Psalm CX: "Rule in the Midst of Your Foes!

"

Th. Booij

Vetus Testamentum, Vol. 41, Fasc. 4. (Oct., 1991), pp. 396-407.

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 Vetus Testamentum XLI, 4 (1991)

PSALM CX: "RULE IN THE MIDST O F YOUR FOES!"

TH. BOOIJ
Amsterdam

Psalm cx is an assurance of everlasting dominion, made to a ruler

on Zion. The poem consists of a few mutually coherent "words",
partly oracles, expressing the nature and realization of the
sovereign rule in different images.'
In this article attention will be given to the content of the separate
units and to their mutual relationship. Then the historical setting
of the poem will be considered.

The oracle of v . 1 presents the assurance in a radical form: the

sovereign may sit in the place of honour with YHWH,2who himself
subjects the enemies and makes them serve the ruler's well-being.3
In the conception of this verse, sovereignty is an honour and a gift.
It is only YHWH who acts.*

Cf. J. P. M . van der Ploeg, Psalmen I1 (Roermond, 1974), pp. 247-8: "almost
kaleidoscopic".
Cf. 1 Kgs ii 19; also e.g. Ps. xlv 10, lxxx 18. In the Ugaritic Baal cycle it is
recorded that Kothar wa-Hasis is seated on a chair at the right hand of the god
(CTA 4 V:109-10: wy&b.lymn.)alJiyn bcl); see A. Caquot, M . Sznycer and A. Herd-
ner, Textes Ougaritiques I (Paris, 1974), p. 2 10. See also e. g. 0 . Keel, Die Welt der
altorientalischen Bildsymbolik und das Alte Testament (Ziirich, etc., 1972), pp. 246-7 and
fig. 353 (Pharaoh Horemheb seated at the right hand of Horus).
Cf. 1 Kgs v 17; Ps. viii 7, xviii 39, xlvii 4. The pharaoh's Syrian-Palestinian
vassals call themselves "the footstool of his feet"; see J . A. Knudtzon, Die El-
Amarna-Tafeln I1 (VAB 1112; Leipzig, 1915), 84:4, 106:6, 141:40, 241:7. In Egyp-
tian iconography, too, the enemies are a footstool of the royal seat; see Keel (n.
2), pp. 230-1 and figs 341, 342.
Cf. e.g. Exod. xiv 13; also Archives Royales de Mari X , 50:23-6: "Zimri-Lim,
ne pars pas en exptdition. Reste B Mari, et ainsi, moi-m&me,je rtponds con-
tinuellement de toi." K. van der Toorn, "L'oracle de victoire comme expression
prophttique au Proche-Orient ancien", RB 94 (1987), pp. 80 ff., distinguishes
three forms. The deity may assure that helshe (a) will give the enemies into the
ruler's hand; or (b) will effectively help him in war; or (c) will subdue the enemies
himselflherself.
 PSALM C X 397

In the solemn pronouncement of u. 2 the sovereign is given a

more active part. YHWH stretches forth the ruler's staff from Zion
and speaks to him:5 "Rule in the midst of your foes!" The state-
ment of u. 2a implies that u. 2b is a promise and a guarantee-but
not in the same way as u. 1. The staff, being stretched forth by
YHWH, is nevertheless in the hand of the ruler,6 who is sur-
rounded by enemies and has to maintain his dominion f ~ r c i b l y . ~
In both v. 1 and v. 2 there is an apparent symbolism in the
graphic elements: the ruler sitting at YHWH's right hand
(representing honour); the enemies laid down as a footstool (sub-
mission); the staff, or "sceptre", stretched out from Zion (domin-
ion). In these images the proportions are significant: the enemies
are small in u. 1, the staff is large in u . 2 .
V. 3 deals with the sovereign's dignity and the lofty origin of his
power.
Obviously, the transmitted text is problematic. Those accepting
it generally assume that Cammekk and yaldzitekk refer to the
sovereign's youthful warrior^.^ The word 'ammekk, indeed, may
have that meaning.gyaldzit, however, denotes early age in general
(cf. yeled, "child, boy", yaldi, "girl") and is hardly a proper
designation of "young men" (abstracturn pro concrete). Ortho-
graphically, the form yaldzitek; Cyldpk, with Yod), found in a con-
siderable number of manuscript^,'^ is remarkable, the Yod being
uncommon before the 2nd person singular masculine suffix. l 1 The
Old Greek (tEtyivvqo&ot) also reads the Yod and interprets yldpk
as a verbal form, "I have begotten you" Cyelidtikk; cf. Ps. ii 7).

So rightly e.g. Franz Delitzsch, Die Psalmen (Leipzig, 41883), p. 725; A.

Weiser, Die Psalmen I1 (Gottingen, 61963), p. 477. Similar cases are Ps. xlvi 10-1
(cf. v . 7); Isa. xxxiii 14.
mat~fh-cuztekamay be understood as "your staff-of-power"; cf. Jer. xlviii 17;
Ezek. xix 14; G K 5 135n. Similarly Ugaritic bt mipfk, "your staff of dominion"
(CTA 6 VI:29; A N E F , p. 141b).
A. Caquot, "Remarques sur le Psaume CX", Semitica 6 (1956), p. 38, points
out that rdh "dtnote une domination par la violence". Likewise, matjeh is "scep-
tre" and "staff' or "rod" at the same time; see Isa. xiv 5; Jer. xlviii 17 (cf. STbej
in e.g. Num. xxiv 17; Ps. ii 9 , xlv 7).
Apart from Ps. cx 3, yaldtit occurs in Qoh. xi 9, 10, where the young man
(bihir) is addressed.
See the use of <amin e.g. Exod. xiv 6; 1 Sam. xi 11.
l o 100 Massoretic manuscripts; also Ec 17.

l 1 There are, however, some more instances; see Ezek. xxxv 11; Ps. ix 15; Qoh.
xi 9 (!).
398 TH. BOOIJ

This reading, which is found in the Peshitta and the Secunda too,I2
fits in with merehem rnifhir, "from the womb of dawn", and is, I
think, rightly accepted by several modern authors.I3-In behadre^-
q6deS,14 the plural is strange. A considerable part of the textual
tradition has beha~re^-q6deS,"on (the) holy mountains",15 which
words are used with reference to Zion in Ps. lxxxvii 1. O n account
of its mythological flavour (see below) beha&-q5des' goes well with
merehem miShCr and yelidtik6.-The element lk tl (leki tal, "for you
dew" or "for you the dew") is especially problematic and indeed,
before yelidtika, meaningless; some deformation must have crept
in. It may be suspected that the corruption is in the medial letters,
rather than in the Lamed, the form of which is very characteristic
both in Palaeo-Hebrew and early Jewish scripts. I propose to read
lrns'1,"j which may be pointed lemZt?l, "as a ruler",17 or possibly
limS61, "to rule";18 either form seems to make sense.
The Massoretic text of u. 3aa can be translated by "Your people
offer themselves freely" . I g This statement, however, interrupts the
train of thought. V. 2 speaks of the sovereign's rule; now, if the
second part of u . 3 describes how he became a ruler, it seems logical

l 2 Peshitta: 'yldtk. Secunda: LCXE~EXEO.E piphanius, Panarion II/ii, 610-1 (haer.

65), considers the latter the equivalent of (8E)~yivvquhUE of the LXX; we may read
LEXE~E~EX.
See e.g. S. Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien I I I: Kultprophetie und prophetische Psalmen
(Kristiania, 1923), p. 89; J . Coppens, E T L 32 (1956), p. 10; J. de Savignac, V T
7 (1957), p. 86; A. R . Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (Cardiff, 21967),
p. 131; H . J. Kraus, Psalmen 60-150 (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 51978), p. 927. It is
objected that the oracle announced in u. 1 covers only that verse, u. 2 mentioning
YHWH in the 3rd person. The situation is different, however, if it is assumed that
u . 2b is also a word of Y H W H . It can even be defended that, after ne'2Zm yhwh of
u. 1, the whole of u . 2 is an oracular statement; cf. Jer. xxv 31, xxxi 38; Zech. x 12.
l 4 This reading is presupposed by most of the ancient versions.
l 5 Thus 83 Massoretic manuscripts. The same reading in Symmachus and
Jerome.
The transcription of the Secunda, XaxraX, seems to presuppose one word. In
several variants of the Aramaic and early Jewish scripts, it is imaginable, in a worn
copy, that the Mem could be taken for a Kaph, or the Shin for a Teth. See e.g.
F. M . Cross, "The Oldest Manuscripts from Qumran", J B L 74 (1955), fig. 2,
lines 2,6; id., "The Development of the Jewish Scripts", G . E. Wright (ed.), The
Bible and the Ancient Near East: Essays in honor of W. F. Albright (London, 1961), p.
137 (fig. 1:4, 6, 7), p. 138 (fig. 2:2); F. Rosenthal, Die aramaistische Forschung
(Leiden, 1939, repr. 1964), Schrifttafel 3 (e.g., E P 8 and 9, 13 and 15, 52).
l 7 Cf. e.g. Gen. ii 22; Judg. ix 15; 1 Sam. xxii 8; Isa. xlix 5; Amos ii 11.

l 8 Cf. e.g. Exod. xxx 30; 1 Kgs viii 16b; Isa. Ixi 1.

l 9 The use of the noun nedibB, in plural, may be taken as a means of expressing

emphasis; see G K 8 141c, and also 124e. Cf. Judg, v 2.

 PSALM C X 399

that u. 3a, too, should speak of the sovereign himself, not of his
"people". O n account of the LXX, Aquila, and the Q ~ i n t a , ~we O
may vocalize u. 3aa as 'imrneka nedibcit, "with you is nobility" (cf.
Isa. xxxii 8; Job xxx 15).21In the given context, htleka most likely
refers to the ruler's powerful action against his enemies; cf. hayil in
Num. xxiv 18; 1 Sam. xiv 48; Ps. lx 14, cxviii 15-6.22y6m htleka
then is the day of battle.23
The content of u . 3a could be paraphrased as follows: the ruler,
fighting his enemies, is a warrior of great nobility and strength. The
second part of u . 3 elucidates this by mentioning his high birth. The
statement has three elements:
(a) The ruler was born "on holy mountains". The words
bcha~rt-qcidefare a reference to Zion as the mountain of the gods,
the dwelling-place of the Most High (Ps. xlviii 3; Isa. xiv 13; Ezek.
xxviii 14)-as is the case in Ps. lxxxvii 1; the plural is probably a
The ruler being born "on holy mountains"
pluralis intensitati~.~~
means that his origin is heavenly, his existence more than human
(cf. Ezek. xxviii 12b; Ps. xlv 3).
(b) He was born "from the womb of dawn". This phrase sug-
gests the equation of the sovereign with a celestial luminary-I
think the sun.25 As a royal epithet "Sun" was common in the

2 0 LXX: PET&005 $) &px+. Aquila and Quinta: yerh ooii Ixouoiaoyoi. T h a t &pxt

is based on a reading nedrbot or nedt6zit is the more likely because, in the Psalms,
nidib (used in the sense of "noble one") is always rendered by &pxov in the LXX.
2 1 This reading is accepted by several versions and authors (some of them point-

ing nedibit o r nedibzit). Statements of the type "with you is nobility" are not
uncommon in ancient Hebrew idiom; cf. e.g. 1 Sam. xxv 25; Ps. cxxx 7; Job xii
13, 16, xxv 2, xxviii 14. T h e word nidib, "willing, generous", expresses the ideal
of a social upper class, and so it came to mean "distinguished one, noble one".
nedibb6 (Job xxx 15) or nedibot (cf. Isa. xxxii 8) is "distinction, nobility, dignity".
See J . P . M . van der Ploeg, RB 57 (1950), pp. 53-7; J. Conrad, TWAT V , cols
242-4.
2 2 See BDB S.V.hayil, 1 , b .
2 3 SO the Targum: bywm 'ghwt qrbk, "on the day you engage into combat";
Caquot, Semitica 6 (1956), p . 39; similarly M . Dahood, Psalms I11 (Garden City,
N . Y . , 1970), pp. 112, 116. V a n der Ploeg (n. I ) , p . 254, compares the use ofydm
in e.g. Isa. ix 3; Hos. ii 2.
2 4 See Th. Booij, "Some observations on Psalm Ixxxvii", VT 37 (1987), esp.
pp. 22-4.
25 T h e only alternative would be the morning star, to which the king of Babylon
is supposed to be equated in Isa. xiv 12; see however below, n . 28. Mowinckel
(n. 13), p. 90, associates the "womb of dawn" with the sun indeed, suggesting
(not correctly, I think) that "ein alter, ursprunglich vielleicht agyptischer Mythus
von der Geburt des neuen Sonnengottes auf den Bergen des Ostens auf den Konig
ubertragen worden ist."
400 TH. BOOIJ

ancient Near East. It is found in Hittite, Assyrian and Babylonian

texts,26and also in the El Amarna tablets, where the pharaoh is said
to be "like the Sun" (EA 149:6) and is called "the eternal Sun",
"Sun of the countries", "my God, my Sun", etc. by his Syrian-
Palestinian vassal^.^' This tradition presumably underlies Ps. cx 3,
the sun being the luminary that is most clearly "born from the
womb of dawn''.28 Since the usual word for "dawn", Sahar, could
suggest a male deity,29it was understandably avoided as being
improper, at least in the given context. Instead the text has mi.&ir,30
which in view of forms like mizr* and maciirCb (beside zerah and
cereb)31can be assumed to have a similar meaning; the form with
the prefix m- may have a local c o n n o t a t i ~ nIf
. ~indeed
~ dawn as a

26 Hammurabi calls himself "the Sun of Babylon, who causes light to go forth
over the lands of Sumer and Akkad" ( C H v:4-9, quoted from A N E P , p. 165).
"Sun of all mankind" (dSam-Su kiS-Sat niSeme9 is one of the titles of Assyrian kings
like Shalmaneser I11 and Esarhaddon; see e. g. Beitrage zur Assyriologie und semitischen
Sprachwissenschaft I11 (Leipzig, 1898), p. 230:34; Die Welt des Orients 1 (1947-52),
p. 456:12, 2 (1954-9), p. 28:12. For further information, see Reallexikon der
Assyriologie,IV, p. 343b; W . von Soden, AHw 111, p . 1159, s.v. SamSu(m), 5; M .
J . Seux, Epithites royales akkadiennes et sumhiennes (Paris, 1967), pp. 283-4.
2 7 See Knudtzon (n. 3), p. 151 1 (references s.v. SamSu); A: F. Rainey, ElAmarna
Tablets 359-379 (Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1970), p. 81 (Sumsic); Seux (n.
26), p. 283, n. 108. Officially, the king was "the son of Re", which is referred
to in EA 147:5-8: "My lord is the Sun who rises over all the countries, day by
day, in accordance with the nature of the Sun, his gracious father".
28 It is my impression that the same may be true of Isa. xiv 12, where the

Babylonian king is addressed (mockingly) as htld ben Sahar, "Brilliant One, son of
Dawn" (htlil: from hll, "shine"). This would mean that uu. 12 ff. do not reflect
a myth about Helel ben Shahar (which has not been found), but directly, although
in mythical language, relate the aspirations and downfall of the king of Babylon.
The latter view may find support in the words ho^ltTScal-go^yim(probably: "you who
laid the nations low", Revised Standard Version), which balance hilt1 ben-jahar, and
in uu. 15 ff. ("Is this the man who made the earth tremble...?", u. 16). The
rendering of u. 1Zap in the L X X , 6 boo(p6po~6 xpoi &vasiXXov("the Morning Star
that rises early"), may have to do with a translating tradition. It is remarkable
that in the L X X boo(p6pog, "morning star", is found where the Hebrew has hhar,
"dawn" (Ps. cx 3; Job iii 9, xxxviii 12, xli lo), neSep, "twilight" (1 Sam. xxx 17),
or even b6qer, "morning" g o b xi 17). As to the discussion on Helel ben Shahar,
see H . Wildberger, Jesaja 13-27 (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1978), pp. 531, 544, 551-3.
29 See e.g. W. H. Haussig (ed.), Gotter und Mythen im Vorderen Orient (Stuttgart,
1965), p. 306; Wildberger, p. 551.
30 mShr is presupposed by the ancient versions taking the form as mn +Shr
(LXX, Theodotion, Quinta, Peshitta; cf. Secunda pcooaap) or as a participle
(Aquila, Sexta, Targum).
3 1 mizr$ and zerah both from the root zrh, "rise"; maciirib and (ereb from Crb,
"enter, set (of the sun)". In the case of mifhir and Sahar the underlying conception
could be that the sun "turns to" (Shr) the sky.
3 2 Cf, also hciiek, "darkness", mahSZk, "dark place".
 PSALM cx 40 1

god was called Sahar, miShir is not likely to be the name of a

goddess-although the context, of course, tends to personification.
The intention of the words merehem miShir is to indicate the ruler's
glory: he is a brilliant son of the rising dawn.
(c) YHWH has begotten him as a ruler (/mil yldtyk). This ele-
ment is the most essential one. The sovereign's rule has its origin
in God, as a ruler he is YHWH's son (cf. Ps. ii 7-9, lxxxix 27-8).33
The statement as a whole presents an historical event, viz. the
sovereign's inauguration on Zion,34 in a non-historical manner.
This non-historical presentation is not simply "poetic", although
there are elements that may seem to be, or to derive from, a
metaphor ("I have begotten you", "from the womb of dawn"). In
fact, the statement is fairly mythical,35presenting the inauguration
as a cosmic event-as the ruler's being born to YHWH, gloriously,
in heavenly regions.
In the oracle of v. 4-"You are a priest for everu-the poem
does not enter upon a new subject (in which case vv. 5-7 would not
be a proper sequel) but rather presents the same subject from a new
point of view; its importance is indicated by the introduction:
"YHWH has sworn and will not repent". Priesthood, obviously,
is essential in the office of him who rules from Zion (u. 2). By
entrusting the sovereign with it "for ever", YHWH firmly
establishes his dominion. 36
The reason why priesthood is essential is implied in the words 'al-
dibrcti malki-sedeq. Following the LXX (xazh z$v T & [ L v )Jerome,
,~~
and the Vulgate (secundum ordinem), many render the phrase by

3 3 Of course, there are analogies outside Israel; see e.g. Haussig (n. 29), pp.
134-5, 392; Keel (n. 2), pp. 224-31.
3 4 David was anointed king at Hebron (2 Sam. ii 4, v 3). So, probably, he is
not the ruler of Ps. cx.
3 5 There is no unanimity on the definition of myth. Perhaps we may say that

the term mythical applies to narratives about an ancient sacred reality, and to
graphic statements referring to it. Cf. Th. Kr. Thordarson, "The mythic dimen-
sion", V T 24 (1974), pp. 212-20.
36 leco^lcimsuits the address to a ruler; cf. 1 Kgs i 31; Ps. xlv 3, lxxii 5, 17.
According to the document quoted in 1 Macc. xiv, the Jews and their priests
ordained "that Simon would be their leader and high priest for ever" (TOGcIvac
adti3v Zipova ~jyoGpcvovxai hpxrcpta ciq ~ b vaiGa, v . 41); this appears to be an allu-
sion to Ps. cx 4.
37 The same in Heb, v 6, 10 etc. This rendering may reflect an interpretation
of Ps. cx 4 which, originally, was in support of a non-Zadokite (Hasmonaean)
priestly rule. Cf. above, n . 36.
402 TH. BOOIJ

"after the order of Melchizedek" or "after the manner of

Melchizedek". This can hardly be justified. The compound 'al-
dibrat (with Hireq compaginis 'al-dibritt), just as 'al-debar, apparently
means "with regard tou3*or "for the cause of, for the sake of,
because of '.39In Ps. cx 4 there is no reason to translate otherwise
than "for the sake of (or, because of) M e l ~ h i z e d e k " .The
~ ~ inter-
pretation of this vague reference is hampered by the extreme scant-
iness of data. In the Old Testament, apart from Ps. cx,
Melchizedek is mentioned only in Gen. xiv 18-20, within a nar-
rative which appears to be no original unity, and for which different
dates are proposed. Moreover, the passage in question is regarded
as a later i n ~ e r t i o n Nevertheless,
.~~ certain elements, especially the
name malki-sedeq42and the title )Fl 'elyo"n q6nFh Simayim ~ i ~ i r e ; , ~ ~
seem to derive from ancient traditions, which may naturally be
linked with Ps. cx. Behind Ps. cx 4 the following question is to be
suspected: why may an Israelite, a worshipper of YHWH, reign
from Zion? (Cf. v. 2 and Ps. ii 2-3.) The answer is: because in
Melchizedek's time already YHWH, the Most High, had his
dwelling-place there (cf. Ps. lxxvi 3).44
In the general conception of Ps. cx the sovereign's power is
founded in the favour and will of YHWH. V. 4 adds a point of
view: the sovereign rules as a priest of YHWH, and he does

38 Qoh. iii 18. Cf. 'al-debar in Num. xvii 14, xxv 18, xxxi 16; 2 Sam. xviii 5;
K A I 194:5.
39 Qoh. vii 14, viii 2. Cf. (al-debar in Gen. xii 17, xx 11, 18, xliii 18; Exod. viii
8; Deut. iv 21, xxii 24; Ps. xlv 5, lxxix 9.
40 Thus Mowinckel (n. 13), p. 92; B. D. Eerdmans, The Hebrew Book ofPsalms

( O T S 4; Leiden, 1947), p. 503. Cf. Caquot, Semitica 6 (1956), pp. 44-5.

4 1 See especially J. A. Emerton, "The riddle of Genesis xiv", V T 21 (1971),
pp. 403-39; C . Westermann, Genesis 12-36 (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1981), pp.
213-46.
4 2 Cf. 'cid6ni-sedeq (Josh. x 1) and sid6q (2 Sam. viii 17 etc.).

4 3 (Elyon is mentioned by Philo of Byblos; see Eusebius, Praeparatio Euangelica,

1,10,14: 'EALoG~ (var. 'EAtoGv) xaAoGp~vo5"Y+rmo<. An Aramaic inscription from

the middle of the 8th century B.C. speaks of 'I wclyn. In a Phoenician inscription
dated about 720 B.C. 'I qn '7; is mentioned, who also figures in a Punic inscription
from the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. See K A I 222 A: 11, 26 A III:18,
129:l.
4 4 This implies that when the psalm came into being the identity of YHWH and

El (Elyon was fairly generally accepted. See on this matter e.g. 0. Eissfeldt, "El
and Yahweh", JSS 1 (1956), pp. 25-37; = "El und Jahwe", Eissfeldt, Kleine
Schriften I11 (Tiibingen, 1966), pp. 386-97; T. Ishida, The Royal Dynasties in Ancient
Ismel (BZAW 142; Berlin and New York, 1977), pp. 137-8.
 PSALM cx 403

rightfully so because of Melchizedek, who in ancient times served

God the Most High in Jerusalem.
In uv. 5-7 YHWH is portrayed as a divine warrior who, as a
helper at the sovereign's right hand, crushes his enemies. The text
is in a better condition than it is sometimes thought to be. Only v.
6ap, mClt7'gewiyyo"t, appears to be senseless, even if the vocalization
of ml) is changed into mille? Since Aquila, Symmachus and Jerome
seem to suppose g)ywt rather than g ~ y w tit, is ~~often assumed that
the latter form is to be emended or to be supplemented (see BHS).
However, if we take ewiyyci in the general sense of "body" (not
corpse"),46 gewiyydt and ~6)s"are in parallel, and then the problem
is rather in ml'. Instead of male), I propose to read mClah, which
word by both its meaning ("makes into tatters") and its sound
(assonance) matches ma ha^.^' The singular r6)S has analogies in
Judg. vii 25 and Ps. lxviii 22, where, in comparable contexts, it is
used with regard to more individual^.^^
The actual difficulty of this passage is the question of the subject.
Nearly all commentators think than v. 7 speaks of the human war-
rior. They disagree as to how far he is the subject in vu. 5 and 6
as well. Some, taking as a vocative or pointing )iid6ni, con-
tend that the ruler is the one acting from the very beginning of v.
5.50According to this view, limini ("at my right hand") of v. 1 and
Cal-yemineka("at your right hand") of v. 5 would refer to the same
or a similar situation-which, however, is not correct.51The limini

45 Aquila and Symmachus: &< cphpayycc, "like ravines"; Jerome: implebit valles

( c f . Ezek. xxxii 5). It should be noted that Symmachus apparently wrote " w i t h
Aquila's version before him" ( H . B . Swete, An Introduction to the Old Testament in
Greek [Cambridge, 219141, p. 51) and that, i n the Psalms, Jerome often joins
Aquila ( w h o m he once collated carefully-see Letter xxxii, Ad Marcellam).
46 C f . G e n . xlvii 18; Ezek. i 11, 23; Dan. x 6 ; Neh. ix 37.

4 7 mlh occurs i n the niphcal i n Isa. li 6 ; c f . mel$tim, "rags", i n Jer. xxxviii 1 1 ,

12. Ps. cx 6 is probably not the only place where Heth has been mistaken for
Aleph. In Ps. xii 7 1 % ~m a y originate from (1)hr~( h i r a , "gold"; with Lamed
emphaticum?); Ps. lxxxix 48a could be read as zekir hinni meh hidil, "think o f m y
[the king's] grace, how transient it is"; i n Ps. cvii 17 hwlym (hdim), "sick ones",
m a y be substituted for Iwlym.
48 C f . Dahood, Psalms I I ( G a r d e n C i t y , N . Y . , 1968), p. 144, on Ps. lxviii 22.
49 As pointed out b y M . Gilbert and S . Pisano, Bib 61 (1980), p. 348, %din@
as a "name" o f God is found in ancient texts ( e . g . , Isa. vi 1 , 8 , vii 14; Amos v
16; Ps. ii 4 ) and m a y be original.
5 0 For a survey o f views see L . C . Allen, Psalms 101-150 ( W a c o , T e x a s , 1983),

p. 82.
5 1 C f . E . Konig, Die Psalmen (Giitersloh, 1927), p. 496.
404 TH. BOOIJ

of v. 1 concerns the ruler's sitting on a seat of honour. The situation

to which 'al-yemineki (v. 5a) refers is a different one: someone is
fighting "on the wide earth" (v. 6); the preposition Gal, moreover,
is apt to suggest a standing position of the one "at the right
hand".52 Obviously, v. 5a is not about the ruler and his position,
but about YHWH standing or going at the ruler's right hand as a
helper (cf. Ps. xvi 8, cix 31, cxxi 5; Isa. lxiii 12).53In view of other
biblical texts, it is plausible that-as it would appear at first sight-
bydm 'appd (v. 5b) and yidin baggciyim (u. 6a) also relate to
YHWH.54 He then must be the subject of uv. 5-6.
The words "therefore he lifts up his head" of v. 7b indicate a
mood of triumph55and are a proper sequel to the battle scene. So,
granted that vv. 5-6 describe actions of YHWH, he must be the
subject in v. 7 For understanding the passage, it is important
to note the mythical scenery. V. 6 says that the battle is fought "on
the wide earth":57 it is an event of world-wide proportions. Conse-
quently, the nahal of v. 7a can hardly be an ordinary wadi or
stream, but is rather-as suggested by R. J . Tournay5*-the
stream that flows from the mountain of the gods.59This scenery
suits the theme "YHWH is a man of war" (Exod. xv 3; Ps. xxiv
8), which elsewhere, too, is elaborated graphically and in cosmic
proportion^.^^ The motif of drinking from the brook, as part of the

5 2 See Zech. iii 1; Ps. cix 6; Neh. viii 4; 1 C h r , vi 24; 2 Chr. xviii 18; also Ps.
cxxi 5. In Ezek. xvi 46 'al-S~rndlis found in connection with ySb in the sense of
"live".
5 3 Similarly an oracle to Esarhaddon: "we will go at your side and kill your

enemies" (R. Borger, Die Inschriften Assarhaddons Konigs uon Assyrien [Graz, 19561,
p. 43:62).
5 4 Cf. e.g. Isa. xiii 13; Zeph. ii 3; Job xx 28; Lam. ii 1, 21-2, and 1 Sam. ii

10; Isa. iii 13; Ps. vii 9. See also Ps. lxxvi 9 (din); H a b . iii 12-3.
5 5 Cf. Ps. iii 4, xxvii 6. T h e absence of a pronominal suffix is in accordance with

the usage in other poetic texts; see 2 Kgs xix 21 = Isa. xxxvii 22; Ps. xxii 8,
lxxxiii 3.
5 6 Thus Konig (n. 51), pp. 496-7 (referring to Isa. lxiii 1-6); J. Becker, "Zur

Deutung von Ps 110,7", E. Haag and F. L. Hossfeld (ed.), Freude an der Weisung
des Herrn; Festgabe (...) H. Gross (Stuttgart, 1986), pp. 24-5.
5 7 C f . teh6m rabb6 in e.g. Isa. li 10; Ps. xxxvi 7. Ea, Shamash and Marduk are
called kibistier~etirapaiti, "they who tread upon the wide earth" (Journal ofthe Royal
Asiatic Society 1929, p. 285:8).
5 8 "Le Psaume CX", RB 67 (1960), pp. 34-6.

5 9 The motif has a place in prophetic eschatology. See Gen. ii 10 ff.; Isa. xxxiii

21 ; Ezek. xlvii 1-12; Joel iv 18; Zech. xiv 8 ; Ps. xlvi 5, lxxxvii 7.
60 See Exod. xv 1 ff.; Isa. xlii 13, lxiii 1-6; Hab. iii 3-15; Ps. xxxv 2-3, lx 8-10,

lxviii 2-3, 22.

 PSALM cx 405

theme, is not known from other texts but may be understood in a

poem that appears to be more Canaanite than biblical tradition
generally is.61 O n his way,62the divine warrior finds the river of
life. Drinking from it (Sth min: cf. 1 Kgs xvii 4, 6) he renews his
strength; then he lifts up his head, v i c t o r i ~ u s l y . ~ ~
The notion that, on the battlefield, the sovereign is helped by
Y H W H , is found in several texts64 and closely links up with the
beginning of the psalm: Y H W H himself stretches forth the ruler's
sceptre (v. 2) and makes the enemies his footstool (v. 1).

Several considerations are in favour of assigning the psalm to the

pre-exilic period. However, their weight is different.
The classical Hebrew of Ps. cx was the official language of the
Judean and Jewish community during a long period and is in itself
hardly a solid basis for dating. It is true that a relatively large por-
tion of the vocabulary of Ps. cx is found in U g a r i t i ~ but, ~ ~ it is
equally true that outside Ps. cx 4 the compound Cal-dibrat is only
found in the book Qohelet (the noun dbrh also in Job v 8). Data like
these may be fortuitous. Moreover, in the field of vocabulary the
possibility of deliberate archaisms can never be excluded. The
situation may be slightly different with regard to the use of the
tenses, the niceties of which are not so easily imitated; the problem
is, of course, that we ourselves hardly understand them. Anyhow,
the use of the perfect and the imperfect in vv. 5-7, being seemingly
indiscriminate, at least hard to explain, fits in with the poetic usage
of the classical period.66The concise style of the poem, and its com-
pact structure, point in the same direction. However, the clearest
signs of the origin of this text are the symbolic and mythical images

6 1 In Ugaritic myths the eating and drinking of the gods is common. See also
Gen. viii 21, xviii 8; Judg. ix 13; Ps. lxxviii 25.
62 Compare derek in Ps. ii 12, lxxvii 20, and see Becker, "Zur Deutung von Ps
110,7", pp. 25-6. badderek is connected with the verb, not with minnahal, in the
Massoretic accentuation.
63 (al-kin: "upon ground of such conditions" (BDB, p. 487a); cf. the usage in
e.g. Isa. xiii 7, xxi 3; Cant. i 3.
64 See 2 Sam. vii 9; Ps. xviii 4-20, 48-9, xxi 8-14; H a b iii 13.
See Helen G . Jefferson, "Is Psalm 110 Canaanite?", JBL 73 (1954), p. 153.
66 Cf. e.g. Ps. vii 13-14, xi 2, xxxviii 12, 1 2-3, xciii 3 (descriptive passages);
also e.g. xliv 10-4.
406 TH. BOOIJ

it evokes, especially in u. 1 ("Sit at my right hand..."), u. 2 (the

sceptre stretched forth from Zion), u. 3 (the divine birth), and u. 7
(the drinking from the brook). These images, characteristic of
ancient Near Eastern culture67 and expressing a religio-political
conception, must belong to a literary tradition such as was fostered
at an ancient-oriental court and in a royal sanctuary.
In my opinion, there is little doubt that the person addressed in
Ps. cx is a king in pre-exilic Jerusalem. The period under con-
sideration may be limited somewhat on account of the divine oath
of u. 4, which points to an uncommon situation. First, there is the
mention of a royal priesthood. Canaanite kings, or at least some of
them, considered themselves priests,68and the Jerusalem king, too,
was responsible for the cult and authorized to priestly function^.^^
Yet it is questionable whether the title of priest was conferred on
him in later pre-exilic times.70The reference to a Canaanite ruler,
in the second part of the oath, is even more remarkable. The words
"for the sake of Melchizedek", strongly contrasting with the usual
"on account of David",71 betray that the reign of the Davidic
dynasty was not yet unchallenged, but had to be justified before the
Canaanite part of the p o p u l a t i ~ n .The
~ ~ divine oath apparently
aims at legitimating the present Israelite kingship on the basis of a
Canaanite archetype. This kind of legitimation suits the earlier part
of the monarchical period.

67 Apart from data mentioned in the text, see nn. 2-4, 33, 53, 57, 61.
68 Royal priesthood is attested not only in Gen. xiv 18 but also in KAI 13, a
Phoenician inscription speaking of "Tabnit, priest of Astarte, king of the Sido-
nians, son of Eshmuncazar, priest of Astarte, king of the Sidonians" (khn Ytrt mlk
~dnm).See A N E P , p. 505; J . C . L. Gibson, Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions
I11 (Oxford, 1982), pp. 101-5.
69 See esp. 2 Sam. vi 14, 17-8, viii 18; 1 Kgs iii 15, viii 14, 54-5, ix 25, xii 33;
2 Kgs xvi 12-5; Jer. xxx 21. Cf. R. de Vaux, Les Institutions de I'Ancien Testament
I (Paris, 21961), pp. 174-5.
7 0 See A. Cody, A History ofold Testament Priesthood (Rome, 1969), pp. 98-107.
See e.g. 1 Kgs xi 32, 34, xv 4 (lemacan); Ps. cxxxii 10 (baccibGr). Of course,
the two cases are not identical. The reference to Melchizedek concerns his posi-
tion, whereas David is mentioned because of his merits.
7 2 Cf. Mowinckel (n. 13), pp. 92-3, pointing out that in the ancient East a
political ruler often presented himself as the legitimate successor of a former ruler
or dynasty (see, for instance, the Cyrus Cylinder).
 PSALM CX

Translation
1 Of David. A psalm.
Oracle of Y H W H to my lord:
Sit at my right hand
while73I make your enemies
a stool for your feet.
2 Y H W H stretches forth
your mighty sceptre from Zion:
Rule in the midst of your foes!
3 With you is nobility
on the day of your power:
upon holy mountains,

from the womb of dawn,

I have begotten you as a ruler.

4 Y H W H has sworn
and will not repent:
You are a priest for ever
for the sake of Melchizedek.
5 The Lord at your right hand
shatters kings on the day of his wrath,
6 brings judgement among the nations;
he dashes bodies to pieces,

shatters the heads

over the wide earth;

7 on his way he drinks from the brook:

therefore he lifts up his head.

73 Compare the use of 'ad in e.g. Exod. xv 16; Ps. lxxi 18, cxli 10.