Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Michel Pcheux
Eugene W. Holland
Minnesota Review, Number 23, Fall 1984 (New Series), pp. 154-166 (Article)
Michel Pcheux
(trans. Eugene W. Holland)
Ideology: Stronghold or
Paradoxical Space?
Introduction (by Warren Montag): Michel Pcheux, 1938-1983
In a few decades we shall be cruelly labeled
as products of the past millenium. All we had
were compelling songs of the future; and sud-
denly these songs are no longer part of the
dynamic of history, but have been transform-
ed into historico-literary facts. When singers
have been killed and their songs has been
dragged into a museum and pinned to the
wall of the past, the generation they represent
is even more desolate, orphaned, and
lostimpoverished in the most real sense of
the word.
Roman Jakobson, "On a Generation
That Squandered Its Poets" (1931)
In the ruins of the deserted city, specters
wander, some silent, others chattering,
sometimes idle, sometimes engaged in some
eccentric task. If by chance they meet, they
have nothing to say to each other: no evoca-
tion of the past can console them for the pre-
sent but because on the contrary the misery
of the present extends to the past and gives it
its truth. No interpretation of the present is
articulated or if it is articulated by someone it
cannot be understood by anyone else, for the
present is nothing other than this impossibili-
ty itself.
Jean-Claude Milner, Les Noms In-
distincts (1983)
We once dreamt that the thought of an age was the expression of a single, essential great
mind. We speak of the "age of Marx" or the "Freudian epoch" as if thought were diffused
from a central great mind throughout the social whole, slowly perhaps, but with a fatal
necessity.
We now know better. Revolutionary thinkers, i.e., those who participate in the develop-
ment of the theory that introduces a break in the established order and in so doing upsets
the dominant conceptual regime, are truly unzeitgemassen: untimely, "out of synch,"
unrecognized or, worse, systematically misrecognized by the age that is said to be theirs.
They live and work in a solitude proper to their philosophical and political position, a
solitude that is not necessarily personal but rather theoretical. They are walled in by a
silence that takes the form of either the (unconscious) parodies and caricatures of the
"faithful" or the calumnies and denunciations that never seem to address what has actually
been written or said by these untimely ones. For all too many the silence and solitude finally
become unendurable. We know the results: madness, suicide, murder. It was of such men
pcheux 155
and women that Artaud spoke when he wrote that there are those who are "suicided by
society" for "uttering certain unbearable truths."
The theoretical project inaugurated by Louis Althusser and carried on by his colleagues
was and continues to be a scandal and an abomination to the philosophies of consciousness
and the various empiricisms and formalisms that dominate the philosophical field both in-
side and outside of marxism. Althusser himself recognized that the formula "history is a
process without subject or goal(s)" had "everything required to offend common sense."
Althusser and his group were alone in arguing that human subjects are constituted in and
through ideology; and after Althusser, only Michel Pcheux, in Language, Semantics and
Ideology and a number of essays, seriously worked to develop the theory of ideology and
the problem of the constit ution of the subject . The essay "Ideology: Citadel or Paradoxical
Space?" constitutes a further attempt to adjust and correct the initial theses advanced by
Althusser in "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses."
The theoretical novelty of this overall project insured that it would be carried on in isola-
tion in the midst of a hostile environment. By 1979, as Pcheux noted in his postscript to
Language, Semantics and Ideology, France had come to its political winter. The signs of this
were everywhere. Marxism was "exposed" as the cold dream of a new despotism, a cunning
justification of a society whose most representative instance was the Gulag. This disillu-
sionment required nothing less than a "new philosophy" finally capable of denouncing all
the ruses of power. Similarly, psychoanalysis was "revealed" as just one more normalizing
strategy in a disciplinary society, a technique of inciting dreams, fantasies and desires in
order better to control the bodies around which they were woven. Because Pcheux's work
had been conducted on the basis of a "triple alliance" between Althusserian Marxism, Laca-
rian psychoanalysis and Saussurean linguistics, this was an especially difficult period for
him. Nevertheless, he felt compelled to move forward by intervening in this theoretical
crisis: "To intervene philosophically one has to take sides: I take sides for the fire of a
aitical work which is only too likely to destroy the Triple Alliance' itself, but in which
there is at the same time the possibility that somthing new will be born and against the in-
cinerating fire that produces nothing but smoke."
To take a philosophical position is to take tremendous political and ultimately personal
risks: in the end Pcheux was consumed by this fire. In December 1983, he took his own
life. To understand this act of despair we must place it in its historical context. The genera-
tion that had dared to hope for liberation saw that what once appeared as the "beginning of
a prolonged struggle" was in reaUty a missed opportunity, a contest decided in favor of the
ruling class and hence the beginning of a long downturn. In despair, they turned on their
old dreams hoping that by undoing the past they might console themselves for the present.
The generation of '68 turned on its "Master-Thinkers." In the name of freedom, claiming to
speak for the "silent Majorities," they carried out a campaign against the "totalitarian"
thought of Marx and Freud, i.e., against all those thinkers who reminded them of hopes
they could no longer bear to entertain. Such a campaign (which is far from over) did not re-
quire, as Stalin did, the clumsy mechanisms of state terror and official denunciation.
Instead, the aggression was inscribed in attitudes and gestures, in a rising tide of con-
tempt for the teachers whose work was now hated for the very reasons it was once admired:
its coherence, its rigor and above all its subversiveness. The new philosophy succeeded
(even without producing a single textual monument) by the sheer weight of its publicity in
driving theory into a realm of silence and invisibility: a censorship beyond the law and a ter-
ror without violence.
Even in the face of this enormous ideological offensive, Michel Pcheux refused to ig-
nore the weaknesses and errors in this own work. While those around him retreated into a
phobic dogmatism that was incapbale of acknowledging the conflictuality of its own theory
or "advanced" beyond Marxism in a manner reminiscent of the cold-war generation in the
U.S. to denounce the God that failed, Pcheux continued to work on the question of
ideology, rectifying the theory in the light of the day-to-day practice of the dass struggle.
He even, along with other Althusserians, ventured on to the hotly-contested terrain of
Anglo-American analytic philosophy to claim its materialist element. And yet, in the
demoralized atmosphere of the Parisian intelligentsia he found himself increasingly
156 the minnesota review
This essay was originally delivered as an address at the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the
World Congress of the International PoUtical Science Association, at Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil, August 1982. Mr. Holland's translation will also appear in a forthcoming volume:
Hayward Alker, Jr. (ed.), Political Discourse (International Political Science Association,
Rio de Janeiro). A portion of this essay (in a different translation) has appeared in Rethink-
ing Ideology: A Marxist Debate, eds. Sakari Hnninen and Leena Paldan (Berlin:
Argument-Verlag, 1983).
pcheux 157
years 1960-757, but a lasting form of State populism ("The State of all the
People") whose defense as a unified camp-bloc leads in some cases to arm-
ed intervention as the ultimate form of the "State of emergency". The prac-
tice of "emergency" is also an ideological practice, based in last resort on
the imperative of survival (hunger and fear) which can justify anything.
8)The statement "There is no military path toward socialism"8 is a
good example of the unavoidable functioning of ambiguity in political
discourse. This statement comments both on the historical fact that there
have been for the most part and up till now only military paths
"toward socialism", and on the political fact that these military paths . . .
do not lead to socialism. From this point of view, and whatever the
results of the military coup, the historical question raised by the move-
ment of the Polish masses, who have insisted on requiring democratic
freedom at all levels of society as the crucial problem of "already-existing
socialism," is inseparable from another historically-decisive
question: that of a possible course of development toward anti-
capitalist upheavals at the interior of the capitalist core which would be
capable of contesting its logic without allowing themselves to be absorb-
ed by that logic (as seems to be the case for the various European soical-
democracies presently in crisis, and as was the case for the socialist
movements of the 19th century). From this perspective, the fragile pro-
cess of change undertaken in France since May, 1981 constitutes a uni-
que experiment whose fate seems to depend on its capacity to ally itself,
ideologically and politically, with European and Third-Worldist tenden-
cies of detachment and independence from the logic of blocs' according
to which the West continues to extend its sway over the North (the do-
main of technologies and parliamentary democracies) while the East con-
tinues, like it or not, to approach the South (with its zones of natural and
energy resources, administered by States of emergency nutritional as
well as military of quite varied political stripes).
9)To attempt to conceive of such processes of change at the level of
the ideological and discursive forms put into play in them presupposes
first of all measuring the extent to which any analysis (and notably marx-
ist analysis) finds it difficult to escape the historical grip of categories,
schmas of thought, etc. linked to the "peripheral" development path
through the strategic problematic of conquering and taking over various
"strongholds". As soon as it is a question of striking at the central core of
path #1, the decisive point seems to be the profoundly mystificatory
character of any problematic of overthrow [renversement]: path #1
cannot be overthrown (in the sense that one could undertake to over-
throw the edifice of an administrative or military apparatus in order to
penetrate it and "redirect" it to ends symmetrically opposed [to its
original ones]), because the functioning of ideology characteristic of this
development-path does not depend on a logic of stable objects with fixed
boundaries10: it does not comprise a stronghold, but a paradoxical
pcheux 161
space.
In the face of the explicitly metaphysical forms of realism of path #2,
path #1 functions more subtly as a paradoxical metaphysical space,
engaged at the same time in a process of "logical" (empiricist and
pragmatic) clarification of meaning, which leads to a new metaphysics of
common sense (cf. on this point Les Vrits de la Palice, especially
Chapters 1 and 2), but also in an effort to deconstruct metaphysics, put-
ting equivocation and ambiguity to work through a series of subtle and
effective games (Wittgenstein). In the domain under consideration here,
the notion of "tactical ideological struggles"11 might designate, not the
logics inscribed in the stable figure of the stronghold, but those kinds of
mobile confrontations that do not set in opposition classes, "interest-
groups," or positions determined a priori, but rather bear on the
reproduction/transformation of class relations themselves. Hence we
would have a series of confrontations calling into question the very
definition and boundaries of "political discourse", inasmuch as these
confrontations bear on the very processes by which (on the terrain of sex-
uality, private life, the environment, education, etc.) capitalist
exploitation-domination reproduces itself by adapting itself, transform-
ing itself, reorganizing itself. For "reproduction" has never meant
"repetition of the same".
Althusser's theses on Ideological State Apparatuses,12 as an effort to
develop certain intuitions of Gramsci on the notion of hegemony and the
invisible proximity of the State and everyday life, constitute a valuable
resource here, provided that they are understood to mean that the pro-
cesses of ideological reproduction (which produce self-evident meaning
and consitute the subject as a subject-full-of-meaning, cause of itself, its
thought, gestures, and speech) are also conceived as spaces of multiform
resistance where the unexpected continually appears. For any ideological
ritual constantly runs up against flaws, unsuccessful acts, and lapses of
various kinds which befall and disrupt the "eternity" of reproduction.
What characterizes these tactical ideological struggles as they traverse
different popular movements is that they refer to paradoxical (per-
manently equivocal and ambiguous) referents that are at once identical
with themselves and antagonistic with respect to themselves. This kind of
paradox is illustrated by the story of the two Italian princes who each
swore to God: "I desire the same thing my brother desires (and am in
full agreement with him)" while saying to himself, "I want to seize the
city of Turin for myself." Paradoxical referents of this kind (under
rubrics such as the People, the Law, Work, Sex, Life, Science, Peace,
Nature, Freedom . . .) function in mobile relations of force with perplex-
ing outflanking manouvers, and are susceptible to convergences and op-
positions of considerable instability.13
This notion of "tactical ideological struggle" may be shocking or in-
comprehensible to disciples of the orthodox marxist metaphysics of the
162 the minnesota review
NOTES
1982); M. Pcheux, "Analyse du discours; langue et idologies," Langages #37 (1975); J-M
Marandin, "Analyse du discours et linguistique gnrale," Langages #55 (1979); J-J. Cour-
tine, "Analyse du discours politique (le discours communiste adress aux chrtiens),"
Langages #62 (1981); F. Gadet and M. Pcheux, La Langue introuvable (Maspro, 1981);
and B. Conein et al., eds., Matrialits discursives (Presses Universistaires de Lyon, 1981).