Harkin, M - Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

6861 ETHNOHISTORY / 50:2 / sheet 17 of 170
Ethnohistory
Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting:

Toward an Ethnohistory of the Emotions
Michael E. Harkin, University of Wyoming
Abstract. Emotions are an important, but hitherto underexplored, component of

historical consciousness and ethnohistorical practice. Extreme negative emotions
evoked by traumatic historical events have strongly shaped collective memories of
those events, occasionally repressing the memory altogether. More generally, under-
standing the past requires comprehending emotion and its cultural component. Two
schools of thought in psychological anthropology, ethnopsychology and psychody-
namic approaches, are discussed, with the applicability of each to ethnohistorical
scholarship evaluated. Two examples drawn from the Northwest Coast illustrate
the signicance of emotion to ethnohistorical analysis.
Approaching the problem of emotion in ethnohistory, I am reminded of

Cliord Geertzs description of his rst view of the Moroccan city of
Sefrou. From the distance, it appeared clearly delineated, classically pro-
portioned, and reminiscent of similar places. As one got closer, this illu-
sion gave way to a vision of complexity and perplexity (Geertz :
). From a distance, the call to include a consideration of the emotions
in ethnohistory seemed simple enough; as one gets into questions of how
exactly to go about doing that, one encounters obstacles and messy reality.
As a philosophical and social science problem, the question of emo-
tion has received considerable attention recently (Chodorow ; Stocker
and Hegeman ). Although it has garnered little attention in the eld,
emotion is a particularly relevant concept in the theory and practice of
ethnohistory. As ethnohistorians, we deal with strong emotions in our
work. These may be the emotions of our consultants or of the historical
actors we encounter in the archives. One constant theme of the encounter
between Western and tribal cultures in North America and elsewhere is
Ethnohistory : (spring )
Copyright by the American Society for Ethnohistory.
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Published by Duke University Press

Ethnohistory
Michael E. Harkin
destruction: the destruction of persons, of cultures, of entire populations.

These events are experienced and remembered with emotion; emotions are
inserted into the acting out and the interpretation of events. We cannot
hope to present rich accounts of events unless we take note of the emo-
tional valence of those events, the emotional states of the actors, and above
all, the specic cultural content of emotions and their positions in those
cultures.
Canons of objectivism and scientic detachment have dened the elds
of anthropology and history throughout most of the twentieth century.
Although these tenets have come under attack in the past twenty years as
part of the postmodernist critique, especially in anthropology, they remain
alive and well in many social science subelds, including ethnohistory. My
argument here is not that we must cast out professional methodologies that
have generally served us well or that we embrace postmodernism, which,
like Marxism, is a lot stronger as a critique than as a positive program, but
rather that we begin to take emotion seriously as a mode of experience and
category of analysis.
Ethnohistorians such as Raymond Fogelson have long been sensitive
to the problem of emotion. For Fogelson, ethnohistory has been, at least
in part, a type of empathy, in which we can hope to understand our sub-
ject only if we exercise our full human faculties and not simply our ana-
lytic ones. His presidential address on the ethnohistory of non-events
made the original observation that some events disappear from conscious-
ness because they are too traumatic to be remembered (Fogelson : ).
As Bonnie Duran, Eduardo Duran, and Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart
() suggest, the trauma of historical events persists among American
Indian communities as a type of soul wound similar to posttraumatic
stress disorder. Fogelson, applying Freudian repression theory, makes a
similar point from a historical rather than a clinical perspective (see Antze
and Lambek ). We might also take note of Robert Levys notion of
hypocognition, in which certain emotional experiences may not nd
expression since they lack an appropriate cognitive structuration in the cul-
ture that would allow them to become the subject of discourse. In such
cases, their unarticulated, un-namable, and chaotic qualities make them
disturbing and dangerous and, I would argue, potentially creative forces,
in revitalization movements, for example (Levy : ). These insights
represent an important contribution to our methodology. The aptly named
trail of tears of the Cherokee, which provides Fogelsons key example of
a repressed event, gives us a clue as to the importance of emotion in the
representation of history. If we naively assume that oral history can give us
privileged access to the entire range of a cultures past, we risk producing
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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting
incomplete ethnohistories, not merely because we may omit certain events

but also because we fail to take into account the complex relation that per-
tains between a contemporary community and its past. That this relation-
ship is an emotional one is certain; how to go about taking these emotions
into account is still largely an open question.
Historically the discipline of anthropology has tended to eschew emo-
tions. Thomas Buckley () has noted how Alfred L. Kroeber avoided the
study of California ethnohistory because it was merely the little history
of pitiful events. More generally, anthropology has tended to construct
the relation between culture and personality heavily in favor of the former,
thus distinguishing itself from psychology, which it (rightly) criticized for
excessive methodological individualism. And yet the sort of culture and
personality studies produced by Ruth Benedict, Margaret Mead, Georey
Gorer, and others in midcentury virtually ignored the individual along with
the question of emotions in favor of the broad brushstrokes of congura-
tionism and culture at a distance. Edward Sapirs attempt to introduce a
more robust concept of the individual psyche failed to survive his death
(Darnell ).
To be sure, the neo-Freudianism of the ss, as practiced by
Abram Kardiner, Melford Spiro, Anthony Wallace, Raymond Fogelson,
and others, provided culture and personality studies with a new means
of integrating individual and cultural levels of analysis.1 Indeed, Wallaces
Death and Rebirth of the Seneca () remains one of the few realizations
of this possibility in the eld of ethnohistory. However, such attempts to
interpret cultural psychological data through a universalist paradigm has
fallen out of fashion to a remarkable degree; add to this the quite evident
problems in understanding gender via Freud, and it is clear that a neo-
Freudian approach as such is not feasible. Critics, such as Catherine Lutz
(), have assailed the Freudians for ignoring issues of gender and power
(but see Nuckolls ). Even so, there are scholars inuenced by psycho-
analytic theory who have extended this approach in creative new direc-
tions, such as Gananath Obeyesekere () and Charles Nuckolls ().
Within anthropology, considerable attention has been paid to the emo-
tions in the past fteen years. While a broad range of scholars, including
postmodernists, have invoked the idea of emotion, when we examine the
substantial literature on emotions, we are left with two main approaches:
the psychoanalytic and the cognitive (Crapanzano ). More broadly,
the two approaches reproduce a dualism entrenched in Western culture,
what John Leavitt () calls the meaning-feeling dichotomy. The two
groups share space uneasily in the eld of psychological anthropology, a
productive research domain that has attempted, with considerable success,
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Michael E. Harkin
to describe the emotional worlds of other cultures. The psychoanalytic

school, epitomized by Spiro, has looked for Freudian dynamics in cultures
unrelated to that of n de sicle Vienna, thus hoping to demonstrate the
universal validity of Freudian theory. Goaded by Bronislaw Malinowskis
long-ago claim that the Trobrianders, a Melanesian society, possessed no
traces of the Oedipus complex, Spiro and others have spent considerable
eort looking for such universal features of humanity. Culture, for them,
consists largely of projective systems, in which basic intrapersonal and
interpersonal dilemmas are represented. Thus, the Ifaluk, a Micronesian
culture, imagine the world to be inhabited by terrifying spirits, which are
treated as real but are really simply a way of talking about the conicts
that arise among people on this densely populated island (Spiro). Thus,
negative emotions, such as fear, anger, and aggressiveness, are displaced
to an imaginary out-group, preserving domestic harmony. This functional
argument is quite interesting, but it has several aws as well. Most obvi-
ously, it assumes some of the things it sets out to prove, such as the exis-
tence of a universal repertoire of emotions and transcultural dynamics for
dealing with them.
The other major approach comes out of the cognitive tradition asso-
ciated primarily with linguistic anthropology. Lutz (), who worked
on the same small atoll as did Spiro, twenty years later was interested in
describing emotions the way the Ifaluk themselves did. Thus, she was not
interested in positing hidden Freudian dynamics but rather in recording
accurately and completely the emotional dimensions of Ifaluk life. Rather
than using English emotion words as metaconcepts, she used the Ifaluk
terms, providing English glosses. Thus, the term song is glossed as justi-
able anger (Lutz : ; see ONell : ). Lutz recognizes
that such words are not merely substitutions for the English terms, which
themselves describe a universal emotional essence; rather, they evoke a set
of culturally dened associations and scenes. Although Lutz () does
not use the term, Ifaluk emotions are described in terms of schemata. That
is, emotions are invoked by the unfolding of specic chains of events, or
scenarios, which trigger emotions in participants that are deemed culturally
appropriate (see White ).
One major contrast between the cognitive and psychoanalytic ap-
proaches to emotion is that the former tends to view emotions as an essen-
tially public and relational phenomenon, while the latter views them as
internal states. More orthodox Freudians, such as Spiro, speak of emotions
in terms of the dynamics of the tripartite personality of ego, id, and super-
ego, while others see emotions as basic, universal categories that can easily
be translated between languages and cultures (see Levy ). These views
derive from the common Western folk model, best expressed by William
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James (: ), that emotions are strong bodily reverberations (see

also Solomon ).
On the other side of the aisle, cognitivists (who often self-identify
as ethnopsychologists) view emotion as a fundamentally relational cate-
gory, always already embedded in sociality. What people feel, indeed, what
it is possible for them to feel, is a function of socially organized modes of
action and of talk (Rosaldo : ). Emotions are in part a reaction
to, in part a commentary on the social actions of others. This quality gives
emotions their moral dimension, as they are a means for censuring and
perhaps controlling others by referring to commonly held standards of
behavior (ONell : ). Pushing this analysis further, these writers
explore the discourse of emotions. Lutz (: ) shows that the
Ifaluk invoke song when discussing the misdeeds of others, Theresa ONell
(: ) that Flatheads invoke loneliness when talking about the
failure of others to live up to the moral standards of the elders, and Lila
Abu-Lughod () that Bedouin women use love poetry to challenge the
authority of senior men.
Emotions are, on this view, largely a function of discourse. They are
intrinsically public and at least potentially political. This political dimen-
sion is explored by Lutz (: ; ) in her discussion of Ameri-
can emotional discourse. Here she makes the interesting observation that
American folk concepts of emotion, far from providing a possible founda-
tion for a nomothetic universal science, are themselves subject to a decon-
structive reading. American emotions, which are natural and located in
the body, are seen as feminine, in contrast with the rational faculties,
which are masculine. This contributes to a Foucaultian discourse of self-
control, in which subjects, especially women, are subjected to hidden
structures of domination. This perspective, in which a fundamentally rela-
tional, political reality is naturalized, is extended through its association
with the discourse of science. Thus, emotions, especially those experienced
by women, become an object for pathologizing, research, and control. The
use of hormone therapy to treat pre-menstrual syndrome is cited by Lutz
(: ) as an example of a technology of control based on this
ideology.
At rst blush, this seems a productive avenue to explore. Indeed, it
is not only women but all subaltern peoples who are assumed to be too
emotional, like Rider Haggards Africans. If those in power are able to
control their emotions, those subject to power have little but an emotional-
political discourse with which to express their criticisms of power. What-
ever groups in American society have been the object of nativistic and racist
attention of the momentthe Irish in the nineteenth century, Italians and
Jews in the early twentieth century, Hispanics in the late twentieth century,
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Michael E. Harkin
blacks and American Indians throughouthave been said to be too emo-

tional. Even the famed stoicism of the noble savage is merely a logical
inversion of the bloodthirsty passion of the savage brute (Berkhofer :
). Perhaps even the association of the American Indian with the color
red implies a neo-Galenic theory of the humors, with the Indians seen as
excessively passionate and violent as well as excessively generous and san-
guine (see Shoemaker ). What is certain is that emotions are part of a
normative construction of the person in Western culture, in which a sense
of balance between emotions and rationality is highly valued. This provides
a discourse for marginalizing and controlling others.
This is an interesting line of argument but one that risks losing the
essence of the subject, which is the emotions themselves, not the political
discourse constructed on the emotions. For, unless we accept a completely
nominalist perspective, there surely must be some feelings actually experi-
enced by real people (Lyon ). As ONell (: ) argues in her
elegant account of Flathead ethnopsychology, the political dimension of
the emotions is a by-product of the more dominant moral meanings of
that discourse. Emotional discourse always contains an incipient politi-
cal dimension, but to stress that dimension at the expense of more cen-
tral aspects of emotions as experienced by individuals is to grossly distort
their experience. What is truly culturally variable is the degree to which any
emotion is culturally elaborated: hyper- or hypocognized, as Levy (:
) has termed it. It is also, ironically, to impose a universalizing dis-
course of our own (Marxist-Foucaultian rather than Freudian) upon the
lived experience of others, precisely the argument that ethnopsychologists
raised against the Freudians. We lose sight not only of the specicity of
the cultural models of emotion, which become mere vehicles for a metadis-
course about power, but, methodologically, of the individuals who experi-
ence those emotions (ibid.). Indeed, as Nancy Chodorow (: ) has
argued, such a denaturing of the emotions repeats the original colonial ges-
ture of marginalizing emotions; when emotion becomes disconnected from
feeling and connected instead with a discourse that is pragmatic, linguis-
tic, verbal, always spoken, and . . . rationally or practically expressed, we
have reached a point where we are not talking about emotion any longer
but about a rather peculiar culturally situated discourse on emotion, which
says more about its culture of origin than about the cultures it purports
to study.
Dialogues
The relation between eld-worker and consultant is one rife with emotion.
As Jean Briggs () showed in her Inuit research, eldwork can be emo-
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tionally charged. Her extremely close relations with her adopted family
were colored with strong feelings, which threatened her project but ulti-
mately provided the means through which she achieved an understanding
of her host culture. Her sensitivity to emotional states made her, ultimately,
a more observant eldworker, since culturally dierent norms of expressing
emotions became the central theme of her research. Other anthropologists,
such as Paul Rabinow (), deal with emotions, their own and their con-
sultants, as part of a backstage representation of their eldwork experi-
ence (see Geertz ). One of Rabinows Moroccanist colleagues, Vincent
Crapanzano (), has provided the most explicit and critical account of
emotions in eldwork settings.
Crapanzanos description of his work with Tuhami, a mentally ill
urban tile maker (a gure as far as possible from the classical notion of
a key informant as a reputable and helpful bearer of culture), borders
on the clinical, with probing, emotionally fraught explorations of personal
symbols and beliefs. What makes this work truly radical is, as Chodo-
row (: ) observes, Crapanzanos construction of an ethnographic
third: an analytic space that is neither that of the ethnographer nor that
of his subject but is actively constructed by them both. This perspective,
although jointly constructed, is taken by most ethnographers to be equiva-
lent to the culture itself, or at least to represent the reality of ones counter-
part, to which one has acquiesced (Crapanzano : ix). This mistaken
assessment of the nature of the ethnographic encounter, as a sort of down-
loading of the content of a culture through a convenient medium, has been
rightly and extensively criticized in the postmodernist literature. What is
especially important here, and especially relevant for ethnohistory, is the
privileging of this emotionally charged dialogic space that appears not only
in the ethnographic encounter but in the historical encounters between
members of dierent societies (see White : ).
Like Crapanzano and Tuhami, contemporary anthropologists often
work with a single consultant, or a very small number of consultants, and so
construct a unique, even idiosyncratic universe of discourse (Steedly ).
But this in itself is nothing new. Franz Boass decades-long collaboration
with George Hunt was an intense relationship that produced a picture of
Kwakiutl culture such as it was no longer and perhaps had never been (Ber-
man ). Common interests, complementary personalities, the sharing of
a somewhat (although dierentially) distanced view on Kwakiutl culture:
these anities drew them together and dened the nature of their project.
Ethnography is properly seen not as an independent procedure that may be
colored by emotional and subjective factors, but as a collaborative enter-
prise that is constituted by them.
It seems that ethnohistory, like the memory anthropology of the Boas-
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Michael E. Harkin
ians, is even more than usually weighted with emotional content. Mem-
ory is especially charged with emotion, since we remember people who are
dead, possibilities that are closed o, a world of childhood that, as Proust
described it, is magical but unattainable. Add to this the radical changes
occurring in the larger world, especially that of tribal peoples, and the act
of recalling the past becomes at times too powerful to bear. And what of
the eld-worker who is goading the consultant on in this enterprise, who
comes to share with him or her this past world and its attendant emotions?
The emotional intensity of such a relationship needs to be accounted for;
the Freudian concepts of transference and countertransference are not out
of place in such a setting, which shares more with clinical practice than
with other social science methodologies. Indeed, as Waud Kracke ()
argues, such emotional engagement is essential to successful ethnographic
practice. The strength of the ethnohistorical method, involving face-to-
face interactions with consultants as well as archival research, is precisely
that it does allow for such empathy, which enriches our understanding of
the past.
Cognitive Models of Emotions
This is not to devalue archival research. Indeed, we often encounter evi-

dence of emotions as a strong motivating factor in distant events. Histo-
rians, especially those working in the area of psychobiography, have long
stressed the importance of feelings in the motivational structure of politi-
cal leaders and other historical gures. However, rather than assuming
we know what those feelings are, through an unexamined universalism,
it is necessary to make the emotional categories themselves the subject of
interrogation. This is most obviously the case when we are dealing with
cross-cultural analysis. At the same time, if emotional schemata are rela-
tively stable within a society, their inection is likely to vary predictably
along familiar lines of class, gender, ethnicity, and so forth.
What is of primary importance is the identication of relevant emo-
tional schemata, which are embedded in language and discourse. No
such emotional categories will appear entirely foreign, although they may
indeed entail certain dimensions that a Western observer will not share (see
Rosaldo : ).2 Such schemata generally appear to share a Witt-
gensteinian family resemblance with one another. Emotional categories
are neither biologically hard wired nor innitely variable (see Chodorow
: ). Indeed, this is itself a false dichotomy that reects a reduc-
tive idea of emotions and a cultural propensity for binary oppositions. The
very fact that we can learn about other cultures emotional categories, but
also that we must do so, is itself evidence of this.
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To understand a pivotal event in Heiltsuk colonial history, I had to

learn about anger, an emotion that is frequently, in Levys (: ) term,
hypercognized. The Heiltsuk term closest to the English word anger is
hll. This word refers as well to schadenfreude, a righteous pleasure in
the misfortunes of immoral others. This inherently relational and moral
quality suggests a concept similar to the Ifaluk song, or justied anger. That
is, for one to express hll, the moral dimension must be present. The
object of hll must be guilty of some wrongdoing. Moreover, a notion
of retribution is implicit, since one experiences this emotion either observ-
ing anothers misfortune or acting against that person. A further clue to
the implicit schema of Heiltsuk anger is provided in the linguistic analy-
sis of the word. Hll is derived from the root hy, which is found also in
the word yms, or, chief. Since anger involves making a moral judgment
against others, it follows that only those in a position to judge others may
experience anger. Those persons in positions of authority in the society are
the prototypical experiencers of hll, since they are able to judge every-
one else. Others may hold hll only against those whom they have the
right to judge. Certain members of society, notably slaves, would be denied
anger altogether.
Knowledge of this schema of justied or chiey anger helps us to
interpret events from the Heiltsuk past. In , the village of Bella Bella
in British Columbia was set to move from the site near the old Hudsons
Bay Company Fort McLaughlin, on Campbell Island, to a new site sev-
eral miles north. This new location would allow for the construction of a
completely modern and Christian village, free from the inuence of non-
Christian Indians and whites and from material connections with Heiltsuk
tradition, such as plank houses and totem poles. The new village would be
constructed according to a master plan, with the mission church dominat-
ing the village. Individual houses, all in the late Victorian clapboard style,
were constructed according to design specications, which prevented any-
one from having a house much larger or more ornate than his or her neigh-
bors. In essence, the idea was similar to William Duncans planned village
of Metlakatla (Hosmer : ; Sutherland a, b, c).
It is interesting to point out that, in contrast to Metlakatla, the idea
for the new village, and most of the planning and work, came from the
Heiltsuk themselves. The missionaries were content to remain in the old
location, as they had only recently completed construction of a church and
mission compound there (Sutherland c). The driving force behind the
move seems to have been the Heiltsuk chief Moody Humchitt, who was
making a bid to become the head chief of the consolidated village of Bella
Bella and whose father, Hamzit, was instrumental in allowing the mis-
sionaries into the community in the s.
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Chief Charley, the sometime rival of Hamzit, refused to go along

with the plan and went so far as to rip up marker posts at the site (Suther-
land a, b). His anger was attributed to an economic interest he had
in the land at the site (Sutherland a). It is unfortunate that the voice of
Chief Charley does not speak to us through the archives, but I think it is
possible to guess accurately his motivation in ripping up the stakes. He was
expressing hll at the missionaries and more particularly at Chief Moody
Humchitt, who, Chief Charley believed, had overstepped his authority in
undertaking to move the village. Chief Charleys interest in land on which
the village was to be located may have added to his anger, but clearly it was
not necessary. In a larger sense, Chief Charley was using hll as a politi-
cal discourse to oppose and protest radical cultural changes occurring at the
end of the nineteenth century. The missionaries were able to placate Chief
Charley, who likely knew that the move would proceed despite his objec-
tions (Sutherland a, c). If in the end he cooperated, Chief Charley
was successful in registering a moral objection to the creation of a theo-
cratic community, echoes of which argument can be heard a century later.
Emotions and Culture Dissolution
From a methodological perspective, we must ask ourselves what role the

emotions can possibly play in our interpretations of cultures that were
destroyed or radically altered in the aftermath of contact with Euroameri-
cans. Lacking detailed ethnographies and linguistic documentation, we
have no possible way of knowing what schemata of emotions may have
existed in extinct cultures and languages or what the consequences for his-
torical events may have been. As Richard and Nora Dauenhauer ()
have remarked, the loss of a language is a cultural death, and members of
the ethnic group go through predictable Kbler-Rossian stages of reaction.
While the universality of the phases of death as outlined by Elisabeth
Kbler-Ross is debatable, and their applicability to stages of ethnocide
uncertain, we must turn to some psychodynamic model to understand this
process.
Now it is perhaps time to listen to the psychoanalytical anthropolo-
gists while retaining skepticism about the overarching Freudian project. A
great advantage of a psychoanalytic perspective is that it assumes that the
basic mechanisms humans employ to deal with trauma are similar cross-
culturally. Thus their meanings, while rooted in culturally specic idioms,
transcend that context and are available to all who would read them care-
fully. Ethnopsychologists, on the other hand, often seem to assume that
the human psyche is a tabula rasa and capable of almost innite variation,
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despite the fact that their own results suggest a fairly modest variation of
emotion categories across cultures. That the Heiltsuk schema of hll is
quite similar to the Ifaluk song or the Flathead anger concept is not surpris-
ing, nor is the fact that all three are immediately recognizable to Americans,
who possess a somewhat dierent model of anger (Lutz ; ONell ).
It seems that in extreme circumstances the actions of persons to
express grief, while famously irrational, are the most transparent to outside
interpretation. The Sioux Ghost Dance of is a case where grief and
distress at the destruction of the bualo and the loss of land, people, and
freedom to live as they had in the past prompted the Sioux to address these
traumas ritually (DeMallie : ; Mooney []). Anthony
Wallace (), the greatest theoretician of religious responses to cultural
disruption, addressed a similar chain of events among the nineteenth cen-
tury Seneca from a psychoanalytic perspective. His particular contribution
was linking stressseen on the levels of individual, group, and ecosys-
temand ritual (Wallace ).
Responses to cultural dissolution are holistic, totalizing phenomena.
The Handsome Lake movement among the Seneca involved all aspects of
Seneca culture and its relation to the physical and social environment and
was focused equally on the individual and on cultural practices. Indeed,
such movements establish a micro-macrocosm relation more explicitly
than most religions and attempt to aect the condition of the universe by
localized actions. In these points, Wallace extends and sharpens the ethno-
historians understanding of cultural reactions to extreme stress. The prob-
lem with Wallaces model is evident in the name usually attached to such
phenomena: revitalization movements. This places, a priori, entirely too
optimistic a reading on events, suggesting a necessary trajectory, even a
teleology, in which the culture will emerge revitalized. Of course, we all
know of cases where these have not been successful, and Wallace did too,
for he wrote an introduction to a modern edition of James Mooneys Ghost
Dance (Wallace ). However, on this view, we can only see such events
as tragically blocked revitalizations.
This ignores the more likely interpretation that such movements were
not properly about revitalization, that they were centered not on the life
drive but the death drive, not eros but, rather, thanatos, in Freudian terms.3
In the Ghost Dances generally, despite the wide variation in versions, the
emphasis on death and the dead, and the self-destructive elements of ritual
practice, give us strong clues that it was not something properly termed a
revitalization movement. Nor were they cultural palliation, to borrow
the Dauenhauers suggestive term. Instead, they were, for the most part,
ritual enactments of cultural dissolution and death. In some cases, such as
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Michael E. Harkin
the one I examine below, they took on almost the character of abreactive
utterances.
I will look at the Ghost Dance as it appeared in southwestern Oregon
in the s, where it was known as the Warm House cult (DuBois ).
It was originally exported from California by Indians from the Sacramento
River area. By the s, the situation in northern California and south-
ern Oregon was even worse, from the Indian perspective, than that on the
Plains. In California, Indians were being hunted down with the complicity
and support of the state government. In the borderlands, in a short span of
years, the Modoc had been placed on a multiethnic reservation, defeated
in an all-out war, and exiled to Indian Territory (Nash []). In
Oregon, after the federal treaties of and , which concluded the
Rogue River Wars, a disparate assortment of groups from the Plateau were
grouped with several coastal groups, including the Coos, Alsea, Siletz,
Siuslaw, Tillamook, Lower Umpqua, and Tutuni, at the Grand Ronde and
Siletz Reservations on the coast (Beckham : ; Jacobs n.d.). The
conditions in these two reservations were harsh; during , per-
sons died of disease and starvation at Siletz alone (Beckham : ).
This occurred among a population numbering prior to this (ibid.: ).
Mortality was thus close to percent in this two-year period. Because of
age and gender skewing in the population gures, we can surmise that
population had declined signicantly prior to that point (ibid.).
An increase in interethnic tension and organic and psychological ill-
ness ensued. These further increased as more people and tribes were
crowded onto reservations and as allotment and other landgrabs further
reduced Indian-held land. Melville Jacobs (n.d.) notes intriguingly that,
after , when the Coos were rst exiled from their land, people in gen-
eral, and not only shamans, became interested in dreams and their interpre-
tations. We do not know precisely what these dreams entailed, but it is quite
likely that they were similar to those that later became the foundation of
the Ghost Dance: dreams of the dead in an idyllic setting, which perfectly
expressed the trauma of cultural disintegration, with their combination of
wish fulllment and traumatic reenactment.
In , a Shasta prophet named Bogus Tom brought a version of the
Ghost Dance to the multiethnic Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations of
western Oregon (Beckham et al. : ; DuBois ; Thompson ).
It became quite popular and spread rapidly among the native populations
both on and o reservations. This dance, called the Earth Lodge by the
Shasta and other interior Oregon groups who adopted it, became known as
the Warm House dance in western Oregon (Nash []). It involved
several novel features brought from California, such as semisubterranean
Tseng 2003.5.6 08:56

Ethnohistory
houses with a central pole and the wearing of feather capes and wood-
pecker quill headbands (DuBois : ; Beckham et al. : ). It
was originally based on a variation of the Round Dance, in which men and
women danced in a circle around a central re. Like previous versions of
the Ghost Dance, this ritual promised the return of dead relatives and the
restoration of the precontact social and moral order. The moral and spiri-
tual state of the participants was crucial to its success. Participants tried to
dream and see visions of the dead; failure resulted not only in the dead not
returning, but also in the dancer possibly being transformed into an animal
in the bargain (DuBois : ).
Separation from the Euroamerican world was a central value of all ver-
sions of the Ghost Dance in Oregon and California. It was thought that
living in the white mans way deprived Indians of spiritual power. Commu-
nalism was another normative value. This was said to be in keeping with the
values of traditional culture, in which people were never stingy (Thomp-
son ). Dancers pooled their resources so that those without money or
food could continue to dance, sometimes for as long as ten days at a time.4
Bogus Tom continued summer visits to Oregon and Washington for
four or ve years, until the religion began to be suppressed by the authori-
ties. In about the Warm House dance was taken up by two Siletz Reser-
vation Indians, Coquille Thompson and Chetco Charlie, who spread the
word among the coastal groups. Both men were Athabaskan, but Thomp-
son had a Coos mother. They brought the dance to the nonreservation com-
munity of Coos, Siuslaw, and Lower Umpqua who lived at the mouth of
the Siuslaw River, near Florence, Oregon (Beckham et al. : ; DuBois
; Miller and Seaburg ; Thompson ). Thompsons Coos con-
nection and, reportedly, the mens oratorical and singing skills made their
message popular among this community. Both men married local women
and began to proselytize throughout southwestern Oregon.
The Warm House dance took on specically Oregonian cultural fea-
tures, such as the idea that the dead could not return to earth because the
way was blocked by a great rainbowlike structure (Beckham et al. :
). This recalls the Coos vision of the afterlife, although normally the
dead were striving to reach a second level of heaven rather than return
to earth (Frachtenberg ; Jacobs ). Naturally, the dance was con-
demned by authorities, but for a time it ourished. So great was its apparent
success that it produced variants as it spread to dierent communities. Per-
sons who built warm houses became the bosses and used their authority
to introduce new practices.
One such practice was the building up of the re and the blocking
of the smoke hole, creating a miasma of smoke in the house, which made
Tseng 2003.5.6 08:56

Ethnohistory
Michael E. Harkin
breathing dicult (Thompson ). Men were rolled in blankets and then

placed upon a re that had been built up with r boughs. Both of these
practices were designed to facilitate visions on the part of the male dancers
(for it was only men who could have them) but failed (ibid.). The lack
of visions was frustrating and caused the congregants to get crazy, as
Thompson much later told Melville Jacobs (ibid.). The real craziness
involved not only the building up of the re and the smokiness of the
lodge but communal sex among men and women in the dark smoky cor-
ners of the house. While not central to the ritual, and, indeed, apparently
unconnected with the attempt to achieve visions, communal sex became an
increasingly large part of the Warm House dance in its waning days. Below
is Thompsons description of the denouement of the Warm House religion
as recorded by Elizabeth Jacobs:
At that time men and women were getting crazy. They were copulat-
ing with one another (there in the dark smoky warmhouse). Lots of
men copulated with the women, even married people copulated with
others because nothing could be seen; it had gotten to be dark (in
there). Thats the way it happened; when they danced it changed to
a dierent way. In the daytime the women were around there naked.
Thats the way they did. (Hoxie [Stephens, a Galice informant] says
only or families, and some bachelor fellows, were in on this at the
end. Everybody else kept away.) Thats why they nally set the Warm
House on re and it all burned up. (They baptized the people after
this.) (Thompson ; parenthetical comments by Jacobs?)
Obeyesekere (: ), in his psychodynamic work on Sri Lan-
kan religious expression, divides rituals into two types, dromena and
cathartic rites. A dromenon (Greek for thing performed) is a solemn and
stately ceremony, in which cultural, religious, and philosophical values are
represented in a fairly straightforward manner. Individual psychological
problems are not absent, and indeed provide a basic motivation for the
ritual enactment, but they are transformed into idealized cultural themes
and brought in line with higher cultural values (ibid.: ). That is, the
relation to real emotions and dilemmas is rather attenuated. Dromena are
progressive in that they attempt to resolve psychological problems by
projecting them forward into the future and the level of the numinous.
Cathartic rites, by contrast, represent these things more directly, although
in doing so they transform the cultural themes, often parodically. Thus,
the Hindu gods and goddesses portrayed in these rites possess, inter alia,
large sexual appetites and organs. These representations are the product of
symbolic transformations that Obeyesekere (ibid.: ) calls the work of
Tseng 2003.5.6 08:56

Ethnohistory
culture. It is like dream work in that it transforms the original forms into
distortions, the dierence being that dream work disguises unconscious
thoughts, while the work of culture reveals them (ibid.: ). Cathartic rites
are thus regressive in that they dwell upon psychological conicts without
attempting to transform or resolve them.
We are now in a better position to address the craziness that Thomp-
son observed in the latter days of the Warm House movement. The move-
ment was transformed from a dromenon, which attempted to resolve the
conicts that the western Oregon Indians were experiencing in the post-
contact period by transferring them onto another plane, into a cathartic
rite, in which these themes were radically and parodically distorted. Reuni-
cation with dead parents becomes transformed into physical union with
contemporaries. We need not accept the Freudian theory of psychologi-
cal development underpinning Obeyesekeres analysis. The Warm House
dancers were not regressing in the sense of acting out infantile fantasies but
rather in turning away from the possibility of a resolution of the dilemma.
As frustration at achieving a solution increased and eorts to achieve
visions became more extreme, the movement was deected toward simple
catharsis. In a sense, the increasing dissolution of the Warm House dance
functioned as a kind of abreaction of the process of cultural disintegration,
in which even the most strongly held moral principles and the fundamen-
tal structure of society (divided into people with whom sexual relations
were permitted and forbidden) were violated. Levels of social control were
stripped away. The communitarian values stressed in the early dance are
transformed into a parody of communitarianism, group sex.
When this reached a logical endpoint, the houses were burned. This
resonates with the Coos and Alsea custom, possibly practiced more widely
on the southern coast, of burning the houses of the recently deceased
(Drucker : ; Jacobs ). As a closure to the movement, and as a
symbol of the central meaning, which was death and its eect on survivors,
a more appropriate symbol could not be found. After this complete sym-
bolization of culture death, the way was paved for adopting missionary
Christianity and all that went with it.
Cathartic Rites As a Response to Colonialism
There can be little doubt that religious movements such as the Warm House
dance should be seen as ethnohistorical phenomena, that is, viewed within
the matrix of Euroamerican invasion and forced culture change (Walker
). Further, it is clear that they are mechanisms for dealing with col-
lective stress and powerful negative emotions, and not always therapeuti-
Tseng 2003.5.6 08:56

Ethnohistory
Michael E. Harkin
cally. Rather, they oer emotional release from the dreary reality of death,
disease, starvation, and acculturation. What is more, they replace the spe-
cic qualities of each persons suering with a collective meaning con-
structed in ritual. In this sense they allow for a certain forgetting of the
specic past of massacres and epidemics, which is replaced with the ideal-
ized account (Fogelson ). At rst, such movements are optimistic and
future oriented. They are dromena in Obeyesekeres terminology. However,
over time, as their participants are repeatedly discomted, the focus turns
away from future-oriented optimism and moves increasingly in the direc-
tion of pure catharsis. At such a point the grotesque 5 qualities of the rite
are elaborated and come to prevail.
An important distinction must be made here. Simply because a ritual is
focused on death does not mean that it is inherently grotesque and cathar-
tic. The great variety of motif and ethos of the various ghost dances,
prophet dances, earth lodge dances, and so forth bears this out. But
it is possible, I think, to go further. In early stages, such movements tend
to be closer to the dromenon type, with an emphasis on positive images of
the future. They do the work of culture, as Obeyesekere () calls it.
The fact that these movements are composed of dream fragments contrib-
uted by congregants makes their psychodynamic quality abundantly clear.
At this early stage, they might even be reasonably viewed as a type of col-
lective talk therapy, in which dream fragments are discussed, evaluated,
and recontextualized. However, participants are focused on causing spe-
cic external events to occur, usually involving the entire world, rather than
providing therapy for one another. Thus, when the predicted events fail to
occur or, as was the case in the Warm House, visions fail to materialize, the
movement takes a new turn.
The failure of dancers to receive visions in the Warm House movement
signies repression rather than expression of latent dream contents. Pre-
sumably, this is because dream contents are too terrifying or disturbing and
are blocked by the dream censor. This produces anxiety, which is expressed
in the increasingly desperate quest for visions and for alternative ways to
release anxiety. At this point the movement becomes a cathartic rite.
The intersection between the individual and the group becomes sim-
plied. If original visions are lacking, no source of potential conict can
derive from such visions. In the earlier phase, the proliferation of house
bosses suggests that the very success of the movement was dependent
upon a degree of dierentiation and disagreement. Everyone is in the same
situation of blockage. At the same time, the possibility of positive action for
the congregants and the larger community is diminished. It becomes obvi-
ous to all that the former way of life will not be restored but rather that the
Tseng 2003.5.6 08:56

Ethnohistory
worst of possible outcomes will occur. The cathartic quality becomes more
pronounced, as the rite seems to parody the culture from which it derives.
Communal obligation is transformed into communal sex. To say that this
represents a breakdown of the cultural order is imprecise; an inverted cul-
tural order is actively constructed.
The purpose at this point becomes closure. Just as, according to Freud,
thanatos is a goal of individual striving, cultural death becomes the goal of
collective action. As the past way of life and its restoration become increas-
ingly untenable, the most that can be done is to mark its passing and achieve
closure. When the Warm House movement reached its conclusion in
with the burning of the houses, Christianity became the primary spiritual
option. Of course, this trajectory t into the missionaries discourse per-
fectly, although their interpretation of the events preceding mass baptism
was, needless to say, quite dierent.
Conclusion: For Emotional Ethnohistories
As Buckley has noted, Kroeber avoided ethnohistorical research because he

could not bear all those tears. The invention of the ethnographic present
by Kroeber and other anthropologists of the professions classic (i.e.,
late colonial) phase was perhaps above all a psychological response to
the searing histories of genocide, culture loss, land appropriations, and
immense cruelty perpetrated on indigenous peoples. Kroeber and others
constructed an epistemological space in which such questions have no
place; they remain outside the paradigm. The paradigm serves double duty
as a psychological defense mechanism. Like any defense mechanism, the
conditions of possibility of this discourse repress much and deform that
which they recognize. Ironies abound in this state of aairs; Kroeber was
a decent man who was both morally outraged and emotionally distraught
by the circumstances surrounding the death of Ishi. He himself underwent
psychoanalysis to deal with his grief. However, such chinks in the armor
did not admit for a wholesale consideration of the recent colonial histories
of indigenous peoples as a whole. In the collection of Kroebers writings
on history, we have not a single mention of historical events involving Indi-
ans, who provided the subject matter for the bulk of his corpus (Kroeber
). Indeed, for Kroeber, history was largely seen as a function of civili-
zations, those of classical antiquity, modern western Europe, India, China,
and other usual suspects.
Of course, this blindness is not limited to Kroeber but is rather a con-
dition of the general anthropological discourse, which Eric Wolf ()
captured so well in his title Europe and the People without History. Ethno-
Tseng 2003.5.6 08:56

Ethnohistory
Michael E. Harkin
graphic presents, reied and mechanistic cultures, a detached viewpoint:

all are conditioned by our professional avoidance of unpleasant realities.
Of course, much has changed in the past generation, but much has not. In
particular, the unwillingness of ethnohistorians to consider the emotional
dimensions of the past has changed little. This resistance, whether from
fear of colleagues censure for being too subjective or from an unwilling-
ness to face all those tears, continues to deform ethnohistorical research
and writing.
In addition to these impediments of ancient pedigree, the rise of post-
modernism has instilled a stance of ironic detachment among its second
generation of scholars (see Bracken ). Colonial histories are seen as
absurdist documents. While the postmodernist positions himself or herself
as rhetorically on the side of the subaltern, or at least as opposed to the
colonial authority, such a stance has little signicance for the actual project,
which, after all, is seen as merely another textual accretion in an already
text-saturated eld. The textual approach is not without merit, especially
if one considers that such texts were, indeed, what made colonial adminis-
tration possible. However, such a wheels-within-wheels analysis is unlikely
to bring to light the hidden histories of colonized and encapsulated com-
munities (see Schneider and Rapp ).
I have argued that the professional aversion to such histories was
and remains inseparable from an unwillingness to face emotions: our own
included. (Among these emotions are undoubtedly a certain professional
guilt at our complicity with colonial regimes.) The Kurtzian horror of Euro-
pean colonialism in Africa or American conquest of California, written
about by novelists and journalists, has not generally been considered a
t subject for anthropologists or historians (but see Taussig ; Fabian
). Instead, we have tended to seek the comfortable generalities of
social organization or mythology while avoiding the historical specicity.
(This is no less true of Boas, famous historical particularist, who at one
point rued the propensity of consultants to tell him idiotic stories about
the colonial period [quoted in Stocking : ].) I would argue that this
view has things exactly reversed: the universals are to be found in the colo-
nizing society because it is participating in a global process carried out in
much the same manner everywhere. It is the indigenous responses to colo-
nial encounter that remain to be explored in all their emotional and his-
torical specicity. It is to that specicity that ethnohistory must now turn.
Tseng 2003.5.6 08:56

Ethnohistory
Notes
This essay was presented as part of a panel on ethnohistory and the emotions at
the meetings of the American Society for Ethnohistory in Mexico City. I wish
to thank my fellow panelists and the discussant, Raymond Fogelson. I would also
like to thank Regna Darnell, Audrey Shalinsky, Robert Boyd, and Ethnohistorys
anonymous reviewers for their readings.
It must be noted that Spiro, Fogelson, and Wallace (along with Darnell) were
all students of A. Irving Hallowell at the University of Pennsylvania. Although
Hallowell is himself often forgotten in contemporary surveys of psychological
anthropology (e.g., Shore ), his students have contributed to the dening of
the eld, especially in its North Americanist version.
Michelle Z. Rosaldos (: ) important statement of the problem of trans-
cultural variability of the emotions is insightful and nuanced but comes down,
ultimately, on the side of wide-open variation, in which the Ilongot are said to
lack an interior space altogether. This does not seem to be a useful stance.
Freuds notion of a death drive has been widely criticized both within and with-
out the Freudian tradition. It is signicant that Freud developed the concept in
the context of the Great War, a war that involved seemingly willful carnage on
a scale hitherto unimaginable. The similarity between this historical context,
which spelled the end of a charmed period of European history and the complete
disappearance of the prosperous and culturally rich multiethnic society of Mittel-
europe, and that of the American Indian holocaust is quite evident. If Freud had
viewed the death drive as a dynamic response to crisis moments in a societys his-
tory, rather than as an instinctual biologically based drive, he would have antici-
pated by a half century developments in anthropology and ethnohistory. As it
stands, I am attempting to impose my own reading on this concept.
Nash ( []) sees the dance becoming more individualistic among the
Klamath and other interior groups gathered at the Klamath Reservation. This, in
turn, is in keeping with the individualistic bent of interior cultures. The coastal
Warm House dance, by contrast, moves in a direction consonant with the more
sociocentric themes of Coos, Siletz, and other coastal cultures.
The term grotesque is intended here in the fairly technical sense developed by
Mikhail Bakhtin () and elaborated by Michael Harkin ().
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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting:

Michael E. Harkin, University of Wyoming

Abstract. Emotions are an important, but hitherto underexplored, component of

Approaching the problem of emotion in ethnohistory, I am reminded of

Published by Duke University Press

destruction: the destruction of persons, of cultures, of entire populations.

Published by Duke University Press

Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

incomplete ethnohistories, not merely because we may omit certain events

Published by Duke University Press

to describe the emotional worlds of other cultures. The psychoanalytic

Published by Duke University Press

Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

James (: ), that emotions are strong bodily reverberations (see

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blacks and American Indians throughouthave been said to be too emo-

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

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Cognitive Models of Emotions

This is not to devalue archival research. Indeed, we often encounter evi-

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

To understand a pivotal event in Heiltsuk colonial history, I had to

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Chief Charley, the sometime rival of Hamzit, refused to go along

Emotions and Culture Dissolution

From a methodological perspective, we must ask ourselves what role the

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

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breathing dicult (Thompson ). Men were rolled in blankets and then

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

Cathartic Rites As a Response to Colonialism

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

Conclusion: For Emotional Ethnohistories

As Buckley has noted, Kroeber avoided ethnohistorical research because he

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graphic presents, reied and mechanistic cultures, a detached viewpoint:

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

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Feeling and Thinking in Memory and Forgetting

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In The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of . Pp. vx.

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