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ANCIENT HISTORY:

RESOURCES FOR TEACHERS

Vol. 40 No. 2 - 2010

The Akhenaten Temple Project as a Source for the


Study of Akhenaten
Who Killed the Kings? An Ancient Whodunnit
Sparta: Deciphering its Ideals
Thucydides on his Historical Method
The Ways of the Ancestors: Performing the
Roman Ideal

Book Reviews

MACQUARIE ANCIENT HISTORY ASSOCIATION


ANCIENT HISTORY:
RESOURCES FOR TEACHERS

Vol. 40 No. 2 - 2010

MACQUARIE ANCIENT HISTORY ASSOCIATION


ANCIENT HISTORY: RESOURCES FOR TEACHERS
A publication of
Macquarie Ancient History Association
Macquarie University

Editor: Dr J. Lea Beness


Editorial Board: Professor S.N.C. Lieu (Macquarie University), Dr Peter
Brennan (University of Sydney), Hugh Lindsay (University of Newcastle),
Associate Professor Iain Spence (University of New England)

Reviews Editor: Reviews Assistant Editorial Assistants:


Dr C.E.V. Nixon Editor: Anne Irish
Dr Peter Keegan Ann Nixon
Tom Hillard

All articles in this journal are peer reviewed.

The best efforts have been made to trace all rights holders with regard to
images used in order that they might be appropriately credited. Please
contact the editor if you believe any images have been used without the
appropriate credit.

Copyright 2010, Published 2013


Macquarie Ancient History Association

Published by Macquarie Ancient History Association


Faculty of Arts, Macquarie University, NSW 2109

Ancient History: Resources for Teachers


ISSN 1032 3686
CONTENTS
Warwick Pearson The Akhenaten Temple Project as a Source 119
for the Study of Akhenaten
Edward Bridge Who Killed the Kings? An Ancient 139
Whodunnit

Anton Powell Sparta: Deciphering its Ideals 151


Ian Plant Thucydides on his Historical Method 167
Kavita Ayer The Ways of the Ancestors: Performing 180
the Roman Ideal

REVIEWS

Elizabeth Stockdale L. Mitchell, The Heroic Rulers of Archaic 195


and Classical Greece
Tristan Taylor Debra Hamel, Reading Herodotus: A 198
Guided Tour through the Wild Boars,
Dancing Suitors and Crazy Tyrants
Michael Hayes Jacqueline de Romilly, The Mind of 203
Thucydides
Bill Leadbetter ric Rebillard, Christians and their Many 209
Identities in Late Antiquity: North Africa,
200 450 CE
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The Secretary
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FAX 02 - 9850 8240

Editorial correspondence should be directed to


The Editor
Ancient History: Resources for Teachers
Ancient History/Faculty of Arts
Macquarie University
NSW 2109
FAX 02 - 9850 8240
Email: lea.beness@mq.edu.au
Notes on Contributors
Warwick Pearson took his doctorate from the University of New England in
the field of Australian Historical Archaeology in 1996 and completed a
Masters in Egyptology at Macquarie in 2006. He is Head Teacher of History
at Green Point Christian College.
Edward Bridge is a casual tutor in Ancient History at Macquarie University
and was awarded a PhD in Ancient History at Macquarie in 2011.
Anton Powell has published extensively on the history of Sparta, Athens
and the literature of the Roman Revolution. He is the author of an
introduction to source-criticism in Greek history, Athens and Sparta (3rd
edition 2014). His work Virgil the Partisan (2008) was awarded the prize of
the American Vergilian Society for the book that makes the greatest
contribution toward our understanding and appreciation of Vergil. He has
twice been Invited Professor at the cole Normale Suprieure in Paris, in
2006 for Greek history and in 2008 for Latin literature. He is currently
editing A Companion to Sparta published by Wiley-Blackwell which will
appear in 2014.
Ian Plant is a Senior Lecturer and Head of Department in Ancient History at
Macquarie University. His fields of research include women writers of
Ancient Greece and Rome, and Greek history and historiography, especially
the study of Thucydides.
Kavita Ayer teaches History at Girraween High School. She was 2012
Macquarie Gale Fellow at the British School at Rome and will be awarded a
PhD in Ancient History at Macquarie University in 2014.
Horakhty in his name, Light-which-is-in-Aten

THE AKHENATEN TEMPLE PROJECT AS A SOURCE


FOR THE STUDY OF AKHENATEN

Warwick Pearson
Introduction

O f the personalities available for study in the New South Wales Higher
School Certificate Ancient History course, one of the most popular is
the Pharaoh Akhenaten. His appeal to students lies not least in his somewhat
forbidding and unusual appearance, but also in the mystery and intrigue
surrounding the tumultuous and revolutionary events of his reign.
Understandably, chapters on Akhenaten are in all the most popular textbooks
for the senior course.1 The content of these chapters follows closely the
parameters for study set in the Board of Studies Syllabus,2 including:
historical context
background and rise to prominence
career
evaluation.
However, a discrepancy is obvious in the weight given to the use of evidence
in these texts. The vast bulk of that reproduced for analysis by the students
(both archaeological and documentary) comes from the site of Akhetaten at
Amarna. While this is again understandable, as it is the best preserved and
exemplar site of the period, it produces a heavy emphasis on the later Amarna
years of Akhenatens reign at the expense of the critically important Theban
period in the early years of his reign. Given the fact that one of the points
listed for study in the syllabus under Akhenatens career is his early building
program, including East Karnak, the lack of evidence available for study is a
significant problem. Part of the reason for this may be the difficulty of access
to sources for this period (both in primary and secondary form) and in the
difficulty of making these accessible and useable for students. The major
source in this context is the archaeological remains of the Theban Aten
temple complex constructed by Akhenaten during the early years of his reign.
This paper is an attempt to redress this situation through a closer study of the

1
J. Lawless (ed.), Personalities from the Past (Melbourne 1997); P. Bradley, Ancient Egypt:
Reconstructing the Past (Melbourne 1999); D. Hennessey (ed.), Studies in Ancient Egypt
(Melbourne 1993); M. Demovic and C. Baker, New Kingdom Egypt (Melbourne 1999); T.
Hurley, J. Rolph and P. Medcalf, Antiquity 2 (Melbourne, 3rd ed. 2008).
2
Board of Studies NSW, Ancient History Stage 6 Syllabus (Sydney 2004) 48.
120 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

work of the Akhenaten Temple Project. The background to the first historical
construction and destruction of the temple will be outlined, then the work of
the Akhenaten Temple Project in the second construction of the temple.
Architectural and epigraphic analysis of the results of the project are then
presented, shedding much light on a wide range of historical issues
concerning the reign of this enigmatic king.

Historical Background
A quarry inscription at Silseleh in Upper Egypt reads:

The living Horus, mighty bull Tall-Plumed; Two Ladies, Great of


Kingship in [Karnak]; Horus of Gold, Who Elevates the Crowns in Upper
Egyptian Heliolopolis; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, first prophet of Hor-
Aten, NEFERKHEPRURE-WAENRE; Son of Re, [AMENHOTEP IV], long
in his lifetime may he live forever continually! <beloved of> Amun-Re,
Lord of Heaven, Ruler of Eternity.

The first occasion that his Person laid a charge on [the kings scribe(?)], the
general Amen [. . .] to carry out all the works projects, starting from
Elephantine and ending at Sambehdet, and on the leaders of the army to
perform a great forced-labour-duty of quarrying sandstone, in order to fashion
the great benben of Horakhty in his name, Light which is in Aten in
Karnak, the officials, companions and chief standard bearers being the taxing-
masters for the stone image.3

Neferkheprure Waenre Amenhotep commanded the expedition,


commemorated by this inscription, very soon after coming to the throne,
probably as one of his first acts as king of Egypt.4 The expedition was to
quarry sandstone at Silseleh for the construction of the kings first temple to
his new god, the Aten, at Karnak, Thebes, the religious capital of Egypt in the
18th Dynasty of the New Kingdom. The Aten was soon to become the basis
for the worlds first, and Egypts only, experiment with monotheism. In
Years 6 to 8 of his reign, the king changed his name to that by which history
knows him better, Akhenaten, and moved the capital of Egypt to Akhetaten,
now known as Amarna, where he built not only another vast temple to the
Aten, but an entire new capital city. Following his death only ten years later,

3
W. Murnane, Texts From The Amarna Period in Egypt (Atlanta 1995) 2930.
4
Davies believed that this expedition and the construction of the Aten temple at Karnak was
carried out under the supervision of Parennefer who listed in his contemporary tomb
(TT188 at Thebes) the title superintendent of all the works of the king in the temple of
Aten with the epithet satisfying the heart of the king and carrying out his monuments in
the temple of Aten with proficiency; N. de G. Davies, Akhenaten at Thebes, JEA 9 (Oct.
1923) 138, 151.
Ancient History 40:2 2010 121

and the resulting failure of this bold experiment without its charismatic
leader, the religious and political focus moved back to Thebes and its
traditional gods. The following kings, including Tutankhamun, Ay and
Horemheb, did their best to erase the heresy of Akhenaten from history
literallyincluding the temple to Aten at Karnak.

Horemheb began an ambitious new building program to mark the return to


orthodoxy. His titles begin: Horus, Mighty Bull; Ready in Plans; Favourite
of the Two Ladies; Great in Marvels at Karnak5an advertisement for this
program and how he meant to achieve it. He started work on major additions
to the temple to Amun, chief among the traditional pantheon, at Karnak. To
underline his point that the heresy was now over and should be forgotten,
Horemheb systematically dismantled Akhenatens temple to Aten at Karnak
and re-used the stone blocks as fill and foundations for two new pylons, the
ninth and tenth, to adorn the south entrance to the Amun temple.

The dismantling was systematic and deliberate.6 The faces and hands of
Akhenaten and his Queen Nefertiti and their names, together with images of
the Aten, were ritually defaced, to take away their power and erase their
memory. Mud brick structures were demolished and flattened; faces of
colossi of Akhenaten were smashed and the statues pushed forward and
buried in that position. Stone walls were dismantled and the blocks recycled
in Horemhebs pylons. Their re-use was carefully planned so that remaining
scenes on the blocks faced inwards so they could not be seen and the blocks
were placed upside down and under a huge weight of new masonry to ritually
place the heretical religion under the power of the traditional religion.
Finally, archaeologists excavating in the area of the Aten complex, adjoining
the Amun temple to the east, have recovered a layer of burnt earth,
suggesting a ritual purification of the site by fire.

Ironically, the lengths to which Horemheb went to destroy the temple


actually preserved much of it for posterity, albeit in the form of its individual
blocks. Today they are known as talatat; the Arabic word for three because
each block is a uniform three hands widths long, or 52 x 26 x 24cm. This
unusually small block size for Egyptian masonry may have been a deliberate
innovation by Akhenaten to allow for them to be easily carried by a single
man, in turn allowing for his ambitious construction program to be sped up.
In contrast to the abundant remains of the deserted capital at Akhetaten,

5
D.B. Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic King (Princeton 1984) 22223.
6
ibid., 22831; cf. L. Manniche (The Akhenaten Colossi of Karnak [Cairo and New York
2010] 1922) who argues that at least some of the destruction was purely for recycling
purposes.
122 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

including the diplomatic archive of the Amarna letters, which provide a great
deal of archaeological and written evidence for the latter part of Akhenatens
reign, there is a scarcity of sources for the Theban years. With the exception
of some private tombs at Thebes, such as that of Akhenatens chief steward,
overseer of works and of priests, Parennefer, TT188,7 the talatat blocks are
the major source for this period with which to answer historically significant
questions, such as:
What did Akhenatens first Aten temple look like?
What were the cult practices and equipment of the new religion?
What was Akhenatens role in the new religion?
What was Nefertitis position and status?
What was the theology and iconography of his new religion?
How and why did Akhenaten change the iconography and role of
kingship?
Were the changes truly revolutionary?
How and why was his memory erased from Egyptian history?

The Akhenaten Temple Project


As early as the 1890s, the existence of the Aten temples at Thebes was
recognised from talatat blocks recovered by Daressy.8 Breasted first referred
specifically to the Karnak complex in 1905.9 Further talatat blocks and
colossi of Akhenaten were recovered from the area to the east of the Amun
temple by Chevrier in the 1920s.10 More talatat blocks continued to surface
during restoration work on the ninth, tenth, second and third pylons,
hypostyle hall and subsidiary buildings of the Amun temple up to the
1960s.11 The large number of talatat blocks accumulated by this time gave
rise to the inception of the Akhenaten Temple Project in 1966. The aim of
this joint project between the Egyptian Antiquities Organization (now
Supreme Council of Antiquities) and the University Museum of Pennsylvania
was to fully document and study the talatat blocks.12

7
Davies (n.4) 132.
8
G. Daressy, Notice explicative des ruins du Temple de Louxor (Cairo 1893).
9
J.H. Breasted, A History of Egypt: From the Earliest Times to the Persian Conquest (New
York 1905).
10
H. Chevrier, Rapport sur les travaux de Karnak (marsmai 1926), ASAE 26 (1926) 119
30.
11
See R. Winfield Smith, Description of the Project, in R. Winfield Smith and D.B.
Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. I: Initial Discoveries (Warminster 1976) 12
for a complete bibliography on these early finds of talatat blocks.
12
ibid. See also D.B. Redford, Studies on Akhenaten at Thebes I: A Report on the work of
the Akhenaten Temple Project of the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania
JARCE 10 (1973) 7794.
Ancient History 40:2 2010 123

The majority of the 34,752 talatat blocks studied by the Project have incised,
sunk-relief decoration on at least one surface.13 Raised details were often
given further painted decoration, traces of which often survive.
Approximately 20% of the blocks, known as the white talatat, were given a
preparatory coat of gypsum plaster before decoration. A third category of
blocks also have pastel-coloured background decoration. The preservation of
the blocks varies greatly, with many broken and incomplete or deliberately
defaced.

The process of study of the talatat blocks by the Project began with the
numbering and photographing of each block.14 The main features of each
blocks decoration were then coded and recorded manually onto cards. In an
archaeological first, this data was then entered onto punch cards and fed into
a computer. The computer was then able to be programmed with a wide
variety of search categories, in an effort to match blocks and begin to build
up whole or partly complete scenes. To date over 2,000 scenes ranging from
just two blocks up to 160 have been reconstructed.15 The only limits to this
remarkable process of virtual reconstruction of the Aten temple complex are:
the existence of blocks with no decoration, the poor state of preservation of
many blocks, the need for human recognition of small fragments of design
elements and the multiplicity of almost identical scenes.16 Paradoxically, the
last problem can also be an asset, as whole scenes may be inferred from as
little evidence as a single block.17

The uses to which these data may be put are already clear. Firstly, the size,
shape, design features, construction program, ritual elements and decoration
of this unique temple may be speculated on with a view to addressing some
of the historical questions posed earlier.18 Secondly, the reconstructed scenes
and texts themselves have also been the subject of analysis to address these
questions. The iconography of the Aten, the names of the temples to the
Aten, scenes of a probable royal jubilee celebrated by Akhenaten during this
period, the representation of Akhenaten and Nefertiti and the iconography of
kingship adopted by them, the representation of other personalities of
Akhenatens court, foreigners at Akhenatens court, scenes of musicians and
dancers, the use of geographical names, the ritual and iconography of

13
R. Winfield Smith, Description of the Project, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11) 4.
14
ibid., 513.
15
Redford (n.5) 70.
16
R. Winfield Smith, Description of the Project, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11) 12
13.
17
Redford (n.5) 70.
18
R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
ch. 2.
124 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

worshipping the Aten, the religious titles associated with the priesthood of
the Aten and administrative titles associated with Akhenatens court have all
been the subject of study by various scholars associated with the Project,
including Tawfik, Gohary, Saad and Redford.19 Redford has also conducted
textual analysis of inscriptions from the talatat blocks.20

Architectural Analysis
Given the almost total ritual destruction of the Aten temple complex at
Thebes and its unique place in Egyptian religious history, the use of the
talatat blocks to virtually reconstruct it is a particularly interesting and
remarkable venture. The Project has been able to establish that three hundred
and fifteen talatat blocks preserve diagnostic architectural features, such as
cornices and torus mouldings, which allow reconstruction of minor aspects of
the architectural decoration scheme of the temple complex.21 Further, the fact
that some blocks preserve decoration on their long sides, while others are
decorated only on their short side, suggests a header and stretcher method of
masonry construction was used. The ratio of header versus stretcher blocks
also allows speculation on the ratio of header versus stretcher courses used.22
Two hundred talatat blocks were decorated on two adjacent sides, allowing
their identification as corner blocks. Five hundred and forty-three blocks
decorated on both ends have been identified as having come from internal
walls decorated on both sides, thus giving the thickness and revealing the
method of construction of these walls.23 Some of the blocks actually show
scenes which have been interpreted to represent architectural elements of the
building of which they were a part, such as kiosks, colonnades, windows,
pylons and gateways, which has helped speculation on the design of the
complex.

Inscriptions on the blocks have also been useful in identifying the constituent
parts of the Aten temple complex and establishing the sequence of their
construction. The name of the god Aten on the talatat block is often followed

19
Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11) chs 39. See also D.B. Redford, The Sun-Disc in
Akhenatens Program: Its Worship and Antecedents I, JARCE 13 (1976) 4761; id., The
Sun-Disc in Akhenatens Program: Its Worship and Antecedents II, JARCE 17 (1980) 21
37; R. Saad and L. Manniche, A Unique Offering List of Amenophis IV Recently Found at
Karnak, JEA 57 (1971) 7072 for more discussion of this research.
20
D.B. Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project, vol. II: Rwd-Mnw and Inscriptions (Toronto
1988).
21
R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
29.
22
ibid.
23
ibid., 32.
Ancient History 40:2 2010 125

by a reference to the place of residence of the god.24 The earliest construction


may have been the Gm(t)-pA-itn, (the finding of the Aten), a large temple
structure whose decorative program was dominated by Nefertiti, completed
within the first or second year of Akhenatens rule.25 Two other structures
known as the Rwd-mnw-n-itn-r-nHH (sturdy are the monuments of the sun-
disk forever) and Tni-mnw-n-itn-r-nHH (exalted are the monuments of the
sun-disk forever) probably followed within a year and finally, in about Year
4, an obelisk dedicated to sun worship, the @wt-bnbn (mansion of the ben
ben), was added to the Gm(t)-pA-itn.26 The relative chronology of these
buildings is established by the depiction of Akhenatens expanding family.
Only one daughter is shown in the Gm(t)-pA-itn and by the time of the
decoration of the @wt-bnbn a second daughter is present.27 It has been
suggested that the Tni-mnw may have been a palace, on the grounds that it is
decorated with many domestic scenes, although other religious scenes are
also present, so this identification is very speculative.28 The Gm(t)-pA-itn has
been tentatively identified as a jubilee court, specially constructed for the
celebration of Akhenatens first royal jubilee (Hbsd) festival, as Akhenaten is
shown here in jubilee costume in processions accompanied by his court,
military attendants and foreigners, making jubilee offerings.29

It has been established that a special class of talatat blocks, recovered from
Horemhebs second pylon, all derive from a common architectural feature of
the Aten complex. Through the use of the types of architectural indicators
outlined above, it is clear that these blocks once comprised massive square
columns, 9.5m high, probably arranged around a courtyard.30 The
reconstructed decoration of these columns consisted exclusively of depictions
24
Redford (n.5) 71; id., Studies on Akhenaten at Thebes, II: A Report on the Work of the
Akhenaten Temple Project of the University Museum, the University of Pennsylvania, for
the Year 19734, JARCE 12 (1975) 9.
25
In the noble Parennefers Theban tomb TT 188 he makes reference to the Aten as dweller
in the chapel the Aten is discovered (Gm(t)-pA-itn) at Thebes. Davies dates this tomb to
the first years of Akhenatens reign, confirming the (Gm(t)-pA-itn) as the first of
Akhenatens Theban temples; N. de G. Davies (n.4) 146.
26
Redford (n.5) 71.
27
Redford (n.24) 10.
28
Redford (n.5) 71; id. (n.24) 10.
29
ibid. See also R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and
Redford (n.11) 47; Redford (n.24) 9; id., Preliminary Report on the First Season of
Excavation in East Karnak 197576, JARCE 14 (1977) 2223; id., East Karnak
Excavations 198789, JARCE 28 (1991) 8889. J.O. Gohary (Akhenatens Sed-Festival at
Karnak [London 1992]) has a detailed discussion of the timing, location and rituals of this
festival, reconstructed from more than 1500 talatat blocks; cf. J.O. Gohary, Jubilee Scenes
on Talatat, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11) 647.
30
R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
3435.
126 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

of Nefertiti and one of her daughters offering to the Aten. For this and other
reasons outlined below, it is thought that a major part of the Gm(t)-pA-itn
complex, and possibly the entire @wt bnbn, was dedicated to Nefertiti.31 This
has led some to postulate that she may therefore have had a significant role in
Akhenatens theology and ritual of the Aten (see discussion below). What is
clear is that she features prominently in the design and decoration of the
Karnak temple. It was blocks from these Nefertiti columns that were ritually
placed upside down by Horemheb, suggesting he paid particular attention to
eradicating evidence of Nefertitis role in Atenism, as this may have been
especially abhorrent to the Egyptians orthodox theology.

A marked difference in the size of some of the figures of the king and queen
compared to the majority of representations, up to 12.75m high in the case of
the king, allows speculation on the existence of a further architectural feature
of the temple complex. There is the possibility that the large figures once
adorned massive entrance pylons to the temple complex.32 Such pylons were
a common feature of Egyptian temple architecture, with the neighbouring
Amun temple complex already having up to eight by this time. The size of
the figures logically suggests they were meant to be seen on an outside wall
of the temple, in a commanding position. An unusual feature is that Nefertiti
occupies more pylon space than Akhenaten; 179m2, compared to 139m2, in
total.33
Of the 34,752 blocks analysed by the Project, Redford has made the
following classification in terms of architectural features:34
3,446 belong to inner walls
900 to pylons
350 to gateways
1,213 to Nefertiti columns
28,843 to outside walls.
The identification of the last as outside wall blocks is based on the
assumption that a high proportion of blocks with only painted, not incised,
decoration may represent this category.35 There is otherwise no logical
division in the range of scenes to suggest inside or outside blocks.

31
Redford (n.24) 9.
32
R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
3741.
33
ibid., 41.
34
ibid., 50.
35
ibid., 53.
Ancient History 40:2 2010 127

Excavations carried out as part of the Akhenaten Temple Project in the area
east of the Amun temple, presumed to have been occupied by the Aten
complex, have confirmed its probable location in this area, but have yet to
provide enough evidence for a detailed plan of the structure or to confirm any
of the above estimates, something which may prove ultimately elusive given
the systematic nature of the temples destruction.36 The choice of location by
Akhenaten may be significant, emphasising the eastern horizon, from whence
the sun rose, directly behind the temple.37 What the excavations have
revealed is that the Gm(t)-pA-itn was a vast rectangle, approximately 130 x
216m, comprising an open court, possibly subdivided by internal walls and
pylons.38 At some point or points, most likely at its midpoint,39 the west wall
was broken by one or more entrance pylons. A colonnade of massive 9.5m-
high-square columns ran around the inner periphery of the courtyard, with
five-to-six-metre-high colossi of Akhenaten standing against each column
and facing into the courtyard, each with an offering table in front.40 Each
column base measured about 1.7 x 2.1m and they were spaced at two-metre
intervals. The surrounding wall was 2.1m wide at the base and up to seven
metres high. At a distance of five metres from this wall a second mud-brick
wall surrounded the entire complex. By mapping the location of fallen talatat
blocks with preserved decoration in the excavation deposits, the Temple
Project has been able to reconstruct scenes up to 40m long on sections of
these walls. Scenes of the king and queen participating in an Hbsd jubilee
festival dominate these sections.41

Epigraphic Analysis
Turning now to the second avenue of analysis of the talatat blocks, namely
the interpretation of the scenes themselves, several of the most obvious and
interesting of these are discussed by way of example. Firstly, the evidence for
the nature of the cult ritual carried out in the Aten temple has been analysed

36
These excavations were carried out annually between 1977 and 1991. See, for example,
Redford (1977) (n.29) 932; id., Interim Report on the Excavations at East Karnak 1977-
78, JARCE 18 (1981) 1133; id., (1991) (n.29) 7599.
37
B. Shafer (ed.), Temples of Ancient Egypt (London 1997) 181.
38
Redford (n.5) 102; Redford (1977) (n.29) 1821.
39
Redford (1991) (n.29) 85.
40
ibid., 89. See Redford (n.5) ch. 7 for a hypothetical reconstruction showing the arrangement
of the courtyard, columns and colossi. This postulated architectural layout of the Karnak
Aten temple is corroborated in many details by a scene showing the plan of Akhenatens
later temple to Aten at Akhetaten (see G. Robins The Art of Ancient Egypt [London 1997]
154, Fig. 179).
41
Redford (n.5) 11022; Redford (1977) (n.29) 2223.
128 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

by Winfield-Smith and Gohary.42 One hundred and fifty-one blocks show


chairs, thrones and palanquins, suggesting that processional ceremonies, such
as the depicted Hbsd festival, formed an important part of the cult ritual of the
new religion.43 The king, taking the traditional place of the cult image in
religious processions, points to the critical role of the Hbsd festival and the
Gm(t)-pA-itn temple in establishing Akhenatens theology of the central role
of the king in his new religion. Another common scene is that of the royal
couple standing in a so-called window of appearance to receive the praise
of courtiers. Scenes such as these procession and window scenes have
been argued by some to indicate that Akhenaten himself was the object of
worship for the people in the new religion, and that he alone interceded with
the god on their behalf.44 Redford draws attention to evidence from the talatat
stones that he was the chief celebrant and the right to offer was his alone (I
it is that am to [offer] myself [to my] father [the sun disk] and the king is
one true-hearted in offering to him who made him, propitiating him with
what pleases his ka),45 although this was not necessarily new as the king had
always in theory been the ultimate intercessor to the gods in Egyptian cult
practice.

A total of 356 talatat stones showing food offering tables have been identified
to date, allowing 17 types to be classified.46 Interestingly, Nefertitis name
appears more frequently than Akhenatens on these tables; 67, as opposed to
13 times, respectively.47 This frequent representation of offering tables at
Karnak is later reflected in the design of the Aten temple at Akhetaten, where
evidence of up to 3,000 tables has been excavated.48 At Akhetaten these were

42
R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
ch. 2; Gohary (1992) (n.29); id., Jubilee Scenes on Talatat, in Winfield Smith and
Redford (n.11) 647.
43
ibid., 19; cf. Gohary (1992) (n.29) 39. See Redfords frontispiece (1976) (n.11) for a full
reconstruction of this festival scene. Smaller sections and reconstructions of this are
reproduced and discussed in Redfords more easily accessible 1984 book (n.5) ch. 7.
44
Redford (1980) (n.19) 25, 28. See also B. Ockinga (Amarna Kingship, Ancient Society
15.1 [1985] 1113 [reprinted in G. Callender (ed.), Aegyptiaca: Essays on Egyptian Themes
(Sydney 1996) 8387]) who discusses a range of other epigraphic and archaeological
evidence for the role of Akhenaten as god of the individual. See Redford (n.5) ch. 7 for
reconstructions and discussions of the window of appearance scenes.
45
ibid., 28. Scenes interpreted as showing Akhenaten offering food to the Aten are also
known from contemporary private tombs, such as that of Parennefer at Thebes and various
nobles tombs at Akhetaten, again highlighting Akhenatens intercessory role in the new
theology; C. Aldred, The Beginning of the Amarna Period, JEA 45 (Dec. 1959) 28.
46
R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
2022.
47
ibid., 23.
48
T.E. Peet and C.L. Woolley, The City of Akhenaten. Egypt Exploration Society Memoir 38
(London 1923) vol. 1, 1516; vol. 2, plates 3 and 69.
Ancient History 40:2 2010 129

situated in open-air courts to allow the sun god to ritually partake of the
offerings before they reverted to the priests.49 This open-air design was a
feature of both temple architecture and cult ritual, possibly revived from Old
Kingdom sun temples that also had an open court. Cult ritual now seems to
have centred on the provision of lavish food offerings to the Aten by
Akhenaten and Nefertiti on behalf of the people.

Again, blocks showing one of the royal couple in offering scenes show a
marked bias towards Nefertiti (63) over Akhenaten (38).50 Also, the five
largest of these are all of Nefertiti. While sample bias may prevent the
drawing of robust conclusions from this, the identical manner in which both
persons are shown in these depictions provides further circumstantial
evidence for a hypothesis that the king and queen shared an equal status and
role in the theology and cult practices of the new religion, an unusual
elevation in power for an 18th Dynasty queen.51

A recycled talatat block recovered from Horemhebs ninth pylon of the


Amun temple lists offerings comprising six types of bread and cakes, jugs of
beer, incense, milk, fruit, herbs, wine, birds, braziers and jars, bowls, stands,
censers and vases of bronze.52 Offering scenes also show the offerings listed,
in addition to other symbols of kingship such as sceptres, cartouches, crooks,
flails and even MAat offered to the Aten. Fifty-three of the two hundred and
seventy-six blocks depicting offerings also preserve the name of the place of
offering, which in thirty-nine cases is the Gm(t)-pA-itn,53 suggesting most
offering to the god was done in this part of the temple complex. Of the thirty-
one objects shown being offered to Aten at Karnak, only twelve were also
later shown being offered in Akhenatens temples at Akhetaten.

Significantly, the most frequent offering at Karnak, a small statue of the


goddess MAat, is completely absent at Amarna.54 This may be tentatively
argued to reflect a change to a more radical theology after the move away
from the traditional religious capital at Thebes. Akhenaten may have felt

49
A.H. Gardiner (Egyptian Grammar: Being an Introduction to the Study of Hieroglyphics
[London 3rd ed. 1957] 70) states that a large part of temple offerings was passed on for use
in private tomb chapels after the god had been satisfied therewith according to a common
hieroglyphic text.
50
R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
2729.
51
ibid., 29; Redford (1975) (n.24) 11.
52
Saad and Manniche (n.19) 7072.
53
R. Winfield Smith, Interpretation and Discoveries, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
27.
54
ibid., 24.
130 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

freer to reject the traditional gods and roles of the king (i.e. to uphold the
order and tradition represented by the goddess MAat)55 away from the
influence of orthodoxy.56 But the early influence of orthodoxy can also be
seen in the mode of representation of the gods. Representation of the Aten as
a sun disk did not entirely supplant the more traditional iconography of sun
worship at Karnak, Re-Horakty and other hybrid forms of sun gods
remaining common in scenes in Akhenatens new temples.57 The initially
monotheistic nature of the new religion may be also called into question by
scenes and references to the gods who are upon their standards.58 Hornung
argues that the Aten was unique, but not exclusive with the traditional gods
present at the Karnak Hbsd festival, but only the Aten appears in the divine
chapel of the festival.59 More rigorous monotheism may be argued for later in
Akhenatens reign, after Year 5, when many of these polytheistic
representations and references were expunged, and the king changed his
name from Amenhotep to Akhenaten.60

Offering formulae have also been preserved on the talatat blocks. For
example:

[Gods offering which His Majesty laid down for his father] (the sun disc)
[residing in the house of Him that Rejoices in the Horizon of the Sun-Disc in
Southern Heliopolis, the first Great (Place) of Re: [bit bread . . .]; jugs of beer,
sixteen; pigeons, eight [. . .]; that which the first gods-father of the House of
the Sun-disc gave [bit bread . . . jugs of beer . . .]; pigeons, eight; bouquets,
four; bunches (of vegetables), seven; milk, three bowls . . .61

This offering list not only tells us what was offered on the altars of the Aten,
but who supplied it; both the king and the high priest (i.e. first gods-
father). As this food income was levied in the form of taxes and redistributed
to the workers of the temple once the god had had its fill, the crucial
redistributive role of temples in the Egyptian economy is demonstrated. The
widespread economic impact of Akhenatens withdrawal of royal patronage

55
Ockinga (n.44) 81.
56
Redford (1975) (n.24) 10.
57
Redford (1980) (n.19) 21. It has also been argued that the iconography of the sun disk
representing the Aten, in place of traditional anthropomorphic representations of the gods,
was not necessarily a revolutionary break, but evolved out of the iconography of the sun
disk worn on the head of the traditional sun god Re Horakhte; see Aldred (n.45) 23.
58
ibid., 21.
59
E. Hornung, Akhenaten and the Religion of Light (Ithaca 1999) 48.
60
ibid., 27. Redford also argues for a more definite monotheistic intent in the wording of the
later Hymn to the Aten from Amarna, pointing to expressions such as there is none other
than him; Redford (1980) (n.19) 2627.
61
Redford (n.5) 13435. See other examples in Saad and Manniche (n.19).
Ancient History 40:2 2010 131

from the temples of other gods, especially the temples of Amun at Thebes,
which had until then been the richest in the land, also becomes clear.62 The
political importance of Akhenaten celebrating an Hbsd festival so early in his
reign (not usually done until Year 30 of a kings reign), where the people also
share in his largesse, is clear.63 This had the dual purpose of ensuring loyalty
to the new king and his new cult.

A further possible motivation for the Aten cult is put forward by Reeves. He
argues that Akhenaten was motivated by a desire to re-establish the position
of the king to that of absolute authority which it had enjoyed at the beginning
of Egyptian history, but which had been eroded since, culminating in
Hatshepsuts abasement to the Amun priesthood.64 In this context,
Akhenatens devotion to sun worship may represent a desire to return to the
first principles and the unsullied (and unpoliticised) religious purity first
expounded in the solar worship of earlier times.65 Fragments of a speech by
Akhenaten preserved on some of the Karnak talatat blocks may outline some
of this philosophy:

Look, I am speaking that I might inform [you concerning] the Forms of the
gods, I know [their (?)] temples [and I am versed in] the writings, (namely)
the inventories of their primeval bodies [and I have beheld them] as they
cease, one after the other, (whether) consisting of any sort of precious stone
[except for the god who begat] himself by himself [Atum] .66

In other words, gods represented by statues had come and gone, but the only
permanent god was the primordial creator god Atum, visibly represented by
the eternal and unchanging sun disc, the Aten, which was reborn, or
recreated, every day. Some scholars argue that Atenism was in fact a Re-
creation of creation whereby Akhenaten and Nefertiti ruled as the first pair
of male-female creator gods (Shu and Tfnut), daily recreating the first act of
creation, the sp-tpy.67 This theory also explains Akhenatens supposed

62
Evidence of the change in the economic fortunes of the old and new gods is provided by a
text in Parennefers tomb TT 188 which reads: Now Re he knows the husbandman who
gives thought to the temple dues of the god. The husbandman who does not give thought to
the temple dues of the Aten he surely delivers into thy hands. For, though men measure the
corn to any god with a stricken (or small) measure, they measure for the Aten with piled-up
hekats (measures); Davies (n.4) 1412.
63
Redford (n.5) 136.
64
N. Reeves, Akhenaten: Egypts False Prophet (London 2001) 101.
65
ibid.
66
Murnane (n.3) 31.
67
J.C. Darnell and C. Manassa, Tutankhamuns Armies. Battle and Conquest during Ancient
Egypts Late 18th Dynasty (New Jersey 2007) 3640, 423. Ockinga (n.44) also argues that
132 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

monotheism. If the royal couple are the first offspring of the creator god
Atum, then, logically, no other gods yet exist, explaining Akhenatens
necessary iconoclasm. The evidence from the Karnak talatat blocks outlined
above, namely of Akhenatens role as sole intercessor in worship in this new
(actually very old) cult, and that discussed below, illustrating his co-regent
and even familial relationship to the god, attests to Akhenatens success in re-
elevating the kingship to a central role in religion and thereby re-establishing
the religious and political prominence of the kingship. Thus many aspects of
Akhenatens new religion may actually be interpreted as a return to very old
concepts and practices.

Another avenue of analysis of the talatat-block scenes is that of


representations of Akhenaten and Nefertiti.68 Taking Akhenaten first, there is
such a variety in the treatment of his physical appearance that it seems the
artists were struggling to come to grips with the new artistic style dictated by
the king. Some depictions retain traditional proportions, while others show a
significant departure from these both in facial features and body shape. In
summary, the different depictions include features such as:

an elongated head
a long, thin neck
high cheekbones
full lips
a protruding chin
slanted eyes
arched brows
a pot belly
feminine breasts
wide hips
elongated fingers
narrow shoulders
spindly arms and legs
heavy thighs
absence of discernable sex organs.
A variety of explanations have been advanced to explain these unusual
characteristics, ranging from homosexuality and hermaphroditism to genetic
disorder theories, such as Marfans or Frhlichs Syndromes, and even the re-

Akhenatens so-called revolutionary changes were in fact largely reactionary changes to


earlier concepts and practices.
68
D.B. Redford, Akhenaten, Nefertiti and the Princesses, in Winfield Smith and Redford
(n.11) ch. 6.
Ancient History 40:2 2010 133

carving of statues from earlier ones of Amenhotep III.69 The presence of


other more traditional representations of Akhenaten in talatat blocks from the
same period, however, make such hypotheses difficult to sustain. It seems
more likely that the androgynous physical appearance of Akhenaten
suggests a theology of worship in Atenism whereby he takes the place of the
cult image of the god70 and accordingly embodied both the male and female
physical attributes of the god in his person. The feminine attributes may have
also emphasised the fertility of the Aten (the visible manifestation of the
creator god Atum), and thus his representative Akhenaten as the creator of all
life for Egypt.71 Manniche takes this argument a step further by proposing
that slight differences in the Karnak temple statues allow for their
identification with the divine creator triad Atum, Shu and Tefnut. Theology
notwithstanding, a more pragmatic political reason for placing the king at the
centre of worship in the new religion may have been to re-assert the waning
power of the king in the face of other powerful military and religious forces
in 18th Dynasty Egyptian society.72

Some evidence for a direct relationship between Akhenaten and the Aten
may be found in the fact that the former is often represented on the talatat
blocks as the son of the disk or the only one who knows him and the Aten
is often called his father.73 Akhenaten may thus have been attempting a
more literal interpretation of the long-standing Egyptian idea that the king
was the earthly image of the gods. Redford argues, however, that for
pragmatic political and logical reasons, Akhenaten stopped short of complete
identification of himself as the person of his god.74 On another level, the
iconography and titulature of kingship applied to the Aten, such as double
cartouches and epithets,75 suggests that there may have been an element of
divine co-regency shared between the king and the god, with Aten king of the
heavens, and his son Akhenaten king on earth.
Akhenatens figure appears a total of 329 times in scenes and on individual
talatat blocks.76 Of the thirty-four examples where costume can be identified,
69
C. Aldred, Akhenaten: King of Egypt (London 1988) 133; Manniche (n.6) 13548; A.P.
Kozloff, Chips Off Old Statues: Recarving the Amenhotep IV Colossi at Karnak, KMT. A
Modern Journal of Ancient Egypt 23 (3) (2012) 1833.
70
Ockinga (n.44) 86; Manniche (n.6) 856.
71
Manniche (n.6) 8788, 9396; Robins (n.40) 150; Hornung (n.59) 57, 94, although Redford
([1977] [n.29] 2526) disputes this interpretation.
72
D.B. Redford, The Concept of Kingship During the Eighteenth Dynasty, in D. OConnor
and D. Silverman (eds), Ancient Egyptian Kingship (Leiden 1995) 173.
73
Redford (1980) (n.19) 25.
74
ibid., 26.
75
ibid., 25.
76
Redford, Akhenaten, Nefertiti and the Princesses, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
77.
134 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

twenty-nine are of the jubilee ritual (Hbsd) costume. The white crown of
Upper Egypt is shown twenty-three times, the red crown of Lower Egypt
seven times, the double crown fourteen times and the blue war crown twenty-
six times. Other standard royal regalia are also shown, including the crook,
flail and sandals. The poses Akhenaten adopts at Karnak are also largely
traditional, including:
standing and making an offering
sitting in a palanquin
standing in a chariot
smiting the enemy.

It seems that while his physical appearance showed some radical departures
from tradition, elements of the iconography and regalia associated with
traditional kingship were maintained, at least in the early Karnak phase of
Akhenatens reign.77 Many other traditional elements of royal iconography
are still common in the decoration of Akhenatens Karnak temples, including
sphinxes trampling enemies, protective falcons and cartouches, references to
the king as Horus, and the description of Akhenaten as residing on the
Horus Throne.78

Some points of interest on the size, frequency and significance of the


representations of Nefertiti on the talatat blocks have already been raised. To
these may be added a consideration of her names. These occur in both a short
(Nfr-titi) and long (Nfr-titi Nfr-nfrw-itn) form. In a number of instances both
names appear juxtaposed in double cartouches. Redford argues that the intent
in so doing is to honour the queen as a king would be.79 On this point, the
name of the god Aten also always appears in cartouches, supporting a further
argument for a tri-regency, with the kingship shared between the god,
Akhenaten and Nefertiti, representing Atum, Shu and Tefnut.80

The total number of occurrences of Nefertitis figure, name or accoutrements


on the talatat blocks is 564.81 There may be several explanations to account
for the much higher frequency of representations of her than those of
Akhenaten, including:

77
Redford (1975) (n.24) 10.
78
Redford (1980) (n.19) 21.
79
Redford, Akhenaten, Nefertiti and the Princesses, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
80.
80
Ockinga (n.44) 82.
81
Redford, Akhenaten, Nefertiti and the Princesses, in Winfield Smith and Redford (n.11)
78.
Ancient History 40:2 2010 135

Nefertiti enjoyed a genuine prominence at Karnak.


There is a sample imbalance, with more blocks with Akhenaten on
them yet to be recovered from further hiding places.
Blocks with Akhenaten on them were more susceptible to destruction.
Scenes with Akhenaten were built on walls of different materials or
decoration.
In the context of the second point, Redford notes that the place from which
more blocks have yet to be recovered, the ninth pylon of the Amun temple, is
the source of most blocks from the Rwd-mnw and Tni-mnw structures, where
Akhenaten does so far dominate the decoration.82 Scenes of Akhenaten are
also beginning to be recovered from other parts of the Amun temple complex
constructed by his father Amenhotep III and decorated by Akhenaten.83 The
colossi of Akhenaten from the courtyard of the Gm(t)-pA-itn should also not
be forgotten in this context. It may yet be shown that Akhenatens
prominence in the decoration of Karnak is equal to that of Nefertiti.

Despite these arguments, Nefertiti is clearly shown with a remarkably high


degree of independence in the activities she performs. In the 564
representations of her or her name, she is accompanied by the king or his
name only seventy-nine times.84 Over 90% of the scenes of her comprise
offering scenes. In the few scenes where the king is present, she is shown
smaller in size, indicating a subordinate status, suggesting we should be
careful not to carry arguments of Nefertitis importance too far. Other
categories of scene show Nefertiti carrying out traditional kings roles, such
as smiting the enemy, or represented according to the traditional iconography
of a king, such as the sphinx.85 She is also commonly shown in these scenes
represented iconographically as the fertility goddess Hathor, with head-dress
and sistrum, suggesting she may represent the feminine/fertility aspects of the
Aten.86 Taken as a whole, the evidence of the talatat blocks allows little room
for doubt that Nefertiti had a religious and political significance at least equal
to that of Akhenaten during the early years of his reign. It may not be too
much of a stretch to argue that she shared a measure of co-regency with her
husband as king, as did the Aten also, forming a divine ruling family similar
to other divine triads, such as Amun, Mut and Khons, and Osiris, Isis and
Horus.87 She can certainly be placed among the other unusually powerful

82
ibid.
83
ibid.
84
ibid., 80.
85
ibid., 82.
86
Manniche (n.6) 111-12.
87
Ockinga (n.44) 87. It may also be argued that Akhenatens divine ruling triad was thus not
a revolutionary concept as such.
136 Pearson: The Akhenaten Temple Project

queens of the 18th Dynasty.88 The significance of the talatat blocks in this
context is that they are the only major source of evidence for this and many
other such questions about the early period of Akhenatens rule.

Conclusion
To return to the historically significant questions raised earlier, the usefulness
of the talatat blocks for the study of the personality of Akhenaten is clear.
The analysis of the architectural features of Akhenatens Aten temple
complex at Karnak and the analysis of the scenes with which it was decorated
have both provided useful insights into the design and construction of
temples in Akhenatens new religion, the theology and cult practice of
Atenism, Akhenatens role in the new religion, Nefertitis position and status,
the iconography of Akhenatens kingship and the reaction of Egyptians to
Akhenatens religious upheaval. However, many questions remain
unanswered and a great deal of further study and analysis is required which is
currently ongoing.89 In an irony of history, the one king who Egyptians did
most to erase from their history is he who is perhaps best known to posterity,
a fact especially ironic for the author of this sentiment: Woe unto him who
assaileth thee, O Amun! Thy city endures whereas he that assaileth thee is
cast down.90 Despite being cast down by Horemheb, Akhenatens temple
and name have endured in the form of the talatat blocks. In conclusion, to
return to the stated aim at the beginning of this paper, it is hoped that this
discussion of the work of the Akhenaten Temple Project has opened up some
new possibilities for the use of Akhenatens Theban Aten temple as a major
source for the study of the early years of his reign.

88
D.B. Redford, History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (Toronto 1967)
65; id., (1975) (n.24) 11.
89
Current research is being conducted by the Centre Franco-gyptien dtude des Temples
de Karnak. See, for example, R. Vergnieux and M. Gondran, Amnophis IV et les pierres
du soleil. Akhnaton retrouv (Paris 1997). The activities of the Akhenaten Temple Project
have moved on from the study of the Karnak talatat blocks to other projects, including
excavations at Mendes in the delta and the tomb of Parennefer TT188, one of the only
Theban tombs to be decorated solely during the early years of Akhenatens reign. This
makes it contemporary with the construction of the Aten temples at Karnak and a unique
comparative source for many of the issues discussed in this article. The website of the
Project is located at <www.personal.psu.edu/users/d/b/dbr3/>.
90
Aldred (n.69) 306.
Ancient History 40:2 2010 137

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