Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
By Joseph Stiglitz - chief economist AND senior vice president at the World
Bank (1997-2000), chairman of President Bill Clinton 's council of economic
advisers (1993-1997). Currently professor of finance and economics at
Columbia university. NOBEL PRIZE WINNER FOR ECONOMICS IN 2001.
formulation.
Despite the repeated promises of poverty reduction made over the last decade
of the 20th century , actual number of people living in poverty has actually
increased by 100 million - when the world income actually increased by 2.5 %
annually.
If globalization has not succeeded in reducing poverty ,neither has it succeeded
in ensuring stability. Fears of financial contagion spread around the world.
Collapse of one emerging market currency will mean that others fall as well.
After the last trade agreement in 1995 the net effect was to lower the prices
,some of the poorest countries received ,relative to what they paid for their
imports. Thus some of the poorest countries were made worse off. One
provision of the agreement entailed converting GATT into the WTO. Western
banks benefited from loosening of the capital market, when the inflow of
speculative hot money suddenly reversed, left behind , collapsed currencies
and weakened banking systems.
The net effect of the intellectual property rights ,ending up in high incentive to
developed countries is limited, since a few only could afford the high prices.
The other side is thousands will be effectively condemned to death, because of
inability to pay high prices. The interests and perspectives of only the
producers protected, not that of the users.
The rapid pace of the change has not allowed cultural adaptation. The crises
that have brought in their wake massive unemployment have , in turn been
followed by longer term problems of social dissolution-from urban violence in
Latin America to ethnic conflicts in other parts of the world ,such as Indonesia.
The conditionality - the conditions that the international interests imposed in
return for their assistance - undermined national sovereignty.
The differences in views on Globalization are so great that one wonders ,are
the protestors and the policy makers talking about the same phenomena.
IMF and WORLD BANK ,both originated in WORLD WAR II, as a result of U N
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In it's original conception IMF was based on the recognition that markets often
did not work well, and collective action at the global level for economic
stability. The IMF is a public institution established from money, provided by
the tax payers around the world, but it reports to the ministries of finance and
the central banks of the governments of the world. They assert their control
through a complicated voting arrangement based largely on economic power
of the countries at the end of world war II , the major developed countries run
the show, with only U S A having effective veto.
will of G- 7 , the last thing they wanted was a lively democratic debate about
alternative strategies.
Many of the policies that IMF pushed , in particular , premature capital market
liberalization (despite having no evidence that it spurs economic growth ), have
contributed to global instability. And once a country was in a crisis, IMF funds
and programs not only failed to stabilize the situation but in most cases,
actually made the matters worse, especially for the poor. It also failed in it's
new missions - guiding the transition of the countries from communism to
market economy.
United States and Japan and most of the advanced countries had built up their
economies by wisely and selectively protecting some of their industries until
they were strong enough to compete with foreign companies. Neither blanket
protectionism , nor rapid liberalization worked. Forcing a developing country
to open itself to certain imports could have disastrous consequences - socially
and economically- jobs have been systematically destroyed, with highly
subsidized goods from Europe and America competition becomes impossible.
IMF's insistence on maintaining tight monetary policies has led to interest rates
that would make job creation impossible, even in the best of circumstances.
Since trade liberalization occurred before safety nets were put into place ,who
lost their jobs were forced into poverty, even those who did not loose their
jobs ended up in heightened sense of insecurity.
European countries banned free flow of capital until the seventies. For
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developing countries with a barely functioning bank system ,it's risky opening
their markets. It's bad economics. The influx of hot money into and out of the
country creates havoc.
The term macro refers to the aggregate behavior, the overall levels of growth,
unemployment, and inflation and a country can have low inflation but no
growth and high unemployment. To most economists, such a country would
rate as having a disastrous macroeconomic framework. To most economists
inflation is not so much an end in itself , but a means to an end, it is because
excessively high inflation often leads to low growth, and low growth leads to
high unemployment., that inflation is so frowned upon. But for the IMF , a
country like Argentina, can get " A" grade even if it has double digit
unemployment for years , so long as its budget seems in balance and its
inflation seems in control.
IMF is opaque, rather than transparent, and not only does far too little
information radiate from inside to the outside world, perhaps even less
information from outside is able to penetrate the organization. The
opaqueness also means that it is hard for information from the bottom of the
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organization to percolate to the top. The fund casts itself as the monopoly
supplier of " sound " advice.
In the standard competitive model - the model that underlies the IMF's market
fundamentalism - demand always equals supply. If the demand for labor
equals supply, there is never any involuntary unemployment. Someone who is
not working has evidently chosen not to work. In this interpretation ,
unemployment in the great depression, when one out of every four people
was out of work, would be the result of a sudden increase in the desire for
more leisure. It might be of some interests to psychologists, why there was this
sudden change in the desire for leisure, or why those who were supposed to
be enjoying this leisure seemed so unhappy, but according to standard model
these questions go beyond the scope of economics. For IMF unemployment is
the result of greedy unions, politicians interfering with workings of free
markets by demanding excessively high wages. Obvious implication - if there is
unemployment wages should be reduced.
IMF wanted a central role in shaping policy, it could do this because market
fundamentalism, their ideology required, little consideration of a country's
particular circumstances and immediate problems. Suffering and pain became
part of the process of redemption, evidence that a country was on the right
track. Sometime pain is necessary, but it is not a virtue in it's own right. Well
designed policies can often avoid much of the pain : and some forms of pain -
the misery caused by abrupt cuts in food subsidies , for example, which leads
to rioting , urban violence and the dissolution of the social fabric - are counter-
productive.
IMF is not particularly interested in hearing the thoughts of it's client countries
on such topics as development strategy or fiscal austerity. All too often, the
fund's approach to developing countries has had the feel of a colonial ruler.
The IMF could not only cut off it's own funds , but could use it's bully pulpit to
discourage investments from private market funds by telling private sector
financial institutions of the doubts about the "client's" economy. Other donors
( the World bank , the European Union, and many other countries ) make
access to their funds ,contingent upon IMF approval. Recent relief have
effectively given IMF even more power, because unless IMF approves the
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country's economic policy , there will be no debt relief. This gives IMF
enormous leverage.
IMF staff monitored progress , not just on the relevant indicators for the sound
macro management - inflation, growth , unemployment - but on intermediate
variables , such as the money supply , often only loosely connected to variables
of ultimate concern.
Conditionality - refers to more forceful conditions , ones that often turn the
loan into a policy tool. If the IMF wants a nation to liberalize it's financial
markets, for instance , it might pay out the loans in installments , tying
subsequent installments to verifiable steps toward liberalization. The
conditions went beyond economics into areas that properly belong in the
realm of politics .
In the midst of Korea's crisis , the Korean central bank was told not only to be
more independent but to focus exclusively on inflation, although Korea had
not had a problem with inflation, and there was no reason to believe that
mismanaged monetary policy had anything to do with the crisis. The IMF
simply used the opportunity that the crisis gave it, to push it's political agenda.
The FED , America's central bank , has a mandate to focus not just on inflation,
but also on unemployment and growth. Yet here was the IMF - partially under
the influence of the U.S Treasury - imposing a political condition on Korea that
most Americans would have found unacceptable for themselves.
countries would grow faster but that there was little evidence it worked at all.
There are several reasons for the failure of conditionality. The simplest has to
do with the economists' basic notion of fungibility, which simply refers to the
fact that, the money going in for one purpose frees up other money for
another use. : the net impact may have nothing to do with the intended
purpose. Such conditions were seen as the intrusion by the new colonial power
on the country' own sovereignty. The policies could not withstand the
vicissitudes of political process.
IMF pretend that it was above politics , yet it was clear that it's lending
program was , in part , driven by politics. The Kenya and Russia cases . Political
judgments often entered into IMF advice. The IMF pushed privatization, in part
because it believed government could not in managing enterprises, insulate
themselves from political pressures. The very notion that one could separate
economics from politics, or a broader understanding of society, illustrated a
narrowness of perspective . If policies imposed by lenders induce riots, as
happened in country after country, then economic conditions worsen as
capital flees and businesses worry about investing more of their money. Such
policies are not a recipe , either for successful development or for economic
stability.
States ignored IMF' s advice. Neither the Clinton administration nor the
Federal Reserve paid much attention to it.
The most efficient steel mills in the world are those established and run by the
Korean and Taiwanese governments.
There are some preconditions that have to be satisfied before privatization can
contribute to an economies growth. And the way privatization is accomplished
makes a great deal of difference. The problems that arose from these failures
have created antipathy to the very idea of privatization. IMF simply assumed
that markets arise quickly to meet every need, when in fact , many
government activities arise because markets have failed to provide essential
services.
When many European countries created their social security systems and
unemployment and disability insurance systems, there were no well-
functioning private annuity markets, no private firms that would sell insurance
against these risks that played such an important role in individual's lives. Even
when United States created its social security system , much later , in the
depths of Great Depression as part of the New Deal , private markets for
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annuities did not work well-and even today one cannot get annuities that
insure one against inflation. Again in the United States, one of the reasons for
the creation Federal national Mortgage Association ( Fannie MAE ) was that
private market did not provide mortgages at reasonable terms to - low and
middle-income families. In developing countries, these problems are even
worse; eliminating the government enterprise may leave a huge gap - and even
if eventually the private sector enters , there can be enormous suffering in the
meanwhile.
There is a natural reason why IMF has been less concerned about competition
and regulation that it might have been. Privatizing an unregulated monopoly
can yield more revenue to the government, and IMF focuses more on
macroeconomic issues, such as the size of the governments deficit, than on
structural issues, such as the efficiency and competitiveness of the industry.
Private firms do not take into account the social costs - urban violence ,
increased crime, social and political unrest- associated with unemployment
due to privatization. Privatization often destroys jobs , rather than creating
new ones. Timing and sequencing is everything.
Privatization is often referred to as " briberization" for the corruption involved.
Russia provides a devastating case study of the harm of " privatization at all
costs ". They failed to realize that without the appropriate legal structures and
market institutions, the new owners might have the incentive to strip the
assets rather than use them as a basis for expanding industry.
The western countries pushed trade liberalization for the products that they
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exported, but at the same time continued to protect those sectors (agriculture,
textile etc. ) in which competition from developing countries might have
threatened their economies. Markets were opened mainly for the services
exported by the advanced countries - financial services and information
technology - but not for maritime and construction services, where developing
countries might have been able to gain a toehold.
In the 19th century the Western powers - many of which had grown through ,
using protectionist policies - had pushed unfair trade treaties. The most
outrageous , perhaps , followed the opium wars, when United Kingdom and
France ganged up against a weak China , and together with Russia and United
States forced it in the Treaty of Tientsin in 1858 , not just to make trade and
territorial concessions, ensuring it would export the goods the West wanted at
low prices ,but to open it's market to opium, so that millions in China become
addicted.
Matters are perhaps worse still when the United States acts unilaterally. The
U.S Trade representative or the Department of Commerce , often prodded by
special interests within the United States , brings an accusation against a
foreign country; there is then a review process - involving only the U.S
Government - with a decision made by the U.S ,after which sanctions are
brought against the offending country. The U.S sets itself up as prosecutor ,
judge, and jury.
China with its per capita income of $450 is not only a developing country , but
a low income developing country. In 1994 Uruguay Round negotiations ,
Mickey Kantor , U.S Trade representative insisted that China is a developed
country , hence to open it's market faster. Also demanded America be treated
as if it were a less developed country , that it be given not just 10 years but an
additional four years for lowering it's barriers against textile imports.
U.S treasury insisted on a provision for faster liberalization of China's financial
market. It was made to serve the narrow interests of the financial community
in the U.S , which Treasury vigorously represents. Whereas the more advanced
industrial countries did not attempt capital market liberalization until late in
their development - European nations waited until the 1970's to get rid of their
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Bankers prefer to lend to those who do not need their funds. In the times of
downturn countries cannot expect foreigners to make up for a short fall in
domestic funds.
Argentina . Before the collapse in 2001, the domestic banking industry had
become dominated by foreign -owned banks. Small and medium size firms
complained of lack of access to capital. And the lack of growth - to which the
lack of finance contributed - was pivotal in that country's collapse. Countries
need to impose requirements , similar to those in America's Community
Reinvestment Act ,to ensure that as they open their markets up, their small
businesses are not starved of capital.
It is important not only to look at what IMF puts on its agenda, but what it
leaves off. Stabilization is on the agenda ;job creation is off. Taxation and it's
adverse effects, are on the agenda ;land reform is off. There is money to bail
out banks but not to pay for improved education and health services , let alone
workers who are thrown out of their jobs as a result of IMF's macroeconomic
mismanagement. Land reform represents a fundamental change in the
structure of the society. One that the elite won't like. Land reform preceded
several of the most successful instances of development, such as those in
Korea and Taiwan.
IMF underestimated the long-term social and political costs of policies that
devastated the middle-class. The middle classes have traditionally been the
group that has pushed for the rule of law, universal public education, creation
of a social safety net. These are essential elements of a healthy economy and
the erosion of the middle-class has led to concomitant erosion of support,for
these important reforms. Alternative strategies made use of markets ,but
recognized that there was an important role for government. They saw change
not just as a matter of economics ,but as part of broader evolution of society.
Government policies played an important role in enabling the East Asian
nations to accomplish saving heavily and investing them well. Governments
helped shape and direct markets.
IMF itself had become a part of the country's problem, rather than part of the
solution. Economic and social storm that hit their nation ,was addressed by
ordinary people as well as government officials, and business men in
developing countries as IMF - they way one would say "the plague" or "the
great Depression". History is dated by "before" and "after " the IMF, just as
countries that are devastated by an earthquake or some other natural disaster
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In East Asia , IMF insisted on increasing interest rates to fifty times greater. If
Clinton worried a lot about the adverse effects of half a point increase , in a
country with one of the best business environments in the world, how IMF can
be justified. And in the IMF model - as in the models of most of the
macroeconomic text books written two decades ago - bankruptcy plays no
role. Highly leveraged companies are particularly sensitive to interest rate
increase, especially to the extremely high levels urged by IMF, they go
bankrupt quickly.
The fund recognized that the underlying problems in East Asia were weak
financial institutions and over leveraged firms; yet it pushed high interest rate
policies that actually exacerbated those problems. The consequences were
precisely as predicted . IMF had engineered a simultaneous contraction in the
aggregate demand and supply. Higher interest rates did not attract more
capital into the country . On the contrary , the higher interest rates made the
recession worse and actually drove the capital out of the country.
In 1997 Japan offered $100 billion to help create an Asian Monetary Fund, in
order to finance the required stimulative actions. But the treasury did
everything it could to squelch the idea. IMF joined in. while IMF was a strong
advocate of competition in the markets, it did not want competition in it's own
domain. With Japan and possibly China , as the likely major contributors to the
Asian Monetary Fund, their voices would predominate , providing a real
challenge to American "leadership" and control. When the offer was scaled
down to $30 billion , it was accepted. But even then the United States argued
that the money should be spent not to stimulate the economy through fiscal
expansion, but for corporate and financial restructuring - effectively , to help
bail out American and other foreign banks and other creditors. Three years
after the crisis ,the countries of East Asia set up more modest version of the
Asian Monetary Fund , under the name " Chang Mai" initiative.
Capital controls never discouraged foreign investors ; they are concerned with
economic stability. It is no accident that the two large developing countries
spared the ravages of global economic crisis - India and China - both had
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Around the world very little new investment is financed by raising new equity,
interest rates at exorbitant levels make borrowing riskier. Capital will not flow
freely. In this way IMF policies lead to less efficient resource allocation,
particularly capital allocation, which is the scarce resource in developing
countries .
The IMF worried that a devaluation of the Ruble would set off a round of
inflation. Its insistence on Russia maintaining an overvalued currency, and its
supporting that with billions of dollars of loans ultimately crushed the
economy. The leaders of the 1917 Revolution recognized that what was at
stake was more than a change in economics; it was a change in society in all of
its dimensions. So too , the transition from communism to market economy,
was more than just an economic experiment: it was a transformation of
societies and of political and social structures. Part of the reason for the dismal
results of the economic transition was the failure to recognize the centrality of
these other components.
Many years later , the wisdom of the gradualist approach is at last being
recognized: the tortoises have overtaken the hares.
Job cuts help overall efficiency, only if they result in workers moving from low
productivity jobs to high productivity jobs.
The stabilization / liberalization / privatization program was not a growth
program. It was intended to set the preconditions for growth. Instead it set the
preconditions for decline. Not only was investment halted, but capital was
used up- savings vaporized by inflation, the proceeds of privatization of foreign
loans largely misappropriated.
Small non strategic countries like Kenya were denied loans because of
corruption while countries such as Russia , where the corruption was on far
larger scale were continually lent money. Russia was a naturally resource-rich (
eg. Uranium ) country. In spite of strong opposition from its own staff, the
bank was under enormous political pressure from Clinton administration to
lend money to Russia.
effect of capital controls on foreign direct investment from other factors that
affect foreign direct investment.
In the West ,the largest gains in productivity are associated not with
privatization, but with corporatization , ie imposing hard budget constraints
and commercial practices on enterprises while they still remain state-owned.
Further readings
1. " externalities in Economies with imperfect information and incomplete
markets" -B.Greenwald and J.E.Stiglitz
2. rethinking east asian miracle - J.E.Stiglitz and S.Yusuf
3. the role of government in East Asian economic development: comparative
institutional analysis ( oxford university press 1998 ) - Masahiko Aoki etc.
4. the asian financial crisis: causes ,cures, and Systemic implications - morris
Goldstein
5. chastening : inside the crisis that rocked the global financial system and
humbled the IMF - paul blustein
6. the wrong medicine for asia - J.Sachs 1997
7. emerging financial markets - D.beim and c.calomiris
8. the determinants of banking crises; evidence from developing and
developed countries.- A.Demirguc-kunt and E.Detragiache
9. the end of market fundamentalism - eisuke sakakibara
10. new bridges across the chasm: macro and micro strategies for Russia and
other transitional economies - d.ellerman and j.e.stiglitz
11. Chinese reforms from a comparative perspective - a.hussain ,n.stern,
j.e.stiglitz
12. sale of the country - chrystia freeland ---reg. Russia
13. kpitalizm: russia's struggle to free it's economy - r.brady
14. who lost Russia - john Lloyd
15. russia's meltdown:anatomy of IMF failure - a.cohen
16. failed crusade - s.f.cohen
17. the tragedy of russia's reforms - : market bolshevismgainst democracy -
p.reddaway and d.glinski
18. russia's unfinished revolution: political change from gorbachev to putin -
micheal Mcfaul
19. gorbachev ,yeltsin and putin : political leadership in russia's transition -
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