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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE:
THE CONTRIBUTION OF OTTOMAN GREEKS TO
OTTOMAN LETTERS (19th-20th CENTURIES)
BY
JOHANN STRAUSS
Freiburg
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190 JOHANN STRAUSS
the one hand, the archaic variety of Modern Greek which had such
fervent supporters among the elite of the community, and on the
other, the elaborate and ornate language used by the Ottoman chan-
cery and the majority of poets and writers-were highly sophisti-
cated as regards orthography, lexicon, and stylistic possibilities. It
is also perhaps not surprisingthat the Ottoman Turks failed to make
a significant contribution to Greek letters as long as their interest in
foreign languages was limited to Arabic and Persian, which formed
an integral part of the training of the educated classes, and which
were not too foreign, since elements of these languages had to a large
extent been incorporatedinto the Ottoman literary language.2 This
phenomenon is much more puzzling in the case of the Greek Ortho-
dox community, for the office of Translator of the Imperial Divan
known as the "Grand Dragomans of
(Divan-z Hiimayun terciimanlarn,
the Porte" in the West)-the highest public office open to non-
Muslim subjects in the Ottoman Empire at that time-was held ex-
clusively by members of this community for more than one and a
half centuries; this was primarily due to their linguistic skills, and
in particular to their perfect knowledge of the elaborate Ottoman
literary language.
2 Although it is somewhat problematic, this term will be used in this paper for
the generally more elaborate variety of Ottoman Turkish which had developed on
the basis of Persian models and whose usage was widespread both in the chancery
and in the literature. The literary language of the Ottoman period still lacks a com-
prehensive and adequate description. (For some characteristics see Alessio Bom-
baci, "The Turkic literatures. Introductorynotes on the history and style," Philolo-
gzae TurctcaeFundamenta,vol. II. Aquis Mattiacis 1964, pp. XI-LXXII; esp.
pp. XXVII-XXX, Barbara Flemmlng, "Bemerkungen zur tuirkischenProsa vor
der Tanzimat-Zeit", Der Islam 50 (1973), pp. 157-67). Authors of the Ottoman
period did not usually distinguish between different registers and employed terms
like (lisan-) tiirki/losmani
or turkce,indiscriminately referringboth to the written and
spoken language. The same applies to most Ottoman Greek scholars who use the
terms othomanike or tourkikgl6ssa.
Since we are dealing with written literature, we shall not refer to folk-literature,
where more points of contact (although of a different nature) may be discovered.
Writings in Karamanlh (Turkish in Greek script), whose language does not differ
from standard Ottoman, have been excluded because this literature developed in
almost complete isolation from Ottoman literature (it does not, incidentally, con-
tain any "original" work in the proper sense). Furthermore, very few Muslim
Turks seem to have been aware of its very existence.
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 191
The Phanartots
It appears that until the early nineteenth century, a thorough
knowledge of this language was the monopoly of some eminent
Phanariot3 families.
When the Ottomans were at the height of their power, the edu-
cated class regarded it as beneath them to learn a European lan-
guage. This dismissive attitude, however, cut them off from direct
contact with Western nations. Thus, when the demands of domestic
policy and international diplomacy made it necessary to negotiate
with the representatives of foreign powers, they had to rely on the
services of those who possessed the necessary skills-namely,
familiarity with foreign countries and foreign languages. Initially,
these had been mainly more or less well educated converts (Poles,
Hungarians, Germans, etc.); but in the 1660s, Panayotis Nikous-
sios [NtKottnog;; Panayot Efendi] (1613 - 73), who had studied at the
University of Padua, succeeded in gaining the confidence of the
Ottoman grand vizier K6priuluiFazil Ahmed Pasha (1635-76) and
suggested that the Ottoman government should have at its disposal
a permanent staff of trained interpreters recruited from among its
own subjects rather than relying on European converts or even per-
sons in the service of foreign legations.4 Thus the office of the
"Grand Dragoman of the Porte" was created; subsequently a sec-
ond post-equally reserved for non-Muslims-the office of the
Dragoman of the Fleet (Tersane tercumanz),5was also set up.
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192 JOHANN STRAUSS
Ottoman Fleet - during the latter's annual cruise in the Mediterranean, when he
collected the taxes from the islands. (On this office see V Sfyroeras, OiApayoidvoi
toO zT6Xou. '0 Oeap6i Kai of (o6peis, Athens 1965). Dragomans of a more local im-
portance existed in Cyprus and various other provinces (See art. "Tercuiman"
(Cengiz Orhonlu), IsldmAnsiklopedist12/1, pp. 175-81).
6 See the contributions in the proceedings of the
joint Greco-Rumanian sympo-
sium Symposium L'Epoque Phanarnote21-25 octobre1970, Salonica 1974.
7 Dictionnaire
Turc-Arabe-Persan
(see n. 55), I., p. 1. This idea seems to have been
very popular among Greeks. It had already been expressed by Handjeri's predeces-
sor Georges Rhadis (vide infra) in a similar way- ,. quant a ce quz a rapportaux ex-
pressions diplomatiques,on sait fort bien que c 'est au traducteursgrecs que l'on est redevablede
tous les termesnouveaux,employes,depuis quelqueterms, dans la ridacttondes pieces offictelles
que la Porte ottomanese trouvedans le cas d'echangeravec les diffcrenscabznetsde l'Europe.
Ce mene systemede nomenclature,est suivi maintenantpar les traducteursturcsqui veulentin-
troduiredans leur langue les productionsetrangeres,et l 'on n 'a qu 'a parcourtrattentivementles
traductionspublices dernierementa Constantinople,pour se convatncreque les znterprctesturcs
nefont que marchersur les tracesdes traducteursgrecs , (Vocabulatrefrancots-turc(see n.
51) pp. 4-5).
8 Bernard Lewis, The Polittcal
Language of Islam, Chicago 1988, p. 109
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 193
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194 JOHANN STRAUSS
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 195
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196 JOHANN STRAUSS
Iak6vos Argyropoulos(1776-1850)
that the Hospodar granted his permission only on the express condition that the
child should be instructed first in Greek and French. "The charm of these two
idioms, and the attraction of the works which can be read in them, contribute to
render the study of the Turkish altogether disagreeable" Therefore the ruling
Hospodar used to adopt in the education of his own sons the very opposite of this
system; they learned no foreign language before they were tolerably conversant in
Turkish. Experience proved this practice to be highly effective (Zallony, op. cit.,
p. 361).
20 On this family see E.R. R[hangabf]: Ltvred'Orde la Noblessephanartote et des
familles pnncieresde Valachteet de Moldavie,Athens 1904, p. 1-5; Sp. Lampros,
'Apyvporovszta, Athens 1910.
21 Stamatiades, Bzoypa(fiat,p. 165.
22 Since family names were unknown among the Ottomans, for Christian
dig-
nitaries, as well, only first names were used, usually in the diminuitive form. In
this case, however, this form was considered as very respectfuland was the privilege
of the members of aristocratic families.
23 Bernard Lewis, The Muslim Dtscoveryof Europe,New York-London 1982,
p. 314, note 22.
24 On his activities during that period see Sphyroeras, Of Apayopdvoi,
pp. 160-63.
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 197
Al-CIgalaal-gugrafiyya
The results of Yakovaki Efendi's earlier literary activities are bet-
ter known and in many respects are also more significant. At the be-
ginning of the nineteenth century, he had been entrusted with the
task of translating into Ottoman a geographical work written in
French by Mahmud Ra'if Efendi, another key figure of the Nizam-i
Cedid era,27 who had been secretary to the Ottoman Embassy in
Britain under Yusuf Agah Efendi (who also had several Greeks
among his staff). During his stay in Europe he had acquired a cer-
tain proficiency in French, which even led him to write his report
(sefaretname)in that language;28 he was the first person in Ottoman
history to do so. Another product of his stay in Europe was a geo-
graphical treatise according to modern principles, also composed in
25 Also among those who were excluded was Alexander Handjeri (vide infra).
However, both men were grantedvery generous pensions by the sultan (See Andrei
Otetea, "La desagregation du regime phanariote", Symposium L'Epoque Phanariote
(cited n. 6), pp. 439-45).
26 See the biographical sketch by his son Manuel in Lampros, 'Apyvpozro6)tea,
pp. 113-18.
27 See Hiisrev Hatemi's introduction to the new edition of Mahmud Ra'if's
famous Tableau des nouveaux reglementsde I'Empire Ottoman (Constantinople 1798):
Osmanli Imparatorlu~jundaYeni Nizamlarin Cedveli, translated and edited by Arslan
Terzioglu and Hiisrev Hatemi, Istanbul 1988, pp. IX-XXI.
28 Strangely enough, the
,Journal du voyagede Mahmoud Raif Efendi en Angleterre,
ecritpar luy menmestill remains unpublished. (The manuscript is preserved in the
Topkapi Sarayi, III. Ahmed Kutfiphanesi, Nr. 3707 ).
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198 JOHANN STRAUSS
French. This work was presented to Selim III, who apparently ap-
preciated it. Mahmud Ra'if Efendi's other commitments did not,
however, allow him (he had by then become rePsiil-kiittab)to pro-
duce an Ottoman version of it, so that this task went to the "poly-
glot" (lisan-afina)Yakovaki Efendi, who completed the translation
in relatively short time. By Imperial decree, the translation was
checked and revised (where necessary) by Mahmud Ra'if Efendi
himself and by the then ruznamfe-i evvel and official chronicler
(vakcaniivs) Ahmed Vasif (1739-1806), who had also been in the
diplomatic service. The latter also wrote the preface of this work.
After having been presented to the Sultan, the work, together with
an atlas (CedidAtlastercemest,
which had been completed earlier), was
printed in 1804 in the newly establishedDarut-tzbaCz
l-amzrein Uskii-
dar under the title Al-Igala al-gugrafiyya.29
Given the numerous lacunae in the geographicalknowledge of the
Ottomans at that time, this sumptuous volume constituted a signifi-
cant step in the process of modernization initiated by the Sultan.
The preface leaves no doubt about this: until Selim III ascended to
the throne "the mathematical sciences had been abandoned and
neglected in the Islamic countries simply because for love of idleness
and indolence".30 The writer of the preface, though aware of fa-
mous works like Idrisi's KitabRugarand Katib Qelebi's Cihanniimd,
found these written "in the way of the ancients". The older Otto-
man geographers were heavily criticised: the introduction to the
Cihanniimawas considered too "difficult to understand", in being
too detailed and in need of further explanations. In short, it was a
treatise only for the havass.31 The fact that this new work was
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 199
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200 JOHANN STRAUSS
36 Cf. Hammer, GOR, III, p. 588. On the still somewhat obscure figure of
Seyyld Mustafa see Kemal Beydilli, "Ilk Mfihendislerimizden Seyyid Mustafa ve
Nizam-i Cedid'e dair risalesi", in SeyydMustafa:Istanbul'da AskerlikSanati,Yetenekle-
nn ve Bilimlernn DurumuUzerzneRtsale. Bugunkidile aktaranHiisrevHutemt,Istanbul
[1986]; (Turkish translation of the Diatribe),pp. 17-67 Cf. also Hatemi's remarks
in YenzNizamlannCedveli(see n. 27), pp. XVI-XVII.
37 The first Bulaq edition is listed by T.X. Bianchi
(in his "Catalogue general
des livres arabes, persans et turcs, imprimes a Boulac en Egypte depuis l'introduc-
tion de l'imprimene dans ce pays", JournalAstattque,sene 4 vol. II (July-August
1843), pp. 24-61) as Caterinatarykht (1244 [1829] Nr. 37), the second one from 1246
[1831] as IkindjiKaterinenamRouciaimperathonschanun tarykht.The text of the two edi-
tions is identical. Most of the recent literature on the Bulaq press adds little, if any-
thing to Bianchi's list as far as the Turkish works are concerned, owing to the spe-
cific interest of the authors in Arabic works. However, one has to bear in mind that
in the first decades of the nineteenth century the output of the printing presses of
Istanbul was remarkably poor (cf. Jale Baysal, Miiteferrika'dan Binnct Mefrutzyete
Kadar OsmanltTirklenznmBastiklartKitaplar, Istanbul 1968). Against this back-
ground, the Turkish books published in Muhammad CAll'sEgypt (many of them
destined for an export to Istanbul) have played a quite extraordinaryrole in the his-
tory of Turkish printing.
38 See Johann Strauss, "Tiirkische Ubersetzungen zweier europaischer Ge-
schichtswerke aus Muhammad CAll'sAgypten: Botta's Storia d'Italia" und Cas-
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 201
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202 JOHANN STRAUSS
41 This topic was later discussed at some length by the Ottoman historian
Ahmed Cevdet Pasa (who knew the KatenneTarihi;cf. p. 15) in a correspondence
with SaCdullahPasha (1838-91), then Ottoman ambassadorin Vienna (Cf. Cevdet
Pasa, Tezdktr40-tetimme, ed. by Cavid Baysun, Ankara 1986, pp. 217-19).
42 Cf. Strauss, "Tirkzsche Ubersetzungen", pp. 251-53.
43 Cf. n. 2.-Traditionally, stylistic differences between literary and scientific
prose did not exist to the same extent in Ottoman literature. Elements like the hen-
diadyoin (Catf-i tefszr) or rhymed prose (secc), characteristic for the so-called in4a-
style, were not unusual even in scholarly writings. However, in the second half of
the nineteenth century, demands were increasingly voiced for a simpler style to be
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 203
used in scientific writings and found (at least verbal) support by learned societies
like the Encumen-t Danil and the Cemciyyet-zCIlmzyye-icOsmantyye(see also n. 176).
44 Cf. Stamatiades, Bioypap(fai, p. 166: " it was written with such an elo-
quence (yXaapvp6&r<;), that it continues until our days to be one of the most remark-
able books of the Turks" Lampros, p. 114: "(The Turks) still use it as a model
of Turkish composition in Turkish schools"
45 Tarih-zCevdet(see n. 13), I, p. 5. Cevdet's cronlcle comprises the years
1188-1241 [1774-1825/6]. However, Cevdet does not always agree with Castera's
account and occasionally censures it as inaccurate or biased. On his critical obser-
vations see Arikan, "Cevdet Pasa", p. 186.
46 Tarih-i Iskenderbin
Filipos, Bflaq, Dairal-tibC'a al-camira, 12 Rabic al-awwal
1254 [5th June 1838].
47 In Bianchi's list (Nr. 155; see n. 35) it figures as Tarykhz Iskenden Roumt
without any reference to a translator or an original.
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204 JOHANN STRAUSS
this work is still considered the most complete and reliable account
of Alexander that we possess.48
We know nothing about the circumstances under which this
translation was made, but it is perhaps not by accident that it was
published in Egypt. It must have appealed to the ruler of Egypt,
Muhammad CAli Pasha (1769-1849), for a number of reasons.
Although of Albanian origin, Muhammad CAllwas, like his illustri-
ous predecessor, a native of Macedonia (he was born in Kavalla).
The Egyptian ruler may also have been attractedby the descriptions
of Egypt49 and other areas familiar to him, as well as by the fact
that Arrian's account concentrates particularly on the military
aspects of Alexander the Great's campaigns.
The identity of the translatorposes a problem. However, several
Greek and Oriental sources ascribe it to George Rhasis (?-?),50
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 205
Odessa, where he trained several capable dragomans during his short tenure.
When he left for Istanbul, the teaching of Turkish at the lycee came to an end (cf.
A.N. Kononov (ed.), Biobibliograficheskiislovar' otechestvennykhtyurkologov.Dooktya-
br'skiiperiod,Moskow 1974, p. 254). In Istanbul, George Rhasis also became ac-
quainted with the French dragoman and lexicographerX.T Bianchi (1783-1864),
who calls him an "onentaliste distingue [ ] dontje me rappelatsavotr souvent apprecie
le mnrteet cultiveI 'amtttependantmonsejoura'Constantinople"(see his VocabulaireFranfais-
Turc,Paris 1831, p. vii).
51 Vocabulatre
franfots-turc (Al- Taqdima al-zakiyya li-taSlim al-luga al-firinsawtyya wa
par Georges Rhasis, 2 vols., St. Petersburg, Imprimerie de l'Academie
al-turktyya)
Imperiale des Sciences 1828 (see also n. 7).
52 Yorgaki Razi
(Rhasis), Grammatrefranfaise-Gramer FransezyaCnisarf-ifransevi,
Istanbul, Imprimerie Cayol 1254 [1838].
53 See article "Al-Iskandar" and "Iskander-Nama" in E12, IV, 127-29 The
same applies, of course, to the medieval Western tradition, where the "fog of fic-
tional romance and slander" (Grant) equally obscured the image of Alexander.
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206 JOHANN STRAUSS
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 207
user of the dictionary is presumed to be familiar with the language, since no trans-
literation is given. On this dictionary see also Hiisrev Hatemi, "Fransizca-Tiirkge
ikinci ve uiiincu devre s6zluikler(Hangerli ve ;emseddin Sami sozliikleri)", Tarih
ve Toplum13 (1985), pp. 71-72.
56 Handjeri had started compilating this work in 1806, on the
suggestion of the
French ambassador General Guilleminot.
57 Al-Uqydniisal-basit
fi targamatal-Qamusal-Muhi.t,first printed in 3 vols. in
Istanbul, Matbaa-i cAmire 1230-33 [1814-18] (reprinted Bfilaq 1834, see Jean
Deny, "L'Osmanli moderne et le Turk de Turquie", PhilologtaeTurctcaeFunda-
menta,I, Aquis Mattiaticis 1959, p. 237).
58 Menmnski'sOnomastzcum meant as a complement
latmno-turcico-arabtco-persicum,
to his monumental Thesaurus linguarumorzentalium. On other bilingual dictionaries
available at that time (none of them in French) see also Bianchi's remarks in the
preface to his Vocabulaire,p. iv For a more recent assessment of these lexicographi-
cal works see Hfisrev Hatemi, "Fransizca-Tfirk;e ilk sozlfikler(Rhasis, Hindoglu,
Bianchi S6zluikleri),Tarihve Toplum12 (1984), pp. 430-33.
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208 JOHANN STRAUSS
59 On the Persian poet and historian Sharafu 'd-din ?Abdullih Vassaf (1264/
5-1334) see Jan Rypka, Historyof IrantanLiterature,Dordrecht 1968, p. 314, art.
"Vassaf" (Erdogan Mercil), IslamAnsiklopedist XIII, pp. 232-34. See alsoJoseph
v Hammer's interesting remarks on the role of Vassaf's Ta'rih in Ottoman educa-
tion in his partial translation Geschtchte
Vassaf's.Perstschherausgegeben
unddeutschuber-
setzt, Vienna 1856.
60 Cf. Ibniilkemal Mahmud Inal, Son astr Turk aitrlen,3rd edition, 4 vols.,
Istanbul 1988, vol. 2, pp. 724-25. According to an anecdote reported in the same
book (ibid., p. 744) an ignorant person, impressed by Handj6ri's knowledge, once
asked CIzzetMolla: "Since this person has got so much knowledge, why doesn't
he convert to Islam?" Whereupon the witty poet responded: "Since you have got
so much ignorance, why don't you convert to Christianity?"
61 See the preface to vol. 3 of the Dtcttonnaire.
62 JournaldesSavants,January 1844, pp. 53-62; pp. 61-62.
63 Mehmed S/ireyya still calls it a "miikemmeltiirkcefranszzcalehcest(Sicill-i
'OsmantIV, p. 872).
64 Cf. ;emseddin Sami's verdict in the preface
(Ifade-i meram)to his Restmli
Kamus-i Fransevf - DtctionnaireFranfats-Turcillustre:" o 'u cilddenmurekkeb
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 209
,,Hanfertf, sahibitirkcevelarabtvefdirst'
lugatiznn lisanlartnm
cami'olmaktddicasile,
farktnda
olmakszzin,bulisanlarin dekarma
iifiunu karzvik
etmzs, lisanzlugatleritnn
vefranstz ondabizrtn
bilecem'etmemtidir"(Restmli Kamus-zFransevi,3rdedition,Istanbul1318- 1901[first
edition 1882],p. 2).
65 Afterthe destruction of theJanissariesin 1826,a reorganization of the Army
had becomenecessaryConsequently,at the requestof the Ottomancommandant
HusrevPasha(1756?- 1855),YakovakiEfendiwas requiredto translate
(sereasker)
workson militarymatters,whichwerepresentedto SultanMahmud(seeLampros,
'Apyvpoiroid3Ata,p. 115).
66 Quoted by Carter V Findley in "The Foundation of the Ottoman Foreign
Ministry", International
Journalof Middle EasternStudies3 (1972), pp. 388-416,
p. 401.
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210 JOHANN STRAUSS
The "TranslationChamber"(TercemeOdasz)
The need to train Muslims in foreign languages, especially
French had led in 1832 to the creation of the Translation Chamber
(TercemeOdasior Terciiman kalemi).69This institution was headed by
a more learned man than the dragoman Yahya Naci Efendi. But
once more its director was a (perhapsJewish) convert, Ishak Efendi
(1774-1834), born in Arta in Epirus. The TercemeOdaststeadily
grew in importance. Furthermore, it became an important training
ground for a large number of relatively Westernized Ottoman
statesmen and hommes de lettres in the nineteenth century.70How-
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 211
ever, among its "apprentices" (hulefa) there were also several Otto-
man Greeks who later gained no little reputation thanks to their
lexicographical works or their writings in Ottoman Turkish (K.
Adossidis, A.Th. Phardys, A. Constantinidis).
But by then the Greeks had already lost their privileged position
of go-betweens. Linguistic skills, such as a knowledge of French, had
by now become more widespread among Muslim government offi-
cials, too. Furthermore, the Greeks-much to their chagrin-now
had to contend with stiff competition from another millet: the Otto-
man government was to rely increasingly on members of the Arme-
nian community (whose reputation as a loyal millet [millet-t sadika]
was still untainted at that time).71 Since bilingualism was a com-
mon feature among them, the Armenians were always much more
familiar with the Turkish language than Greeks were, and Turkish
books in Armenian script (far more numerous than those in
Karamanli) found a wide readership. Those who had mastered the
difficulties of the more elaborate variety of the Ottoman literary lan-
guage, like the tersanetercumanzVartan Pasha (an Armenian Cathol-
ic; 1815- 79), also published books in Arabic script.72 Ultimately,
the TercemeOdasz seems to have attracted relatively few Greeks,73
many of the Greek applicants lacking the necessary qualifications.74
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212 JOHANN STRAUSS
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 213
77 it
kemalveyahudbirlisandamaclumat
btrerfennde kifayetedertsedelisan-:tiirkfye
vakf olubyani tiirkcebirkitabte'lifetmeevecarabfvefartsideveyahudelsine-zsa'iredenturk-
ceyebirkttabnaklu terceme edebiliirifade-zmeramamuktedir olmastelzemdir"
78 "Aslfi ehliyeti olmayanlar dahl kirklara karliti" (Cevdet Papa, Tezaktr
40-Tetimme, p. 53).
79 All of these were works of Ahmed Cevdet: his Chronicle (" Tarih-iCevdet"),
his (partial) translation of Ibn Haldun's Muqaddima,and his Ottoman grammar
(KavaCid-t cosmanyye) which he had written together with Fuad Pasha in 1850 (See
serif Mardin, TheGenesisof YoungOttomanThought,Princeton 1962, p. 182; on the
unpublished works (preserved as manuscripts in the Istanbul University Library)
see Tanpinar, 19uncuAstr TurkEdebzyati,pp. 144-45).
80 Amerika Tarih-i keqfi, Istanbul, El-Ceva:ib MatbaCasi 1297 11880].
Robertson's book had also been translated into Modern Greek.
81 Ahmed Vefik Pasha was a grandson of the abovementioned Yahya Naci
Efendi (see p. 22). On Ahmed Vefik Pasha see art. "Ahmed Wafik Pasha" (A.H.
Tanpinar), IA I, pp. 207-10; Sevim Guiray,AhmetVefikPasa, Ankara 1966 (with
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 215
VasildakEfendi's Dalkavukname
There is, however, a little-known by-product of this translation
activity which is due to a Greek, the Terceme-zletafet-dsarf taCnf-z
sanCat-zdalkavukan-tzfhret-iCar ("The delight-inspiring translation
concerning the description of the art of the famous parasites") by
Vasilaki Efendi, a name which figures among the non-Muslim
members of the Enciimen-zDanzi. We have but little bittle biogra-
phical information about Vassilaki Voukas [Bo6tcac], or Vasildak
Efendi, as he was known among the Ottomans. The title page of the
printed work says that he had been secretary (i.e., logothete) of the
Greek Orthodox Patriarch and-as his membership in the Encumen-z
Danzi shows-he was well acquainted with Ottoman learned and
literary circles.86 If we are to believe the pompous but rather ob-
Western and Oriental languages, including Persian, Arabic, and Sanskrit. He was
appointed as a teacher at the Medical School (Mekteb-tTtbb~yyeor Tibbhane;founded
in 1827), where he taught for forty years, in French and Turkish, zoology and bota-
ny He was also co-founder of the Syllogos(vide infra) (For a bibliography of his
works see Elias Tantalides, "Bioypaqia ETecpdvouKapa0eo6opfi", Ho en Konstan-
tznoupoletHellenikos PhilologikosSyllogos (hereafter: KHPhS) IV (1865- 70), pp. 203 -
208). He does not seem to have written anything in Turkish, apart from a "Short
Botany" translated from English into Turkish (ibtd., p. 207, No. 10).
84 The historian Lutfi (1815 - 1907) writes about him: " tirkt ve Carabfvefdrtsi
lisanlarnndanbaska elstne-zecnebtyyentnfogunu biliir, kendi halile meqgul,gayet maClumatli
ve eva'il-t halindeekser-iculemada'irelen tabibligindebulunmaszcihetileusul ve adab ve caddt-z
tslamzyyeyevdkif ve herkeslehusn-z amiztz ihttyar etmtI btr pir-t hikmet-elif idi" (Devlet-z
cAliyye Tarihi, I, Istanbul 1290 [1873], p. 282).
85 This is in particular the case of "cAleko Efendi" Behrnauer quotes him as
"Aleko Sutzo", in other sources he figures as "Aleko Yostenik" (which seems to
be a misreading). He is said to have translateda work on Napoleon's last campaigns
into Ottoman Turkish.
86 " tibu kttabRum Patrikhanestninkdtibtoldugu ve rtcal ve kubera-tzasritnn nemek-
z mecalis-: ihttrambulunduguhalde bundanon alti sene mukaddemvefateden VasildkzmaCrife-
tile lisan-iz osmanzyetercemeolunmus" (preface).
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The CemC^yyet-z
cIlmzyye-ziOsmanzyyeand the MecmuCa-zFinun
The second learned institution we shall be dealing with here, the
"Ottoman Scientific Society" (CemCzyyet-t
cIlm:yye-tzOsmanyye), was
set up in 1860. Its foundation was largely due to the initiative of the
learned Munif Efendi (later Paia; 1828- 1910), a former apprentice
of the TercemeOdasi and the translator of the above-mentioned
Muhaverdt-iHikemiyye.99 Minif Pasha was also an honorary mem-
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 219
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 223
112 On the folktales which remained popular until the twentieth century, see
Hans Hermann Russack, Byzanz und Stambul. Sagen und Legendenvom GoldenenHorn,
Berlin 1941, esp. pp. 179-82). An attempt had been made in the 17th century to
demystify the pre-Ottoman history of the Capital on the basis of Byzantine sources.
The historian Hiiseyn Hezarfenn (d. 1678) (in his Tenkih Tevarihiil-Miiluk) says that
he obtained a book on Byzantine history from Panayotis Nikoussios and had it
translated into Turkish by Ali Bey (Albertus Bobowsky; as. 1610- 75), the Polish
convert and dragoman. It was incorporated into his chronicle. Interestingly enough,
this author also seems to have relied on local Greeks (See Stephane Yerasimos, La
fondatton de Constantinopleet de Satnte-Sophiedans les traditionsturques,Paris 1990, esp.
p. 245). In the nineteenth century, a topographical description of ancient and
modern Constantinople by the learned archbishop of Sinai, Konstantios (later patri-
arch (1830-34)), seems to have enjoyed special popularity in Istanbul. His Ktov-
aravrlvua rnaAai TrevscorTpa, originally published in Venice in 1824, was reprinted
in Istanbul in 1844 and translated into French, Karamanlt, Turkish, and English.
The expanded English version by John P Brown, secretary of the American Lega-
tion in Istanbul (see n. 174) appeared in London (Anctentand Modem Constantinople,
London, Stevens Brothers 1868) and was meant to be used as a guidebook. A short-
ened Turkish version of the first chapters by one Yorgaki Petropoulo first appeared
serialized in the paper Tercuman-tAhval and was then published separately (Heylet-I
sabika-i Kostantznyye, Istanbul, Tercfiman-i Ahval Matba'asi 1277 [1861]; reprinted
1289 [1872]). See Semavi Eyice, "Istanbul'un fetihten 6nceki devre ait eski eser-
lerine dair bir kitap hakkinda", Istanbul Universitesi Edebtyat FakiiultestTurk Dili ve
EdebtyatzDergist, V (1953), pp. 85-90).
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 225
116 This
lyceehad been founded in 1867 and had three Greek directors (Photia-
dis, 1873; Sava Pasha, 1874, Caradja Pasha, 1894). (See Ihsan Sungu, "Galatasa-
ray Lisesi'nin Kurulu?u", BelletenVII/2 (1943), pp. 315-47 )
117 "kod sivil'in ahkamznanisbetle bu mecelle-t celile ekmel ve etemm ve ezher "
(Ahkim-t :adliyye - NoJIKOi Kav6ve TiroL'AarvKc6bKo65&7,translated from the Tur-
kish by Constantine Photiadis andJohn Vithynos, Istanbul 1873-81, part I (Otto-
man preface). Vithynos, the co-translator, does not seem to have shared the same
view In particular, he made strong objections against the incorporation of ele-
ments offiqh into the code. "The codification of the Mecellehas set back the Otto-
man Empire from a hundred years of progress" (" Mecelle 'ntntedvint,Devlet-:
Osmanmyye3tyiizsenelik bir terakktdenaltkoymuitur" (see Hulusi Yavuz, "Mecelle'nin
tedvini ve Cevdet Pasa'nm Hizmetleri", AhmedCevdetPaIa Semrnnert(cited n. 13),
pp. 41-101, p. 60).
118This translation was recommended by Constandinidis Efendi as a useful
text for students of Ottoman.
119J. Vithynos translated the last two books of the Mecelleon his own. He had
become quite familiar with the matter, since he was a graduateof, and later teacher
at the Darilfiinun-tSultant. This institution, the predecessorof what was later known
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226 JOHANN STRAUSS
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 227
AlexanderConstantznzdis(?-ca. 1890)
It was one of Photiadis Pasha's students, the above-mentioned
Alexander Constantinidis, who perhaps became the most active
Greek Ottoman scholar of the nineteenth century Surprisingly
enough, this remarkable man has still not found his biographer.
What we can reconstruct from a variety of sources is the following:
after having entered the TercemeOdasi, he enjoyed the special protec-
tion and encouragement of Safvet Pasha (1814-83),122 who was
also an honorary member of the Syllogos(which Constantinidis had
joined in 1872). In the course of his career, Constantinidis held
several minor government posts. He became judge at the Court in
Pera [Beyoglu]and councillor (miste;ar) to the governor of Salonica,
obtained the title pa4a and was for a while inspector (nr67rrrg) of the
Greek schools in the capital. He seems to have been resident in
Kadik6y, where he died around 1890
Alexander Constantinidis published numerous textbooks, gram-
mars, and dictionaries for the study of the Ottoman language. Most
of them were destined for his Greek compatriots and used as text-
books by them. 123The author's remarks in the prefaces also give us
an invaluable insight into the attitude of the Greek community
towards the Ottoman language. Constantinidis' excellent Ottoman
chrestomathy124 shows how deeply Greece's classical past was
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228 JOHANN STRAUSS
1873). Constantinidis was at the that time member of the 'Scientific section' (kism-z
Cilml) of the 'High Council of Education' (Meclis-t Kebzr-i Macarif; cf. Mahmud
Cevad, MaCarif-iUmumqyyeNezarett(cited n. 113), p. 113). This work was dedicated
to Mfinif Efendi. It was followed by a similar attempt by a teacher of Ottoman at
the Greek Commercial School and the Theological College in Chalki [Heybeliada]
and a student of Adossidis Pasha (who had taught for two years Ottoman at the
Greek Commercial School) (See Kleanthes Charalambides, 'AvOoXoyia'00oYavltK
[Turk. title: Mecelle-iedebzyyat-tz
osmanyye]2 vols., Constantinople, Ohanes Mfuhen-
disian 1873- 75). Though it also contains extracts from a variety of contemporary
Ottoman authors like Cevdet Pasha, Arifi Pasha, Edhem Pasha, Rifat Pasha,
Muinif Efendi, Namik Kemal etc., it more resembles a text-book, since, unlike
Constantinidis's Muntahabdt,it also includes chapters on grammar and glossaries.
125 One of the first translators of Aesop's fables into Ottoman Turkish (pub-
lished under the somewhat awkwardtitle "The exploits of the animals for the shar-
pening of the minds"), Rasih Efendi, says that in 1831-32 he already had learnt
these Fables (in their French version) by heart during his training at the Mekteb-z
Tzbbzye(See Menaktb-: hayvan barayi teshtz-zezhan, Istanbul 1293 [1876], p. 11).
126 Mentioned by Pavlos Karolidis in the introduction to his translation of
Critobulos (see n. 189), p. 4.
127 See his Rehnima-yz kira'at, Istanbul, Tasvir-i Efkar MatbaCasi, 1286
[1869],
pp. 41-47- "Maclumat-i telgrafiyye" A similar treatise, Tarih-itelgraf,was pub-
lished by Muinif Pasha in the same year in the MecmuCa-zFunun.
128 Tarih-i Yunanmstan-z
kadim kable l-milad mm 2200 ila 146, Istanbul, MatbaCa-i
CAmire, 1286 [1869].
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 229
129 For example in the notes to the translation of Fenelon's Les Aventures
d'Anstonois, in fact, a continuation of the Telemaque(Cf. Hikdye-i Anrstonus,trans-
lated by [Fa'ik] Repad, Istanbul, Kasbar Matbaasi, 1306 [1889], p. 9, p. 26).
130 The first complete Roman History was published by a Muslim Cretan
(Cevdet, Manzara-z CiberyahudRoma Tariht, 2 vols., Istanbul, Mahmud Bey Mat-
bacasi, 1305 [1887].
131 Cf. the introduction to his
'00co#avzKi FpaparianK (Turk. title: Sarf-tz osma-
nf), Constantinople, Voutyras & Co., 1874.
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230 JOHANN STRAUSS
whom we live together and by whose laws we are governed. Isn't this
sad, or rather, doesn't it put us to shame?"132
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TeodorKasap (1835-1897)
Teodor Kasap (Te'odor Kas.ab, Theodore Cassape, 0s68opoq
Kaoa7niq),who may be called a "true Ottoman", was a quite differ-
ent sort of person. In many respects, he is the outstanding figure
among the Ottoman Greeks in the nineteenth century.139As has
been seen, the impact of most of the works of Greek scholars and
literati written in Ottoman Turkish had been ratherlimited, despite
their potentially pioneering character Within their own communi-
ty, they had to struggle hard to be heard, and even if some Muslim
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 233
Ottomans did take an interest in them, the response was not over-
whelming. Teodor Kasap (1835- 97), however, was not only a close
friend of Namik Kemal (1840-88), conventionally regarded as the
greatest Ottoman writer and poet in the nineteenth century, he also
actively took part in the literary and public life of his time. Whereas
the learned Ottoman scholars among the Greeks (mostly in state
service or heavily dependent on protectors) usually kept a low profile
and seem to have had little interest in policy, Teodor Kasap was a
rebellious character, and his activities as a publicist even led to his
imprisonment for contempt of the Constitution in 1877.
His biography still remains obscure in many respects. All sources
agree that Teodor Kasap was a native of Kayseri in Cappadocia,
where his father Seraphim ran a small business. Following the death
of his father, Teodor moved to Istanbul (or to Izmir according to
others140) at the age of eleven and worked as an apprentice in a
shop belonging to one of his compatriots. At the same time, he
studied at the Greek school of Kurure?me. It was during the
Crimean War (1856) that a French officer (according to some a
nephew of Alexandre Dumas pere), impressed by Teodor's intelli-
gence, took him under his wing and brought him back to France
with him. There he became acquainted with Alexandre Dumas pere
(1802-70). The famous French novelist is said to have enabled
Teodor Kasap to study in Paris at the Collegede France, and subse-
quently employed him as his secretary for seven years.141 From
French sources we know that Kasap-together with a large number
of congenial companions-accompanied Dumas as an interpreter
during his cruise on board the Emma in 1860. According to the origi-
nal plan, this voyage should have brought the party, not only to the
most memorable places in Greece (Corfu, Peloponnese, Greek
islands) but also to the Ottoman capital, the shores of Asia Minor,
Lebanon, the Holy Land, and Egypt.142 Instead, it provided Du-
mas (and Teodor Kasap) with an opportunity to meet Garibaldi and
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I4killi Memo
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236 JOHANN STRAUSS
Para mes'elest
It is not surprising that comedies were the most congenial means
of literary expression for an individual like Teodor Kasap. In the
preface of Parames'elest(1875;152translated from Dumas fils' come-
dy Une questiond'argent(1857)), he explains the reasons for this
preference. Despite the undeniable merits of plays termed tragedies
(dramve trajedi),he prefers the comedy "since it not only gives us
peace of mind, but it also denounces the conditions that cause moral
corruption, by ridiculing them".153 The subject of this comedy is
very modern: It illustrates the dangers of speculation on the stock
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 237
Pinti Hamid
His second Moliere adaptation, the comedy ("mudhike") Pintt
Hamzd,154which was published in the same year as IMkilliMemo,had
some unfortunate consequences for Teodor Kasap. It was based on
L'Avare. In giving it the Turkish title of Pintz Hamid, signifying
"Hamid the stingy",155 he aroused the wrath of Prince CAbdul-
hamid (later sultan) who interpreted it as a personal slight. Exceed-
ingly annoyed, he repeatedly requested Teodor Kasap not to have
the play performed. Since he refused to accede to this request,
declaring that he had not the slightest intention of offending the
prince, the piece was eventually performed at the GedikPafa Theatre.
Thereafter Abduilhamid bore the translator a violent grudge, and
took his revenge later, when he was sultan, by harassing Teodor
Kasap and eventually banning his journals and having him impri-
soned (in 1877).156
Eventually, however, Teodor Kasap was released and sought
refuge in France. In Paris he published a somewhat ambiguous
pamphlet consisting of fictitious letters to one of cAbduilhamid's chief
advisors, in which he continued to criticise, though in a relatively
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238 JOHANN STRAUSS
Monte Krzsto
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 239
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240 JOHANN STRAUSS
his paper Istikbal(published 1875 - 77) was for a while "The sons of
the fatherlandare one body which does not admit partition by politi-
cal means". (Ebna-yi vatankz ctsm-i vahiddir;szyasetentaksimkabul
etmez.)One can therefore understand Namik Kemal's amazement
and admiration, when he writes that "in a century in which so many
Greeks (Rum) thought of nothing else but of destroying the Turks,
and so many Turks only of taking arms to protectthemselves against
the Greeks, who would have believed that [ . ] a Greek would ap-
pear in Istanbul and publish a paper called Dtyojenin which he
declared in French, Turkish, and Greek that there was no other so-
lution for Greece, be it in order to obey the rules, be it for her own
benefit, than to join the Ottoman Empire ",165
AndreasAndroulidakts Kopassis(1856-1912)
The reign of CAbdfilhamidII was not an easy time for rebellious
and sarcastic spirits like Teodor Kasap. Independent journalism
was snuffed over and literature sufferedfrom the heavy hand of cen-
sorship. The situation of the Greek milletdid not, however, deteri-
orate. The sultan's private physician, Mavroyeni Pasha (1816-
1902), was a Greek, and Greeks figured prominently even among
his propagandists abroad.166Many high-ranking government offi-
cials were still Greeks.167 These included one of the most interest-
ing figures among Greek Ottoman scholars, Andreas Kopassis
[Ko7arornq; AndreyaKopastEfendi]. Kopassis was a colourful perso-
nality and a very controversial figure in Greek historiography 168
He was killed by a Macedonian revolutionaryin 1912, while he was
governor of Samos.
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 241
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THE MILLETS AND THE OTTOMAN LANGUAGE 245
184 Tischendorf had also discovered the famous CodexSinaiticus.On his visits to
the library of the Seraglio, see his account "Die Serailsbibliothekund Kritobulos
aus Imbros" in the supplement to the Allgemeine Zezitung(Augsburg), Nr. 1818 (29
June 1872), pp. 2769-2770). During his second visit (which eventually allowed
him to see the manuscript of Crntobulos'"History"), Tischendorf was not only ac-
companied by count Lobanov, but also by Manuel Argyropoulos, a son of the
above-mentioned lakovos Argyropoulos, who was by then dragoman of the Rus-
sian embassy
185 Kpir6fJov)Xo;.Bio; ToOMaapsO B' (Monumenta Hungariae Historica. Scrip-
tores, XXI, 1), pp. 1 - 346 (On the quality of this edition cf. the remarks of editor
of the critical edition of the text (CntobuliImbnotaehistortae.Rec. Diether Roderich
Reinsch, Berlin 1983, pp. 92*-93*).
186 [Ph.A. Dethier], Critobulos, Vie de Mahomet, MonumentaHunganaeHis-
tonca. Scrlptores, XXI, 2, pp. 1-268.
187Dethier, head-teacher of an Austrian school in Istanbul, was appointed
director of the Museum of Antiquities by Ahmed Vefik Pasha in 1872 (On Dethier
see Semavi Eylce, "Notes on Dr. Dethier, one of the earlier directors of the Ar-
chaeological Museums of Istanbul", Annual of the ArchaeologicalMuseums of Istanbul
9 (1960), pp. 95- 103). Dethier had already translatedsome sections from Critobu-
los' "History" in 1865 under the title Matirtaux pour l'histotre de l'artillerte en general
et de l'othomaneen particulierttresd'un manuscnt inidit de !'an 1467, renfermantles dix-sept
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Conclusion
191Just one year after his emigration he published his personal recollections
(A6yol Kcai'Ynropv4jara,Athens 1913) which provide us with interesting details on
the policy of the Greek milletand parliamentary life in Istanbul after the Second
Constitutional Period.
192 See M. Gedeon, "IlEpi Tfq (pavapatolTIK11 KotvCOVi(ac gtXpt TCOV&p%cov Th;
Fvsorcdovlg cKaTovrasTTjpi8o4 (1887-89), KHPhS (1887-89), pp. 55-71, p. 56.
193 See Robin Ostle (ed.), Modem Ltteraturein the Near and Middle East, 1850-
1970, London-New York 1991, esp. Part I "The age of translation and adaptation,
1850-1914", pp. 3-75.
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