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The purpose of this article is to explicate concepts of politics that were in-
troduced - if somewhat implicidy - by different Frankfurt School theorists.
Authors writing within this influential tradition have identified a number of
structural threats to the very possibility of genuine, transformative political
action in modern capitalist society. The article discusses these threats under
three headings: seduction by media and consumerism, the draining away of
political power from the state in favor of rackets, and political alienation af-
flicting individuals and communities excluded from circles of power. These
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It has been argued that - in spite of its radical intentions - the (pre-Habermas)
Frankfurt School tradition of critical theory made its original political dimen-
sion disappear (Howard, 2000). Yet it would be more accurate to say that, be-
fore turning away from politics, Frankfurt School theorists were making serious
claims about the emergence of structural threats to the very possibility of genu-
ine, transformative political action. These claims were made within the context
of an implicit political theory. Similar to biologists who study the reasons for
the extinction of species or entire habitats, Max Horkheimer and his associates
were interested in the disappearance and the replacement of politics by other
means of coordinating social behavior. As I will argue, this perspective opened
a valid area of research and is not in itself to be blamed for stripping critical
theory of its political dimension.
Of course, claiming that politics is dead presupposes a notion of what poli-
tics is about. Thus, I will first attempt to sketch concepts of the political as they
figure in the writings of Horkheimer, Adorno and Franz Neumann. I will then
investigate threats to the possibility of political action as they were perceived in
the Frankfurt School tradition. In my view, these threats fall under three differ-
ent rubrics. Much of what was written about the 'culture industry', in particular,
can be reconceptualized under the heading of power as seduction. Horkheim-
er's theory of rackets envisions the death of politics at the hand of semi-private
Politics is certainly the conflict between power groups, and the conflicts may be re-
solved by victory and defeat or by conciliation, that is, compromise. But one group may,
in its struggle for power, represent more than a particular interest; it may indeed repre-
sent the idea of freedom, the idea crucial to political theory. (Neumann, 1957: 18)
Such a sanguine view of politics and the rational justifiability of taking sides
in political conflicts is completely alien to Horkheimer. Unlike Neumann, he
neither believes in the promotion of freedom through power nor in the long-
term viability of any kind of meaningful political conflict in modern society. In
his early essay 'Egoism and the Freedom Movement', Horkheimer sets out by
criticizing the contractualist perspective on the emergence of state power that
expects individuals to overcome their instincts and emotions for the benefit of
a higher order. Contrary to this view, Horkheimer maintains that 'egoism' is
not evil per se, but can be a way of articulating the collective demand for happi-
ness rebuffed by the ruling minority. In capitalist society, however, competition
has turned modern life into a new, technologically enhanced state of nature.
Market competition 'takes on the character of a permanent state of war, inter-
nally and externally' (Horkheimer, 1993: 52). This situation, in turn, exerts a
powerful selective pressure on the entire emotional and psychological makeup
of individuals:
Coldness and alienness are the direct result of this basic structure of the epoch: noth-
ing in the structure of bourgeois individual opposes the repression and annihilation of
one's fellow beings. On the contrary, the circumstance that in this world each becomes
the other's competitor, and that even with increasing social wealth there are increas-
ingly too many people, gives the typical individual of the epoch a character of coldness
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and indifference, one that is satisfied with the most pitiful rationalizations of the most
monstrous deeds as long as they correspond to his interest. (Horkheimer,1993: 96)
the irrational propaganda of the ruling classes. Here again Neumann tends to
adopt a different position which also includes a transnational dimension. Thus,
during the war while employed as an American intelligence officer for the Re-
search and Analysis Branch of the Office of Strategic Studies (OSS) he strongly
advocates the need for a well-crafted strategy of psychological warfare aimed
at altering the perspectives of the German people: 'Psychological warfare', he
insists in the preface to the first edition of his Behemoth, 'is not propaganda. It is
politics' (Neumann, 1944: x).
Even for Horkheimer in the 1930s the masses are far from being uniformly
susceptible to irrational domestic propaganda. It is largely the 'lack of inte-
gration into a rational work process' (Horkheimer, 1993: 67) that makes sec-
tors of the population psychologically dependent and politically gullible. Here
Horkheimer reiterates an argument previously presented by Max Weber and
Antonio Gramsci who also perceived social groups that were not subjected to
the discipline of productive labor as easy prey for demagogues (Heins, 2004:
505). Although we already see the dominant theme of the suppression of poli-
tics by overwhelming power, in the mid-1930s Horkheimer still retains at least
a modicum of optimism. As stated at one point, the masses are 'not yet' able to
formulate their own independent politics (Horkheimer, 1993: 87). Addition-
ally, he sees the disintegration of classes into 'small groups' of which not all are
bad. Although some may be aggressive and irrational, others are dedicated to
the practical transformation of society in accordance with the real interests of
the majority (Horkheimer, 1993: 56, 78-9). Once these scattered remnants of
historical optimism faded, the 'suppression of politics' hypothesis was elabo-
rated in a more systematic manner.
Power of seduction
The contention that cultural activities are being increasingly subordinated to
the systemic requirement of stabilizing power relations is further developed
in writings on the culture industry, corporate entertainment and 'Hollywood'.
These works such as Adorno's chapter on the 'Culture Industry' in the Dialectic
of Enlightenment, written during the Californian exile in the early 1940s, are
often judged as an exercise in manipulation theory - a charge which devotees
of the Frankfurt School indignantly repudiate as simplistic (Steinert, 2003). My
own view is that 'seduction' is indeed a better term than 'manipulation', if we
want to adequately characterize the mechanism of social integration described
by Horkheimer and Adorno. However, the term manipulation is not without
merit and its use is far from being a symptom of theoretical simple-mindedness.
Whereas Weber famously defined power as the chance to overcome resistance,
the process-notion of manipulation suggests a broader concept of power based
on 'means of undermining - resistance' (Goodin, 1980: 8). As Robert Goodin has
pointed out, manipulation implies subtle interference, usually by unknown
agents or forces (Goodin, 1980: 9). There are many formulations suggesting
that Adorno and Horkheimer had in mind exactly this kind of interference
when they explored the phenomenon of the culture industry. In their own
sneaky and captivating fashion - without a shred of intimidation or force - the
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mass media perform the miracle of spiriting away 'the last remaining thought
of resistance' (Horkheimer and Adorno, 1972: 144) among its consumers.
Yet other features of the culture industry seem to evade the label of manipula-
tory politics. Thus, manipulation typically causes people to behave in a manner
that runs counter to what they really want (Goodin, 1980: 13-19). It is a tech-
nique of luring away individuals or groups from pursuing their true interests
or needs. However, in Adorno and Horkheimer's totally administered society
there is no way of establishing the putative interests of subjects. In 1940 Adorno
writes in a draft letter to Robert Hutchins at the University of Chicago:
We witness a change that makes men into mere passive centers of reaction, into sub
jects of 'conditioned reflexes', because they have left no centers of spontaneity, no
obligatory measure of behavior, nothing that transcends their most immediate wants,
needs and desires. (quoted in Wiggershaus, 1988: 308)
Of course, since the authors do not present a particularly clear line of thought,
the text allows for quite different interpretations. Do consumers 'see through'
the artificiality and emptiness of cultural merchandise, or are they 'deceived'
as the chapter title suggests? Are they actively collaborating, or are they noth-
ing but pliable material of media strategies? Finally, are we dumbed down into
subservience by the 'system'? Or is our 'misplaced love' for the products of the
culture industry the root cause of evil and 'a greater force than the cunning of
the authorities' (Horkheimer and Adorno, 1972: 133)?As these inconsistent
propositions show, the sources of cultural power remain ultimately obscure.
Politics by plotting
Horkheimer and Adorno represent modern society alternately as a disintegrat-
ed state of nature or in machine analogies reminiscent of Weber's political
theory (Heins, 1993).If they had developed a proper sociology, it would neither
resemble modern systems theory nor its rational choice challengers. Horkhe-
imer's interest in 'small groups' and 'rackets' suggests that they had something
of a 'compulsive choice theory' of society in mind, which would have given a
central place to actors and their decisions without, however, granting them any
freedom ofjointly reinterpreting the social reality surrounding them. Modern
society is called a 'system', but not one that is structured by anonymous codes
and mechanisms. Rather, the system is run by identifiable groups of people
glued together by trust and fear. It is wrong to assume, as Honneth does, that
only for Kirchheimer and Neumann 'social groups' and their negotiated rela-
tionships are decisive in explaining societal integration (Honneth, 1995: 78-9).
Rather, it is worth emphasizing that the concept of 'rackets' is crucial for under-
standing the political philosophy of both the 'circles' of the Frankfurt School.
Rackets are the conceptual offshoot of the activist 'small groups', which had
already made their appearance in Horkheimer's earlier texts. However, in the
early 1930s some of those small groups (revolutionary or intellectual circles)
still looked nice, whereas rackets are by definition nasty. As far as their men-
tal life is concerned, they resemble social hordes or miniature versions of the
'crowds' described by twentieth century mass psychology. The term itself, taken
from everyday American English, became fashionable in big industrial cities like
Chicago before the New Deal. 'Racketeering' referred to the practice of craft
organizations that deliberately blurred the divide between the private and the
public sphere by acting like governments. Local unions and trade associations
set up by construction workers, retailers, truck drivers, janitors, waitresses and
others began to pass their own constitutions, levy taxes and enforce their deci-
sions, sometimes resorting to violent means. Only in the late 1920s these forms
of self-organization,which had constantly straddled the line between legal and
illegal behavior, were unequivocally equated with criminal gangs engaging in
'collusive agreements' to divide up markets and live off the bounty (Cohen,
2004: 233-63). Later on, when the term entered the vocabulary of the German
imigr6, it had already degenerated into a vague epithet used to question the
legitimacy of certain unions and businesses 'without issuing any precise charge
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Alienation as disempowerment
So far we have seen that politics can be suppressed by seducing the 'masses'
into staying glued to their TV sets (or their digitally integrated multimedia
PCs), which prevents them from engaging in collective action. Politics can also
be undermined by shifting the sites of decision-making to invisible semi-private
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networks, so that those willing to engage in politics are left in the dark. The
analysis of a third way of thwarting the very possibility of politics leads us away
from Horkheimer and Adorno to authors who have been linked to the 'outer
circle' (Honneth, 1995) or the "'activist" wing of the Frankfurt Institut' (Katz,
1987: 478).
Neumann and Fromm, in particular, have made an effort to introduce a
revived concept of alienation to the study of politics and anti-politics.This con-
cept helps us avoid Horkheimer's misanthropic judgment that common people
are like 'ants in an anthill' while simultaneously acknowledging that they might
indeed feel that way. At the most basic level, alienation is defined as 'a mode of
experience in which the person experiences himself as an alien' (Fromm, 1956:
120). If such a 'mode of experience' becomes common, practical capacities and
psychic inclinations to enter and sustain society are jeopardized. Experiencing
others and oneself as aliens results in social anxiety that, in turn, eats away at
the mutual trust among citizens and hence at the cohesion of society itself. This
has obviously consequences for the likelihood that people participate in politi-
cal processes. In his final text on 'Anxiety and Politics', Neumann examined,
among other aspects, two problems that are at the heart of his mature concep
tualization of politics: first, the political consequences of forms of anxiety or
alienation that have non-political causes, and second, the deliberate reinforce-
ment of anxiety by the authoritarian state as a way of suppressing politics by
power (Neumann, 1957: 270-300). I proceed by elaborating very briefly on
both of these aspects.
Following Freud's theory of the human psyche, Neumann is convinced that
every society, not just modern or capitalist ones, is based on the repression of
instinctual gratification. However, the 'alienation of labor', which he believes
to have been on the rise since the beginning of the industrial revolution, makes
things considerably worse. The combination of stultifying work and bourgeois
values increases feelings of anxiety and alienation among sectors of the middle
classes and makes them 'most susceptible to Caesarism', that is to authoritar-
ian political leaders (Neumann, 1957: 288). In addition, market competition
increases the 'fear of social degradation' and favors the spread of all kinds of
'persecutory anxiety'. These affective trends, which are generated within soci-
ety, lead to the growing inability or unwillingness of citizens to think independ-
ently and to take part in the public life of their nations. Thus, anxiety feeds into
'political alienation'. This syndrome is defined broadly by Neumann as 'the
conscious rejection of the whole political system which expresses itself as apathy
because the individual sees no possibility of changing anything in the system
through his efforts' (Neumann, 1957: 290).
The spread of political alienation implies that politics understood as contes-
tation of power relations becomes unlikely. Instead, we may witness the rise of
authoritarian mass movements which do even more damage to political agency
as they ultimately help to 'institutionalize anxiety' (Neumann, 1957: 291; ital-
ics added). Individuals are persuaded to find satisfaction in the complete s u b
mission to an arbitrary authority. Under such circumstances, the contractual-
ist notion of surrendering individual rights to the 'sovereign' is carried to its
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ultimate extremes (Fromm, 1956: 123). With the historical cases of National
Socialism and Stalinism in mind, Neumann describes terror and propaganda
as the primary means to make anxiety and hence the fearful passivity of the
vast majority a permanent feature of the exercise of power. In this context he
suggests that 'conspiracy theories' are the most important ideological fuel on
which regressive mass movements run (Neumann, 1957: 279-80) - certainly a
remarkable thesis given Horkheimer's aforementioned views on the merits of
being paranoid.
Neumann has undoubtedly stimulated a potential research agenda which
should look more closely at the possible political consequences of social anxiety
as well as at forms of anxiety and alienation caused by political structures or de-
velopments. However, some shortcomings also seem to be pretty obvious. The
experience of National Socialism, in particular, prompted him to advocate an
extremely narrow and rationalist view of what is healthy and harmless in social
life. According to Axel Honneth, Neumann was blind to the positive functions
of, for example, fusing with an enthusiastic crowd at a soccer stadium (Hon-
neth, 2003: 251). Similarly, in politics he tended to see every expression of
collective emotion as 'irrational' and therefore 'dangerous'.
- Ironically, this led
him to think of large bureaucracies and armies as politically innocuous insofar
they are based on non-affective mechanisms of identification.
veilling and punishing people but also by turning them into onlookers and con-
noisseurs with a remote control in their hands. In its 'seductive' mode, power
is exercised by making certain choices irresistible. By focusing on ways in which
power shapes the will of subjects instead of breaking it, Frankfurt School authors
have done two important things. First, they have revived and recontextualized
John Stuart Mill's insight that freedom is not only threatened by interpersonal
repression but even more so by our tendency to collude in our own subjugation
(Skinner, 2003). Second, following this line of reasoning they anticipated cru-
cial elements of what was later developed into a full-fledged 'radical' concep
tion of power (Lukes, 1974). However, Adorno and Horkheimer have not done
much to substantiate their hypothesis of a radical metamorphosis of power and
politics in our age. Their texts abound with extravagant claims that have never
been proven. Does watching TV really dispel 'the last remaining thought of
resistance' (Horkheimer and Adorno, 1972: 144)? Following Dick Howard or
Axel Honneth, we might equally argue that reading too much of Frankfurt
School texts has the same effect since we are made to believe that we live in a
totally administered society in which resistance is futile. I also suspect that what-
ever the Frankfurters meant by 'resistance' it was close to synonymous with not
watching TV,which implies that the above proposition is plainly tautological.'
Furthermore, it can be argued that Horkheimer and Adorno underesti-
mated the continuing threat to human liberty posed by blunt interpersonal
repression. Blurring the distinction between liberal and illiberal forms of life,
they had little to say about how liberal states should deal with illiberal forms of
life coming within their jurisdiction or threatening fundamental liberties from
outside their borders. There is no reason to assume, however, that fascism - de-
fined as the 'obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or
victimhood' compensated through cults of 'purity' and 'redemptive violence'
(Paxton, 2004: 218) - is a thing of the past, even if the next wave of fascism
might come from quite unexpected regions on the map.
Like the seduction hypothesis, the theory of rackets offers interesting impuls-
es for the reconceptualization of politics. Monopolizing 'connections' might
become as important as monopolizing capital. At the same time, connections
could become ever more crucial without strengthening social cohesion on a
large scale. Critics of 'neoliberalism' and universal marketization are probably
ill-advised to ignore the persistent and even growing weight of exclusive or-
ganizations that segment society. As Kirchheimer has pointed out, in many set-
tings 'access to organizations' is perhaps more important for 'acquiring and
maintaining social positions' than access to impersonal markets (Kirchheimer,
1944: 161). Unfortunately, Horkheimer has turned the useful, if polemical,
term 'racket' into a rhetorical hypostatization. Worse still, by reducing politics
to the deals and machinations of shady organizations, he also perpetuated a
tired Hollywood cliche (Nelson, 2003). As a matter of fact, the assertion that
the world is run by rackets is one of the most common prefabricated thrills sold
by the entertainment industry. As I have shown, Horkheimer has even crossed
the wafer-thin line between his theory of rackets and conspiracy thinking. Here
we have a piece of Frankfurt School thinking that should indeed be buried
unceremoniously.
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Notes
1 Adorno later retracted this illconsid- concept of 'secondary superstition' (Ador-
ered remark, when he came under fire no, 1994: 48). At times, we succumb to the
from self-styled revolutionary students temptations of nonsense 'with calm and
with little respect for 'formal democracy' even with finesse', as the philosopher J.L.
(see my references to Adorno in Heins, Austin has nicely put it (quoted in Cohen,
2004). For a perceptive and balanced ac- 2000: 155).
6 I am aware of the huge pitfalls of refer-
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Volker Heins
McGill University
Department of Political Science
855 Sherbrooke Street West
Montreal, Quebec
Canada H3A 2T7
volker.heins@rncgill.ca