Gandhran Studies, vol.

8 79

The Soter Megas coins of the first and second Kushan kings, Kujula
Kadphises and Wima Takto

Joe Cribb

Abstract

The anonymous Soter Megas coins of the Kushan period have posed the problem of
their attribution since they were first discovered in the early 19 th century. This study,
based on an examination of over a thousand examples, shows that their issue
probably began in the final years of the first Kushan king Kujula Kadphises (c. AD
50 90) and continued through the reign of his son and successor Wima Takto (c.
AD 90 110). All the former attributions are examined and analysed in the light of a
new classification based on a re-examination of the coins.

The coins issued without a kings name after those with the name of the first Kushan
king Kujula Kadphises have for long presented a problem for Kushan studies,
because, although it is widely agreed that they are Kushan issues, they mostly lack
the name of the ruler issuing them. These anonymous coins, referred to in earlier
numismatic literature as issues of the nameless king, are also known as Soter
Megas coins because of the Greek titles (meaning the Great
Saviour, or the Saviour, the Great) which appear on them. These epithets follow the
imperial title (Basileus basileun), which literally
translates as ruling king, but is probably meant to represent king of kings, as it is
so translated on bilingual Greek-Prakrit (Kharoshthi) coins of this series (Konow
1929: lxix). This vast and mysterious coinage (Rosenfield 1967: 18) has been found
in large numbers over an area stretching from north of the Oxus River in current day
Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, through Afghanistan and Pakistan and into northern India.

The First Opinions Mathura. Tod associated them with Greek

Examples of the Soter Megas series were
first published in 1827, in a paper read to
the Royal Asiatic Society, London, by the
East India Company officer James Tod
(Tod 1827: 338340, pl. 12 nos. 47). The
coins (two units and a quarter of the Soter
Megas general issue series, and a local
Soter Megas coin of the type attributable
to Mathura) were collected by him at
rule in India, but attributed some of them
to Parthian invaders who he believed
captured India from the Greeks. Other
early commentators ignored the
provenance of the coins and attributed
them to Bactria (Cribb 2007). Wilson, for
example, ascribed two units and a quarter
of the general issue, collected at
Manikyala in the Punjab and at Benares as
undoubtedly, on the authority of Schlegel
(1828: 324340), the issues of a Bactrian
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
king (Wilson 1832: 576577, pl. 2, nos.
2325).
The British scholar James Prinsep,
recording specimens found in the Punjab
and elsewhere in northern India, was the
first to observe the unusual characteristic
of the inscription being in the nominative
case (JASB 1833: 411, Thomas 1858, vol.
I: 52, nos. 9-10, pl. III. 9-10), but
attributed them to the Bactrian king
Eucratides. Charles Masson acquisition of
hundreds of examples found at Begram in
Afghanistan created a new understanding
of the extent of the territory over which
these coins were in circulation. He
commented that When we learn that this
monarchs coins are found generally over
the Punjab and north-western provinces of
India, even to Benares, we form high
notions of his extended empire (Masson
1834: 169). As he saw more examples
Prinsep adjusted his views of their context
and linked them with the period of the
Indo-Scythian coins (i.e. Kushan coins),
also recognising their ubiquity: This is by
far the commonest coin discovered in the
Punjab and Afghanistan. Bags-full
have been sent down in excellent
preservation, and yet nothing can be
elicited from them (Prinsep 1835: 345;
Thomas 1858: vol. I, 192). Masson later
reported finding examples in the same
context as Hermaeus imitation coins of
Kujula Kadphises, but had not yet
recognised that these were Kushan coins
(Masson 1836: 20).
The French scholar Raoul Rochette was
the first to draw attention to the similarity
between the tamgas on the coins of Soter
Megas and Wima Kadphises: the trident
and cross on ring symbol, which is
80
reproduced on all the Indo-Scythic [i.e.
Kushan] coins already known to us, shows
that these coins are truly of the same
family (1834, p. 24), but the Kushan
identity of these rulers was still to be
discovered. He subsequently suggested
that the nameless coins were issued by a
confederacy of local rulers (Rochette
1836: 38). The Norwegian scholar
Christian Lassen (working in Germany)
made a different deduction, identifying
the Soter Megas coins with Wima
Kadphises and associating him with
Kanishka, confirming that they were
issues of a Da Yuezhi ruler: Kadphises or
the nameless Soter-Megas must be held as
the great conqueror under the Yuetchis
[i.e. Kushans]. ... The monogram of the
nameless king and the epithet of deliverer,
recurs as well on the coins of Kadphises
[Wima Kadphises] as on those described
above; it occurs last on those of the
Kanerkis [Kanishka I] ...it seems therefore
to be the monogram of the Yuetchis
(Lassen 1840: 759760). In Ariana
Antiqua Wilson reviewed the discussion
on the nameless king so far in his
overview of Massons discoveries in
Afghanistan. He dismissed the proposals
made by Rochette and Lassen and
commented only that the Soter Megas
coins were issued between those of Azes
and Wima Kadphises (1841: 432440).
Cunningham and After
The next change to the debate about the
identification of the nameless king came
as a consequence of the recognition by
Alexander Cunningham in 1845 that
Kujula Kadphises and Wima Kadphises
were members of the Kushan dynasty
(1845). Accordingly in his catalogue of
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
the British Museum collection Percy
Gardner was able to indicate that nameless
king coins were issued by a member of
the Kadphises dynasty, i.e. of the
Kushans (1886: xlvii).
Cunningham recognised the location of
the coins of the nameless king within the
Kushan dynasty, identifying their issuer as
the immediate successor of Miaus [i.e. the
issuer of the Heraus type coins
attributable to Kujula Kadphises] (1890:
114, reprint: 12). He summarised the
extent of their circulation his coins are
exceedingly common all over the Panjab,
as well as in Kandahar, and in the Kabul
valley. His rule must have been very
extensive, as well as very long, as his
coins are found as far eastward as
Mathura. He speculated about the
identity of the issuer on the basis of the
Kharoshthi letter vi appearing on some of
the Soter Megas coins, suggesting either
that it was the legendary Vikramaditya or
might be identified with one of the early
Kushan kings, by supposing that these
coins without name might be the money of
his different satraps in the conquered
provinces. The syllable vi would thus
stand as an initial of Vima (Kadphises) or
Vikramaditya. He also pointed to the
common use of the nominative case on
Soter Megas and Kushan coins, and the
holding up of a sceptre in front of the face
on both series (1890: 115; reprint: 13). He
also commented on the Soter Megas coin
which he found at Mathura and nowhere
else that this coinage must have been
issued with their [i.e. the Kushan kings]
authority (1890: 116; reprint: 14).
In 1892 Cunningham utilised this
evidence to list the Soter Megas coins
81
under the Kushans, linking them
specifically and directly with those of
Wima Kadphises:
1 Both use the same titles of
A in the
nominative case.
2 Both make use of the circular margin
composed of reels and pellets, in place of
the native legend.
3 Wema Kadphises holds a club upright
before his face. The Nameless King holds
a sceptre upright before his face.
4 Both use the same peculiar form of the
Gandharian letter j [i.e. the Kharoshthi ja
with foot].
I may add that the coins of both kings are
common in the Kabul Valley, throughout
the Panjab, and in N.W. India, as far east
as Benaras and Ghazipur [i.e. eastern
Uttar Pradesh] (Cunningham 1892: 71
72; reprint: 3334).
Since Cunninghams confirmation of the
place of the Soter Megas coinage within
the Kushan series, a general consensus on
this view of the chronological place of
these coins emerged, even though a few
dissenters remain.
Rapson agreed with Cunninghams
analysis, but gave a different explanation
of the issuer of the Soter Megas coins. He
refuted Cunninghams suggestion of a link
with Vikramaditya, supposed founder of
the era beginning in 57 BC, on
chronological grounds, and explained
them as satrapal issues under Wima
Kadphises (Rapson 1897: 1617).
The historian V.A. Smith added a new
dimension to Cunninghams attribution
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
and referred the coin evidence back to the
description of the Kushan conquest of
India in the Hou Han Shu, the Chinese
history of the later Han dynasty, to find an
explanation. He attributed the coins to the
general (or generals according to some
translators) under whose control Kujula
Kadphises son and successor placed
India, according to the Chinese chronicle:
the conquered Indian provinces were
administered by military viceroys, to
whom apparently should be attributed the
large issues of coins known to
numismatists as those of the Nameless
King (Smith 1904, p 223). Kennedy
(1913) also linked the Soter Megas coins
with the Chinese reference to the
appointment of a general as vice-regent in
India, but identified the Soter Megas coins
as issues of his deputy co-regent,
governor of Kabul. Subsequently Rapson
qualified the status of the issuer of Soter
Megas coins by associating him with the
Apracaraja ruler Aspavarma, and
accordingly placed him in the line of
strategoi which he asserted continued
under the suzerainty of the Kushans
(Rapson 1922: 581). Whitehead
reaffirmed that the Soter Megas coin
issuer was active during the period of
Kujula Kadphises and Wima Kadphises,
and maintained Smiths suggestion that
there were several issuers, subordinates of
the Kushan kings (Whitehead 1913: 659;
1914: 161).
Drawing his conclusions from his
excavations at Taxila, John Marshall
(1914 and 1951) followed the views
expressed by Smith that the Soter Megas
coins were issued by the viceroy
appointed, according to the Hou Han Shu,
by Vima Kadphises to govern his new
82
Indian provinces (1951: I, 6869) and
also took up the view of Rapson that the
issuer was perhaps a member of one of
the older ruling families, i.e. a Scythian,
on the basis of his use of the horseman
coin type, as used by the Indo-Scythian
kings and satraps (1951: II, 786). He also
believed that there was a gap between the
reign of Wima Kadphises and Kanishka I,
an interval of a couple of decades, during
which it is possible that one or more
viceroys under the name of Soter Megas
continued to rule in India on behalf of a
Kushan overlord (1951: I, 69). The
placing of Soter Megas in this supposed
gap was also advocated by Ghirshman in
his discussion of the excavations at
Begram (1946: 140). When Konow also
addressed the identity of the issuer of the
Soter Megas coinage in his study of
Kushan period Kharoshthi inscriptions, he
was of a similar opinion (1929: lxix). Van
Lohuizen de Leeuw (1949: 375) also
accepted the view that the issuer of the
Soter Megas coin was a viceroy of Wima
Kadphises. Van Lohuizen de Leeuw also
explained the gap on the basis of two
misunderstandings indicating the rule of
Jihonika between Wima Kadphises and
Kanishka I, firstly the reading of the date
187 instead of 287 in the Khalatse
inscription of Wima Kadphises and
secondly on the reading of the weight 191
ka(rshapana) on the Jihonika silver vase
as a date (1949: 378381).
B.N. Puris history of the Kushans (1965)
retained the views developed by Smith
(1904), using the version of it recounted
by Whitehead (1913), attributing the Soter
Megas coins to a deputy contemporary
with one of the two Kadphises rulers
(1965: 24). He also maintained the view
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
that Soter Megas coins were issued during
the imagined gap between Wima
Kadphises and Kanishka I (1965: 2526).
Later he identified these coins with the
reign of Kujula Kadphises (1994a: 198;
248), or again between Kujula Kadphises
and Wima Kadphises (1994b: 248). B.N.
Mukherjee argued that Soter Megas coins
were Kushan imperial issues made after
Kujula Kadphises coins, but before Wima
Kadphises gold issues, and so decided that
they were issued by Wima Kadphises
early in his reign (1967: 5154), but later
suggested that they might have been
issued by a non-Kushan ruler (1978: 13).
M.E. Masson and After
In the second half of the twentieth century,
as a more detailed understanding of the
distribution of Soter Megas coins north
and south of the Hindu Kush had been
developed, attempts were made to
attribute the Soter Megas coins to a
particular Kushan ruler, Kujula Kadphises,
Wima Kadphises or an as yet unknown
ruler in between. The Russian
archaeologist M.E. Masson (1950) used
the finds from Soviet Central Asia to
argue that the issuer of the Soter Megas
coins was Kujula Kadphises, building on
Cunninghams points and referring to the
similarity between the style of Greek
letter used by Kujula Kadphises to those
appearing on the Soter Megas coins. He
referred to the evidence from Uzbekistan
that there were no Kujula Kadphises coins
north of the Oxus, but that their place in
the sequence of Kushan coins were taken
by the Soter Megas coins, therefore
making them coeval with Kujula
Kadphises. He also proposed a Kadphises, contradicting the generally
83
classification which will be discussed
below.
The British numismatist D.W. MacDowall,
in the most detailed analysis so far of the
coinage, followed Massons logic and
further developed the links between the
Soter Megas coins and those of Kujula
Kadphises and Wima Kadphises to argue
that the coins were issued by an as yet
unknown Kushan king ruling between
these two reigns (1968) and soon after
suggested that the unknown king might be
the issuer of the Heraus type coins (1970).
Like Masson, he also worked on the
classification. Mitchiner presented the
issuer of the Soter Megas coins as a
Kushan king, whom he dubbed Soter
Megas, but also suggested that his name
might be Vasishka, relating the Kamra
inscription to his reign (1978: 397). He
described him as Kujula Kadphises
successor who was responsible for the
expansion of Kushan power as far as
Mathura in northern India. Mitchiner also
attempted to extend the classification
devised by Masson and MacDowall to
attribute the coins to mints (1978: 398
404).
In 1976, the Austrian numismatist Robert
Gbl also addressed the problem of the
identity of Soter Megas (1976: 5053). He
was of the view that the Soter Megas
issuer was closely connected to Wima
Kadphises because of their shared use of
the title Soter Megas, but their use of
different tamgas meant that they couldnt
be the same person. He argued that the
two Kushan kings named in the Chinese
source were the unnamed king and Wima
accepted view that the first king was
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
Kujula Kadphises, because of the
similarity of his name to Kujula. His
argument was that the Chinese names
Qiujiuque and Yangaozhen could not
apply to Kujula Kadphises and Wima
Kadphises because the second parts of
their names did not match in the Chinese
as they did in Greek and Prakrit, therefore
Qiujiuque had to be a king whose name
was not yet known. He reiterated these
arguments in 1984 (1984: 7, note 2) and
also alluded to the link created by a
copper coin in the British Museum which
had the tamgas of both Wima Kadphises
and Soter Megas on the same coin (1984:
35 and 60). In 1993 Gbl extended his
discussion of this coin, seeing it as an
inaugural issue of Wima Kadphises
referencing his predecessor (1993: 31
33). Unfortunately this coin does not show
two tamgas, but what was thought to be
the Soter Megas tamga is a trident held in
the hand of Oesho on the reverse of a coin
of Wima Kadphises (Cribb 1997: 14, 46
and 54, type A2). Gbl (1999: 154156)
again repeated his contention that the
Chinese chronicles Qiujiuque was the
unnamed king, not Kujula Kadphises (see
further below).
Discussion also took place among Soviet
scholars working in Central Asia,
following M.E. Massons pioneering
paper. Pugachenkova (1966) and
Rtveladze (1981: 3339, 102103, 110
111) confirmed Massons classification
and positioning of the Soter Megas coins
before the issues of Wima Kadphises and
following the copper imitations of
Bactrian Greek coins in the name of
Heliocles, and reinforced this with
archaeological evidence. However, they
hesitated to attribute the Soter Megas
84
coins to Kujula Kadphises or to Wima
Kadphises. Staviskii (1977 and 1986), also
working from the archaeological evidence
and placing the Soter Megas coinage
between the Heliocles imitations and
Wima Kadphises, saw this as evidence for
dating their issue to the late reign of
Kujula Kadphises (1977: 120122; 1986:
138140). Zeymal (1983: 160177) also
reviewed Massons classification and
questioned whether all the Soter Megas
coins should be attributed to the same
ruler. The main part of the coinage he
thought related to the reign of Wima
Kadphises.
Rabatak Inscription and After
The attribution of these anonymous coins
was given a new dimension in 1993, when
the name of a previously unknown king
ruling between Kujula Kadphises and
Wima Kadphises was revealed in an
inscription found at Rabatak in northern
Afghanistan. The inscription,
commissioned for the fourth Kushan king
Kanishka I, recorded the dedication of a
temple to the goddess Nana. The twenty-
three line Rabatak inscription, written on
a rectangular limestone slab in the
Bactrian language using Greek script,
listed Kanishkas Kushan dynastic lineage,
beginning with his great grandfather
Kujula Kadphises, followed by his
grandfather Wima Takto, and his father
Wima Kadphises (Sims-Williams and
Cribb 1995/96: 79-80; Sims-Williams
2008).
In the publication of the Rabatak
inscription, I proposed that the second
Kushan king Wima Takto was the issuer
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
of the Soter Megas coinage (Sims-
Williams and Cribb 1995/96), following
the arguments presented by MacDowall
(1968) and reinforced by Mitchiner
(1978). The new king provided a solution
to this long-standing problem, a solution
which many have accepted, but there are
still advocates for the earlier theoretical
solutions and as I will show below further
research has modified my attribution.
B.N. Mukherjee continued to advocate
Wima Kadphises as the issuer of the Soter
Megas, by rejecting Sims-Williams
reading, and arguing that all other
inscriptional or numismatic references to
Wima Takto should be understood as
references to Wima Kadphises (1995 (but
published in 1997): 2427; 2004: 912).
In 1997, in a paper apparently sent to press
before the publication of the Rabatak
inscription, MacDowall repeated his
earlier view that the Soter Megas coinage
was issued between the issues of Kujula
Kadphises and Wima Kadphises. He
concluded that there is no decisive
evidence whether the issues of Soter
Megas represent a late phase of Kujula
Kadphises, an early phase of Vima
Kadphises or the issues of an independent
and separate king who comes between
Kujula Kadphises and Vima Kadphises
(1997: 236).
Gerard Fussman (1998, republished with
minor changes 2001) was sceptical about
Sims-Williams reading of the name Wima
Takto in the Rabatak inscription and on
coins, and that even if the name Wima
Takto could be read, it did not resolve the
identification of the Soter Megas coinage,
as there was still no evidence for their
attribution to Kujula Kadphises, Wima
85
Takto or Wima Kadphises, but he
suggested that a simpler explanation
might be to see the issuer as a Kushan
usurper interrupting the royal succession
between them (1998: 621; 2001: 274). His
introduction of the idea that the issuer
could be a usurper was new, a plus
simple possibility. He offered no
explanation for this suggestion and made
no reference to earlier suggestions that the
issuer could be a general or viceroy of the
Kushan king, unless he was referring to
that role under the idea of usurpation
rather than subordination. He saw the
absence of the issuers name as the
continuing problem to be addressed, le
problme historique essentiel est de savoir
pourquoi un souverain kouchan a
dlibrment choisi dmettre un
monnayage anonyme (1998: 621; 2001:
274).
In 1999 I summarised the evidence for
relationship between the Soter Megas
coins and the second Kushan king Wima
Takto and its place within Kushan history
(Cribb 1999: 180184), but in the same
publication Michael Alram (1999: 3337)
and Robert Gbl (1999: 151157)
expressed their caution about the evidence
I presented. Alrams caution rested on the
problems of the inscription on three of the
coin types presented in 1995 (type 1 Figs.
25 and 27; type 6 Fig. 33; type 7 Figs. 34
36), where the inscriptions are on poorly
preserved coins. Although there are no
new examples of types 1 and 7, many
examples of type 6 have now been seen
and the reading vema takho[sa] is very
clear. Alram agreed that there were
remnants of the name Vema on one
example of type 1 and one of type 7, but
with hesitation as the tops of the letters
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
are cut by the edge of the coin. The
readings I proposed for types 6 and 7 have
since been confirmed by Harry Falk, with
some minor adjustments regarding the
transcription, but without questioning
their attribution to Wima Takto (Falk
2009: 106107; see also Mitchiner 2004:
I, 605). Type 1 still only exists as two
examples, one still clearly having the
Kharoshthi letters vema [a(sa)] visible, the
other appearing to me, under the
microscope, as having the same
inscription. Gbl (1999) accepted the
equation Soter Megas = Wima Takto, but
questioned my interpretation of this piece
of evidence. He discussed at length the
correlation between the two early Kushan
kings named in the Hou Han Shu and
those now appearing in the Rabatak
inscription and on the coins. Having
decided long ago that the second Kushan
king named in the chronicle was Wima
Kadphises (Gbl 1976: 5153) and
therefore the first Kushan king named as
Qiujiuque in the Chinese chronicle should
be the issuer of the Soter Megas coin not
Kujula Kadphises, he reiterated this
opinion (1999: 155156) on the basis that
Yangaozhen had been identified with
Wima Kadphises in the past and should
continue to be so identified, even though
Wima Takto shared a similarity with the
only part of the Chinese name, i.e. Yan,
which had previously been linked with the
name Wima Kadphises. In a subsequent
analysis of the Hou Han Shu reference to
the first two Kushan kings, Thierry also
recognised the correlation between the
Chinese text and the Rabatak inscription,
making Qiujiuque = Kujula Kadphises
and Yangaozhen = Wima Takto (2005:
479) The Later Han (first to second
centuries AD) pronunciations of these
86
names appear to be: Qiujiuque (modern
standard pronunciation) = Later Han khu-
dziu-khak; Yangaozhen (modern standard
pronunciation) = Late Han jam-kau-tn or
wam-kau-tn (respectively, Schuessler
2009: 95, no. 4-14a khu; 181, no. 13-58a
dziu; 66, no. 2-2b khak; 361, no. 38-5m
jam or wam; 194: no. 16-1i kau; 328, no.
33-15a tn).
In 2002 MacDowall, like Fussman,
rejected the reading of Wima Taktos
name in the Rabatak inscription and
elsewhere (2002: 163164), set aside his
earlier arguments and followed Masson in
attributing the Soter Megas coinage to
Kujula Kadphises, with a brief overspill
into the reign of Wima Kadphises (2002:
169).
Bopearachchi (2003) contradicted the
opinions of Fussman and MacDowall and
accepted the correctness of Sims-Williams
reading of the name Wima Takto on the
Rabatak inscription, on the testimony of
Paul Bernard who had examined the stone
in Kabul in 2002 (2003: 418), but rejected
the attribution of the Soter Megas coin to
him (418419). His argument against this
was the absence of Wima Taktos name on
most of the Soter Megas coinage and
proposed that an attribution could not be
made until this absence was explained.
Mitchiner (2005: 600604) agreed with
the equation Soter Megas = Wima Takto,
but disputed some of the spellings of his
name on the bull and camel coins. He
argued that there was a hiatus in the
Kushan occupation of the Begram/Kabul
region between Kujula Kadphises and
Wima Takto, but that the Kashmir region
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
was under continuous Kushan rule (2005:
602). Widemann also agreed the equation
and created a narrative for the Kushan
coinage during Wima Taktos reign based
on a monetary policy of issuing base-
metal coinage (2009: 414415).
The Son of Wima Takto
Bopearachchi (2006, 2007 and 2008)
introduced a new piece of evidence when
he published some newly discovered gold
coins on which the name Wima Takto
could be read and from them constructed
a new explanation of the Soter Megas
coins, attributing them to a usurper.
The gold coins (Figs. 3740), naming
Wima Takto, are four issues of Wima
Kadphises with the inscription son of
king Wima Takto Kushan in Greek on the
reverse, which Bopearachchi said were
discovered in a large hoard of early
Kushan gold coins recorded from the
trade as having been found in Peshawar in
February 2006 (2006: 1434; 2007: 42;
2008: 5). Bopearachchi argued that these
were coins issued by Wima Kadphises as
if it was necessary to insist upon the
genealogy of his ancestors in order to
proclaim that he was the rightful heir to
the Kushan throne (2007: 45; see also
2008: 25). He asserted that this issue
marked Wima Kadphises as the person
who used his coin portrait as a medium of
propaganda to impress his subjects and
who, after having defeated the usurper,
may have been declared king of the whole
Kushan empire. He also argued that
Wima Kadphises had introduced a new
religious imagery in order to show that
his religious beliefs were entirely different
from those of his rival who usurped the
throne of his father. It is for this reason
87
that the commemorative medals [were]
struck at the very beginning of his reign to
recall the memory of his father became
significant (2007: 49).
This scenario was constructed by
Bopearachchi from these new gold coins
and from his rejection of the attribution of
the Soter Megas coins to Wima Takto. He
repeated the view he had expressed in
2003 that the absence of the name of
Wima Takto on the Soter Megas coinage
prevented them from being his issues. To
explain the issue of the Soter Megas coins
he selected the option, proposed as the
simplest explanation by Fussman (1997
and 2001), that the issuer of the Soter
Megas could be a usurper (Bopearachchi
2007b: 46). He identified this usurper as
the general mentioned in the Hou Han Shu
as Wima Taktos governor for India, a
viceroy according to Allen (1904) or
vice-regent according to Kennedy
(1913): this general to whom Yan
Gaozhen (Vima Takto) confided India
the usurper whose name we may never
know, in other words Soter Megas
(Bopearachchi 2007: 49).
Bopearachchi dismissed the coins issued
in the name of Wima Takto in Kashmir as
representing the timid appearance of his
name ... on an isolated series (2007: 46;
2008: 45), issued when the usurper Soter
Megas became powerful enough to push
the legitimate heir to the Kushan throne to
a remote area where he apparently struck
an extremely limited series of bronze
coins with his name (2007: 49; 2008: 50).
He did not discuss the other coins with the
tamga of the Soter Megas series which are
inscribed with the name of Wima Takto.
The descriptions of the contextual
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
components of the Kashmir coinage as
timid, isolated and remote do not on the Soter Megas coin is also
constitute anything evidential, but are
merely opinion expressed to diminish the
significance of the evidence they provide
of the reign of Wima Takto immediately
after Kujula Kadphises. The omission
from Bopearachchis reasoning of the two
coin types (Sims-Williams and Cribb
1996, types 1a and 8) which link the name
of Wima Takto with the tamga appearing
on all Soter Megas coins also showed a
selective diminution or omission of
evidence.
The logic of Bopearachchis attribution of
the Soter Megas coins to a usurper fails in
several respects. The attribution of these
coins to Wima Takto is rejected on the
grounds that they do not mention his
name, but the same argument can be
applied to anyone to whom the coins are
attributed. An explanation has to be
offered for the supposed usurper
remaining anonymous, if this argument is
to have any weight. There is no evidence
that such a usurper existed in the Chinese
chronicles or any other historical source,
nor is there any reference to such a
usurper in any contemporary inscription.
The only evidence proposed by
Bopearachchi is the assertion of dynastic
continuity made by Wima Kadphises on
the new gold coins he published. His
interpretation of the coin inscription,
expressing Wima Kadphises descent from
Wima Takto, as a statement of the re-
establishment of Kushan power after a
usurpation, is conjectural and has no
external corroboration. His interpretation
of the change of design to a representation
of Shiva on Wima Kadphises coins as a construction of the inscription makes it
deliberate political statement of
88
differentiation from the Mithra imagery
fundamentally flawed (2007: 45; 2008:
43). The weakness of this conjecture can
be seen in the designs of the coinage of
Wima Kadphises son Kanishka I which
makes clear use of Mithra imagery in the
earliest issues and continues it alongside
imagery of Shiva (actually Oesho)
throughout his reign. Kanishkas
succession by descent is clearly asserted
in the Rabatak inscription and it would be
nonsensical to argue from this evidence
that Wima Kadphises was usurped and
therefore Kanishka I needed a new form
of coin imagery. The Kushan coinage
shows no contradiction between Mithra
and Shiva representations in the
repertoire of Kushan religious imagery, as
Kushan royal cult was based around a
pantheon which included both Oesho and
Mithra.
It should also be observed that
Bopearachchi included in these arguments
about the religious adherence of Wima
Kadphises a statement which has no basis
(2008: 44). He stated that the Kharoshthi
inscription on the reverse of his coins was
a profession de foi inscrite en toutes
lettres to the god Shiva. He particularly
picked out the Prakrit word
sarvalogaivara as an evidence of this
profession of his faith written out in full.
This word literally lord of all places is
accompanied on the coins by a similar
title mahivara, great lord; both these
titles have often been misunderstood as a
reference to Shiva the mahevara, but
there is no necessity to understand the
inscription as referring to Shiva. The
clear that these titles apply to the king and
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
it would be better understood them as
titles of secular power, rather than
religious titles, which would imply that the
king is giving himself the gods titles (see
also Falk 2010b: 76 for another view on
the interpretation of these titles). There is
no doubt about their secular use as the
title ivara is documented in use in this
region as a synonym for king in reliquary
and coin inscriptions relating to the local
rulers called Apracarajas (Baums 2012:
212 and 216, spelt ipara; Senior 2001: II,
137, ipara misread by Senior as ispava),
so these words on the coins of Wima
Kadphises are imperial versions of this
title: i.e. lord of the world and great
lord.
Bopearachchi also argued that the use by
Wima Kadphises of the title Soter Megas
is another evidence of his suppression of a
usurper: ladoption de la titulature de
Soter Megas par Wima Kadphiss dans
les sries tardives de son monnayage est
une preuve de sa victoire sur le roi
anonyme Soter Megas (2006: 1442;
2008: 50) the appearance of the title
Soter Megas on some of his coins may
indicate that he was the great saviour of
the Kushan dynasty (2007: 49). The coins
of Wima Kadphises on which the title
Soter Megas appears are his copper coins
which were issued throughout his reign
(Bracey 2009: 4244) and his gold coins
issued as the third phase of gold coinage
(Bracey 2009: 3536), so not late in his
reign. As well as Wima Kadphises, both
Wima Takto and Kanishka use the same
title, but rendered in Bactrian: [] coins of Wima Kadphises (2009: 58 and
in the Dasht-e Nawur and the 67: Sv), where it was recorded being used
Rabatak inscriptions respectively (Sims
Williams and Cribb 1996: 77, 82, 91, 94
and 95, = soter and = script inscription (Bopearachchi 2008: 6
89
megas; Sims Williams 2008: 58). The use
of the title by Wima Kadphises can
therefore only be seen as him making use
of normal Kushan titulature, rather than
having a special meaning relating to a
conjectural usurper. The Soter Megas
coins themselves also appear to be
inscribed with the same titles for the same
reason, i.e. that their issuer was a Kushan
king. The use of the titles Soter and Megas
seem to have been derived by the early
Kushans from their use by the Indo-
Parthians. These titles had also been used
individually by Indo-Greek rulers, but
were not used by the same ruler until the
Indo-Parthian Gondophares (Senior 2001:
type 242, not clear whether they appear on
the same coin). Later they appear together
on the coins of the Indo-Parthian Sasan
and Sarpedanes (Senior 2001: types 238,
242, 255), but it is unclear whether these
precede or follow the Kushan Soter Megas
coinage.
The four gold coins with the inscription
identifying Wima Kadphises as Son of
the king of kings Wima Takto, which are
presented as part of the evidence for the
claim that the issuer of the Soter Megas
coins was a usurper, are also problematic.
Doubt has been cast on their authenticity
(Bracey 2009: 5253). One of the coins
(Fig. 37) Bopearachchi 2008: 6, no. 4), a
worn and damaged example, was however
apparently struck from an obverse die
used to strike other Wima Kadphises gold
coins. This die is designated Phase II die
Sv by Bracey in his die study of the gold
with a reverse die Phase II die S3,
showing Oesho and bull with a Kharoshthi
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
no. 6) (see Fig. 41). This obverse die was
also used in a recut state, again with the
same Oesho and bull reverse die
(Bopearachchi 2008: 6 no. 5) (see Fig.
42). Although this worn and damaged coin
has not been examined at first hand, the
examined photographs show its obverse
die is exactly as die Sv would appear in its
unrecut state, and in spite of its condition
there is nothing visible which suggests it
was not made using this die. The reverse
of this coin shows a previously
unrecorded design: a three-headed Oesho
standing alone with a Greek inscription
referring to Wima Takto. Although the
design is very worn it is possible to see
that it was engraved by the same artist as
the engraver of the Oesho and bull die
(S3) recorded as used with obverse die Sv.
The treatment of the head and the posture
of the gods body are exactly as those on
the Oesho and bull reverse die S3 (see
Figs. 4142 and 4546). Two of the three
heads, facing forward and to right are
human; the third head facing to left is that
of a horned animal. This three-headed
feature also appears on the Oesho and bull
reverse die S3, and it is also featured on
all of Wima Kadphises copper coins
(Perkins 2007). Two other early reverse
dies of Wima Kadphises showing three-
headed Oesho and bull (Phase II, die S2,
see Figs. 4344 and Phase III, die S4, see
Fig. 47) also appear to have been
engraved by the same artist as die S3 and
the reverse die of the new coin.
The engraving of the newly discovered
die on the worn and damaged coin has a
different iconography from the early
Oesho and bull dies, as it shows the god
standing alone, holding a trident in his
raised right hand, with its butt resting on
90
the ground, and draping an animal skin
over his left arm with a water pot in his
lowered left hand. There are added details
on the trident held by his raised right
hand, with an axe blade projecting away
from the god at thigh level and a
thunderbolt between the axe blade and his
raised right arm. The god appears to be
naked, but armlets on his upper arms and
an amulet string hanging from his left
shoulder across his chest and under his
right arm (the wear experienced by this
coin means that it can only be seen as it
leaves the gods body above his right hip).
It shares these features with another die
used early in Wima Kadphises reign
(Bracey 2009, phase I die S1, see Fig 48),
but engraved by a different hand. Die S1
shows the same attributes for the god,
except he has only two heads (human
facing left and horned animal right) and
his trident has the thunderbolt at thigh
level and the axe blade between it and his
raised arm. Die S1 shows the god with an
erect linga, but the new die is too worn to
see if this feature is also included. All the
features of the new die are not visible on
this worn coin, but the outline of the gods
torso and limbs shows such a similar
modelling to the god on the Oesho and
bull dies S2, S3 and S4 that it can be
concluded that it was probably engraved
by the artist who created them. The
inscription on the reverse appears, from
the letters which they share, to have been
cut in the die by the same person as
engraved the obverse inscription.
Unfortunately the inscription on the
reverse of this coin is not complete and
most letters are partially off the edge of
the coin.
[ ] or
[ ]. The first three
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
words are sufficiently clear to be confident
of the reading above. The uncertain part of
the inscription is only partially visible, the
fourth word can be conjectured on the
basis of the traces of these letters as far as
the , but after that the inscription is off
the edge of the coin. The allusion to Wima
Takto is therefore completely clear, but the
rest is a conjecture. The meaning of the
inscription as reconstructed is perfectly
plausible, as the Rabatak inscription
already informed us that Wima Kadphises
was the son of Wima Takto.
This worn and damaged coin can therefore
be understood as likely to be genuine, but
its reverse inscription can only be read as
son of Ooemo Takto through conjecture.
Its inclusion by Bopearachchi in the 2006
hoard is however problematic, as the coin
was already being offered in the trade in
2004, and I have been shown a digital
photograph of it with metadata which
shows it was shot on 23rd June 2004. Its
worn condition is also incompatible with
the rest of the hoard as published, all of
which are in uncirculated condition
(Bopearachchi 2008).
The other three son of Wima Takto coins
which Bopearachchi published as in the
hoard (Bopearachchi 2008: 6, nos. 1, 2 and
3, see Figs. 3840) are more problematic
as the doubt which has been expressed
about their authenticity is justifiable. Coin
no. 3 (Fig. 38) which has a similar design
to the worn and damaged coin appears to
have been copied from it. Its obverse die
has errors of detail, which are unique to
this coin, when compared with the early
obverse dies documented from genuine
coins of Wima Kadphises. It has one
instead of two diadem ribbons and the
91
kings eye is engraved as a single line (i.e.
all that can be seen on the worn and
damaged coin). The flames which emerge
from the kings right shoulder do not rise
above the diadem ribbon as they do on all
other early dies and the flames for the left
shoulder are not attached to the shoulder
as they are drawn on all the genuine dies.
The boulders from which the kings
shoulders emerge are drawn as a single
row, whereas all other early dies show two
rows of boulders. The kings beard appears
as an enlarged bare chin, reflecting this
very worn feature on the coin being
copied. All these differences can be
explained as the work of a copyist
working from the worn and damaged coin
and not always understanding what he is
seeing. The reverse of the coin seems to
show a similar slightly misunderstood
recreation of the design from the copied
coin. Although the coin shows little sign
of being worn, the modelling of the gods
body and limbs follow the smooth outline
of the worn design being copied, but lack
the detail, such as the kneecaps and the
amulet string, which would be expected on
a less worn coin. The gods legs are also
engraved with a rigidity not paralleled on
known genuine dies. The treatment of the
animal skin and water pot held by the god
are close to those on the worn and
damaged coin, but the trident has an
additional iconographic feature, a wheel-
shape superimposed below the axe blade,
and the thunderbolt is disintegrated as
though its shape, very faint on the worn
coin, has not been understood.
The inscriptions show letterforms not
found on the genuine dies, but appear to
be reconstructed from the traces that can
be seen on the worn coin. On the obverse
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 92

the in and the in reported as containing 4,500 coins; in

are very different in shape from 2006 he said he had seen a sample from
the prototype. The genuine early obverse this hoard, illustrating both sides of three
dies of Wima Kadphises gold are of them together with a group photograph
engraved with very similar treatments of of a heap of at least 43 coins (there may
the inscription, except two forms of are be one or two coins out of view under the
used, dies Sv and Siii with a v-shaped coins in the centre of the heap), including
version and dies Sii and Siv y-shaped. The the three illustrated separately, but not the
prototype for this copy has the v-shaped two coins first published in 2008. In 2007,
letter, but the copy has the y-shaped, however, he said he had personally
although all other features of the die examined 90 coins from the hoard
follow the prototype. The shared letter containing 4,000 coins, again illustrating
forms of the inscription on the reverse of the same group shot with photographs of
the copy are different from those on the both sides of six coins from this group.
obverse, suggesting that the letter forms What is clear is that the two son of Wima
on the worn and damaged coin were being Takto coins first published as part of the
misunderstood, this is particularly clear in hoard in 2008 were not among the 43
the forms of the , , , , (below the coins he illustrated in 2006 and 2007. An
gods feet) and . The , in , examination of their designs reveals them
which the copyist would not have to be forgeries from the same artist as the
expected, has been replaced by an unclear maker of the forgery described above
letter that could be a . The part of the (Bopearachchi 2008: 6, no. 3).
inscription which is conjecturally
reconstructed on the worn and damaged These two pieces are a double dinara
coin has been created to match the (Bopearachchi 2008: no. 2, Fig. 39) with
copyists understanding of the bottoms of the same reverse design as the forgery
the letters, producing an otherwise described above, and a dinara
undocumented spelling of Kushan: (Bopearachchi 2008: no. 1, Fig. 40) with a
, and filling in the similar image of the god, but its
conjectured . All these features give inscription has been arranged as three
the coin the appearance of being a badly sides of a rectangle, apparently in
made copy of the worn and damaged coin, imitation of Bactrian Greek coin
and that the copying was done by a inscriptions.
modern forger.

The double dinaras reverse appears to be a

The other two gold coins with the
inscription son of Wima Takto published
by Bopearachchi as coming from the same
hoard (Bopearachchi 2008: 6 nos. 1 and 2,
see Figs. 39 and 40) were not present in
the parcel from the hoard examined by
him and published in 2006 and 2007. In
2008 he catalogued 45 coins from a hoard
reworking of the forgers design (no. 3,
Fig. 38), with the thunderbolt on the
trident shaft more accurately rendered and
a modified version of the inscription:
. The introduction
of a into the kings name is perhaps
intended to render a , but it bears no
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
resemblance to the at the beginning of
the name. The s are not drawn in the
way expected for the early coins of Wima
Kadphises reign. The final is also
reversed. The engraving of the figure of
the god is very close to that of the forgery,
apparently from the same hand, again with
no details on the frontal face, torso or
limbs, as thought the coin was worn, even
through the detail of the inscriptions make
it clear the coin is not worn. The obverse
retains the inscription style of the forgery,
based on the visible parts of the worn and
damaged coin first seen in 2004. The
representation of the king on the obverse
seems to be based on that used on a
different early die used to strike Wima
Kadphises dinaras (Bracey 2009: phase
II, die Siii, see Fig. 44) and on a later die
for double dinars (Bracey 2009: phase IV,
die Diii, see Fig. 49). The kings facial
features and the pointing finger on his
right hand are derived from both dies, but
the two hair locks which are to be seen
falling down the kings neck on all genuine
dies are lacking. The inscription and the
postioning of the flames are as on die Siii,
but the broad flat form of the lower
diadem ribbon and the position of the club
across the kings arm below his shoulder
are from Diii. The shape of the peak of the
kings hat rendered as a thin line is not
found on any genuine die.
The dinara with the inscription as a
rectangle (Fig. 40) has an obverse design
close in detail to the double dinara, but the
club is held higher on the shoulder. The
inscription is differently positioned, but
retains the same letterforms. Such an
arrangement of the inscription is not
found on any other early gold coin of
Wima Kadphises, appearing only on his
93
last phase V. Like the other forged dinara
the kings portrait has only a single diadem
ribbon, but the peak of the kings has the
same shape as on the double dinara. The
boulders from which the kings bust rises
are completely absent and replaced by a
flat surface. Perhaps this flat surface is
based on the parapet on which the king
rests his hand on Wima Kadphises rare
half dinaras (Gbl 1984: 1, type 6). The
modelling of the gods image on the
reverse is very similar to that on the other
two forgeries, but with the thrust of the hip
to the right instead of the left. The details
of this piece are slightly obscured by what
appears to be intentional distressing of the
surface, so the details of the gods trident
are not clear, but traces of the thunderbolt,
axe blade and wheel are detectable. The
featureless face and torso of the god are
the result of the die cutting, not of the
distressing of its surface, as there are
sufficient part of the coin which show it is
not worn. The gods water pot is engraved
on top of the animal skin, perhaps because
of the reduction in space for it caused by
the alteration of the hip thrust. The traces
of the gods amulet string are under his left
arm instead of his right arm. The letter
forms of the inscription are the same as
those on the double dinara, except s are
written with a curved upright which is to
the left of the top stroke, resembling a ,
and the second in the kings name
- is written as a (with a
triangular centre) and there is no double
in : []
--
[].
The departures from the die engraving
practices of the early years of Wima
Kadphises reign as set out in Braceys die
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
study (2009) are a good indication that the
dies used to make these three problematic
pieces were not made by the same people
as made the original dies for this gold
coinage, even though the obverse designs
are based on genuine dies.
The scenario these pieces suggest is that
the worn and damaged coin was found in
or before 2004 and three forgeries were
then made copying features from it, but
the forger did not always understand these
features. The forger, believing the new
type to be at the beginning of Wima
Kadphises reign, turned to the first coins
of this reign illustrated by Gbl for further
inspiration (Gbl 1984, plate 1, types 1
(Fig. 44) and 2 (Fig. 42). Then when the
hoard of 2006 was found the worn coin
and the forgeries were attributed to the
hoard to give them credibility. The
narrative about the size and content of the
hoard also appear to be part of the
marketing of these forgeries.
Bopearachchis information came from
people who had a strong motivation to
obscure the reality behind the hoard. The
41 surviving coins from the hoard do not
include any examples of the coins of
Kanishka I it is said to have contained or
of Wima Kadphises last issue, Braceys
phase V. Phase V (7 obverse dies and 34
reverses) is commoner than phase IV (8
obverse dies and 18 reverse). Bracey
recorded 42 dinaras of phase IV (apart
from the 11 dinaras Bopearachchi
recorded in the 2006 hoard) and 69 of
phase V. If the hoard contained Kanishka I
coins as Bopearachchis informants said,
then one would expect phase V dinaras to
have been reported from the hoard. The
informants would not have been able to
make an assessment of the varieties in the
hoard apart from their size and any
94
immediately recognisable varieties (such
as the chariot type), so the dinaras of
phases IV and V should have been
randomly included in the parcel. The
evidence presented by Bopearachchi
suggests that the informants were not
accurate about the contents of the hoard
which appears as published to have been a
hoard of about 41 gold coins deposited
before phase V coins became available to
the hoarder. The misinformation about the
content of the hoard and the inclusion of
forgeries suggests that the narrative about
the hoard is likely to have been the
invention of the informants.
The existence of the worn coin which
mentions Wima Takto in its reverse
legend is an important contribution to our
understanding of Kushan history and
numismatics, but the narrative of its
discovery, like that of its significance as
evidence of the usurpation of the Kushan
throne during Wima Taktos reign, is not
credible.
Yang Jiuping (2009 and 2103), reviewed
the question of Soter Megas identity in
the light of Bopearachchis articles and
disagreed with him that the issuer should
be seen as a usurper, but reverted to
earlier views that the issuer was the
general appointed by the second Kushan
king, according to the Chinese chronicle
Hou Han Shu, to supervise India, and also
outlined his own version of the usurper
theory: He should be thought of as a
satrap of the Kushan Empire who had
been assigned to govern India. Later he
became so powerful that he arrogated to
himself the status of a king. One of the
reasons for his anonymity might be
attributed to the fact that he knew clearly
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
he was not the true descendant of the
Kushan royal house. Therefore he did not
dare to inscribe his name openly on his
coins. ... Judging from the features of his
coins an image of a Greek, a legend
only in Greek, and the Attic weight he
was possibly a descendant of Indo-
Greeks. (2013: 88; cf. also 2009: 150
152)
Reviewing the Evidence for Wima Takto
The evidence for Wima Taktos reign
comes from the Bactrian inscriptions at
Rabatak and Dasht-e Nawur (Sims-
Williams and Cribb 1995/96; Sims-
Williams 2008), both found in
Afghanistan, north and south of the Hindu
Kush, and both referring to him with royal
titles; and from the Sanskrit (Brahmi)
inscription on his portrait sculpture at
Mathura (Fig. 61). The Rabatak
inscription refers to Wima Takto as the
son of the first Kushan king Kujula
Kadphises, and he can therefore be related
to Yangaozhen the second Kushan king,
son of Qiujiuque the first Kushan king,
according to the Chinese chronicle of the
later Han dynasty, the Hou Han Shu (Hou
Han Shu 118.9a; Zrcher 1968: 367;
Thierry 2005: 493; Hill 2009: 2829). The
initial syllable of Yangaozhens name has
long been linked with the Kushan name
Wima on the basis of its ancient Chinese
pronunciation im (e.g. Pulleyblank
1968:248; Rosenfield 1968: 1718;
Staviskii 1986: 33; for the ancient Chinese
pronunciation im see Schuessler 2009:
361, no. 38-5m jam or wam; Karlgren
1957 and Zrcher 1968: 389). However,
before the discovery of the Rabatak
inscription and the revelation of Wima
Taktos name and identity as the second
Kushan king, this connection was made in
95
order to identify Kujula Kadphises son as
Wima Kadphises. The second and third
syllables do not correspond with Takto,
nor did they with Kadphises, so their
significance is still problematic. Falk has
reviewed the various spellings and
transcriptions of Wima Taktos name and
suggested the Chinese gaozhen could be
an alternative attempt to transliterate the
name Kushan into Chinese, as Wima
Taktos name appears to have been
rendered vhama kusha in the Kharoshthi
part of the Dasht-e Nawur inscription
(Falk 2009: 114).
Wima Taktos reign is also evidenced by
his name appearing on coins issued
immediately after the issues in the name
of his father Kujula Kadphises (Sims-
Williams and Cribb 1995/966: 115118).
These coins in the Kashmir bull and camel
series carry his name in two forms Vema
Takta and Vema Takho, both with the
same imperial titles used by his father,
great king, king of kings, son of god[s]
(maharaja rajatiraja devaputra or
maharaya rayatiraya devaputra). Harry
Falk has reviewed these inscriptions
together with the Bactrian inscriptions
named above, confirming and refining the
readings (2009).
As reported in the initial publication of the
Rabatak inscription (Sims-Williams and
Cribb 1995/96), two coin types, related to
the Soter Megas coinage by their use of
the same tamga, are inscribed with Wima
Taktos name. The first type has the
normal designs of the Gandharan bilingual
Soter Megas type, king on horseback on
the obverse/ Zeus on the reverse, with the
name v[e]ma ta[kho] at the end of the
Kharoshthi inscription (1995/96: 111
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
112, type 1; first pointed out, but not read
by Whitehead 1913).
The second type, using a novel design
featuring an enthroned king on the
obverse/ two standing figures on the
reverse, has the Bactrian inscription
[] around the king Since Cunninghams account (1890: 115;
(1995/96: 118, type 8, traces of the last
two letters of the kings name are visible,
but not clearly legible; there is also space
for the word between the end and difficult to confirm or deny this
the beginning of the kings name, but no
letters are visible). The design of the
obverse of this coin is very similar to the
statue of Wima Takto at Mathura, showing
the king seated frontally on a lion-legged
high-backed throne, wearing a long
overcoat over his tunic and leggings,
holding his left hand by his waist and his
right hand raised before his chest holding
an unidentifiable object (Fig. 61;
Rosenfield 1967: fig. 1). The two figures
on the reverse are shown wearing the
same overcoat, tunic and leggings.
It has also been recently observed (as
described in the auction description of lot
41, Classical Numismatic Groups Triton
Sale XII, 6 January 2009) that the first
letter[s] or of Wima Taktos name The distribution of Soter Megas coins, as
appears at the end of the Greek inscription
of some examples of another Soter Megas
type, the helmeted head Bactrian type
(Sims-Williams and Cribb 1996: 113, type
3a). Eleven examples of the varieties with
the addition to the usual inscription have
been recorded, of which two have the final
clearly seen and one has a single final
(for a clear example with additional
letters see Classical Numismatic Groups
Triton Sale XII, 6 January 2009, lot 417;
the other two legible examples are in a
96
private collection). This type (1995/96,
type 3) has the Kharoshthi letter vi in front
of the helmeted bust and the same letter
appears on the Soter Megas Gandhara
types with or without the name at the end
of the inscription (1995/96, type 1) and the
associated anepigraphic type (type 2).
reprint: 13), this letter vi has been
identified by some as the initial of the
issuer of these coins. Although it is
proposition, it is suggestive that two of the
types on which it appears also are
inscribed with all or part of the name of
Wima Takto.
Wima Takto is also linked, as shown
above, with the title on the Soter Megas
coins in the Dasht-e Nawur inscription as
the king of kings, the great salvation,
Wima Tak[to] the Kushan, the righteous,
the just (Sims-Williams and Cribb
1995/96: 95; Fussman 1998 and 2001 has
argued against such readings, but his
doubts have since been addressed by
Sims-Williams in his discussion of his
new reading of the Rabatak inscription,
2008: 5859).
the first Kushan coins current in India,
also reflects the expansion of the Kushan
state into India, reported in the Hou Han
Shu, as taking place during the reign of
Yangaozhen, the second Kushan king. The
identification of Wima Takto with
Yangaozhen as a conqueror of India is
also supported by the two metre tall
enthroned portrait statue inscribed with
the name of Wima Takto found at the Mat
shrine, excavated near a village in the
vicinity of Mathura in north India
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 97

(Rosenfield 1967: 138-142, fig. 1). The 2002; Sims-Williams and Cribb 1995/96)
royal figure is identified in its pedestal (see Table 2).
inscription as mahrjo rjtirjo
devaputr[o] kuaputr[o] []hi Vema The Classification of the General
Tak[u] (masya), the titles identify him as Issue Coinage
a Kushan king: great king, king of kings,
son of the gods, son of Kushan, king, and
The coins of the Soter Megas general
as the son of Kujula Kadphises (Cribb
issue (Cribb type 5) represent the bulk of
1993: 130132) The rest of the inscription
the Soter Megas coinage. They were
identifies the erector of the image as the
issued in two denominations, unit (Attic
master (bakanapati) of the house of gods
didrachm) and quarter unit (Attic
(devakula), the same type of shrine as that
hemidrachm), both bearing versions of the
called a in the Rabatak
same design. The obverse features a bust
inscription. Prior to the discovery of the
facing right, representing the sun god
Rabatak inscription, the puzzling name
Miiro, wearing a diadem and a cloak over
appearing in the statues inscription and
his shoulder and holding a ribbonned
the coins with his name were usually
arrow in his raised right hand, perhaps
identified as relating to king Wima
referring to the archer attributes of the
Kadphises, who followed Wima Takto.
Greek sun god Apollo. Rays emanate from
The full reading of this inscription is very
the gods head (Sims-Williams and Cribb
problematic and various attempts to
1995/96: 121). The reverse shows a
reconcile its puzzling syntax and
horseman, probably the king, mounted on
orthography have been made (Fussman
a horse standing to right. The horseman
1998: 605610; Falk 2009: 112113).
wears a soft Iranian cap, a diadem and
Whatever the precise meaning the
nomad jacket and trousers, holding up a
presence of full imperial Kushan titles and
pickaxe weapon in his raised right hand
the name of Wima Takto are clearly
(Frhlich 2005: 7172; Abdullaev 1995:
legible in the inscription. (see Table 1)
175, fig. 6.4). The high production volume
of this coinage is indicated by the wide
The Classification of the Soter Megas range of subtle variations in the obverse
and Wima Takto coinage bust, especially in the treatment of the hair
and the number of rays (15 to 5)
There are eight types of Soter Megas and emanating from the head. Variations also
Wima Takto coins with several varieties in occur in the inscriptions, with the use of
most types (Sims-Williams and Cribb: both square and cursive lettering style and
1995/96). As in the coinage in the name of variations in spelling. In many cases the
Kujula Kadphises, the Soter Megas issues end of the inscription is missing.
and those in the name of Wima Takto
either adopted or modified earlier coin The identification of the obverse bust as
designs. These types have been divided the god, rather than the king is based on
into general and local issues (cf. Masson the absence of any of the features of the
1950, Zeymal 1983, MacDowell 1968, representation of Kushan kings form the
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
portrait. The attributes, sunrays and arrow,
are the reason for identifying the bust as
of the sun god. In Greek and Roman art
rays emenating from the head, or a sunray
crown were a common attribute of the sun
god (Figs. 50 and 53), but the same device
was also used by kings to indicate their
association with the sun god (Figs. 5152
and 5456). The similarity of treatment of
the rays on the Soter Megas Mathura coin
type (see below) and on the Roman coins
representing the emperor wearing a rayed
crown suggest that the engravers of the
Kushan coinage had familiarity with
Roman coin design.
The Soter Megas general coinage adopted
the Indo-Parthian minting practice
(introduced by Gondophares: c. AD 32
57) of including a royal tamga in the
design (e.g. before the horse on the
obverse of Fig. 28). Such a dynastic
symbol continued as a prominent coin
design feature throughout the entire
Kushan period. The overall design
appears to be based on the Heraus type
issued by Wima Taktos father, using a
Bactrian Greek design structure, but the
treatment of obverse bust and its
emanating rays were probably also
derived from their use on Roman imperial
portraits (from the time of Augustus, 31
BC AD 14). The extended right arm
holding an arrow on the obverse seems to
be based on the cloak loop found on the
imitation Heliocles coin portraits. There is,
however evidence that the bust of Miiro
may have been derived from a Roman or
Iranian representation of the god, such as
the prototype for the bust of the goddess
Artemis, holding an arrow in the same
posture, on coins of the Roman emperor
Trajan (AD 98117) issued at Caesarea
98
Mazaca in modern Turkey (Fig. 59)
British Museum Catalogue, Greek Coins
20: 59, no. 6973). The chronology does
not permit the Soter Megas coin design to
have been copied from the Caesarea coin,
if there is copying, then it goes from East
to West.
The general issue Soter Megas coinage
denomination system and weight standard
represent the start of a reform process
which marked the beginning of a uniform
copper currency as the basis for Kushan
imperial coinage. For this new imperial
coinage the reduced Attic standard was
adopted, with a didrachm unit of about 8
8.5 grams and a hemidrachm quarter unit
of about 22.1 grams. Their weight
corresponded approximately with the
standard for gold and copper coinage used
by Wima Kadphises, but he increased the
unit to a tetradrachm (c. 16 gram). The
didrachm weight roughly corresponded
with the Indian standard debased
tetradrachm of c. 9.6 grams which had
been current through out the territories
south of the Hindu Kush conquered by the
Kushans. Kujula Kadphises
administration had adopted the debased
Indian standard tetradrachm denomination
when he conquered the Begram region
and carried it on into the newly conquered
territory based on Taxila. Although
initially issued at c. 9.6 grams, the weight
standard of Kujula Kadphises coinage
degenerated until coins weighing as little
as 2 grams were current. It appears as
though the new Soter Megas coinage was
intended to replace the degenerated
Indian-standard denomination. By issuing
the new coinage with a 2 grams
denomination, the old degenerated coins
could be replaced with a new stable
denomination of comparable size and
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
weight with the addition of a higher 8
grams denomination to allow the new
reformed coinage to re-establish a
respectable new standard unit, comparable
with the original weight standard before
the onset of the degeneration. The 2 grams
quarter unit was issued concurrently with
the 8 grams unit from the start of the
coinage, but its production was
discontinued during the early stages of the
last phase of the general issue.
The general issue series can be separated
into four phases, based on the changing
use of bust types and lettering (see Table
3). This arrangement is based on the
examination of over a thousand examples
of this series, from publications, the
excavated material from Taxila and the
coins collected by Charles Masson from
the site at Begram and in public and
private collections in Europe, USA and
Tajikistan. The sequencing of these four
phases is based on the gradual change of
features from phase to phase and the
relationship between the lettering on
phase 1 and that on coins of Kujula
Kadphises and between the lettering on
phase 4 and that on the coins of Wima
Kadphises.
Phase 1: The coinage seems to begin with
a phase when most of the coins used a
bust style, bust a (Figs. 12), which has
connections with Roman portraiture,
particularly as used on coins of the Roman
emperors Claudius (AD 4154) and Nero
(AD 5468). This bust treatment, with a
roll of crescent-shaped curls below the
diadem and two rows above, is normally
used with square lettering and the four-
pronged tamga. Two other bust style b
(Fig. 3) and c (Fig. 4), which appear to
99
have been derived from bust a, also
appear on a few coins of the four-pronged
tamga with square letter forms phase. Bust
b has a heavier roll of curls below the
diadem and two rows of thick crescent-
shaped curls above; bust c also has a
heavier roll of curls below the diadem, but
all the curls, above and below the diadem
are oval-shaped. The first phase concludes
with a transition, during which coins using
a four-pronged tamga on the obverse and
square letter forms with a three-pronged
tamga on the reverse. These coins suggest
that, when the four-pronged tamga was
replaced by a three-pronged tamga, some
obverse dies with four-pronged tamgas
remained in use until they wore out and
only then were they replaced with three-
pronged tamgas dies (Figs. 68).
A few coins have been recorded which
have the general features of phase 1 coins,
using bust b and four-pronged tamgas, but
use a mixed square/cursive inscription,
with slightly cursive letter forms for
(epsilon) and (sigma), but square letter
forms elsewhere (Fig. 5).
Both units and quarters were issued in this
phase.
Phase 2: The second phase of the general
issue Soter Megas coins began when the
transition to the three-pronged tamga was
completed. All coins of the phase have
three-pronged tamgas and most have
square letterforms. Busts a, b and c were
used during this phase, but bust a was
more commonly used on quarter units
(Figs. 912). As in phase 1 a few coins
have been recorded with bust b and some
cursive letterforms for (epsilon) and
(sigma).
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
Both units and quarters were issued in this
phase.
Phase 3: The third phase appears to have
been less productive than the phases
before and after, as fewer examples have
been reported. The coins have bust d,
which was adapted from bust b, but with
only a single row of hair above the
diadem, drawn as thin straight lines. All
the coins have three-pronged tamgas and
use cursive letter forms for B (beta),
(epsilon), (sigma) and (omega) (Figs.
1314).
Both units and quarters were issued in this
phase, but the quarters (Fig. 15) are
commoner.
Phase 4: The fourth phase represents the
most productive period of the Soter Megas
general issue series. The phase starts with
well-designed coins with a new bust style
(bust e), which has the hair with two rolls
of curls drawn as thick crescents above
the diadem and a heavy roll of curls,
drawn as ovals below. On the early
versions of this bust there is sometimes a
loose lock of hair before the ear (Fig. 16).
The bust type begins with the ribbons on
the arrow clearly drawn (Fig. 17), but later
coins show the god holding a plain stick
(Fig. 18), without ribbons or an
arrowhead. The later coins are also
increasingly crudely drawn and the rays
emanating from the head are reduced in
number. The style of lettering also
changes on the later coins. Initially the
inscription is written with a mix of square
and cursive letter, cursive B (beta),
(epsilon) and (sigma), but a square
(omega). The final phase of the coinage
introduces a cursive (Fig. 19). The style
100
of writing on these latest coins is very
similar to that appearing on the copper
coins of Wima Kadphises.
Most of the coins made during this phase
are units. Quarter units are scarce and all
relate in style to the beginning of the
phase (phase 4a).
The variations which mark the phases of
the general issue do not seem to have a
geographical dimension as the varieties
are distributed fairly evenly north and
south of the Hindu Kushan and east and
west of the Indus (see Table 4 and Table
5). The high volume of coins found at
Begram and its central position suggest
that this was the location of the mint for
the general issue. The site yielded almost
twice as many quarter units as whole units
which again suggests it is the centre of
production, as the smaller coins would
have been less likely to circulate far from
their place of production. Masson (1950)
reported only 6 quarter units compared
with 98 full units from Societ Central
Asia, Rtveladze and Pidaev (1981) 5
quarter units compared with 55 full units
from Uzbekistan and Zeymal (1983) 6
quarter units compared with 253 full units
from Tajikistan. It appears that the coins
which are now termed the general issue
began as a local issue, specific to the
Begram region, and only subsequently
became a general issue. It is unclear as yet
whether any subsiduary mints were set up
in addition to the Begram mint to produce
Soter Megas general issue coins, but the
distribution of the coins argues against
this. A piece of evidence which requires
further investigation is the table of
metallurgy (by spectrum analysis, but
without specifics of methodology)
published by Rtveladze and Pidaev (1981:
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 101

102103; 110111, table 10), which predecessors of the Soter Megas general
suggests two different metal sources for issue series.
the Soter Megas general issue coins found
at sites in Uzbekistan, one with trace The Soter Megas helmeted bust/ mounted
elements of gold, antimony and tin and the king type (Cribb no. 3; Figs. 2224) is
other without them. rare and no examples have been
documented from excavations, but two
The Classification of the Local Issues examples from Begram of a type rarely
found were reported by Masson (1834: p.
Bactria/Tocharistan: 169, pl. X, fig. 29; 1835: p. 11, no. 99).
MacDowall reports their use in northern
Afghanistan (MacDowall 2002: 168).
The Greek-style copper Heliocles
Their denomination suggests that they
imitation type from Bactria/Tocharistan
were intended to replace the reduced Attic
with a standing horse reverse (Figs. 20
standard Heliocles imitation horse copper
21), marked with the Soter Megas tamga
tetradrachms. MacDowall also suggested
with four prongs on its rump (Cribb 2005:
that they might be intended to equal to
208; Smith 2001), appears to be the
three Attic drachms and therefore
earliest issue north of the Hindu Kush
compatible with the general issue coins
relating to the Soter Megas series. They
(MacDowall 2002: 168). The obverse bust
are found at sites in Uzbekistan and
is surrounded by a reel and pellet border
northern Afghanistan in small numbers,
like the Heliocles imitation coins they
but in larger numbers in the Begram
were replacing, but better drawn. The
region (50 examples in British Museum
helmeted bust type coins fall into two
Begram finds). The Begram finds appear
groups: a small first phase with a round-
to have been brought there by the Kushans
faced portrait type, rounded letter forms
from northern Afghanistan. This type is
and the horse with a single ear showing
adapted from the imitation Heliocles Zeus
(Fig. 2223), all features of general issue
copper type, most commonly found in
phase 3 coins; a larger second phase (Fig.
Uzbekistan, particularly in the
24) has style of the late coins of general
Surkhandarya valley, retaining the
issue phase 4: longer face, letter forms and
corrupted version of inscription from their
horse showing both ears. They are so
prototype, the silver issues of the Bactrian
similar to the general issue coins that they
king Heliocles. Two denominations have
may have been issued at the same mint,
been recorded, a reduced Attic standard
i.e. Begram, but for use further north. The
tetradrachm of c. 1612 grams and a
Greek inscription on the reverse of these
drachm of 42 grams. The Zeus imitation
coins
type appears from its lack of silver to be
A with the missing at
contemporary with Kujula Kadphises
the end of the first word is the version
copper imitation Hermaeus coins. At most
appearing on phases 34 of the general
excavated sites in Uzbekistan and
issue. On the legible examples of the
Tajikistan the imitation Heliocles Zeus
round faced portrait group, one or two
and horse types are the immediate
Greek omicrons [] appear at the end of
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 102

the inscription, perhaps the initial letter[s] Soter Megas inscription in Greek
of the name Wima Takto.
A on the obverse, and a translation
Gandhara: of it into Prakrit, written in Kharoshthi on
the reverse: maharajasa rajatirajasa
mahatasa tratarasa (Figs. 2930). Two
The Soter Megas issues for Gandhara are
examples of the teradrachm have
base-silver Indian standard tetradrachms
additional letters at the end of the Prakrit
and drachms (Cribb type 1; Figs. 25, 27, 29
inscription, which appear to read vema
and 30) with horseman/Zeus designs
[a(sa)] (Sims-Williams and Cribb
adapted from base-silver coins issued by
1995/96: 111112). These two examples
the Indo-Parthian king Sasan (Senior
are also overstrikes, the British Museum
2001: 168171, type 242) and also
example (Fig. 27) is overstruck on the
included a small copper type (Cribb type
prototype of this issue, an Indo-Parthian
2; Fig. 31) with a new design featuring
issue of Sasan (Fig. 28; Senior 2001: 168
two standing figures, loosely based on
171, type 242), the Punjab Museum
Indo-Parthian and Indo-Scythian coins.
example (Fig. 25) on a Indo-Scythian
There are two versions of the horseman
satrapal issue of Mujatria (Cribb at press),
type, one having the raised right hand
the son of Kharahostes (Fig. 26; Senior
gesture of the Indo-Parthian prototype and
2001: 123124, type 139, varieties 4051).
the other showing the king holding a
Senior has also published another Soter
pickaxe weapon in the same hand like the
Megas/Sasan overstrike (Senior 2009),
general issue Soter Megas reverse type.
which he saw as a Sasan coin (the same
The figures on the copper coins are a
type as is under the local Gandharan Soter
standing naked man holding a sceptre in
Megas coin), overstruck on a phase 4
his raised right hand, with a cloak over his
general issue coin. It seems more likely
shoulders, with its end draped over his
from my examination of the coin that the
lowered left hand, probably the Kushan
Sasan coin was overstruck by the Soter
god Oesho, and a standing woman in a
Megas coin.
long robe holding a cornucopia, the
Kushan goddess Ardochsho (based on the
Greek Tyche). The horseman/Zeus bilingual type (coins
238-244) adopts the standard of the Indo-
Parthian base silver tetradrachm of about
The base-silver tetradrachm and drachm
9.6 grams, retaining a small silver
and the small copper coins are attributed
component (5% according to MacDowall
to the same mint as they share a set of
2002: 168; or 3% according to Cribb and
control marks, the Soter Megas three-
Santosh in preparation). The coins which
pronged tamga, the Kharoshthi vi and a
had been overstruck by the bilingual Soter
vase of plenty.
Megas type with Wima Taktos name were
still current when the overstriking took
The copper denomination has no place, as their silver content, c. 6% (Cribb
inscription, but the base silver coins are and Santosh) meant that they were among
inscribed with the general issue phase 34 the latest issues of the Indo-Parthian
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
period in Gandhara (Senior 2006: 8186
listed three hoards containing the
understruck coins as the latest coins in the
hoard, but no Soter Megas issues). The
small copper denomination has a weight
standard of about 1.5 grams which does
not have a precise parallel in the Indo-
Parthian coinage, but seems to reflect the
level to which copper coinage had
dropped as a result of the debasement of
the silver coinage during the Indo-
Scythian and Indo-Parthian period
(compare with the lion/Tyche copper/lead
denomination, imitation coins in the name
of Azes, issued into the period of the Soter
Megas coinage, which dropped from about
6 grams to about 1.5 grams, Senior 2001:
117118, types 122123).
The attribution of this coinage to
Gandhara is conjectural, based on the
adaptation of the Gandharan coinage of
Sasan. No Gandharan findspots for the
coinage have been recorded, but a few
examples are among the Soter Megas
coins collected by Masson from Begram
(five tetradrachms, five drachm and five
coppers). Three of the copper
denomination coins were excavated at
Taxila (Khan 2014). Their distribution to
east and west also supports their
attribution to Gandhara.
Mathura:
The Soter Megas coins attributed to
Mathura (Cribb type 4; Fig. 32) are rare
and no reports exist of their discovery
from archaeological sites. Their attribution
to Mathura is based on the reports that
examples were found in the vicinity of
that city, first by Tod (1827: 338340) and
103
then by Cunningham: his Mathura coins
were a local coinage, which is not met
with elsewhere (1890: 116, reprint: 14)
These coins are commonly found at
Mathura (Cunningham 1890: 157;
reprint: 55). This is also corroborated by
their complete absence from Taxila and
Begram.
The design used for this issue was derived
from the imitation Heliocles copper
tetradrachms and drachms with Zeus
reverse, current north of the Hindu Kush
in the reign of Kujula Kadphises. The
obverse shows a radiate bust, i.e. of the
sun god Miiro, but in the Roman imperial
style (Figs. 5455), where the rays
emanate from a crown and lie across the
hair, rather than from the edge of the head
as on the general issue coins. The bust
also differs from the general issue design
as the god is not holding an arrow before
his face, but the loop of cloak as on the
Heliocles imitation prototype is still
evident on these Mathura coins. The Soter
Megas tamga is before the gods face.
The reverse design differs from its
Heliocles imitation prototype in some
details, such as the helmeted head of the
god, the elongated diadem ties and the
simplification of the gods thunderbolt, and
has a Soter Megas inscription in place of
the original corrupt Heliocles inscription.
The inscription
A has the loss of the at
the end of the first word and the mixed
cursive and square letter forms seen on
phase 3 and early phase 4 coins.
The Mathura Soter Megas coins appears
to be denominated, according to the
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
reduced Attic standard used for the
general issue, as a drachm, c. 4 grams,
which also corresponds approximately to
the weight of the standard denomination
issued by the satraps who ruled Mathura
before the Kushan conquest.
Kashmir:
The bull and camel coins in the name of
Wima Takto are attributable to Kashmir
because they follow the issues of Azes II,
Zeionises (Jihonika) and Kujula
Kadphises at a mint which appears from
the reports of collectors to have been
located in Kashmir. All these issues from
Azes II until Wima Takto show an
exceptional metallurgy which gives the
coins a responsiveness to a magnet,
suggesting that they were all made with
ore from the same source and that little
processing had been done to the copper
after its first smelt, leaving magnet-
sensitive iron compounds in the copper
(Tanner et al. 1979). The same mint also
issued copper drachm coins under
Kanishka I. The Wima Takto bull and
camel coins are very rare at Taxila (one
example, Khan 2014) and Begram (four
examples among British Museum Masson
coins).
The early Wima Takto coins were struck
as the same copper denomination, c. 10
grams (Fig. 33), as had been issued by
Kujula Kadphises, Zeionises and Azes II,
and had the same bull and camel design as
the issues of Kujula Kadphises. The Greek
inscription on the early Wima Takto coins
was a blundered version of the Kujula
Kadphises inscription, which in turn was a
blundered version of the inscription of
104
Zeionises. The Kharoshthi inscription
gave Wima Takto full imperial titles in
Prakrit: maharayasa rayatirayasa
devaputrasa vema takta maha[tasa].
The later Wima Takto coins (Figs. 3436)
from this mint retain the bull and camel
design, but have a new denomination and
change the inscriptions slightly. The new
denomination seems to be a drachm on the
same reduced Attic standard as the Soter
Megas coinages. The Kharoshthi
inscription changes spelling and
arrangement maharajasa rajatirajasa
devaputrasa vematakho[sa], but has the
same meaning as the early issues. The
Greek inscription continues to be
blundered, but on some examples the first
part of the kings name can be
seen on several examples (Fig. 34),
unfortunately the rest of the inscription
cannot be read. On others (Figs. 3536) a
corrupt version of
, written as
, can be seen followed by
unintelligible letters on some examples:
. The absence of the final in
and the cursive form of the
are comparable with phases 3 and 4 of the
general issue Soter Megas coins.
Unknown Location:
A unique coin found in Hazara District
introduced a design which appears to have
had no local prototype (Fig. 60). On the
obverse Wima Takto is shown seated on a
high-backed throne with lion legs in the
same form as in his portrait sculpture at
Mathura, flanked in the left field by the
Soter Megas tamga. The king is identified
by the inscription ...
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
The reverse shows two standing figures
wearing Kushan royal dress, with an as yet
undeciphered Bactrian (?) inscription:
... . As outlined above, the titles saviour
The king is shown looking to his right,
with a tall hat, and his head surrounded by
a halo, he is shown wearing an overcoat,
resting his covered left hand on his lap
and holding something in his right hand
before his chest. The image is very similar
to the first issue of Kanishka I at his
Kashmir mint, on which the king is shown
seated on a high-backed throne (without
lion legs), wearing the same costume and
haloed, and with his hands arranged in the
same way. He has a helmeted head and
holds a club in his right hand, while his
left hand is covered. This association
suggests that this unique coin may have
been made at the Kashmir mint to replace
the bull/camel issue.
The associations of the local issues largely
link them to the period of the later phases
of the Soter Megas general issue (see
Table 6).
The Attribution of the Soter Megas Coins
The appearance of the name of Wima
Takto in association with the Soter Megas
tamga on the unique coin found in Hazara
(Sims-Williams and Cribb 1996: 98; Cribb
type 8) establishes a close relationship
between the Soter Megas coinage and the
second Kushan king Wima Takto. This
connection is further confirmed by the
whole or part of his name appearing on
examples of two types of Soter Megas
coin (Cribb types 1 and 3). Wima Taktos
Kharoshthi initial vi also appears on three
105
types of Soter Megas coin (Cribb types 1,
2 and 3).
() and great (A) were used
together for Wima Takto in Bactrian on
the Dasht-e Nawur inscription. This title
was also used for Wima Kadphises (in
Greek on his coins) and for Kanishka I (in
Bactrian in the Rabatak inscription).
These titles also appears in the Reh
inscription (Sharma 1980), written in
Prakrit using Brahmi script. The name of
the king so titled is not legible on the
inscription, but the other titles applied to
him mahrjasa rjarjasa mahmtasa
trtrasa dhmmkasa jayamtasa ca
apra[tihatasa]... (great king, king of kings,
the great, the saviour, the just, the
victorious and the righteous) make it
clear that he is a Kushan as they are the
same titles used for Kanishka in the
Rabatak inscription (Sims-Williams 2008:
55). The use of these titles on the
anonymous coins is therefore compatible
with their issue by a Kushan king.
The position of the coins between Kujula
Kadphises and Wima Kadphises has been
long established, so their attribution to one
or the other or to a previously unidentified
king between them, rests on sound
numismatic analysis, as presented long
ago by Cunningham (1982: 190) and
Masson (1950), so the discovery of a king
between them through the Rabatak
inscription offered a simple solution.
The conclusion to be drawn from the
evidences presented in the three previous
paragraphs appears to be that the Soter
Megas coins were issues of the second
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
Kushan king Wima Takto. The problem
still remains, however, that the majority of
these coins are anonymous. It is largely
this anonymity that has prompted scholars
to suggest their issue by Wima Taktos
predecessor or his successor, or to recruit
a general or invent a usurper as their
issuer. The attribution of the Soter Megas
coins to a Kushan king seems fully
justified by the evidence. The attribution
to the general who was appointed by the
second Kushan king to govern his
conquests in India has no substance in the
light of the evidence from the coins, which
were current throughout Kushan territory,
not just in the Indian conquests however
they are defined. The attribution to a
usurper is equally insubstantial as the
inscriptional evidence of the Rabatak
inscription and the location of the
inscriptions of Wima Takto confirms
continuous Kushan control over all their
conquests during the period of the
currency of the Soter Megas coinage.
A rationale for the anonymity was
developed by MacDowall, suggesting that
the Kushan ruler who issued them was
following the example of the first Roman
emperor Gaius Octavian, who, when he
achieved leadership of the Roman state,
stopped using his personal name and used
his adoptive father, Julius Caesars
cognomen Caesar and was often referred
to simply by the titles he adopted:
Augustus (augustus = worthy of respect),
Son of the God (dei filius = son of god,
i.e. of the deified Julius Caesar), Emperor
(imperator = victorious general) (2002:
165, 167). This hypothesis is not
implausible as the first Kushan emperor
Kujula Kadphises emulated Augustus by
using one of his coin designs for a coinage
106
issued at Taxila. It is also possible that the
Kushan title devaputra (Prakrit),
(Bactrian), literally son of
god[s] could be a Kushan copying of the
Roman title dei filius.
These Roman parallels provide a plausible
if unprovable explanation of the use of
titles without a name on the Soter Megas
coins, but still leave the question of
attribution unsettled.
In 1996 I proposed the attribution of all
the Soter Megas coins to Wima Takto
(Sims-Williams and Cribb 1995/96: 111
123, 138142), but further research
prompts me to review this proposition. A
close examination of the phases and styles
of the general issue coinage has made it
clear that the arrangement of the Soter
Megas coins on which my previous
attribution was based needed revision. My
previous analysis was based on the
concept proposed by Masson (1950) and
MacDowall (1968) that the local coinage
followed the local issues of Kujula
Kadphises and was in turn followed by the
general issue which was a forerunner of
the uniform coinage of Wima Kadphises:
The transition comes with Soter Megas,
who began with a similar pattern of local
coinage and types, but in his general
coinage inaugurated the uniform system
throughout his empire that was taken over
and elaborated by Vima Kadphises.
(MacDowall 1968: 41).
However it is clear to me now that the
logic of this argument can quickly be
undone, as the local issues were restricted
to small parts of the Kushan empire,
whereas the general issue is found
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
throughout the empire and represents the
only issues current in Begram and Taxila,
important centres of the territory already
controlled by Kujula Kadphises. If the
Soter Megas issues had begun with just
local issues following Kujula Kadphises
local issues, then there should have been
more types and they should have been
current throughout the territory held by
Kujula Kadphises. Their actual circulation
was, however, very restricted and the
limited number of types and surviving
examples suggest a limited place and
volume of production. The three locations
using local Soter Megas coins: Gandhara,
Mathura and Bactria are widely separated
and in each of them the local issue coins
are very scarce. In the Peshawar Museum
catalogue, for example, the coins found in
Gandhara are all of the general issue and
no examples of the local Gandharan
coinage are reported (Ali et al. 2004: 33
76); and the Sonkh excavations yielded no
Soter Megas coins at all, either local or
general issues (Gupta 1988: 132).
Following Kujula Kadphises local issues
in Begram and Taxila, the main coining
centres of the Kushan empire during his
reign, are the Soter Megas general issue
coins.
The comparison between the styles and
distribution of the local and general
coinages also makes it clear that the
general issue had already gone through
two phases before the local issues were
issued and continued in parallel with
them. The local coins for Gandhara,
Mathura and Bactria all appear to copy
features from the late versions of the
general coinage (phases 3 and 4). This
relative relationship also created a new
107
rationale for the general issue and local
coinages.
As the Soter Megas general issue coinage
followed straight away the local coins of
Kujula Kadphises, it is therefore more
likely that the Soter Megas general
coinage came first as a replacement for
his Hermaeus imitation/ Heracles coinage
current in Begram and Taxila. It also
follows that the local issues at Peshawar
and Mathura, were introduced
subsequently as these territories were
conquered and added to the Kushan realm
at a date later than the start of the Soter
Megas general issue series. The helmeted
bust type coinage for Bactria does not
seem to represent an issue following
conquest, but seems to be introduced as a
replacement for the Heliocles imitation
horse type, the four-pronged tamga on
which indicated they were issued early in
the Soter Megas series.
This reversal of the order of the Soter
Megas coinage offers another
understanding of its issue. The evidence
provided by the Soter Megas coins with
the name of Wima Takto, all belonging to
the local coinages, only provide evidence
that the later stages of the coinage were
issued during Wima Taktos reign. It can
therefore only be deduced that the start of
the general issue Soter Megas coinage
took place between the Hermaeus
imitation/ Heracles coinage of Kujula
Kadphises and the local Soter Megas coins
in the name of Wima Takto. The evidence
for attributing the whole of the Soter
Megas coinage to Wima Takto is
accordingly undermined.
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
At Taxila Kujula Kadphises Hermaeus
imitation coins were followed by two local
issues in his name, the Roman head type
and the seated king type, which can be
understood as a local reform, an attempt to
reestablish the stability of the currency by
replacing his Hermaeus imitation series,
because the system under which they were
circulating had collapsed as their falling
weight standard got out of control. In
contrast at Begram the next coinage after
the Hermaeus imitations was the general
issue Soter Megas coinage. The initiation
of this Soter Megas coinage also seems
have been a local reform to reestablish the
stability of the currency by replacing the
out of control Hermaeus imitation coinage
at Begram with coins on a new standard
based on the Attic drachm. If the two local
reforms at Taxila and Begram were
carried out in parallel, then the beginning
of the Soter Megas coinage occurred in
the closing years of the reign of Kujula
Kadphises (as MacDowall suggested: the
coinage of Soter Megas is seen to be a late
phase of the coinage of Kujula Kadphises
(2002: 169). It now appears significant to
this situation that the Taxilan seated king
type shows the king holding a pickaxe in
his raised right hand, the same weapon as
held by the mounted king on the Soter
Megas coinage.
In replacing the Hermaeus imitations with
the general Soter Megas coinage, the
Begram mint achieved a more stable
reform than the Augustus head and seated
king types at Taxila. The success of the
Begram reform eventually led to the
spread of the Soter Megas general issue
coins throughout the Kushan realm,
transforming it from a local to a general
issue. The reformed coins also affected
108
transitional coinages introduced by the
Kushan regime for its newly conquered
territory, i.e. the local Soter Megas issues.
Even in Kashmir, where the collapse of
Kujula Kadphises imitation Heracles
coinage had no impact, it prompted a new
standard denomination for Wima Taktos
bull and camel coins, based on the reduced
Attic drachm standard, which copied (in
even more debased form) the faulty
inscription of the late general issue Soter
Megas coinage: ,
being an attempt to copy
.
The introduction of the name Wima into
the designs of the local coins is perhaps an
indication that these new coin types were
introduced during his reign, rather than a
marker that Soter Megas = Wima Takto.
The only marker which distinguishes an
early group of Soter Megas coins from the
rest of the series and from the local
coinages is the use of a four-pronged
tamga on the initial issues, which is soon
replaced with the three-pronged tamga
also found on the local issues with the
Soter Megas title. So it could be suggested
that the four-pronged tamga represents the
mark of Kujula Kadphises and the three-
pronged that of his son. For example the
local coinage for Bactria began with the
imitation Heliocles/ horse tetradrachms
and drachms marked with the four-
pronged tamga, perhaps as an indication
that they were issued under Kujula
Kadphises, then they were replaced by the
helmeted type Soter Megas coinage with a
three-pronged tamga in the reign of Wima
Takto.
There is another symbol, a three part
circular device, which has been identified
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
in the past as the tamga of Kujula
Kadphises on his Augustus head copper
coins from Taxila. The device could be a
tamga, but unlike the Soter Megas tamga
has little in common with later Kushan
tamgas, which all have approximately the
same form, with minor variations. The
adoption by the Kushan of a tamga as a
royal emblem on their coins appears to
follow and be influenced by the use of a
tamga by the Indo-Parthians, from the
time of their first king Gondophares. The
use of such devices was common in the
Iranian world (Manassero 2013) and is
only evident among the Da Yuezhi and
Kushans from the time of the Soter Megas
coinage, perhaps adopted as part of the
wider adoption of Iranian imagery by the
early Kushans.
The initiation of the Soter Megas coinage
under Kujula Kadphises also offers a
possible explanation for its anonymity.
The issuer of coins at the end of Kujula
Kadphises reign would not be in any
doubt as he had been on the throne for a
considerable time. In inscriptions found at
Panjtar (year 122 = AD 77) and Taxila
(year 136 = AD 90) Kujula Kadphises is
not referred to by his personal name but
by his titles, including his formal
designation as Kushan [yabgu]: Panjtar:
maharayasa guaasa = great king
Kushan; Taxila: maharajasa rajatirajasa
devaputrasa khuaasa = great king, king
of kings, son of god, Kushan (Konow
1929: 6777; Baums 2012: 237). These
are not inscriptions made on behalf of
Kujula Kadphises, but by his subjects who
no longer feel the need to include his
name to identify him. The motivation for
this practice on official coins could be
based on the Roman model as outlined by
109
MacDowall (2002: 165, 167), or could be
a disconnected local initiative. The
continuation of this into the reign of Wima
Takto met some resistance, as is apparent
from the inclusion of his name on some of
the local issues, but it is likely that the
motivation for continuing the practice was
administrative, i.e. in order to ensure the
continuing success of the reform, which
might be threatened by the introduction of
unfamiliar design features. Such frozen
types are a familiar phenomenon in other
coinages where continuity of design was
more important for the success of a
currency than the authority of the
incoming ruler (Cribb 2007: 380383,
388).
The proposed identification of the initiator
of the Soter Megas coinage as Kujula
Kadphises also offers a better explanation
of the imagery on the coins. The
representation of the king on the reverses
of the general issue and the Bactrian local
helmeted bust coins and on the obverse of
the Gandharan local base-silver coins is
dressed in an Iranian/Scythian cross-
fronted jacket and leggings outfit. This
dress is worn by Kujula Kadphises on the
reverse of his Augustus head coins and on
both sides of his Heraus issues. He is the
only Kushan king to have been depicted
wearing this costume which was
commonly worn by the Indo-Parthians
kings (Gondophares, Abdagases and
Sasan) and some Indo-Scythian rulers
(Azilises and Jihonika) in their
numismatic portraits. The portraits of
Wima Takto, on his unique Hazara coin
and in his Mathura sculpture, and of
Wima Kadphises, on his coins, show them
wearing a different costume consisting of
an overcoat over a knee-length tunic and
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
leggings. Later Kushan kings wear the
same tunic and leggings, sometimes under
the same overcoat or a cloak, or they wear
armour. So the representation of a Kushan
king in a cross-fronted jacket and leggings
on the Soter Megas coins is likely to be a
representation of Kujula Kadphises. The
royal image on the Soter Megas coins also
holds a pickaxe in his right hand which is
the same weapon as appears in the right
hand of the royal image on Kujula
Kadphises Taxila issue with a seated king
type.
The overstrikes on coins of Sasan and
Mujatria also reinforce the relative
chronology for the Soter Megas coinage
in Gandhara as demonstrated by four
trade assemblages which have all the
characteristics of representing hoards.
Three of these, published by Senior (2006:
8186) contain Sasan and Mujatria coins
in circulation together, and two of them
also with coins of Aspavarma. The fourth
hoard in the British Museum is
unpublished, but contains the same set of
Sasan, Mujatria and Aspavarma coins. All
these hoards suggest the state of coinage
in Gandhara immediately before the
overstrikes, when the coins of Sasan and
Mujatria were circulating together, along
with coins of Aspavarma, immediately
before the Kushan conquest of Gandhara
under Wima Takto.
A dated reliquary containing eight Soter
Megas general issue units together with a
single Kujula Kadphises Heracles type
coin offers some corroboration of the
chronology. The reliquary, dated year 147
presumably of the Azes era, was
published by Falk (2010a: 1617), and its
inscription was republished by Baums
110
(2012: 238, no. 32). Azes year 147 would
equate with AD 100101, i.e. during the
reign of Wima Takto. The corrosion on
the coins does not allow them to be
classified according to bust types, but
sufficient of the inscriptions show that
among them are two examples of the
general issue phase 4. Unfortunately the
reliquary contents as they are now in the
hands of a private collector cannot all be
of this period as they also include a silver
coin of the rana vigraha type as found in
the early eighth century AD Manikyala
stupa (Errington and Cribb 1992: 184
186). As the reliquary was first seen with
its contents in the trade, it is impossible to
be certain that the coins and the reliquary
were found together.
The attribution of the Soter Megas to both
Kujula Kadphises and Wima Takto and
the overstrikes by the local Gandharan
Soter Megas coins of Wima Takto on
coins of both Sasan and Mujatria all add
another strand to our understanding of the
chronology and geography of the early
Kushan period. Although the chronology
is imprecise the dated inscriptions of the
Kushan kings create a loose framework
which places the reign of Kujula
Kadphises in the period c. AD 5090,
Wima Takto c. AD 90113 and Wima
Kadphises c. AD 113127. (see Table 7)
Conclusion
The evidence presented here for the
classification and arrangement of the
Soter Megas coinage and its distribution,
together with the surviving early Kushan
epigraphic evidence, confirms that they
were issued under the authority of the
Kushans and suggests that their issue
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
began during the last period of the reign
of Kujula Kadphises and continued
through the reign of his son Wima Takto.
Past attempts to attribute the Soter Megas
coins to individual Kushan kings: Kujula
Kadphises, Wima Takto, Wima Kadphises,
or to a Kushan general or a non-Kushan
usurper have all been based on a limited
analysis of the numismatic evidence and
mostly failed to take account of the
significance of the appearance on some
Soter Megas coins of the name of Wima
Takto, the significance of their dstribution
and the use by early Kushan kings of the
titles Soter and Megas.
Acknowledgements
The research is dedicated to the memory
of Yevgeny Zeymal, a great scholar who
contributed so much to Kushan studies.
This study owes an immense debt to
Elizabeth Errington and Gul Rahim Khan
for sharing their research and advice on
111
the Soter Megas coins found in Begram
and Taxila respectively, I thank them for
their generosity. I am grateful to the
British Museum, American Numismatic
Society, Taxila Museum, Berlin
Mnzkabinett, Asmolean Museum,
Fitzwilliam Museum, the Punjab Museum,
Aman ur-Rahman, Pankaj Tandon, Peter
Linenthal, Alex Raia, Tatsuzo Kaku and
Heinz Bons for sharing images and data of
coins from their collections. I also thank
Robert Bracey, Harry Falk, David
Jongeward, Peter Donovan, Nasim Khan,
Vesta Curtis, Naushaba Anjum, Ulf Jger,
Niccolo Manassero, Aleksey Gorin, Kay
Rienjang, Shailendra Bhandare, and
Christine Frhlich for their insights and
advice. I am also indebted to the
contributions made by Yevgeny Zeymal,
Edvard Rtveladze, Michael Mitchiner and
David MacDowall to understanding the
Soter Megas question. Many thanks also
to Neil Kreitman for his continuing
support for my research on Kushan coins.
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8
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Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 117

Illustrations:

(N.B. The images are not shown actual size, but enlarged to show their designs.
Where known the dimensions are given.)

Fig. 1 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 1 (4 prong tamgas), bust
a, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. British Museum, Whitehead
collection. 1922,0424.2993, 8.32 g., 19 mm.

Fig. 2 Soter Megas general issue quarter unit, Begram mint, phase 1 (4 prong
tamgas), bust a, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. British Museum,
IOLC.1907, 2.15 g., 15 mm.

Fig. 3 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 1, bust b (4 prong
tamgas), square letter inscription from 6.00 oclock. British Museum,
1981,0322.21, 8.58 g., 20 mm.

Fig. 4 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 1 (4 prong tamgas), bust
c, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. Tandon collection, S202, 8.36
g., 21 mm.

Fig. 5 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 1 (4 prong tamgas), bust
b, square/cursive letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. British Museum,
1850,0305.144, 10.17 g., 20 mm.

Fig. 6 Soter Megas general issue quarter unit, Begram mint, phase 1 transitional (4
and 3 prong tamgas), bust a, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock.
British Museum, 1894,0506.775, 2.06 g., 13 mm.

Fig. 7 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 1 transitional (4 and 3
prong tamgas), bust b, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. American
Numismatic Society, 1991.3.123, 8.01 g., 21 mm.

Fig. 8 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 1 transitional (4 and 3
prong tamgas), bust c, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. Jean
Elsen Auction 106 (11 September 2010), lot 1117, 8.26 g.,

Fig. 9 Soter Megas general issue quarter unit, Begram mint, phase 2 (3 prong
tamgas), bust a, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. British Museum,
1844,0921.23, 1.92 g., 14 mm.

Fig. 10 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 2 (3 prong tamgas), bust
b, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. British Museum, OR.314, 7.97
g., 20 mm.
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 118

Fig. 11 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 2 (3 prong tamgas), bust
c, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. British Museum, EIC.85,
8.38g., 19 mm.

Fig. 12 Soter Megas general issue quarter unit, Begram mint, phase 2 (3 prong
tamgas), bust c, square letter inscription from 12.00 oclock. British Museum,
IOLC 2390, 2.06 g., 13 mm.

Fig. 13 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 3 (3 prong tamgas), bust
d, square/cursive letter inscription from 1.00 oclock. British Museum,
IOLC.1632, 9.07 g., 21 mm.

Fig. 14 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 3 (3 prong tamgas), bust
d, cursive letter inscription from 10.00 oclock. Tandon collection, S222,
8.42g., 20 mm.

Fig. 15 Soter Megas general issue quarter unit, Begram mint, phase 3 (3 prong
tamgas), bust d, cursive letter inscription from 10.00 oclock. British
Museum, IOC.246, 2.19 g., 12 mm.

Fig. 16 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 4a (3 prong tamgas),
bust e, square/cursive letter inscription from 12.00. Classical Numismatic
Group electronic sale 141 (7 June, 2007), lot 129, 8.43 g., 19 mm.

Fig. 17 Soter Megas general issue quarter unit, Begram mint, phase 4a (3 prong
tamgas), bust e, square/cursive letter inscription from 12.00. American
Numismatic Society, 1944.100.63472, 2.04 g., 13 mm.

Fig. 18 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 4b, no ribbons (3 prong
tamgas), bust e, square/cursive letter inscription from 12.00. Tandon
collection S170, 8.48 g., 22 mm.

Fig. 19 Soter Megas general issue unit, Begram mint, phase 4c, no ribbons (3 prong
tamgas), bust e, cursive letter inscription from 12.00. British Museum,
1894,0506.781, 8.40 g., 21 mm.

Fig. 20 Soter Megas local issue unit, Bactria, imitation Heliocles-horse type, copper
tetradrachm (4 prong tamga). Smith 2001, 12.94 g.

Fig. 21 Soter Megas local issue unit, Bactria, imitation Heliocles-horse type, copper
tetradrachm (4 prong tamga). Classical Numismatic Group, electronic sale 84
(3 March 2004) lot 105, 13.79 g., 26mm.
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 119

Fig. 22 Soter Megas local issue unit of Wima Takto, Bactria, helmeted
bust/horseman type, copper teradrachm, early phase (rounded face), at
end of cursive letter inscription, Classical Numismatic Group. Triton Sale
XII (6 January 2009), lot 417, 12.35 g.

Fig. 23 Soter Megas local issue unit of Wima Takto, Bactria, helmeted
bust/horseman type, copper teradrachm, early phase (rounded face), at end
of cursive letter inscription.Tandon collection 581.71, 12.59 g., 26 mm.

Fig. 24 Soter Megas local issue unit, Bactrian, helmeted bust/horseman type, copper
tetradrachm, late phase (long face), cursive letter inscription. British
Museum, Cunningham collection, 1894,0506.762, 12.59 g., 24 mm.

Fig. 25 Soter Megas local issue unit of Wima Takto, Gandhara, horseman/Zeus
bilingual type, base-silver tetradrachm, king holding pick axe, with cursive
Greek inscription and v[e]ma a at end of Kharoshthi inscription. Overstruck
on imitation Azes coin issued by satrap Mujatria, son of Kharahostes. Punjab
Museum, Lahore, Whitehead 1914: no. 96, 9.14 g., 20 mm.

Fig. 26 Imitation Azes base-silver tetradrachm of Indo-Scythian satrap Mujatria, son

of Kharahostes, c. AD 90, Jalalabad region, obverse mounted figure of satrap
(identified by his initial mu behind his head), reverse goddess of good fortune
(Tyche), holding cornucopia. Zeno.ru #133456, 9.21g, 20mm.

Fig. 27 Soter Megas local issue unit of Wima Takto, Gandhara, horseman/Zeus
bilingual type, base-silver tetradrachm, mounted king holding pick axe, with
cursive Greek inscription and v[e]ma asa at end of Kharoshthi inscription.
Overstruck on coin issued by Indo-Parthian king Sasan. British Museum,
Cunningham collection, 1894,0506.796, 8.89 g., 21 mm.

Fig. 28 Base-silver tetradrachm of Indo-Parthian king Sasan, c. AD 90, Gandharan

issue, obverse mounted king gesturing with raised right hand, reverse Greek
god Zeus, holding staff and gesturing with right hand. Classical Numismatic
Group electronic auction no. 208, lot 152, 21mm 9.64g.

Fig. 29 Soter Megas local issue unit, Gandhara, horseman/Zeus bilingual type, base-
silver tetradrachm, king making gesture, with cursive Greek inscription and
Kharoshthi inscription. British Museum, Cunningham collection,
1894,0506.800, 9.32 g., 21 mm.

Fig. 30 Soter Megas local issue quarter unit, Gandhara, horseman/Zeus bilingual
type, base-silver drachm, king holding pick axe, with cursive Greek
inscription and Kharoshthi inscription. Bern Museum, Burns collection,
88.27, Gbl 1993: DB 54, 2.18 g., 13 mm.
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 120

Fig. 31 Soter Megas local issue copper, Gandhara, Oesho/Ardochsho type, without
inscription. British Museum, Cunningham collection, 1894,0506.828, 1.50
g., 13 mm.

Fig. 32 Soter Megas local issue copper, Mathura, Sun god bust/Zeus type, copper
drachm, square/cursive letter inscription. British Museum, Cunningham
collection, 1894,0506.814, 4.37 g., 18 mm.

Fig. 33 Local issue copper of Wima Takto, Kashmir, bull/camel type, early phase
heavy standard, blundered Greek inscription, Kharoshthi inscription ending
vema takta mahatasa. Bern Museum, Burns collection, 88.9, Gbl 1993: DB
45, 10.20 g., 23 mm.

Fig. 34 Local issue copper of Wima Takto, Kashmir, bull/camel type, late phase light
standard, blundered Greek inscription including , Kharoshthi
inscription ending vema takho. Ashmolean Museum, Senior collection 5199,
4.16 g., 14 mm.

Fig. 35 Local issue copper of Wima Takto, Kashmir, bull/camel type, late phase light
standard, blundered Greek inscription including
(corrupt version of ), Kharoshthi inscription ending
[vema ta]khosa. British Museum, 2001,1005.16, 4.34 g., 14 mm.

Fig. 36 Local issue copper of Wima Takto, Kashmir, bull/camel type, late phase light
standard, blundered Greek inscription including
(corrupt version of ), Kharoshthi inscription ending
[vema ta]khosa. Ashmolean Museum, Senior collection 5189, 4.73 g., 15
mm.

Fig. 37 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, obverse bust of king to right, holding club
in right hand, rising from mountain top, reverse Kushan god of mountains
and sky, standing facing, naked, holding with raised right hand spear, marked
with thunderboldt and axe blade on is shaft, and with animal skin drapped
over left arm, inscription [
]. Bopearachchi 2008, no. 4, 7.71 g., 17.5 mm.

Fig. 38 Modern copy of gold dinara of Wima Kapdphises. Bopearachchi 2008, no. 3,
7.86 g., 17.5 mm.

Fig. 39 Modern concoction of gold double dinara of Wima Kapdphises.

Bopearachchi 2008, no. 2, 16.23 g. 25 mm.

Fig. 40 Modern concoction of gold dinara of Wima Kapdphises. Bopearachchi 2008,

no. 1, 8.62 g., 18.5 mm.
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 121

Fig. 41 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die Sv, reverse die
S3, Classical Numismatic Group, Triton auction XI (8 January 2008), lot
369a, 7.90 g.

Fig. 42 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die Sv (recut), reverse
die S3, Classical Numismatic Group, Triton auction XI (8 January 2008), lot
369b, 8.0 g.

Fig. 43 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die Sii, reverse die
S2, Classical Numismatic Group, auction 93 (22 May 2013), lot 699, 7.91 g.,
19 mm.

Fig. 44 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die Siii, reverse die
S2, British Museum, 1855,0820.17, 7.95 g., 19 mm.

Fig. 45 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die Siv, reverse die
S3, Taxila Museum, Khan 2008: 48, no. 4, 8.0 g.

Fig. 46 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die S new, reverse die
S3, Classical Numismatic Group, Triton auction XIV (4 January 2011), lot
446, 8.0 g., 19 mm.

Fig. 47 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die S new, reverse die
S4, Classical Numismatic Group, auction 91 (19 September 2012), lot 448,
7.85 g., 20 mm.

Fig. 48 Gold dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die Si, reverse die S1.
Classical Numismatic Group, Triton auction XI (8 January 2008), lot 371,
7.97 g.

Fig. 49 Gold double dinara of Wima Kadphises, Bracey 2009 obverse die Diii,
reverse die D6, Gemini auction VI (10 January 2010), lot 391, 15.94 g.

Fig. 50 Silver drachm of Rhodes, obverse facing bust of Apollo Helios, the Greek
sun god, with rays emanating from his head, reverse a rose (the emblem of
Rhodes), 1st century BC. British Museum, 1979,0101.635, 4.10 g., 20 mm.

Fig. 51 Silver drachm of Antiochus VI, Seleucid king, 145142 BC, Syria, obverse
head of king, wearing diadem and with sun rays emanating from his hair,
reverse seated figure of the Greek sun god Apollo, seated on an omphalos,
holding an arrow and bow. British Museum, IOC.399, 3.82 g.

Fig. 52 Gold octadrachm of Ptolemy IV, Ptolemaic king, 221204 BC, Egypt,
obverse bust of king, wearing diadem with sun rays emanating from his hair,
Gandhran Studies, vol. 8 122

with trident over shoulder, reverse cornucopia with crown of sun rays and
tied with diadem. British Museum, Bank of England collection, G.907, 27.79
g., 27 mm.

Fig. 53 Silver denarius of Augustus, Roman emperor 31 BC AD 14, Rome, issued

194 BC, obverse bust of Roman sun god Sol, wearing sun ray crown,
reverse a Parthian captive returning a Roman standard. British Museum,
1841,0730.44, 3.99 g.

Fig. 54 Gold aureus of Caligula, Roman emperor AD 3741, Lugdunum issued AD

3738, obverse bust of emperor, reverse bust of deified Augustus, wearing
sun ray crown, between two stars. British Museum, R.6322, 7.68 g., 18 mm.

Fig. 55 Gold aureus of Civil War period, Gaul or Spain, c. AD 6869, obverse bust
of deified Augustus, wearing sun ray crown, reverse Roman goddess peace,
holding corn ears and caduceus. British Museum, R.6576, 7.18 g.

Fig. 56 Silver denarius of Civil War period, Gaul or Spain, c. AD 68, obverse bust of
Augustus, with sun rays emenating from head, reverse Roman goddess of
victory holding globe. British Museum, 1860,0330.53, 3.43 g.

Fig. 57 Copper coin of Kujula Kadphises, Kushan emperor, c. AD 5090, Taxila

mint, obverse bust of Roman emperor (Augustus), wearing laurel wreath,
reverse king wearing cross-lapel jacket and leggings, tall hat and sword,
seated on curule chair, making gesture with righ hand. American
Numismatic Society, 1973,56.220, 3.36 g., 17 mm.

Fig. 58 Copper coin of Kujula Kadphises, Kushan emperor, c. AD 5090, Taxila

mint, obverse Greek god Zeus standing, seated figure of king, cross-legged,
wearing cross-lapelled jacket and tall hat, holding pick axe in right hand.
British Museum, Whitehead collection, 1922,0424.3691, 1.44 g., 14 mm.

Fig. 59 Silver didrachm of Trajan, Roman emperor, AD , Caesarea Mazaca (now in

Turkey), obverse showing bust of emperor, reverse bust of Artemis, Greek
goddess, holding arrow in right hand. British Museum, 1981,0915,6, 6.68 g.

Fig. 60 Local issue copper drachm of Wima Takto, enthroned king type, found in
Hazara. British Museum, 1922,0423.27, 3.74 g., 17 mm.

Fig. 61 Statue of Wima Takto found at the Kushan devakula (sanctuary) at Mat.
Mathura Museum. Coiurtesy of the Photo Archive, American Institute of
Indian Studies, Centre for Art and Archaeology, accession No 586, negative
No 21.85.