one of the key goals of that very
project, which is the democratization of the Latin American subject and
field of culture.13
That is because what is at stake in this project, as Angel Rama began
to intimate in his last book, is inverting the hierarchical relation between a
cultural-political elite, constituted as such in part by its possession of the
power of writing and literature, and the "people," constituted as such in part
by illiteracy or partial literacy or otherwise limited access to the forms of
bourgeois high culture.
In a fascinating study called "Acadmicos y gringos malos" on five
novels by Latin Americans about their experiences in North American uni-
versities, Fernando Reati and Gilberto Gmez Ocampo register the articula-
tion of what they also call a neoarielist position. They see that position as
entailing a kind of premature foreclosure based on an anxiety about the loss
of identity, rather than an opening out to the future:
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74 JOHN BEVERLEY
I think these projects - and many others like them at all levels of
Latin American society and knowledge production - represent the most
promising line of Latin American social thought today. However, the ques-
tion remains: Is it still possible to do cultural criticism from the US acad-
emy "sobre Latinoamerica" which is in solidarity with the cause of Latin
America? In other words, is a progressive form of Latin American studies
still possible? Like Latino criticism, progressive US Latin Americanism
also seems to be caught in a bind: To the extent that it is something like an
academic version of the preferential option for the poor of Liberation The-
ology, the political and epistemological implications of "studies" are to
destabilize the field of area studies, including Latin American studies, as
such. "Studies" are concerned with a postmodernist "convergence of tem-
poralities" (I borrow this term from Ranajit Guha - for example, between
the histroical dynamics of South Asia, Latin America, and sub-Saharan
Africa - that cannot be expressed adequately within the framework of area
studies or by the signifier of regional or national identity). As in the case of
Clay and the Olanchan mine workers, there is a possibility of solidarity
between "studies" and the Latin American subaltern, but it is at the expense
of solidarity with the Latin American resistance of US domination. On the
other hand, the possibility of solidarity with Latin American intellectuals
and with the agendas of Latin American regional and national interests -
which are, in the last instance, of course, largely the agendas of the ruling
classes of Latin America - precludes the possibility of solidarity with the
Latin American subaltern: that is, the workers, peasants, women, indians,
blacks, subproletarians, street children, prostitutes, descamisados, rotos,
who are subaltern in part precisely because they are not adequately repre-
sented by the values and agendas of the "lettered city" of the intellectuals.
Does the identification with a Latin American subaltern or popular
subject preclude then the possibility of solidarity with Latin American
intellectuals? We should not be in too much of a hurry to say no, of course,
it doesn't. Because, as Ileana Rodrguez puts it, "our choice as intellectuals
is to make a declaration either in support of statism (the nation-state and
party politics) or on behalf of the subaltern. We chose the subaltern."15
Speaking for myself, that is, from the position of a "gringo bueno"
who saw his critical work as being linked to solidarity politics, what all this
means is that the terrain of Latin American studies, as a discourse forma-
tion "sobre latinoamerica," has become slippery and ambiguous. During the
Cold War, one could say that the terrain of Latin American studies was con-
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ADIOS: A NATIONAL ALLEGORY... 75
I had thought of this as a taking leave, an adis, hence the title of this
essay. But I was persuaded by friends that things could not be as simple as
that. And that is so in part because of the very logic of wanting to move into
a US frame, for if one wants to speak of the political and cultural future of
the United States, which now has the fifth largest population of the His-
panic world (after Mexico, Spain, Colombia, and Argentina) then it is clear
that Latin America has become, in a sense, the "internal front" or Fifth Col-
umn of that future. What would it mean to pose the question of the United
States "desde Latinoamerica" - that is, from my own investment in Latin
America and Latin American radical politics and criticism - instead of, as I
have been doing for so many years, posing the question of Latin America
from the United States?16
Perhaps, though, what I define here as an impasse in Latin American
criticism and in my own work is peculiar to my own generation: the gener-
ation of the sixties in Latin America, the United States and Europe. The
experience of that generation, it goes without saying, was framed by the
rise and defeat of a very ambitious revolutionary project - a project that, in
one way or another, we were connected to; and it is the name of that project
that we argue (as I do here) on one side or another of the current debate.
The nature of the impasse our own work has, in some ways, produced, plus
the clear signs of a mid-life crisis in our discourse, produce a kind of mel-
ancholy or desengao which is not necessarily shared by our younger col-
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76 JOHN BEVERLEY
leagues who bring new energies, new experiences, and new imaginaries to
the field. Perhaps the time has come for them to take the banner from our
hands and to find some way of changing the terms of the debate.
NOTES
1 David Stoll, Rigoberto Mench and the Story of All Poor Guatem
(Boulder: Westview, 1998).
2 See, for example: Antonio Cornejo Polar, "Mestizaje e hibrid
riesgos de las metforas," Revista Iberoamericana 180 (1997): 341-3
Achugar, "Leones, cazadores e historiadores: a propsito de las polti
memoria y el conocimiento," Revista Iberoamericana 180 (1997): 379
sana Barragn and Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, "Introduccin," Debates p
niales : Una introduccin a los Estudios de la Subalternidad (La Paz,
Rotterdam, Holanda: Historias; SEPHIS ; Aruwiyiri, 1997); Nelly Rich
iferias culturales y descentramientos posmodemos (marginalidad latinoam
y recompaginacin de los mrgenes)," Punto de Vista XIV, 40 (1991): 5-6;
Sarlo, "Los estudios culturales y la critica literaria en la encrucijada valor
Revista de crtica cultural 15 (1997): 32-38; Mabel Moraa, "El boom
terno," Revista de crtica cultural 15 (1997): 48- 53. Many of these e
anthologizaed in Santiago Castro Gomez and Eduardo Mendieta. Teoras si
plina , Latinoamericanismo , poscolonialidad y globalizacin en debate
City; San Francisco, CA: Porra; University of San Francisco, 1998).
3 Thus, for example: "[i]t was in the name of multiculturalism
Rigoberta Mench entered the university reading lists" (Stoll, 243). Or, "w
modern critiques of representation and authority, many scholars are te
abandon the task of verification, especially when they construe the nar
victim worthy of their support" (274).
4 Charles Taylor, "The Politics of Recognition," in Multiculturalism
Gutman ed. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1994).
5 Expressing a similar concern, J. Jorge Klor de Alva has argued th
conditions of coloniality were radically different in Latin America than i
Africa - so much so as to challenge the viability of the very concepts of
nial and postcoloniality for Latin America: "The Postcolonization of t
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78 JOHN BEVERLEY
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