Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337

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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology

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Neolithic rock art in context: Landscape history and the transition to agriculture
in Mediterranean Spain
Sarah B. McClure a,*, Lluis Molina Balaguer b, Joan Bernabeu Auban b
a
Department of Anthropology and Museum of Natural and Cultural History, 1218 University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USA
b
Departament de Prehistria i Arqueologia, Universitat de Valncia, Valencia, Spain

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Rock art is one of the most salient features of Neolithic societies in eastern Spain and an explicit form of
Received 5 May 2007 landscape history. This paper summarizes current debates of Mediterranean rock art chronology and
Revision received 22 April 2008 interpretation and explores the contextual differences in two areas of Neolithic settlement with rock
Available online 16 July 2008
art: the Canyoles Valley (Valencia) and the Alcoi Basin (Alicante). Large-scale survey of the Canyoles Val-
ley resulted in a clearer understanding of agricultural land use during the Neolithic that contrasts with
Keywords: evidence from the Alcoi Basin. By analyzing Neolithic rock art in its archaeological context, we discuss
Neolithic
the signicance and limitations of rock art analysis for understanding and characterizing landscape his-
Iberian peninsula
Rock art
tories and the transition to agriculture in the region.
Chronology 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Landscape archaeology

Introduction curred throughout the period or only in punctual events. In the

Archaeological landscapes are palimpsests of cultural remains
from natural and cultural processes operating at different temporal
and spatial scales (Anschuetz et al., 2001; Wandsnider, 1998).
Although landscape archaeology is by no means a well-devel-
oped theoretical approach, the utility of regional perspectives in
archaeology has been recognized and practiced for many years
(e.g., Billman and Feinman, 1999; Binford, 1982; Chapman et al.,
1996; Fish and Kowalewski, 1990; Wandsnider, 1998). In contrast
to traditional settlement systems analyses, landscape approaches
consider variation in physical properties and spatial patterns of
archaeological assemblages as a part of a greater dynamic whole.
A landscape approach complements traditional archaeological uses
of space and time, while integrating human history and agency
into their constructions (Anschuetz et al., 2001).
The transition to agriculture in the Mediterranean region of
Spain offers an ideal framework for this kind of approach, including
changes in economic land use, the creation of rock art, and social
and ideational shifts within societies. In fact, one of the most sali-
ent records left by Neolithic societies in this region is the large
quantity of rock art in rock shelters and shallow rock faces. Three
rock art styles are found in the central Mediterranean region of
Spain (Hernndez, 2005): Macroschematic, Schematic and Levan-
tine. This art dates to the Neolithic period (56002200/2000 cal
BC), but it is impossible to determine if rock art production oc-
* Corresponding author. Fax: +1 541 346 0668.
E-mail address: sbm@uoregon.edu (S.B. McClure).
past few years, attempts have been made to interpret the social
meaning of this artistic record, most recently by Cruz Berrocal
and Vicent Garca (2007). Special attention has been given to the
relationship between rock shelters with art and their surrounding
landscape (Fairn, 2004, 2007; Cruz Berrocal, 2005; Cruz Berrocal
and Vicent Garca, 2007) using GIS technologies and theoretical
discourse to explore questions of visibility, access, spatial distribu-
tion, and relationships with natural corridors and historic pastoral-
ism routes in addition to the evaluation of rock arts social
contexts.
In this paper we present results from a regional scale archaeo-
logical survey of the Canyoles Valley (Valencia) in comparison with
data from the Alcoi Basin (Alicante) in Eastern Spain. We discuss
the distribution of Neolithic rock art in the two areas in order to
emphasize differing contexts of rock art production, and highlight
recent debates on its chronology and interpretation. Finally, the
importance for examining rock art in its archaeological context is
illustrated and implications for interpreting similar rock art in
other parts of Mediterranean Spain are presented.
The Neolithic in central Mediterranean Spain
The transition to agriculture
The appearance of Neolithic lifeways in Iberia is part of a larger
phenomenon in the western Mediterranean, where agriculture and
associated technologies, particularly pottery, spread from Liguria
in northern Italy to southern Spain and Portugal. Based on existing

0278-4165/$ - see front matter 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2008.05.001
 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337
radiocarbon dates, this process took less than 500 hundred years
(Bernabeu, 2006; Zilho, 2001) and once on the Iberian Peninsula,
rapidly spread to the interior (Bernabeu et al., in press-a; Kunst and
Rojo, 2000; Kunst, 2001). The absence of wild ancestors for the
main domesticatessheep and goat, emmer, einkorn wheatindi-
cate that key features of this mode of production were imported to
the Iberian Peninsula. Recent genetic studies (Armelagos and Her-
per, 2005; Beja-Pereira et al., 2006; Fernndez et al., 2006) support
this, although the diversity within domestic animal herds point to
genetic inuences beyond a simple, direct transfer of species from
the Near East and likely document interbreeding between intro-
duced species with wild counterparts in the Western Mediterra-
nean. However, the nature of the transition to agriculture, the
relative roles of indigenous hunter-gatherers, and specic local, re-
gional, and supra-regional processes, are still heavily debated. Sev-
eral scholars consider the transition to agricultural societies in the
Western Mediterranean as a product of colonization by farming
groups with subsequent adoptions by indigenous foragers (Berna-
beu, 1995, 1996; Binder, 2000; Fortea 1973; Garca Puchol, 2006;
Mart and Juan-Cabanilles, 1987, 1997; Zilho, 1993, 1997). Others
apply transition models from other parts of Europe (Cruz Berrocal
and Vicent Garca, 2007; Hernando Gonzalo, 1999; Schuhmacher
and Weniger, 1995; Vicent Garca, 1997). These authors argue that
the process of neolithization of the Iberian Peninsula is the result of
indigenous hunter-gatherers adopting farming technologies and
incorporating these into their existing social and economic
networks.
Recently, Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Garca (2007) highlighted
the argument for a local adoption model of agricultural practices,
known as the capillary diffusion model (Hernando Gonzalo,
1999; Rodrguez et al., 1995; Vicent Garca, 1990, 1997), based
on the premise of continuity between Mesolithic and Neolithic
populations and the inherent ability of indigenous hunter-gather-
ers to engender, by themselves, a process of economic transfor-
mation and increasing social complexity (2007:687). Since
hunter-gatherer studies emerged as a research focus with seminal
works such as Man the Hunter (Lee and DeVore, 1969; see also Jo-
chim, 1976, 1981), the inherent cognitive, adaptive, and creative
abilities of foraging populations has not been questioned, and
many instances of indigenous adoption or independent domestica-
tion processes are documented throughout the world. The problem
of Cruz and Vicents argument lies not in the possibility of this kind
of transition, but rather in the archaeological data of Mediterra-
nean Spain. The capillary diffusion model requires the introduction
of domesticates as prestige items, the existence of local and long-
distance kinship and reciprocity networks, strategies of intensica-
tion and diversication of the economic basis during the Meso-
lithic, cycles of delayed-return consumption, and the unexpected
consequences of partial transformations in economic and social
practices (Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Garca, 2007:687; see also
Vicent Garca, 1990, 1997). However, as summarized below, the
archaeological record of Mediterranean Spain does not support this
model as the primary, supra-regional process of neolithization,
rather it is limited to specic local and regional contexts.
Archaeological data indicate that the earliest agricultural tech-
nologies (domesticates, ceramic production, polished stone tools,
and a specic lithic technology) appear together and are clearly
delineated from preceding local hunter-gatherer cultural and eco-
nomic traditions. Technologically, Early Neolithic pottery is highly
varied, with a number of clay/temper recipes, ring, and decorative
techniques used consistently at different Early Neolithic sites
(McClure, 2004, 2007; McClure and Molina, in press), suggesting
experienced potters practiced this technology from the Early Neo-
lithic onwards. Furthermore, Early Neolithic sites demonstrate a
widespread use of a variety of crops, and domesticated faunal re-
mains represent over 65% of faunal assemblages (Mart and Juan-
327
Cabanilles, 1997; McClure et al., 2006; Prez, 1999). It appears,
therefore, that early farmers in eastern Spain were not low-level
food producers (sensu Smith, 2001), but rather had a well devel-
oped production economy.
The coastal distribution of most of the earliest evidence for
farming further supports a diffusionist and maritime pioneering
model (Zilho, 2001, 2003). After initial settlement, interactions
between farmers and the local populations may have taken many
formsco-evolution, acculturation, assimilation, substitution
depending on local context. The relative role that colonizers and lo-
cal hunter-gatherers had on the spread of domestic animals and
plants to the region is still heavily debated (e.g., Barnett, 1995,
2000; Bernabeu, 1995, 1996; Bernabeu et al., 2001a; Donahue,
1992; Mart and Juan-Cabanilles, 1987; Mart, 1988; Zilho, 1993,
1997, 1998, 2000) and likely varied on local and regional scales.
This model of colonization and subsequent interaction has been
termed the dual model (Bernabeu, 1995, 1996, 2002, 2006).
New radiocarbon and ceramic data from a range of sites on the
Iberian peninsula are shedding light on the timing and points of
origin of Early Neolithic pottery dispersals (Bernabeu et al., in
press-a; Manen et al., 2007). Included in these recent revisions is
a renewed interest in the role of North Africa for pottery found
in southern Spain and Portugal (Manen et al., 2007), as well as
the identication of an Impressa-phase (pre-Cardial) in eastern
Spain (Bernabeu et al., in press-a). Specically, the presence of pot-
tery decorated with sillon dimpression shows connections to south-
ern France and Liguria, Italy, while rocker impressions and painted
decorations are related to wares found in southern Italy (perhaps
via northern Africa). These data are statistically contemporary with
the classic Cardial assemblages in sites in eastern Spain, and sug-
gest that the spread of pottery to the Iberian Peninsula was multi-
phased, multi-directional, and much more complex than previ-
ously thought (Bernabeu et al., in press-a). The implications of
these new data on models of neolithization are as yet unclear
and ongoing studies of pottery assemblages and detailed re-analy-
sis of the earliest levels at Neolithic sites throughout the Iberian
Peninsula will likely change our understanding of specic issues
relating to the transition to production economies (Bernabeu et
al., in press-a). However, these ndings further support the role
of migration, possibly multiple migrations, as an important facet
for the transition to agriculture in the Western Mediterranean.
The Alcoi Basin in northern Alicante is a core area of Early Neo-
lithic settlement (Fig. 1), providing the earliest dates for farming
populations in Mediterranean Spain. Available radiocarbon dates
of short life samples document a 500 year gap between the last
Mesolithic and rst Neolithic dates (Fig. 2). As argued in detail else-
where (Bernabeu, 1995; Garca Puchol, 2006; Garca Puchol and
Aura, 2006; Juan-Cabanilles and Mart, 2002), the absence of Late
Mesolithic industries in the region suggests that this area was only
marginally used by hunter-gatherers at that time. This may have
been part of a larger trend throughout the Western Mediterranean,
where gaps of 300+ years between Late Mesolithic and Early Neo-
lithic sites are common, despite increases in survey and excavation
activity in the past 20 years (Biagi, 2003; Guilaine, 2003; Skeates,
2003; Zilho, 2003). In contrast, adjacent areas such as the Upper
Vinalopo Valley and Serra del Caroig mountains may have been
cores of Mesolithic hunter-gatherer settlement that continued into
the Neolithic (Fig. 1).
Once established, farming groups spread quickly across the
landscape and currently more than 30 sites date to the second half
of the 6th millennium cal BC. Interaction with surrounding forag-
ing communities is documented (e.g., Fortea, 1973; Garca Robles
et al., 2005), although the nature of contacts remains elusive. Re-
cent data from the Meseta in central Spain highlight the rapid
spread of agriculture (Kunst and Rojo, 2000; Kunst, 2001). Since
Epipalaeolithic settlement is not documented in this area either,
328 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337
Fig. 1. Map of the study region showing the location of sites from the middle sixth millennium cal BC and those cited in the text. The survey area in the Canyoles Valley is
highlighted by the box.
Kunst (2001:59) argues that the rst farming populations arrived
in the area via the Ebro and Jaln Rivers from the Mediterranean
coast. By the end of the 6th millennium BC archaeological remains
evidence the dissolution of traditional forager industries and pop-
ulations with a production economy are documented throughout
the Iberian Peninsula (Juan-Cabanilles and Mart, 2002; Molina et
al., 2003).
From the onset, Neolithic communities created a particular
landscape. In recent years, large-scale surveys in the Alcoi Basin
have identied a number of open-air sites (Barton et al., 1999,
2004a,b; Bernabeu et al., in press-b). Excavations at some of these
settlements and reconstruction of settlement intensity comple-
ment earlier research at caves and rock-shelters (e. g. Barton,
2006; Bernabeu and Orozco, 2005; Bernabeu et al., 2001a; Berna-
beu et al., 2003; Bernabeu et al., 2006; Mart et al., 1980; Garca Pu-
chol and Aura, 2006), giving us a detailed view of land use practices
by the rst farmers of the region. Widely scattered small villages
were located on fertile valley bottoms close to streams and second-
ary rivers. Farmers focused their subsistence pursuits on domestic
animals and plants, while continuing to exploit wild resources to a
lesser degree. Of the domestic animals, sheep and goats were the
primary livestock held, and archaeological evidence suggests that
farmers used the landscape in an extensive manner, limiting their
presence to some upland valleys for summer pasture (McClure et
al., 2006; Molina et al., 2006; Prez, 1999). Despite relying primar-
ily on domestic plants and animals for the bulk of their subsistence,
Early Neolithic sites also evidence wild plants and animals. It
should be of no surprise that farmers hunted and gathered re-
sources, particularly when spending time away from the village,
such as while taking sheep and goats to pasture. Cruz Berrocal
and Vicent Garca (2007:688) imply that contexts where evidence
for hunting and gathering coincide with agricultural products
(ceramics, domestic animals) necessitate interpretations of indig-
enous transformations, disregarding a large body of research that
 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337 329

6800 6600 6400 6200 6000 5800 5600 5400 5200 5000 4800 4600

EARLY MIDDLE
EARLY
T. de la ROCA Gif6898 NEOLITHIC NEOLITHIC
NEOLITHIC

EL COLLADO UBAR281

NEOLITHIC I B
EL COLLADO UBAR280 NEOLITHIC
IA
FALGUERA AA59519

FALGUERA AA2295

FALGUERA Beta171910

MAS D'IS Beta162092

MAS D'IS Beta166727

FALGUERA Beta142289

CEENDRES GifA-101360

CENDRES Beta142228

OR OxA10192

CENDRES Beta107405

OR OxA10191

CENDRES GifA-101358
Phase A Phase B
FALGUERA AA-60625
Late
SANT MART Beta166467 Mesolithic

6800 6600 6400 6200 6000 5800 5600 5400 5200 5000 4800 4600 cal BC

Fig. 2. Available C14 dates on short-life samples for the study region related to the transition to Neolithic.

discusses the role of hunting in farming societies (e.g., papers in
Kent, 1989). Indeed, the transition to agriculture was much more
complex than the hypothetical model these authors suggest, and
remains a methodological and interpretive challenge, particularly
for characterizing and understanding the role of Neolithic rock
art. In the following we present archaeological data from the Cany-
oles Valley to highlight a different context for rock art production.
The Canyoles Archaeological Survey Project
The Canyoles Archaeological Survey Project was initially
designed to examine Early Neolithic settlement and land use
patterns in a setting distinctive from the Alcoi Basin. Prior to this
project, major research efforts, including large-scale surveys, had
been limited to the Alcoi Basin located ca. 25 km southeast of the
Canyoles Valley (Barton et al., 1999, 2002, 2004a,b; Barton, 2006;
Bernabeu et al., 1999, 2000). By characterizing Neolithic land use
in an adjacent region, we hoped to test if cultural patterns described
above were representative of the region as a whole. This survey area
contrasts with the Alcoi Basin in that it is a large river valley connect-
ing the coastal plain to the interior plateau, while the Alcoi Basin
consists of several interconnected valleys surrounded by mountain
ranges with only limited access to the coast (Fig. 1). In order to obtain
comparative data, our survey strategy was similar to that applied in
the Alcoi Basin. We conducted an intensive off-site survey with a
multi-stage sampling design (Molina and McClure, 2004; see also
e.g., Plog et al., 1978; Read, 1986), using the collection units as the
units of measurement instead of dening site borders. Previous
work in the Serpis and Polop Alto valleys in the Alcoi Basin suggested
temporal and density differences in cultural material based on loca-
tion, highlighting the need for independent samples of different
locations (Barton et al., 1999; Bernabeu et al., 1999).
The Canyoles Valley is located ca. 40 km southwest of the city of
Valencia, Spain, on the southern end of the Valencia Province (Fig.
1). It is a natural corridor that connects the interior plateau of the
central Meseta with the Mediterranean coastal plain, north of the
Baetic Mountains that encircle the eastern and southern margins
of the Iberian Peninsula. Historically, this valley has been an
important communication route: the Roman Via Augusta traversed
the valley (Arasa and Rosell, 1995), as did principal thoroughfares
of the Reino Valenciano (Valencian Kingdom) in the 16th century
AD. Today, the valley is home to a major highway and a high-speed
train line.
The Canyoles River originates in the eastern end of the Meseta
and drains into the Xquer River, the major river system of the
area, ca. 15 km from the Mediterranean Sea, north of the town of
Xtiva on the coastal plain. The diversity in elevation, topographic
setting and vegetation communities of the Canyoles Valley offered
a broad range of wild resources to prehistoric inhabitants. The val-
ley is aligned SW-NE and is bordered to the south by the Sierra
Grossa rising to over 900 m and to the north by the Sierra de Engu-
era rising to over 1000 m. The valley bottom varies in elevation
from 150 m in the NE to 550 m in the SW and covers almost 50
sq. km in area. Arable land in the Canyoles Valley is extensive
and today sheep and goats are pastured in some upland areas.
Much of the valley bottom is currently under cultivation, largely
with almond, olive, and fruit trees, along with some vineyards
and wheat elds.
Evidence for the Early Neolithic has been identied along the
valley, primarily by the presence of Impressed Ware and rock art
(Juan-Cabanilles and Mart, 2002; Molina et al., 2003; Molina and
McClure, 2004; Figs. 3 and 4). Cardial Ware is an excellent tempo-
ral marker and found at a number of sites along the valley (Apari-
cio, 1977; Aparicio et al., 1979, 1982; Bernabeu et al., 2001b).
330 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337
Neolithic site
Chalcolithic burial cave
Rock art location
N
Font de la
0 km 5 km Figuera
Fig. 3. Canyoles Valley. Location of the previously documented Neolithic, Chalcolithic, and rock art sites. The survey area is highlighted by the box.
Fig. 4. Cova Santa, Canyoles Valley. Early Neolithic ceramics with applied and Cardial impressed decorations.
Unfortunately, few of these sites were excavated systematically
and our knowledge of Neolithic developments in this valley was
limited to data from mixed deposits or poorly published excava-
tion reports (Garca Borja and Molina, 2001). Despite these prob-
lems, Early Neolithic materials were not so abundant as to
suggest an intensive occupation of the valley during this period
(Fig. 3).
Fieldwork concentrated on the Western part of the valley that is
less affected by recent human activity. A total of 15 units were sur-
veyed that were randomly chosen in a hierarchical sampling strat-
egy (Molina and McClure, 2004). Survey during two eld seasons
covered 8.05 sq km, 15% of the total study area. Artifacts dating
from the Middle Palaeolithic to modern periods were collected,
conrming human land use of the valley stretching back to the
Upper Pleistocene. Detailed survey results were published in Moli-
na and McClure (2004) and Mesolithic and Neolithic results are
summarized below.
Among the artifacts collected, evidence for the Mesolithic is
strikingly absent. Early Holocene stone industries (Epipalaeolithic)
are documented in cave deposits and surface assemblages
Xtiva
Albaida
(Aparicio et al., 1982; Molina and McClure, 2004). Small endscrap-
ers, backed points, and bladelets characterize the Epipalaeolithic
assemblages and provide a clear continuity from Late Upper
Palaeolithic (Magdalenian) traditions (Aura et al., 2002; Villaverde
et al., 1998). In survey, these artifacts were usually found scattered
along river terraces and appeared in low densities, suggesting a
persistent but low-intensity use of these areas through time.
Since use of the valley is clearly documented for the Epipalaeo-
lithic, the lack of Mesolithic artifacts suggests a change in hunter-
gatherer land use strategies. This was surprising given its proxim-
ity to known Mesolithic sites to the North and South. One of the
main characteristics of late hunter-gatherer land use in the Wes-
tern Mediterranean is the preference for site locations close to
lakes and marshes. In the Canyoles Valley, three areas may have
had these features prehistorically: Bosquet, Pla de les Alcusses and
Caicn (Fig. 3). In the case of Caicn, alterations associated with
the high-speed train infrastructure have dramatically changed this
area, so it is not possible to test this further. Historic documents
mention the presence of a small lagoon in Pla de les Alcusses that
was exploited during Iberian Iron Age (Bonet et al., 2000). It was
 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337 331

drained in the 19th century AD and currently is visible as dark soils
in the eastern part of the upland valley. Finally, due to its particular
orography, Bosquet supports one of the oldest water reservoirs of
Valencia. Transformations date to the 18th century AD, but it
was likely an important water source for the area prehistorically.
All three areas were surveyed, although in the case of Caicn,
modern impacts proved problematic. Bosquet showed a scarce
presence of some lithic materials, but nothing that could be clearly
related with human activities before Bronze Age (Molina and McC-
lure, 2004). Known Bronze Age sites in the form of fortied hilltop
settlements surround and visually control the area (Garca Borja,
2004). Despite some caves with Early Neolithic and Chalcolithic re-
mains in the Sierra del Serruig, no evidence of these occupations
appear in the surface assemblage (Fig. 3).
A small lithic assemblage with bladelets was recovered from
what was once the edge of the lagoon on the Pla de les Alcusses.
Bladelets are often associated with Late Mesolithic or Early Neo-
lithic stone tool assemblages. Most of these materials were col-
lected from an open irrigation trench and were found in a black
soil level buried close to a meter below the current surface. Frag-
ments of hand-made pottery were also collected. However, Phoeni-
cian pottery from the Early Iberian period was found in the same
assemblage. This makes a Neolithic interpretation of the bladelets
problematic because contrary to later in the Iron Age, both hand-
made and wheel thrown pottery were produced during this period.
Therefore, the relationship between the lithics and pottery is not
clear. Finally, although the int raw materials used (black and
brown) are uncommon in Neolithic assemblages, the absence of
any diagnostic pieces prevents us from attributing the assemblage
to a specic period (Molina and McClure, 2004). Only in the Late
Neolithic/Chalcolithic is a stable and more intensive settlement
of the area visible archaeologically. Prior to this, few materials
including typical combed pottery from the Middle Neolithic appear
in the region.
By the 4th millennium BC, small farming settlements were
established in the Western Canyoles Valley. Diagnostic materials,
including ceramics, lithics, and ground stones, were concentrated
in three locations (Fig. 5), and many surrounding areas contained
lower-intensity assemblages that could not be explained solely
by post-depositional dispersion. On the contrary, this kind of dis-
persal appears to have been related to extensive activities around
the settlements, likely agricultural activities, as suggested by the
presence of sickle blades and ground stones (for a detailed discus-
sion, see Molina and McClure, 2004).
Regionally, farming settlements increase in number during the
Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic and are often located in previously
unexploited agricultural areas (Bernabeu and Pascual, 1998; McC-
lure et al., 2006). This demographic expansion is visible throughout
the Iberian Peninsula and likely explains the rst agricultural vil-
lages in the Canyoles Valley. Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic occupation
of the Canyoles Valley is reinforced by the use of small caves and
rock shelters in the surrounding mountains as burial sites (Fig. 3).

0 1 2 km 14
5
&1
11

13
10
1 12
9

8
2

3
5 >2000 pieces/sq km
1000-2000 pieces/sq km
4 500-1000 pieces/sq km
500 pieces/sq km

Fig. 5. Prehistoric lithics and ceramic concentrations found on survey. Circles mark areas with Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic materials. Sectors: 1: Carrasca, 2: Simeta, 3: Foia, 4:
Caicn, 5: Fontsanta, 6: Alt del Granadero, 7: Biosca, 8: Posino, 9: Cnyoles, 10: Cabezuelas, 11: Albarades, 12: Mas del Fondo, 13: Mas de Sant Joaquim, 14: Serruig, 15:
Bosquet.
332 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337
Results obtained on the survey have offered us a compelling
view of the development of Neolithic landscapes. Human occupa-
tion of the Canyoles Valley is known to have extended back at least
100,000 years (Molina and McClure, 2004). Abundant raw material
in sectors such as Alto Granadero, Fuensanta and Biosca would have
been attractive to prehistoric peoples, and concentrations of these
raw materials provided a focal point for lithic production in the
valley through time. The lithic artifacts throughout the valley
and raw material in these sectors support the notion that they
were continually revisited throughout prehistory (Molina and
McClure, 2004). Despite its location, ecological diversity, and posi-
tion as a natural corridor, farming settlements are not documented
until the 4th millennium BC. Evidence for Early Neolithic activity,
therefore, is limited to cave and rock art sites. People in the 6th
millennium were not using this area for farming, nor is there evi-
dence of it as a foraging settlement area. It is a distinctive land
use pattern, and very different from that found in the Alcoi Basin.
In the following, we discuss the most salient feature of the Early
Neolithic in the Canyoles Valley: rock art. By comparing the con-
texts of rock art in these two areas, we suggest alternative inter-
pretations based on the conuence of rock art distributions,
chronology, and archaeological data.
Neolithic rock art
Listed as World Heritage by UNESCO in 1998, rock art of the
Mediterranean Basin in Spain includes some of the most fascinat-
ing representations of post-Palaeolithic art in Europe. More than
100 sites with rock art are currently documented in the region
Macroschemaic
Schematic
A B
5 cm
Fig. 6. Distribution of rock art sites and examples of the different rock art styles: A. Macroschematic (Barranc de lInfern); B: Schematic (Barranc de la Magrana); C: Levantine
(Abric del Mas dEn Josep).
located along the boundary of the provinces of Alicante and Valen-
cia. Three different types of representations have been identied,
all of them currently considered to date to the Neolithic: Macro-
schematic, Schematic and Levantine art (Fig. 6). As it is the case
for most rock art, temporal placement is difcult. In the case of
Mediterranean Spain, the origins, chronology, and cultural mean-
ings continue to be heavily debated, and this debate is tightly
linked with concrete views of the neolithization process of each re-
gion (Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Garca, 2007; Garca Puchol et al.,
2004). In the following, we briey describe rock art styles found
in the region and follow with a summary of the debates surround-
ing their chronology and interpretation. We then turn to rock art
sites in the Canyoles Valley and the Alcoi Basin and discuss the dif-
fering settlement contexts in which they were created.
Macroschematic art
Macroschematic art (Arte Macroesquemtico) is found exclu-
sively in this region and generally displays large, schematic repre-
sentations of anthromorphs with raised arms (Hernndez, 1995;
Mart and Hernndez, 1988). Geometric motifs, such as zigzags of-
ten accompany the human-like gures. Most of the Macroschemat-
ic art is found in shallow rock shelters without occupational
deposits. Chronological assignment is facilitated somewhat by
superimpositions of other rock art styles (especially Levantine
art, see below) and parallels in mobile art (Hernndez, 1995:97).
Similar motifs are found on a wide array of Cardial ceramics, par-
ticularly from Cova de lOr and Cova de la Sarsa (Hernndez,
1995; Mart and Hernndez, 1988; Mart and Juan-Cabanilles,
2002). Indeed, Hernndez (1995) has demonstrated that the distri-
Macroschemaic
Levantine
C
3 cm
 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337
bution of Macroschematic rock art and Cardial Neolithic sites is
closely connected. The stylistic similarity between motifs on Car-
dial pottery and Macroschematic art suggests that it is an Early
Neolithic phenomenon and part of the cultural material related
to the transition to agriculture (Garca Puchol et al., 2004; Hernn-
dez, 1995; Hernndez et al., 1988; Mart and Juan-Cabanilles,
2002; Molina et al., 2003).
Schematic art
Schematic art is characterized by smaller, more simple and
basic gures, and is much more widespread in the region. Human
representations, animals, geometric gures (lines, zigzags, dots,
etc.), suns and symbols constitute the main motifs of this style.
Similar designs are commonly found on pottery throughout the
Neolithic and Bronze Age sequences, so it is more difcult to dene
a chronological parallel based on mobile art. Recent studies have
illustrated a relationship between some Schematic motifs with
Early Neolithic pottery (Martnez Garca, 2004; Torregrosa and
Galiana, 2001). Furthermore, some representations of symbols
and anthropomorphic gures interpreted as idols have counter-
parts in Chalcolithic materials (4th millennium cal BC). This asso-
ciation is strengthened by the location of Schematic art close to
caves and rock shelters used as burial areas for multiple inhuma-
tions during this period. However, it is unclear if Schematic art
was produced throughout the Neolithic to Bronze Age or in several
different and independent cycles.
Levantine art
Levantine art is by far the most closely studied of the Neolithic
rock art styles and early publications date back to the end of the
19th and early 20th century AD (Breuil, 1912; Cartailhac and Bre-
uil, 1908; Marconell, 1892). Stylistically, Levantine art is very dif-
ferent from either Macroschematic or Schematic art. It is dened
by its naturalistic and narrative character and is distributed
throughout the eastern Iberian Peninsula. The size of motifs varies,
but gures are usually under 10 cm in size and depict humans and
Fig. 7. Main panel from Abric II del Barranc del Bosquet; Fig. 3 is Macroschematic.
333
animals including ovicaprids, deer, horses, pigs, cattle, insects, and
some birds, often in scenes. Most of these motifs are found in larger
panels with one or more scenes, often depicting an action, such as
running, hunting, and warfare (Guilaine and Zammit, 2001; Her-
nndez et al., 1988).
Rock art in the Canyoles Valley
Only two areas in the Canyoles Valley exhibit rock art despite a
multitude of suitable rock shelters and exposures in the region
(Fig. 3). Rock art is found in two southern side arms of the main
valley: Bosquet and Pla de les Alcusses. Schematic and Levantine g-
ures have been documented in these shelters, although they are
not particularly abundant (Galiana et al., 2005). An exception is
shelter 1 of Barranc del Bosquet (Hernndez and C.E.C, 1984) that
contains 35 gures distributed in 11 panels, of which one motif
is identied as Macroschematic (Figs. 7 and 3). This motif is located
in a natural depression in the rock face in the center of the main
panel and a variety of Schematic and Levantine gurines (espe-
cially anthropomorphic and zoomorphic) are located around it.
Neolithic rock art: chronology, authorship, and interpretation
The debate on the chronology of rock art and its cultural signif-
icance in this area has recently become the focus of several papers,
particularly regarding Levantine art. Chronological and cultural
attributions have ranged from hunter-gatherers to complex farm-
ers and in dates from the Epipalaeolithic to the Neolithic, Bronze
Age and even Iron Age (Aparicio et al., 1988; Fortea, 1974; Mart
and Juan-Cabanilles, 2002; Mart and Hernndez, 1988:35). Histor-
ically, Levantine art was thought to be a product of forager creative
expression due to the predominance of wild fauna and hunting
scenes (Hernndez, 1995:102). However, Cruz Berrocal and Vicent
Garca (2007:681) overstate issues of chronology in their discus-
sion of Levantine art when they argue that this chronological attri-
bution has varied only slightly since then. Numerous studies
since the 80s have highlighted a Neolithic (and sometimes later)
334 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337
age for this style. Similarities in lithic arrow points typical of the
Chalcolithic and weapons painted by Levantine artists suggests
that this art style was at least partially created during the Late Neo-
lithic/Chalcolithic (Fernndez Lpez de Pablo, 2006; Galiana, 1986;
Guilaine and Zammit, 2001). The discovery of Macroschematic art
and its analysis have also inuenced chronological attribution. Evi-
dence of superposition of Levantine art onto Macroschematic art at
Cova de la Sarga and Barranc de Benial has provided a terminus
post quem and shifted the chronology for the beginning of Levan-
tine art to some point during or after the Early Neolithic (Hernn-
dez, 2005; Mart and Juan-Cabanilles, 2002; Molina and McClure,
2004). Furthermore, several authors have argued that a pre-Neo-
lithic date for Levantine art in Castelln (northern Valencia) is
not likely given the sparse Late Mesolithic archaeological record
in the area (Garca Robles et al., 2005; Villaverde and Martnez
Valle 2002). In a broad regional survey, Molina et al. (2003) also
suggested that Levantine art must be seen (at least partially) as a
relatively late phenomenon, and Fairn (2002, 2004, 2006, 2007)
discusses the evidence in Alicante for treating rock art styles as
chronological markers spanning the Early Neolithic to Bronze Age.
Many of the arguments regarding chronological placement rely
on two sets of data: superpositions and parallels in mobile art
(ceramics, bone). Although parallels on different media provide a
sense of chronology, they are not causally linked. In terms of chro-
nology, Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Garca (2007:685) argue correctly
that superimpositions do not carry information about how much
time elapsed between the different phases of painting. This is one
of the myriad of issues facing prehistoric rock art analyses. How-
ever, superpositions do show some temporal distinctions, particu-
larly for the Macroschematic art that underlays various instances
of Levantine and Schematic motifs. Furthermore, the authors
would like all styles to date to the Early Neolithic, however they
do not deny that some Schematic and Levantine motifs may be
more recent (Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Garca, 2007:684). Based
on this observation, the assumption of synchrony of all Neolithic
rock art is highly questionable. In sum, current research suggests
that Holocene rock art traditions started in the Early Neolithic,
but the exact temporal placement of styles is still debatable. Mac-
roschematic art is likely an Early Neolithic phenomenon with a
limited chronology. Schematic and Levantine art may well have be-
gun in the Early Neolithic, however they likely span a 3000 year
period of production.
Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Garca (2007:677) further argue that
the different rock art styles in Mediterranean Spain developed
simultaneously during the Early Neolithic and are different
expressions of a unique rock art tradition, developed by a single
social formation. Similar to Garca Puchol et al. (2004), Garca Ro-
bles et al. (2005), and Molina et al. (2003), they maintain that inter-
pretations of rock art chronology and signicance, as well as
authorship, are linked with models of the process of neolithization.
Based on the capillary model, Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Garca
(2007) interpret Neolithic rock art as the product of foraging pop-
ulations in transition. Differences in style are functional, not chro-
nological, markers, and served different uses within the same
community. Distribution patterns show proximity of rock art sites
to traditional historic transhumance routes, and rock art sites in
the Gasulla and the Valltorta Systems in Castelln (north of Valen-
cia, see Fig. 1) were guided by structural reasons, based on a par-
ticular system of economic exploitation of different and
complementary territories (2007:692), connecting interior and
coastal areas. Although they connect rock art creation to pastoral-
ism, they argue that this system is the result of pre-existing sea-
sonal exploitation patterns of different territories already
developed by Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers. However, following
their argumentation, another interpretation is possible. Levantine
art may be a result of a shift in cave use that is visible at the end
of the Early Neolithic and throughout the 5th millennium BC, when
specialized pastoralists began using caves and rockshelters as cor-
rals for their herds.
In contrast, other studies of Neolithic rock art that follow the
dual model of neolithization place greater emphasis on chrono-
logical differences and multiple authorship. Indeed, some have ar-
gued that Levantine art may have initially been a hunter-gatherer
response to farmer art (see Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Garca, 2007
for discussion), but several researchers have also suggested author-
ship by farmers with varying chronological and functional aspects
(e.g., Garca Borja, 2004; Garca Robles et al., 2005; Mart and Juan-
Cabanilles, 2002; Molina et al., 2003). Much of this interpretation
relies on the abundant evidence for ritual activity during the Early
Neolithic in the Alcoi Basin. Deposits at Cova de lOr and Cova de la
Sarsa contained large quantities of pottery, bone tools (including
spoons and, at Cova de lOr, some possible musical instruments
made of vulture bones: Mart et al., 2001), polished stone axes,
bracelets, and other stone ornaments made from non-local raw
materials (Orozco, 2000). The faunal assemblage from Cova de
lOr includes many young and immature sheep (Prez, 1980). An
abundance of symbolic style Cardial decorated ceramics were
uncovered, including human gures and other Schematic represen-
tations that may have carried additional social and/or religious
messages, forming the basis for interpreting these sites as ritual
sanctuaries (Bernabeu, 2002; Mart and Hernndez, 1988). The
signicance of these sites is further supported by the use of sur-
rounding small caves and shelters as burial locations (Bernabeu
et al., 2001b).
Within the economic, settlement, and ritual context of the Alcoi
Basin, Macroschematic art has been interpreted as the artistic
expression of a ritual and ideological belief system of the earliest
farmers in the region (Bernabeu, 2002; Mart and Juan-Cabanilles,
2002). Due to the large size of many of the depictions (in contrast
to Schematic and Levantine art), rock faces with major concentra-
tions of Macroschematic art were possibly seen by a large number
of spectators at the same time. This has promoted the idea that
places such as Cova de la Sarga and Pla de Petracos could have
played a special role in ritual life, possibly as public sanctuaries
(Mart, 1990; Mart and Juan-Cabanilles, 2002).
Recently, Fairn (2002, 2004, 2006, 2007) studied the relation-
ship between Neolithic settlements and rock art sites in Valencia,
particularly in Alicante. She argues that rock art structured Neo-
lithic landscapes by dening and reecting the economic and sym-
bolic activities of farmers. Although she treats Neolithic rock art
styles as chronological markers, spanning the Early Neoltihic to
Bronze Age, she highlights the complexity of questions of author-
ship when she suggests different rock art styles created by the
same groups of people may have coexisted (Fairn, 2007).
Discussion: Implications for Canyoles Valley rock art
Despite evidence of the Early Neolithic in cave deposits and the
presence of rock art in shelters of Bosquet and Pla de les Alcusses
areas described above, evidence of recognizable settlement is lim-
ited to the Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic and more recent prehistory.
This differs from land use patterns documented in the Alcoi Basin,
where village-based farming is documented throughout the Neo-
lithic. Rock art found in the Alcoi Basin is surrounded by a land-
scape of agricultural activity and permanent settlement. In
contrast, survey results of the Canyoles Valley suggest that people
in the Early Neolithic used the landscape more ephemerally and for
a different suite of activities. Since the rock art is similar in the two
areas, how can this difference in context inuence interpretations
of rock art during the Neolithic?
The answer to this question depends a great deal on the chro-
nology of the rock art. We agree with Cruz Berrocal and Vicent Gar-
 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 326337
ca (2007) that Levantine and Schematic art may have begun in the
Early Neolithic, but based on the archaeological evidence pre-
sented above, Levantine and Schematic styles cannot be regarded
solely as an Early Neolithic phenomenon. Barring this chronologi-
cal determination, any discussion of Neolithic rock art must remain
focused on hypotheses for two likely possibilities that may vary be-
tween rock art sites: (1) Neolithic rock art is synchronous; (2) Neo-
lithic rock art spans up to 3000 years. Thus, each rock art site with
multiple styles must be interpreted in both manners unless com-
pelling chronological evidence (such as imagery of Late Neolithic/
Chalcolithic or Bronze Age weaponry) is present. In the case of
the Canyoles Valley, we cannot determine the chronology of Levan-
tine and Schematic motifs. The location of rock art is limited to a
specic area of the Canyoles Valley, despite an abundance of avail-
able rock faces over other parts of the valley. It is noteworthy that
much of the documented rock art is in a narrow entrance to a small
upland valley, off the beaten track of the natural corridor of the
Canyoles Valley bottom, without clear taphonomic processes to ex-
plain the current distribution.
Ritual or economic use of at least parts of the valley during the
Neolithic may have preceded long-term agricultural exploitation.
The ecological diversity of the valley may well have been a draw
for hunting game or collecting plant bres and foods not available
on the coastal plain or in higher elevations. The lure of lithic raw
materials documented in numerous survey sectors may have also
brought people to the valley. Available pasture and ease of trans-
portation may have made the valley an interesting destination or
corridor for transhumance. The presence of water sources in both
areas where rock art is found in the Canyoles Valley is highly sug-
gestive. Particularly the natural water reservoir of Bosquet may
have provided the context for increased economic and ritual activ-
ity. Unlike some rock art sites in the Alcoi Basin, travellers through
the Canyoles Valley would not see the images from the main val-
ley. Rather, the location of the rock art in a side valley, accessing
the Bosquet area, suggests that visitors to the Canyoles Valley
would need to specically seek out this side valley, and only then
would they encounter the imagery prominently displayed on rock
faces. This may suggest that the rock art helped delineate a special
area, in which gatherings, burials, and rock art production took
place, or livestock could be easily cared for. It is possible that peo-
ple spent enough time in the Canyoles Valley to include these sites
as an integral part of their lives, or that this area was visited much
more sporadically.
If rock art styles in the Canyoles Valley were synchronous, pro-
duction occurred in a context of ephemeral land use. Cruz Berrocal
and Vicent Garca (2007) argue that different styles reect different
uses by the same social group, although they do not elaborate or
suggest what these uses may have been. Instead, they link rock
art distribution with economic networks, and state that rock art
should be understood as nodal points in the landscape which have
been given a social value (2007:693). Under these conditions, rock
art in the Canyoles Valley could be understood in similar terms:
marking an area of economic interest and imbuing it with social
meaning. Given the presumed functional differences between
styles, this would suggest a variety of social meanings. Thus the
diversity of rock art may visualize the various uses of this area
for economic returns (wild and domestic resources, raw materials)
and ritual purposes (e.g., burial).
In contrast, if rock art styles were produced with temporal var-
iation, sites may have been persistent places on the landscape (e.g.,
Barton et al., 1995; Schlanger, 1992). Despite differences in land
use observed throughout the Neolithic sequence, people continu-
ously returned to the same rock shelters to create their own style
of rock art. The continuity of rock art production may indicate the
recognition of ritual space by farming villagers up to 30 genera-
tions after initial Macroschematic rock art production. Although
335
the particular importance of the area may have changed signi-
cantly in the course of many centuries, the presence of water
would have been a constant. The production of new kinds of rock
art on the same rock faces could indicate a continuity of practice
(if not of content) by farmers settling in the valley. These Late Neo-
lithic/Chalcolithic permanent inhabitants may have used their dif-
ferent rock art styles as a conscious attempt to connect their
presence on the landscape with earlier generations. Rather than
symbolizing a continuity of ritual or economic behavior, the loca-
tion of Levantine and Schematic art close or in contact with those
earlier depictions may have been a conscious attempt by later pop-
ulations to connect to an ancient tradition, legitimizing or reinforc-
ing their own social and ritual practices. However, this may have
also been subconscious: as is frequently seen at rock art sites in
Europe, modern depictions are often located on the same panels
as ancient ones, indicating a tendency to draw on surfaces already
displaying imagery even if the meaning and makers of the earlier
imagery are unknown.
Conclusions
The interpretations of Neolithic rock art in the Canyoles Valley
are contingent on chronology and archaeological context. We do
not share Cruz and Vicent (2007) optimism that Neolithic rock
art in Mediterranean Spain can be used as a primary source of
archaeological information regarding the transition to agriculture
in this region. Rather, problems of chronology increase the need
to interpret rock art distributions cautiously, and rock art must
be analyzed in the context of other archaeological data. Otherwise,
arguments quickly become circular and, in the end, serve to rele-
gate rock art to illustrations of empirically unfounded and non-
testable hypotheses. It is clear that rock art is an important feature
of Neolithic society, plays a key role in structuring the landscape,
and allows us to glimpse the rich symbolic life of past peoples.
However, we are still far from understanding the roles of rock art
in Neolithic Spain. We hope to have demonstrated in this paper
that a contextual analysis of rock art is worthwhile and can provide
interesting hypotheses for the signicance of places on the land-
scape. This type of analysis furthers existing discussions of the
meaning of rock art production and can help rene the study of
rock art sites throughout Mediterranean Spain.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank C. Michael Barton, Rosa Garcia, Michael
Jochim, Douglas Kennett, Jose Perez, and Bernat Mart for their sup-
port and insights into GIS and the Canyoles Valley. Jose Perez gra-
ciously shared data, maps and aerial photographs with us. Logistic
support from the Departament de Prehistoria i dArqueologia of the
Universitat de Valncia was greatly appreciated. Special thanks to
our crew for tireless days of survey. We remain indebted to the
people of Font de la Figuera and Moixent, Valencia for letting us
walk their elds. This research was funded by Fulbright Full Grant
to Spain 2001-2002 (McClure) and a National Science Foundation
Dissertation Improvement Grant # 8-447628-21569-7-2902.
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