Media Psychology

ISSN: 1521-3269 (Print) 1532-785X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hmep20

Sexting, Mobile Porn Use, and Peer Group

Dynamics: Boys' and Girls' Self-Perceived
Popularity, Need for Popularity, and Perceived
Peer Pressure

Mariek Vanden Abeele, Scott W. Campbell, Steven Eggermont & Keith Roe

To cite this article: Mariek Vanden Abeele, Scott W. Campbell, Steven Eggermont & Keith Roe
(2014) Sexting, Mobile Porn Use, and Peer Group Dynamics: Boys' and Girls' Self-Perceived
Popularity, Need for Popularity, and Perceived Peer Pressure, Media Psychology, 17:1, 6-33,
DOI: 10.1080/15213269.2013.801725

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 Media Psychology, 17:633, 2014
Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1521-3269 print/1532-785X online
DOI: 10.1080/15213269.2013.801725

Sexting, Mobile Porn Use, and Peer Group

Dynamics: Boys and Girls Self-Perceived
Popularity, Need for Popularity, and
Perceived Peer Pressure

MARIEK VANDEN ABEELE

Leuven School for Mass Communication Research, University of Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
Downloaded by [Dogu Akdeniz University] at 17:31 03 December 2015

SCOTT W. CAMPBELL
Department of Communication Studies, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA

STEVEN EGGERMONT and KEITH ROE

Leuven School for Mass Communication Research, University of Leuven, Leuven, Belgium

There is considerable concern about adolescents producing, con-

suming, and distributing sexual materials via mobile phone com-
munication. The purpose of this study was to examine key aspects
of peer influence and the peer context in relation to two such
practices: sexting and mobile porn use. The results of a high-school
survey study (N D 1,943) revealed that 6% of Flemish teens (1120
years of age) have sent a sext, while 9% use mobile porn. Teens who
were more popular with the other sex and with a greater need for
popularity were more likely to report both behaviors. Boys mobile
porn use was also predicted by perceived peer pressure. Same-sex
popularity was unrelated to boys sexting behavior and mobile
porn use; for girls, a negative relationship was found.

The mobile phone is fully integrated into adolescents social lives. One of
the reasons why teens have embraced mobile communication as a social
resource is the heightened level of autonomy it affords (Castells, Fernandez-
Ardevol, Qiu, & Sey, 2007; Ling, 2004, 2005). Messages and content can be
exchanged virtually anytime, anywhere, and under the radar of authority
figures such as parents and teachers. However, concerns have risen over

Present affiliation for Mariek Vanden Abeele: Department of Communication and

Information Science, Tilburg University, Tilburg, The Netherlands.
Address correspondence to Mariek Vanden Abeele, Department of Communication and
Information Science, Tilburg University, Warandelaan 2, P.O. Box 90153, 5000 LE Tilburg,
The Netherlands. E-mail: m.m.p.vandenabeele@tilburguniversity.edu

6
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 7

the use of the mobile phone as an instrument to download, produce, and

distribute sexual imagery. Teen sexting, which refers to the digital production
and distribution of sexually suggestive pictures of oneself, has particularly
gained visibility among the greater public of parents, school administrators,
the popular press, and justice systems (e.g., Arcabascio, 2010; Gillespie,
2008; Mattey Diliberto & Mattey, 2009). Recently, it has also drawn scholarly
attention (e.g., Lenhart, 2009; Ringrose, Gill, Livingstone, & Harvey, 2012;
Vanden Abeele, Roe, & Eggermont, 2012). A growing number of studies on
adolescent mobile communication report that the consumption and distri-
bution of regular pornographic imagery via mobile phones is also a fairly
common practice in adolescent peer groups (Bond, 2010; Kaare, Brandtzaeg,
Heim, & Endestad, 2007; Ling & Yttri, 2006; Ringrose et al., 2012).
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Despite the recent surge of attention for the distribution and consump-
tion of sexual material via mobile communication, scholarly work explaining
why teens engage in the practice of sexting or the use of mobile porn remains
scarce. The few studies that have been done, however, consistently empha-
size the importance of peer group dynamics in explaining these practices:
Teens report that they experience peer pressure to engage in sexting and
mobile porn use and suggest that both behaviors are used to achieve peer
acceptance and to display or gain status (Bond, 2010; Lenhart, 2009; Ling &
Yttri, 2002; Lippman & Campbell, 2012; Ringrose et al., 2012).
The importance of peer group dynamics in explaining the relationship
between media uses and effects and adolescents sexual development has
already been acknowledged in existing theoretical frameworks. Steele and
Browns Media Practice Model ( J. D. Brown, 2000; Steele, 1999; Steele &
Brown, 1995), in particular, acknowledges the importance of social context
variables (e.g., parents, school, peers) alongside developmental characteris-
tics (e.g., sexual maturation), demographics, and psychological dispositions
(e.g., self-esteem) in shaping teens lived experience, which, in turn, explains
teens selection of sexual media contents and the effects they may have on
their lives. Despite the theoretical integration of peer influence into the Media
Practice Model, however, empirical studies on the selection and use of sexual
media and their effects rarely include measures of peer dynamics, and when
these measures are included, they are usually regarded as predictors of sexual
behavior that need to be controlled for rather than of sexual media selection
or use itself (e.g., J. D. Brown, Halpern, & LEngle, 2005; LEngle & Jackson,
2008). In light of the importance of the peer group in shaping teens lived
experience, this is unfortunate, as our understanding of adolescents sexual
media diets may greatly benefit from a deeper insight into how key aspects
of peer context intersect with the selection and uses of sexual media and
their subsequent effects. The study of teen consumption and distribution of
sexual material via mobile communication presents a unique opportunity to
investigate the matter, as these practices appear to be strongly intertwined
with peer group dynamics. Hence, drawing from the results of a large-scale
 8 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

quantitative survey study (N D 1,943), this study takes a step forward with
this line of inquiry by examining how four key aspects of peer group dynam-
ics, namely, (self-perceived) same-sex popularity, (self-perceived) other-sex
popularity, perceived peer pressure, and need for popularity, are associated
with sexting and mobile porn use among Flemish teenagers.

SEXTING AND MOBILE PORN USE:

DEFINITION AND OCCURRENCE

Although both sexting and mobile porn use revolve around the exchange
of sexual imagery, they are in many ways different in nature. While sexting
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implies the production and disclosure of intimate information about oneself,

mobile porn use implies consumption of (oftentimes professionally pro-
duced) sexual imagery. Sexting, which lends its name from the combination
of sex and texting, can be defined as sending sexually suggestive, nude, or
nearly nude pictures of oneself to someone you know via text messaging1
(Lenhart, 2009; Vanden Abeele et al., 2012). To date, most of the literature on
sexting focuses on the U.S. context. Lenhart (2009) found that 4% of American
teens had sent (semi-)nude pictures and 15% had received these types of
messages. In a sample of young Hispanic women, Ferguson (2011) found
that 20% reported having sent a (semi-)nude picture of themselves to another
person. In the Sex and Tech Survey of the National Campaign to Prevent Teen
and Unplanned Pregnancy (2008), 20% of U.S. teens had already exchanged
sexual content over the Internet or mobile phone. Thus far, quantitative stud-
ies carried out among adolescents found no evidence for a gender difference
with regard to likelihood to sext; it does occur more frequently among older
adolescents, however (Lenhart, 2009; Vanden Abeele et al., 2012).
In light of the concerns about sexting, it is remarkable that hardly any
attention has been given to adolescents use of pornographic imagery on
the mobile phone. Mobile porn is big business: The sex industry makes
substantial revenues from producing and selling porn content for the mobile
market (e.g., explicit imagery and orgasmic ringtones; Giussani, 2003; Leahy,
2008). Given that a substantial number of (mostly male) adolescents is known
to consume pornography on television, on DVD, in magazines, and on the In-
ternet (e.g., Bonino, Ciairano, Rabaglietti, & Cattelino, 2006; Peter & Valken-
burg, 2009), it should not be surprising that adolescents are also found to con-
sume pornography on their mobile phone (Bond, 2010; Kaare et al., 2007).
Both sexting and mobile porn use are sexually oriented mobile phone
uses that can put adolescents at risk of legal, social, and psychological
consequences (Mattey Diliberto & Mattey, 2009). A number of cases have
appeared in the media in which teens committed suicide after their sexting
pictures were disclosed, and legal actions have been taken againstwhat
some claim to bethis child-produced pornography (Lynn, 2010; Richards &
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 9

Calvert, 2009). Moreover, in a sample of Hispanic college women, Ferguson

(2011) found an association between sexting and unprotected sex. Porn use
may lead to undesirable outcomes, such as stereotypical gender attitudes,
less sexual satisfaction, and more supportive attitudes toward and greater
chance of engaging in sexual violence ( J. D. Brown & LEngle, 2009; Flood,
2009; Peter & Valkenburg, 2009). The few existing studies on sexting and
mobile porn use, however, suggest thatalthough these behaviors may be
riskythey are not confined to the typical youth at risk (Ferguson, 2011;
Vanden Abeele et al., 2012). On the contrary, both sexting and mobile porn
use appear to be relatively widespread practices of sexual exploration within
contemporary youth culture (Bond, 2010; Kaare et al., 2007; Lenhart, 2009;
Ling & Yttri, 2002; Ringrose et al., 2012).
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SEXTING AND MOBILE PORN USE AS CURRENCY IN

CONTEMPORARY YOUTH CULTURE

The integration of sexting and mobile porn practices in contemporary youth

culture is illustrated by findings that reveal how these practices are interwo-
ven with the dynamics of the wider peer network. Although sexting happens
mostly within the boundaries of a (desired) romantic relationship, adoles-
cents are aware that these sexual images are often shared and exchanged
with other peers (Lenhart, 2009; Ringrose et al., 2012). Likewise, adolescents
mobile porn consumption appears to revolve more around the process of
sharing and exchanging this content, than around the content itself (Bond,
2010; Ling & Yttri, 2002; Ringrose et al., 2012). This has led Bond (2010) to
compare the mobile phone to what the bike shed was for previous genera-
tions: a (virtual) space in which adolescents explore their developing sexual-
ities by disclosing, sharing, and exchanging sexual contents with their peers.
These observations align with current understandings of the role of
mobile communication in contemporary youth culture. Teens are found
to adhere to their own frames of reference as to what is appropriate and
inappropriate mobile phone use in their peer group. By displaying (their
knowledge of) what they deem appropriate mobile phone use, they may
demonstrate their social and cultural competence and, thus, enhance their
position in the peer group (Bond, 2010; Caronia & Caron, 2004; Ling &
Yttri, 2002). Within the culture of adolescent peer groups, then, the sharing
and exchange of quasi-illicit, sexual contents may function as appropriate
currency with which teens can negotiate their position in the peer group
(Ling, 2005; Ringrose et al., 2012). Indeed, interview studies with adolescents
show that there is pressure to conform to sexting and mobile porn use in
order to achieve peer acceptance, providing evidence that both behaviors
are used to display or gain status in the peer group (Bond, 2010; Lenhart,
2009; Lippman & Campbell, 2012; Ringrose et al., 2012).
 10 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

The current study will build on those scarce qualitative studies and
examine key predictors of teen sexting and mobile porn use, with an em-
phasis on the roles of (self-perceived) popularity, need for popularity, and
peer pressure.

SEXUAL DEVELOPMENT DURING EARLY AND

MID-ADOLESCENCE: THE STATUS PHASE

Being accepted by the peer network is a major concern of adolescents (Gavin

& Furman, 1989; Hymel, Vaillancourt, McDougall, & Renshaw, 2002). The
peer group is the main reference group with which adolescents identify
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themselves and against which adolescents compare themselves. Adolescents

attach a great deal of importance to what their peers think of them, and
peers strongly affect their attitudes and behaviors (Berndt, 1979; Harter, 1990;
Kirchler, Palmonari, & Pombeni, 1993; Kroger, 2000). Peer group member-
ship implies a certain degree of peer pressure to conform to peer group
norms (Brechwald & Prinstein, 2011; Santor, Messervey, & Kusumakar, 2000).
Out of their desire for peer acceptance, adolescents are willing to conform
to these norms, even when they concern involvement in antisocial activities
(Berndt, 1979; B. B. Brown, Clasen, & Eicher, 1986). In addition to peer
acceptance, adolescents aspire to be popular and, consequently, are found
to behave in ways designed to enhance or sustain status in the peer group
(Asher & McDonald, 2009; Coleman, 1961; Hawley, 1999).
During early and mid-adolescence, the development of sexual and ro-
mantic relationships can be understood in terms of adolescents desire for
peer acceptance. According to B. B. Brown (1999), adolescents in early
and mid-adolescence go through the status phase. During the status phase,
adolescents romantic involvement is an important means of establishing,
improving, or maintaining peer group status (B. B. Brown, 1999, p. 297).
Adolescents involvement in sexual and romantic relationships is intertwined
with their experience of peer pressure and their (desire for) a high status
position in the peer group (e.g., B. B. Brown, 1999; Coleman, 1961; Furman,
1999). Adolescents often experience pressure from their peers to engage in
sexual activity, which is considered a status-gaining behavior during this life
phase (Bachanas et al., 2002). Likewise, being romantically involved is a
means of gaining or displaying ones popularity in the peer group (Furman,
2002; Pellegrini, 2002). Popular boys and girls are found to have larger
networks of cross-gender relationships (Kovacs, Parker, & Hoffman, 1996),
which, in turn, predict romantic involvement at an earlier age (Connolly,
Furman, & Konarski, 2000; Feiring, 1999). Popular boys and girls also engage
in sexual activity significantly more frequently than their less popular peers
(Mayeux, Sandstrom, & Cillessen, 2008; Prinstein, Choukas-Bradley, Helms,
Brechwald, & Rancourt, 2011).
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 11

SEXTING AND PEER GROUP DYNAMICS

If we consider sexual activity as a status-gaining behavior and sexting as a

sexual activity (afforded by the mobile phone), it follows that sexting is at
least partially driven by the desire to gain and/or maintain popularity, and
that adolescents may feel pressured into it by their peers. This would help
to explain why some teens engage in sexting despite being aware that these
images are sometimes shared with unintended others (Bond, 2010), as well
as why some teens send sexually suggestive text messages to peers they are
not romantically involved with (Lenhart, 2009; National Campaign to Prevent
Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2008).
The extant research in this area further supports the idea that sexting is a
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status-gaining behavior. Vanden Abeele et al. (2012) found that adolescents

(in particular girls) who were perceived as more popular reported having
sent or received sexually explicit text messages more frequently than less
popular adolescents. Ferguson (2011) found that sexting was associated with
a histrionic personality, which includes personality traits such as a need
for being in the center of attention and a need for approval from others.
Moreover, interviews with adolescents suggest that, apart from a sexual
self-disclosure motive, sexting is linked to the desire for popularity or their
display of popularity within the peer group (Lenhart, 2009; Ringrose et al.,
2012). Adolescents claim, for example, that they, or their peers, get involved
in sexting in order to gain attention, to show off how hot and attractive
they are, and to compete over whose body is the most attractive. These
motives indicate that sexting is regarded by some as a way of demonstrating
physical attractiveness and success with cross-gender peers, both known to
be important indicators of ones visibility or social prominence in the peer
group (Closson, 2009; Lafontana & Cillessen, 2002). Sometimes teens also
bully their peers by sending them (semi-)naked pictures of themselves as
a threat and a display of toughness (Bond, 2010; Lenhart, 2009; Ringrose
et al., 2012), which is consistent with popular adolescents use of coercive
strategies to achieve social dominance (Ahn, Garandeau, & Rodkin, 2010;
Closson, 2009). Given this evidence, we expect to find in our study that:

H1: Adolescents who perceive themselves as more popular with the other
sex will be more likely to engage in sexting.
H2: Adolescents who have a greater desire for popularity will be more likely
to engage in sexting.
H3: Adolescents who experience more peer pressure will be more likely to
engage in sexting.

With respect to boys and girls same-sex popularity, the situation may
be more complex. In terms of their same-sex relationships, boys appear to
be oriented more toward competition and hierarchy and are, therefore, more
 12 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

concerned about status-gaining, while the primary concern of girls appears

to lie in having affiliative, intimate relationships with other girls (Benenson,
1998; Berndt, 1982; Burhmester & Furman, 1987). Popularity is of concern to
both boys and girls; however, among boys it is gained more on the basis of
external achievements, while among girls popularity revolves more around
personality, appearance and poise, and about being friends with the right
(i.e., popular) girls (Corsaro & Eder, 1990; Eder, 1985).
This difference in the basis of same-sex popularity might affect adoles-
cents involvement in sexual activity, and thus also sexting. For boys, (early)
sexual activity is regarded a status-gaining behavior that is associated with
popularity (Little & Rankin, 2001). For girls, however, the matter is more
complex. Due to the sexual double standard, which proclaims that sexual
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permissiveness is acceptable for boys, but not for girls, boys involvement
in frequent or early sexual activity is likely to enhance their status, while for
girls, this is more likely to harm their reputation (Crawford & Popp, 2003).
Interestingly, the group in which sexually permissive boys and girls appear
to gain, or respectively lose status, is the same: Permissive boys are found to
mostly have a higher status among girls, permissive girls are found to mostly
have a lower status among girls, as is recognized in stereotypical labels of
stud and slut (Kreager & Staff, 2009). Given the evidence that sexual
activity for girls is associated with poorer same-sex relationships, we expect
in this study that:

H4a: Girls sexting will be negatively predicted by (self-perceived) same-sex

popularity.
H4b: Boys sexting will be positively predicted by (self-perceived) same-sex
popularity.

MOBILE PORN USE AND PEER GROUP DYNAMICS

Out of their desire for peer acceptance, adolescents are often found to
conform to peer group norms, even when they concern antisocial activi-
ties (Berndt, 1979; B. B. Brown et al., 1986). Adolescents risky behavior
(e.g., smoking, sexual risk behavior) and involvement in antisocial activities
(e.g., bullying, delinquency) are frequently associated with popularity (e.g.,
Andreou, 2006; La Greca, Prinstein, & Fetter, 2001; Prinstein et al., 2011; Staff
& Kreager, 2008). These risky and antisocial behaviors can be considered a
means of demonstrating social dominance and bravado, and are often found
in oppositional subcultures (based on violence or quasi-illegal activities) that
provide an alternative status system to adolescents who have failed within
the school system (Davies, 1999; Staff & Kreager, 2008).
Previous research has identified pornography use as one of the be-
haviors with which adolescent boys prove their manliness and, thereby,
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 13

achieve peer acceptance and status (Roe, 1989; Wallmyr & Welin, 2006).
Given the prevalence of pornography use among adolescents, there is reason
to assume that porn consumption is a normative behavior, particularly for
boys (Sabina, Wolak, & Finkelhor, 2008). Indeed, pornography use among
boys is significantly related to their perceptions of peer pressure (Lam &
Chan, 2007).
Given the mobile phones potential to access, share, and exchange
pornographic images at anytime and anyplace, we may expect that mobile
porn preeminently affords adolescents, and particularly adolescent boys, a
means of demonstrating their manliness to their (female) peers. To date, we
know of only two studies in which adolescents use of mobile porn was
examined (albeit in the margins), with results indicating that it is mostly
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adolescent boys who use mobile porn (Kaare et al., 2007), and that its use
appears to be less about sexual arousal than about relieving boredom, joking
around, and gaining popularity with peers (Bond, 2010). An earlier study on
adolescent boys use of VCR-porn also indicated that porn use is an important
means to achieve peer acceptance and status within the male peer group
(Roe, 1989). Therefore, in the current study, we expect that:

H5: Adolescent boys who perceive themselves as more popular with same-
sex peers will be more likely to engage in mobile porn use.
H6: Adolescent boys who perceive themselves as more popular with other-
sex peers will be more likely to engage in mobile porn use.
H7: Adolescent boys who have a greater desire for popularity will be more
likely to engage in mobile porn use.
H8: Adolescent boys who experience more peer pressure will be more likely
to engage in mobile porn use.

While porn use appears to be a normative behavior for adolescent boys,

girls, on the whole, appear to consume pornography far less frequently than
boys and report mostly involuntary exposure (Sabina et al., 2008). Therefore,
for girls, we do not expect mobile porn consumption to be related to (a desire
for) popularity or peer pressure.

AGE, SCHOOL TRACK, AND PARENTAL

MARITAL STATUS

Apart from examining the contribution of peer group dynamics in predicting

teen sexting and mobile porn use, we also include age, school track, and
parental marital status as additional predictors in our analyses.
Age is an important factor to include in our study for at least two reasons.
First, studies indicate that adolescents susceptibility to peer pressure and
their tendency to conform to peer norms peak around the age of 1214 years
 14 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

(Steinberg & Monahan, 2007; Sumter, Bokhorst, Steinberg, & Westenberg,

2009), and that being in a popular group is most important during early to
mid-adolescence (Gavin & Furman, 1989). Second, age is (albeit roughly)
conducive for pubertal status and sexual maturation. Recent research shows
that adolescents development predicts their use of sexual media contents
(Vandenbosch & Eggermont, 2013). If we find evidence for a relationship
between age and our outcome measures (while controlling for perceived
peer group dynamics), this suggests that adolescents sexual maturation may
also play a role in explaining sexting and mobile porn use.
The Flemish school system is organized into three types of school tracks,
each with a corresponding social image: academic school tracks focus on
theory and general knowledge and are considered the hardest and most
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prestigious; semi-academic school tracks are oriented toward a mix of theory

and practical skills; and vocational school tracks toward learning a particular
trade, and both are considered easier and of lower social standing (Goedem
& Verbist, 2007). Adolescents who are in a lower2 school track (which occurs
typically in combination with lagging behind in the school system), are often
found to experience low self-esteem and a sense of futility as a result of their
perceived failure in the school system (Vanfossen, Jones, & Spade, 1987; Van
Houtte, 2005). Having failed in the school system, these youths are found to
orient themselves more strongly toward the peer group, in which they can
achieve status by means other than scholastic achievement (Staff & Kreager,
2008). If we consider sexting and mobile porn use as status-related behaviors,
adolescents in lower school tracks may, thus, be more likely to engage in
them to compensate.
Finally, we include parental marital status as a control variable. Parents
marital status has been associated with adolescents early sexual initiation and
other delinquent behaviors during adolescence (Newcomer & Udry, 1987).
Hence, it may also account for some of the variation in sexually deviant
mobile phone practices.

METHOD

Sample and Procedure

In 2010, a large-scale survey study was carried out among 12 high schools
in Flanders, Belgium. Schools were selected by means of a random stratified
sampling procedure. Of the 24 schools that were contacted, 12 agreed to
participate. In four schools, questionnaires were administered to all the
pupils of the school. In eight schools, questionnaires were administered to
a random set of classes that happened to have individual study hours (as
a result of teacher absences) during the data collection period. All students
in these classes, making a total of 1,943 high-school students, participated
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 15

in the study. Our sample was well balanced with regard to gender (50.6%
males). The mean age of the respondents was 15.28 years (SD D 1.89, Min D
10.30, Max D 20.70). The final sample reflects the population proportions
in terms of gender (50.6% boys, 49.4% girls), school year (35% in middle
school, 29% in junior high, 36% in senior high), and school track (42% in
an academic track, 34% in a semi-academic track, and 24% in a vocational
track). Approximately one in 12 respondents (7.5%) reported speaking a
non-Western language at home.

Cultural Specificity and Ethical Considerations

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Similar to most North-Western-European cultures, Flemish culture is fairly

liberal toward youths and their sexual activity (Vandenbosch & Eggermont,
2012). Teens start to receive sex education in school around the age of ten.
The legal age for involving in sexual activity is 16 years old (which is also
the legal age for alcohol consumption and smoking). The consumption of
(adult) pornography has been legal in Flanders since 1980. The law does
not specify a particular legal age for porn consumption, thus, adolescents
cannot be penalized for consuming porn.
Although admitting to sexting may be risky for adolescents in terms of
its potential legal consequences, our universitys institutional review board
argued that there were no grave ethical considerations to our study, provided
that sufficient precautionary measures were taken to ensure the anonymous
and confidential treatment of the responses. Hence, we administered anony-
mous questionnaires to the adolescents in their classroom in the presence
of two researchers, guaranteeing that the confidentiality of a respondents
answers was not violated by teachers nor by fellow students.

Measures
SEXTING AND MOBILE PORN USE

Both sexting and mobile porn use were assessed by means of a yes/no
question. With respect to sexting, respondents were asked whether they had
ever used their mobile phone to send a picture or video from themselves
in which they were naked or semi-naked (e.g., in their underwear). With
respect to mobile porn use, respondents were asked whether they currently
had pictures or videos from unknown naked people or people involved in
sexual acts on their mobile phone.
Self-perceived same-sex and other-sex popularity. Adolescents percep-
tion of their same-sex and other-sex popularity was assessed by using 13
items out of the social self-concept scale in Marshs (1992) self-description
questionnaire. Six items measured adolescents perceptions of their same-sex
 16 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

relationships and seven items measured their perceptions of their relation-

ships with the other-sex. The response scale ranged from 1 (totally disagree)
to 6 (totally agree). The internal consistency of the same-sex subscale was
acceptable for boys ( D .72) and girls ( D .69). Cronbachs alphas for the
other-sex subscale were reliable ( D .82 for boys, D .84 for girls). On
average, respondents reported having high same-sex popularity (M D 4.78,
SD D .74) and moderately high other-sex popularity (M D 4.26, SD D .90).
Need for popularity. Adolescents need for popularity was measured
by five items from Santor et al.s (2000) popularity scale, which assesses to
what extent adolescents act in certain ways out of a desire to be popular
with others (p. 165). Sample items are Its important that people think Im
popular, At times, Ive changed the way I dress, in order to be more
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popular, and Ive been friends with some people, just because others
liked them. The response scale ranged from 1 (totally disagree) to 4 (totally
agree). Cronbachs alpha for this measure was .77. On average, respondents
reported not having a particularly great desire for popularity (M D 2.06, SD D
0.55).
Perceived peer pressure. Literature reveals varying operationalizations
for perceived peer pressure depending on the specificity and objectivity of
its definition. With respect to specificity, most peer pressure research focuses
on pressure to engage in specific antisocial behaviors (e.g., delinquency; Sim
& Koh, 2003). Peer pressure can also be conceptualized without immediate
referral to particular behaviors, however (Santor et al., 2000). With respect
to objectivity, some authors place emphasis on adolescents subjective per-
ception of the pressure exerted by their peers (e.g., B. B. Brown et al.,
1986), while others emphasize adolescents susceptibility to peer pressure
as an intra-personal characteristic that is independent of the actual peer
pressure exerted (e.g., Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986). Following B. B. Brown
et al. (1986), we conceive of perceived peer pressure adolescents subjective
perception of an objective characteristic of their social environment, namely,
the pressure exerted by their peers, and following Santor et al. (2000), we
construe perceived peer pressure without referring to a specific behavior.
Therefore, we define perceived peer pressure in the current study as the
extent to which adolescents perceive pressure from their peers to engage in
activities they do not necessarily desire to engage in. To assess this concept,
we adapted the peer pressure subscale from Buhrmeisters (1992) Network of
Relations InventoryRelational Quality Version (NRI-RQV) so that it measures
peer pressure from friends in general rather than from one specific friend.
The three items used in our study were How often do your friends push
you to do things that you dont want to do?, How often do your friends
try to get you to do things that you dont like?, and How often do your
friends pressure you to do the things they want? The response categories
ranged from 1 ((almost) never) to 5 ((almost) always). Cronbachs alpha for
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 17

the peer pressure scale was .75. On average, respondents reported feeling
little pressure coming from their peers (M D 1.94, SD D .78).
Parental marital status. Family marital status was measured by ask-
ing whether their parents are (1) married/living together, (2) divorced, or
(3) whether their familial situation is different from the above. Seventy per-
cent of the respondents parents are either married or living together, 27% are
divorced, and another 3% of respondents reported living in another familial
situation (e.g., parent deceased, foster care, etc.). This measure was recoded
into a binary variable expressing whether the respondents parents were
married/living together (coded 1) or not (coded 2).

Data-Cleaning and Preliminary Analyses

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No outliers were detected for the measures used in this study. For the
predictor variables, missing values were replaced by series means. Given
that the response scales for the four peer group dynamics-measures had
different ranges, we standardized these measures. This allows us to compare
the odds ratio results among the different independent variables because
one unit of increase now has the same value for each of the independent
variables. Given that our data were gathered by means of a multistage
sampling procedure, we need to take into account that our observations may
be nested in meaningful social groups at the class, year, and school level. This
nesting (potentially) violates the assumption of independence, and, when not
accounted for, may lead to parameter estimates that are overvalued in terms
of their contribution to the outcome variable (Hox, 2010). To address the
hierarchical nature of our data structure, we first performed multilevel binary
logistic regression analyses by means of the genlinmix procedure in SPSS
19.0. These analyses inform whether there is significant variability in sexting
and mobile porn prevalence across individual students (level-1 fixed effects),
classes, years and schools (level-2, -3, and -4 random effects). Following the
procedure sketched by Heck, Thomas, and Tabata (2012), we first estimated
the unconditional (null) model for both sexting and mobile porn use, in
which only intercepts (in our case: one fixed effect for the intercept and
three random effects expressing its variability across the higher level units)
are estimated. If the unconditional models reveal significant variability in the
outcome variable across higher-level units, multilevel analysis is justified.
Table 1 provides the estimates for the random effects of the null model and
their corresponding significance. With regard to the prevalence of sexting,
no significant variability across school classes, years, or schools was found,
which indicates that ordinary logistic regression suffices to yield reliable
parameter estimates. With regard to the unconditional model for mobile porn
use, significant variability was found at the classroom level (see Table 1).
However, when fixed effects were entered into the equation there was no
 18 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

TABLE 1 Unconditional (Null) Multilevel Binary Logistic Regression Models for Sexting and
Mobile Porn Prevalence

Sexting

Random N (units)  2between SE CI Z p(one-tailed) ICC

Level-4 (class) 126 0.28 0.21 0.071.19 1.33 .09 .08

Level-3 (year) 42 0.07 0.16 0.005.01 0.01 .50 .02
Level-2 (school) 13 0.82 0.60 0.193.49 1.37 .09 .20
Residual 1728 1.00

Mobile porn

Random N (units)  2between SE CI Z p(one-tailed) ICC

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Level-4 (class) 126 0.31 0.17 0.100.92 1.82 .03 .09

Level-3 (year) 42 0.15 0.15 0.021.00 1.03 .15 .04
Level-2 (school) 13 0.13 0.12 0.020.79 1.08 .14 .04
Residual 1719 1.00

further support for significant variability across school classes ( 2between D .23,
SE D .16, Z D 1.43, p D .08, ICC D .07). Hence, for mobile porn use, ordinary
logistic regression parameter estimates should also not be overvalued as a
result of the hierarchy in our data structure.

RESULTS

Descriptive Statistics
In total, 6.3% of the adolescents in our sample reported having ever used their
mobile phone to send a (semi-)naked picture of themselves to someone. The
use of mobile porn was somewhat more prevalent, with 8.7% of adolescents
reporting having pornographic pictures or video content on their mobile
phone. Sexting and the use of mobile porn were strongly related to one
another: 34.6% of adolescents with pornographic content on their mobile
phone reported already having sent a sext, and 47.8% of adolescents who
had already sent a (semi-)nude picture or video of themselves to someone re-
ported having pornographic content on their mobile phone (2 (1) D 232.79,
p < .001).
With respect to mobile porn use, we found a pronounced gender differ-
ence, with 13.9% of the boys in our sample indicating having pornographic
imagery on their mobile phones, compared to only 3.4% of the girls (2 (1) D
63.43, p < .001). Boys (7.4%) were also significantly more likely than girls
(5.1%) to have sent a (semi-)nude picture or video from themselves to
someone (2 (1) D 3.98, p D .046).
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 19

Predictors of Sexting and Mobile Porn Use

The results of hierarchical logistic regression analyses are presented in Ta-
bles 24. The chi-square changes describe the incremental change in model
fit for each successive step of the analysis. In the first step, the four control
variables were examined in relation to sexting and mobile porn use. In the
second step, we entered (self-perceived) same-sex and other-sex popularity,
and in the third step, we entered need for popularity and perceived peer
pressure. When controlling for the other factors in our model, gender did
not significantly predict sexting. With respect to mobile porn, however, we
found that the odds of boys having mobile porn on their phone were 4.17
times greater than the odds of girls (B D 1.42, Wald statistic (1) D 44.34,
p < .001; Table 2).
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With regard to age, we found a 33% increase in the odds for girls to
having engaged in sexting for each year that girls were older, B D .28, Wald
statistic (1) D 9.17, p D .002 (Table 3). Age did not predict sexting among
boys, nor did it predict mobile porn use (Tables 24). School track was a
negative predictor for sexting, with a 41% increase in the odds as pupils were
in a lower level school track (B D .35, Wald statistic (1) D 7.01, p D .008;
see Table 2). For boys, no relationship was found between school track and
the use of mobile porn. For girls at a lower school level, however, there was
an increase in the odds of 79% of having porn on the phone compared to
girls at a higher level (B D .58, Wald statistic (1) D 5.62, p D .018).
Family marital status did not predict mobile porn use. It also did not
predict girls involvement with sexting (Tables 24). In the total sample (B D
.42, OR D 1.52, Wald statistic (1) D 4.05, p D .044), and among boys (B D
.55, OR D 1.74, Wald statistic (1) D 4.03, p D .045), however, there was a
significant increase in the odds of having engaged in sexting when parents
were divorced or separated.
We hypothesized that self-perceived popularity with the other sex (Hy-
pothesis 1), need for popularity (Hypothesis 2), and peer pressure (Hypothe-
sis 3) are positively associated with sexting. The first two of these hypotheses
were supported: with every one-unit increase in self-perceived popularity
with the other sex, there is a 70% increase (B D .53, Wald statistic (1) D
17.07, p < .001), and with every one-unit increase in need for popularity
there is a 64% increase in the odds of sexting (B D .49, Wald statistic (1) D
21.67, p < .001). Table 3 shows that these relationships hold up for both
boys and girls, with girls being twice as likely to have engaged in sexting
(OR D 1.99) with every increase in need for popularity, while boys being
only 52% (OR D 1.52) more at odds. Hypothesis 3, regarding perceived peer
pressure, was not supported in the tests of the overall sample, nor was it
supported in the subgroup analysis (Tables 2 and 3).
Hypothesis 4 predicted that, for girls, sexting would be negatively asso-
ciated with same-sex popularity, yet positively for boys. This hypothesis was
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TABLE 2 Sexting and Mobile Porn Use Predicted by Gender, Age, School Track, Parental Marital Status, Self-Perceived Same-Sex/Other-Sex
Popularity, Need for Popularity, and Perceived Peer Pressure

Sexting Mobile porn use

Wald Exp Model Wald Exp Model

Predictor B(SD) statistic (b) 2 B(SD) statistic (b) 2

Step 1 27.39*** 72.42***

Constant 1.84(0.89) 4.31* 0.16 1.67(0.80) 4.34* 0.19
Gender (male D 0) 0.29(0.20) 2.05 0.75 1.48(0.21) 49.28*** 0.23
Age 0.02(0.05) 0.08 1.02 0.02(0.05) 0.10 0.99
School track (academic D 3) 0.50(0.13) 15.11*** 0.61 0.31(0.11) 7.13** 0.74
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.46(0.21) 4.98* 1.58 0.05(0.19) 0.07 1.05
Step 2 23.03*** 11.23**
Constant 1.60(0.91) 3.14 0.20 1.54(0.81) 3.61 0.22
Gender (male D 0) 0.27(0.20) 1.81 0.76 1.48(0.21) 48.95*** 0.23
Age 0.02(0.05) 0.12 0.98 0.04(0.05) 0.55 0.97

20
School track (academic D 3) 0.42(0.13) 10.44** 0.66 0.25(0.12) 4.56* 0.78
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.40(0.21) 3.72 1.49 0.01(0.19) 0.00 1.01
Same-sex popularity 0.32(0.10) 9.30** 0.73 0.26(0.10) 7.11** 0.77
Other-sex popularity 0.57(0.13) 21.03*** 1.77 0.33(0.11) 9.31** 1.39
Step 3 23.69*** 38.65***
Constant 3.02(0.98) 9.49** 0.05** 2.77(0.86) 10.32** 0.06
Gender (male D 0) 0.21(0.21) 1.04 0.81 1.42(0.21) 44.34*** 0.24
Age 0.06(0.06) 0.94 1.06 0.03(0.05) 0.29 1.03
School track (academic D 3) 0.35(0.13) 7.01** 0.71 0.17(0.12) 2.14 0.84
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.42(0.21) 4.05* 1.52 0.02(0.20) 0.01 1.02
Same-sex popularity 0.28(0.11) 6.47* 0.76 0.13(0.10) 1.67 0.87
Other-sex popularity 0.53(0.13) 17.07*** 1.70 0.26(0.11) 5.32* 1.30
Need for popularity 0.49(0.11) 21.67*** 1.64 0.44(0.10) 21.30*** 1.56
Perceived peer pressure 0.03(0.11) 0.09 0.97 0.22(0.09) 5.98* 1.25

R2 (model 3) .04 (Cox & Snell), .11 (Nagelkerke) .07 (Cox & Snell), .15 (Nagelkerke)
p D .05. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
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TABLE 3 Hierarchical Logistic Regression Results for Sexting for Male and Female Adolescents

Males Females

Wald Exp Model Wald Exp Model

Predictor B(SD) statistic (b) 2 B(SD) statistic (b) 2

Step 1 20.20*** 15.07**

Constant 0.69(1.19) 0.34 2.00 5.10(1.40) 13.34*** 0.00
Age 0.13(0.07) 3.42 0.88 0.21(0.08) 6.51* 1.23
School track (academic D 3) 0.56(0.18) 10.01** 0.57 0.46(0.19) 5.82* 0.63
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.61(0.27) 5.13* 1.85 0.28(0.32) 0.79 1.33
Step 2 10.94** 11.71**
Constant 0.79(1.21) 0.43 2.21 4.75(1.43) 11.06** 0.01
Age 0.16(0.07) 4.53* 0.86 0.17(0.09) 3.82 1.18
School track (academic D 3) 0.50(0.18) 7.73** 0.61 0.37(0.20) 3.57 0.69

21
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.54(0.27) 3.88* 1.71 0.26(0.32) 0.66 1.30
Same-sex popularity 0.21(0.15) 1.84 0.81 0.43(0.15) 8.10** 0.65
Other-sex popularity 0.56(0.18) 10.07** 1.74 0.50(0.18) 7.48** 1.65
Step 3 10.84** 16.85***
Constant 0.30(1.28) 0.06 0.74 7.07(1.64) 18.57*** 0.00
Age 0.10(0.08) 1.59 0.91 0.28(0.09) 9.17** 1.33
School track (academic D 3) 0.44(0.18) 6.11* 0.64 0.24(0.20) 1.39 0.79
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.55(0.28) 4.03* 1.74 0.29(0.33) 0.79 1.34
Same-sex popularity 0.09(0.16) 0.32 0.91 0.49(0.16) 9.82** 0.61
Other-sex popularity 0.46(0.18) 6.41* 1.58 0.56(0.19) 8.60** 1.75
Need for popularity 0.42(0.14) 8.95** 1.52 0.69(0.17) 15.83*** 1.99
Perceived peer pressure 0.03(0.14) 0.05 1.03 0.15(0.18) 0.75 0.86

R2 (model 3) .05 (Cox & Snell), .11 (Nagelkerke) .05 (Cox & Snell), .15 (Nagelkerke)
p D .05. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
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TABLE 4 Hierarchical Logistic Regression Results for Mobile Porn Use for Male and Female Adolescents

Males Females

Wald Exp Model Wald Exp Model

Predictor B(SD) statistic (b) 2 B(SD) statistic (b) 2

Step 1 1.53 12.63**

Constant 1.25(0.92) 1.83 0.29 1.98(1.61) 1.51 0.14
Age 0.02(0.05) 0.08 0.99 0.02(0.10) 0.04 1.02
School track (academic D 3) 0.15(0.13) 1.24 0.86 0.81(0.24) 11.58** 0.45
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.07(0.22) 0.11 1.08 0.04(0.39) 0.01 1.04
Step 2 8.63* 3.56
Constant 1.16(0.93) 1.56 0.31 1.91(1.64) 1.35 0.15
Age 0.03(0.05) 0.35 0.97 0.00(0.10) 0.00 1.00
School track (academic D 3) 0.09(0.13) 0.50 0.91 0.72(0.24) 8.96** 0.49

22
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.01(0.22) 0.00 1.01 0.02(0.40) 0.00 1.02
Same-sex popularity 0.23(0.12) 3.81 0.80 0.35(0.18) 3.73 0.71
Other-sex popularity 0.36(0.13) 8.00** 1.43 0.19(0.21) 0.83 1.21
Step 3 28.74*** 10.53**
Constant 2.27(0.98) 5.33* 0.10 3.56(1.80) 3.90* 0.03
Age 0.02(0.06) 0.17 1.02 0.08(0.11) 0.56 1.08
School track (academic D 3) 0.04(0.14) 0.07 0.96 0.58(0.25) 5.62* 0.56
Family marital status (div D 2) 0.03(0.23) 0.02 1.03 0.05(0.40) 0.02 1.05
Same-sex popularity 0.07(0.12) 0.28 0.94 0.35(0.19) 3.20 0.71
Other-sex popularity 0.26(0.13) 3.95* 1.30 0.21(0.21) 0.97 1.23
Need for popularity 0.41(0.11) 13.43*** 1.50 0.55(0.19) 8.21** 1.73
Perceived peer pressure 0.26(0.11) 6.19* 1.30 0.10(0.19) 0.27 1.11

R2 (model 3) 04 (Cox & Snell), .08 (Nagelkerke) .03 (Cox & Snell), .12 (Nagelkerke)
p D .05. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 23

TABLE 5 Summary of Hypotheses

Nr Hypothesis Supported?

H1 Adolescents who perceive themselves as more popular with the other Yes
sex will be more likely to engage in sexting.
H2 Adolescents who have a greater desire for popularity will be more Yes
likely to engage in sexting.
H3 Adolescents who experience more peer pressure will be more likely to No
engage in sexting.
H4a Girls sexting will be negatively predicted by (self-perceived) same-sex Yes
popularity.
H4b Boys sexting will be positively predicted by (self-perceived) same-sex No
popularity.
H5 Adolescent boys who perceive themselves as more popular with No
same-sex peers will be more likely to engage in mobile porn use.
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H6 Adolescent boys who perceive themselves as more popular with Yes

other-sex peers will be more likely to engage in mobile porn use.
H7 Adolescent boys who have a greater desire for popularity will be more Yes
likely to engage in mobile porn use.
H8 Adolescent boys who experience more peer pressure will be more Yes
likely to engage in mobile porn use.

only partially supported. Girls who perceived their same-sex popularity to be

lower, were significantly more at odds to have engaged in sexting (B D .49,
OR D .61, Wald statistic (1) D 9.82, p D .002). No significant relationship
between self-perceived same-sex popularity and sexting was found for boys,
however (Table 3). Similarly, no relationship was found between boys self-
perceived same-sex popularity and mobile porn use, which led us to rejecting
Hypothesis 5 (Table 4).
The final set of hypotheses (Hypotheses 68) anticipated that boys who
are more popular with the opposite sex (Hypotheses 6), have a greater
need for popularity (Hypothesis 7), and experience more peer pressure
(Hypothesis 8) would be more likely to engage in mobile porn use. Each
of these hypotheses was supported: among boys, a 1-unit increase in self-
perceived popularity with the other sex predicted a 30% increase in the odds
of having mobile porn on ones phone (B D .26, Wald statistic (1) D 3.95,
p D .047). Likewise, a one-unit increase in boys need for popularity and in
experienced peer pressure respectively, increased the odds of using mobile
porn by 50% (B D .41, Wald statistic (1) D 13.43, p < .001) and 30% ((B D .26,
Wald statistic (1) D 6.19, p D .013), respectively. Table 5 provides a summary
of the different hypotheses and whether they were supported or not.

DISCUSSION

By bringing popularity and peer pressure into the picture, this study helps
clarify some of the specific ways in which sexting and mobile porn use are
 24 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

intertwined with peer group dynamics, which has been a growing theme
in the literature thus far (Bond, 2010; Lenhart, 2009; Ling & Yttri, 2002).
As Ling (2004) explains, teens are in the process of exploring sexuality and
developing social interaction skills. In these ways, the mobile telephone plays
into the peer groups role in the emancipation of the teen. It facilitates their
learning how to manage quasi-illicit activities and in defining the boundary
between what is proper and what is improper in various arenas (p. 86).
Within that realm of peer influence, our findings point to popularity and,
to some extent, peer pressure as pieces of the puzzle for understanding the
social contexts and social processes surrounding these behaviors.
The picture becomes sharpened when the analysis is conducted within
gender groupings, which provides new insight into the contours of the
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relationships between peer group dynamics and these behaviors. In our

study, sexting and mobile porn use were strongly associated, and key aspects
of peer dynamics were found to predict both of them. At the same time,
notable differences in the patterns emerged when the analyses were repeated
within gender groupings. These gender differences were more pronounced
for mobile porn use than for sexting, indicating there may be a need for
distinct theoretical models for explaining these behaviors. With those broader
observations noted, we turn to discussion of the individual findings and their
implications for future research.
With respect to sexting, we found that self-perceived other-sex pop-
ularity and the need for popularity were predictors, but no relationship
was found with perceived peer pressure. The lack of the latter relationship
might be due to the fact that the pressure to engage in sexting may come
mostly from certain individual peers (e.g., ones boyfriend or girlfriend; see
also Lenhart [2009] and Ringrose et al. [2012]), whereas our measure from
Buhrmeister (1992) tapped pressure from the peer group more generally.
Future research should thus consider using a more specific measurement of
(perceived) peer pressure.
In accordance with our expectations, girls were more likely to engage in
sexting when they perceived their same-sex relationships to be poorer. This
relationship was absent for boys. The sexual double standard perspective can
be employed to hypothesize about causality, in that it assumes that sexual
permissiveness causes changes in peer acceptance. From this perspective,
our findings would help generate the hypothesis that sexting leads to girls
having a slutty image among other girls. Given the cross-sectional nature of
our study, however, it is important to also recognize the alternative possibility
that unpopular girls might seek out peer acceptance by means of sexually
permissive behavior (Kreager & Staff, 2009). Support for this can be found
in an interview study by Roe and Jarlbro (1998), in which a lack of intimate
friendships with other girls was identified as a key motivator for girls to
develop a sex object-identity in an attempt to repair the damage to their self-
esteem. In that scenario, then, sexting may serve as a popularity enhance-
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 25

ment strategy for girls with weak same-sex friendships. To clarify the causal,
or perhaps reciprocal, relationship between sexting and peer acceptance,
future research employing experimental or longitudinal designs is needed.
With respect to mobile porn use, our findings largely support our expec-
tations. Mobile porn use is a male-dominated practice. Boys who perceived
more peer pressure were also more likely to report having pornographic
content on their mobile phones. The latter relationship corresponds with
the findings of earlier studies that adolescent boys generally experience
more peer pressure than adolescent girls (e.g., Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986;
Sumter et al., 2009) and shows how this dynamic translates into the context
of mobile communication. With respect to popularity, boys who perceived
themselves as more popular with girls and who reported having a greater
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need for popularity were more likely to have mobile porn on their phones.
Interestingly, need for popularity also positively predicted mobile porn use
among girls. Bonds (2010) focus group study suggests thatalthough mobile
porn use is seen as more popular among boysboth boys and girls talk
readily about viewing it, often on other peoples phones. Future research on
mobile porn use among adolescents should also focus on the (co-present)
viewing of mobile porn on other peoples phones. Also, as in the case of
sexting and peer group dynamics, the question remains whether mobile
porn use leads to greater peer acceptance, or vice versa. Experimental work
may clarify whether these practices enhance popularity among adolescents,
for example, by examining whether manipulated peer group status (e.g.,
acceptance versus rejection) affects adolescents motivation to use sexting
and mobile porn use as a popularity enhancement strategy. A concurrent
hypothesis may be that high status peers engage more frequently in these
practices because their high status protects them from (reputational) harm.
This alternative can be examined by having adolescents evaluate the reputa-
tional gain or harm of sexting and mobile porn practices of peers of which
the peer popularity is manipulated. Evidence for a sexual double standard,
then, can be found in a conditioning role of gender.
In sum, the findings of our study indicate that sexting and mobile
porn use are mobile phone practices that are strongly intertwined with the
dynamics of adolescent peer groups. Practitioners who wish to sensitize
teens about the potential risks of these practices should be attentive to this
interplay. From an adolescent frame of reference, sexting and mobile porn
use may be associated mostly with benefits (in terms of peer acceptance)
rather than risks. It is important to note, in that regard, that to a certain degree
adolescents appear self-aware of their responsibilities, which reflects itself in
the highly individualized decisions they make as to where their boundaries
lie. One of the girls in Lenharts (2009) study, for example, refused sending
naked pictures, but found slutty pictures (e.g., pictures in which teens are
scarcely dressed (e.g., in their underwear) and/or take sexual poses) of
herself perfectly acceptable.
 26 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

Apart from the theoretically driven social dynamics examined in our

study, we also found interesting associations between the control variables
and sexting and mobile porn use. With respect to age, the only significant
association found was that sexting appeared more common among older
girls. Through the lens of sexual double standard, a possible explanation
may be that sexting harms older girls reputations less than it does with
younger girls. Age was not directly related to the use of mobile porn, nor
to sexting among boys. However, age significantly predicted the need for
popularity (r D .13, p < .001) and self-perceived popularity with the other
sex (r D .17, p < .000). Next steps in this line of inquiry should consider the
possibility of indirect paths linking these variables.
On a related note, the contribution of school track in predicting our two
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outcome measures lessened when the peer group dynamics were entered
into the regression equation, suggesting that these dynamics may mediate the
relationship between school track on the one hand, and sexting and mobile
porn use on the other. This would support the idea that adolescents who
experience less scholastic success orient themselves more strongly to the
peer group and the rewards that it dispenses in the form of acceptance and
popularity. Research will benefit from testing this hypothesis with requisite
empirical grounds for teasing out the direction of the relationships.
While the findings from this study help lay the groundwork for future
research aimed at explaining adolescent sexting and mobile porn use, they
must be considered in light of some important limitations. As already noted,
the cross-sectional nature of this study hinders the ability to make causal
claims. Thus, the interpretations offered here serve more as hypotheses to
help guide future research rather than as definitive conclusions.
Another limitation of this study is its fairly narrow scope. Adolescent
sexting and mobile porn use are likely shaped by other fundamental social
and psychological factors that were not accounted for here. In particular,
this study would have benefited from asking whether adolescents were
romantically involved with someone at the time of participation, considering
that having a boyfriend or girlfriend predicts adolescent involvement with
sexting (Lenhart, 2009; Vanden Abeele et al., 2012). Given that having a
boyfriend or girlfriend is likely to correlate with adolescents other-sex popu-
larity (Furman, 2002), accounting for adolescents romantic involvement may
have helped clarify the picture. Also motives, such as compensatory or recre-
ational, are likely to be important mechanisms underlying these behaviors
and should therefore be accounted for (Peter & Valkenburg, 2007). While
expanding the scope in these directions, researchers should continue to be
sensitive to gender as key aspect of context, as revealed in our study. More
broadly speaking, girls tend to suffer from more restrictive environments
concerning their romantic and sexual development (Zani, 1991), which might
make the mobile phone ever so important for them to explore their sexuality
and to thereby negotiate their position in the peer group.
 Sexting, Mobile Porn, and Peer Group Dynamics 27

In addition, there are limitations in measurement that should be acknowl-

edged. We relied on self-report perceptions of same-sex and other-sex pop-
ularity, and a sociometric measure would be useful for examining popularity
from the perspective of others. There is some evidence that these different
facets of popularity (i.e., self and other perception) play related yet distinc-
tive roles in adolescent social life with self-perception moderating between
status perceived by others and status-gaining behaviors (Mayeux & Cillessen,
2008). Therefore, sociometric as well as self-report approaches to measur-
ing popularity should be incorporated in future research. We also utilized
fairly narrow measures of sexting and mobile porn use. Dichotomous re-
sponse scales did not offer much sensitivity to variation in the frequency of
these behaviors. Moreover, while the question on sexting referred to hav-
Downloaded by [Dogu Akdeniz University] at 17:31 03 December 2015

ing ever sent a sext, the question on mobile porn use referred to having
porn on ones phone at the time of completing the questionnaire. This dif-
ference in reference period complicates comparisons between the sexting
and mobile porn prevalence in our study. Also, our measures were limited
in shedding light on the extent to which adolescents actively or passively
engaged in these behaviors, whether they generated, shared, or received sexual
content, whether involvement was voluntary, and whether any (undesired/
unintended) consequences occurred. There is also the concern over social
desirability, considering the potentially sensitive nature of the survey. That
said, precautionary measures were taken to assure the respondents anonymity
in the hope that they would respond to these sensitive questions truthfully.
The point of departure for this study was to examine adolescents need
for popularity, perceived peer pressure and perceptions of their own pop-
ularity with same-sex and other-sex peers in relation to sexting and mobile
porn use. Although differential patterns were found for each of these aspects
of peer group dynamics, in sum, our findings provide evidence that knowl-
edge of these predictors allows us to develop better hypotheses about which
youths are more likely to engage in these behaviors. Despite its limitations,
our study, thus, confirms and extends the extant qualitative research on
sexting and mobile porn use (e.g., Bond, 2010; Lenhart, 2009; Ringrose et al.,
2012) by situating both behaviors in the context of peer group dynamics.
The qualitative research on sexting and mobile porn use has drawn
attention to the importance of peer group dynamics in understanding these
behaviors from its very start. This focus appears to be somewhat different
from other areas of research on adolescents selection and use of sexual
media and their effects, where attention seems to be devoted mostly to
aspects such as developmental characteristics, demographics, or psycho-
logical dispositions. In light of the importance of peer group dynamics
during the adolescent life stage, future research on the consumption (and
effects) of other sexual media (e.g., Internet pornography, webcam sex,
sexual television content) may also benefit from taking these dynamics more
strongly into account.
 28 M. Vanden Abeele et al.

NOTES

1. We should note that this definition of sexting is a narrow definition of sexting. Broader
definitions of sexting may also refer to the production and distribution of other contents
(such as sexually suggestive texts or pornographic imagery in general) and to the produc-
tion and distribution via other technologies (e.g., a webcam, the Internet) (Ringrose et al.,
2012). In the current study, we chose to use a restrictive definition, as we are specifically
interested in the active agency of adolescents who distribute self-produced sexual imagery
of themselves via a mobile technology that allows easy, fast, and widespread distribution
of this imagery, both mediated (by texting these images to one another) and face-to-face
(teens sharing these images with co-present others).
2. In the remainder of this article, we sometimes use the terms lower and higher school
track to refer to adolescents place in the schooling system. This choice of words does
not imply a value judgment on behalf of the authors, yet reflects societys judgment of the
Downloaded by [Dogu Akdeniz University] at 17:31 03 December 2015

social standing that corresponds with the three types of school.

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