Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
UNITED STATES
by
Shuzo Kogure
December 8, 2005
Doctor of Philosophy
Copyright by
Shuzo Kogure
2005
ii
Acknowledgements
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
research and who have kindly maintained close friendships with me.
My appreciation goes to Dr. Lois Weis for her invaluable insight and
my wife, Yoko Kogure, for her continuous support of my graduate studies and
iii
Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS
COPYRIGHT...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.. iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS.. iv
LIST OF FIGURES... x
ABSTRACT. xii
CHAPTER 1:
Introduction. 1
Significance..... 3
CHAPTER 2:
Introduction. 23
Representation... 24
iv
Table of Contents
Orientalism. 29
Theoretical Implications.. 48
CHAPTER 3:
Introduction 50
Covers.. 56
The Mimic.. 56
The Geek 72
Summaries.. 78
CHAPTER 4:
Introduction. 80
v
Table of Contents
Osamus Case.... 97
Summaries...... 105
CHAPTER 5:
Introduction. 108
Japaneseness 125
Summaries.. 135
CHAPTER 6:
Introduction. 137
vi
Table of Contents
Summaries.. 161
CHAPTER 7:
Introduction. 164
vii
Table of Contents
Summaries.. 189
CHAPTER 8:
Introduction. 191
Techno-Nationalism......... 201
Conclusions. 206
viii
Table of Contents
APPENDIX.. 209
BIBLIOGRAPHY................. 236
ix
List of Figures
LIST OF FIGURES
Kogaku K. K. 62
x
List of Figures
xi
Abstract
ABSTRACT
identification.
xii
Abstract
States accept, negotiate with, or reject both dominant discourses, I clarify the
in global relations.
place, where Japanese college students in the United States have struggled
xiii
Chapter 1
CHAPTER 1
both in the United States and in Japan, 2) how do Japanese college students
their daily lives, and 3) how do they (re)construct Japaneseness as their own
1 Yoko Nakamura, Target (Mato), While Crying, I Really Shed Tears (Naku to Honto ni
Namida ga Deru) (Tokyo: Poplar-sya, 2004), 19.
2 For most Japanese, racial/ethnic identity is considered to be synonymous with national
identity under the assumption that Japan is a single-racial/ethnic nation. For instance,
see Peter B. Oblas, Perspectives on Race and Culture in Japanese Society: The Mass
Media and Ethnicity (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1995), especially the
introductry chapter.
1
Chapter 1
do not have any fixed and essential, or true, meanings and values. The
connection with other languages, ideas, and images. Meanings and values
that Japanese and technology mean something and have value; people
(re)produce such meanings and values through their own discursive practices.
This concept also suggests that when people identify themselves with
identifications, they are subjected to its meanings and values through their
own discursive practices. Yet, at the same time, discursive practices are not
2
Chapter 1
their own right: the importance of the discursive formations of Japanese, the
racial/ethnic/national identification.
country and can consider such functions more broadly in global contexts.
3
Chapter 1
For instance, Cynthia L. Selfe examines the representation of class, race, and
including sexism, classism, and racism. 3 In short, she points out that the
their analyses are only limited to U.S. power relations due to their specific
However, given the existing racial and ethnic identifications in the United
States, they are, in many cases, regarded as being associated with continuous
and essential roots, such as regions and nations, but not their disjunctive and
hybrid routes, along the way, where such roots inevitably become mixed and
hybridized. 5
4
Chapter 1
nationality that try to define and naturalize nations based on the imagined
examined in broader contexts. Since the word Japanese clearly shows the
part of the Orient, which can lead to othering by the West. 7 Indeed,
following Saids Orientalism, some critics argue that Japan has been
are cut and retied, collective symbols appropriated from external influences. James
Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-century Ethnography, Literature, and
Art (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 14-15.
6 Homi K. Bhabha, Introduction: Narrating the Nation, in Homi K. Bhabha ed., Nation
and Narration (New York: Routledge and Keegan Paul, 1990), 1-7. In addition, for more
details about the nature of the imagined homogeneity of a community, see Benedict
Andersons prominent work, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and
Spread of Nationalism (Revised Edition) (London and New York: Verso, 1991).
7 For instance, Edward Said points out that Americans tend to associate the Orient with
the Far East, particularly China and Japan. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York:
Vintage Books, 1979), 1.
8 For instance, see Richard H. Minear, Orientalism and the study of Japan, Journal of
Asian Studies 39:3 (1980), 507-517; and Michael Dalby, Nocturnal Labors in the Light of
Day, Journal of Asian Studies 39:3 (1980), 485-493. Since then, there have been some
prominent works about the Orientalist gaze toward Asians in general, and the Japanese
in particular. For the most recent work on Orientalist gazes in U.S. popular discourses,
see Robert G. Lee, Orientals: Asian Americans in Popular Culture (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1998).
5
Chapter 1
between the Orient and the West, or under the gaze of Orientalism.
as part of the West, but Japanese is synonymous not only with cultural
otherness in the West but also with colonial and economic otherness in the
Orient. This is because of its current status in the global economy and its
Japanese is a signifier of the difference that is almost the same, but not
quite and not white. 9 Thus, by focusing on Japanese, we may also learn
United States.
9Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London and New York: Routledge, 1994), 89.
Bhabha defines a subject of difference that is almost the same, but not quite and not
white as mimicry. His notion of mimicry has been crucial to analyzing colonial
discourses, which force the colonized people to adopt the colonizers habitus, resulting in
the mimicry of the colonizer. Even though the colonial Other has adapted to the
colonizing culture, it is simultaneously expected to remain the subject of the colonizer.
6
Chapter 1
(re)arrange, and (re)map the meanings and values of technology and their
In the United States, the Japanese college students share not only
their educational experiences but also a wide variety of consumer and cultural
American counterparts. Yet, the meanings and values of such products are
students go about their daily lives in the United States conscious of their
Japanese youth living in the United States are racially and ethnically
they lose their racial, ethnic, and national privileges in Japan. As a result, to
10For instance, Arjun Appadurai argues that people re-signify any cultural products in
their specific local contexts. See Arjun Appadurai, Disjuncture and Difference in the
Global Cultural Economy, Public Culture 2:2 (1990), 1-24.
7
Chapter 1
sites around which people are struggling to change existing power relations,
relations. In short, struggles over cultural identities can no longer ignore the
contexts.
the meanings and values of their own cultural identities in connection with
technology.
in Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Ann Russo and Lourdes Torres eds., Third World Women
and the Politics of Feminism (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press,
1991), 1-47. Also, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Woman, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality
and Feminism (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1989),
especially chapter three, 79-116.
8
Chapter 1
studies. 12
was given Japanese citizenship. I have not changed the citizenship; so, I am
Japanese. In this sense, the word Japanese refers to the political status of
12For instance, see bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston:
South End Press, 1990), especially chapter fifteen, Choosing the Margin as a Space of
Radical Openness, 145-153.
9
Chapter 1
identification in Japan.
13 For more about social aspects that have guaranteed Japanese as an invisible
racial/ethnic identification, see David L. Howell, Ethnicity and Culture in Contemporary
Japan, Journal of Contemporary History 31:1 (1996), 171-90.
14 As Mike Douglass suggests, [I]ndigenous peoples and long-term foreign communities
are often systematically made invisible in public discourse, education, and policy.
Though he does not show any concrete data, his suggestion is useful for understanding
why Japanese is generally regarded as an unmarked racial/ethnic trait and a natural
identification in Japan. Mike Douglass, Unbundling National Identity: Global
Migration and the Advent of Multicultural Societies in East Asia, Asian Perspective 23:3
(1999), 97.
15 For instance, John Lie mentions that this political construction of non-Japanese has
guaranteed that the Japanese people are seen not as a race/ethnicity, but as a national or
natural identity because no one would question their distinctiveness. John Lie,
Multiethnic Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 3.
10
Chapter 1
form of identification.
enables Whites to not see their privileges. As Martha R. Mahoney puts it,
At the same time, White and its privileges belong not only to Whites,
This is because, as John Solomos and Les Back state, whiteness is a political
definition that regulates the consent of white subjects within the context of
16 Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (London and New York: Routledge, 1995).
17
Martha R. Mahoney, The Social Construction of Whiteness, in Richard Delgado and
Jean Stefancic, eds., Critical White Studies (Philadelphia: Temple University Press,
1997), 331. For more details about the representation of Whites in the dominant
Western culture, see Richard Dyers book White (London and New York: Routledge, 1997).
Also, for prominent ethnographic analysis on how Whites construct their racial
identification as an unmarked or natural category, see Ruth Frankenberg, The Social
Construction of Whiteness: White Women, Race Matters (Minneapolis, MN: University of
Minnesota Press, 1993).
18 John Solomos and Les Back, Marxism, Racism, and Ethnicity, American Behavioral
11
Chapter 1
dramatically visible, and I became more and more sensitive to the meaning of
people, I found myself silently considering these questions: What are the
discourses? What is the position of the Japanese in U.S. racial and ethnic
power relations?
19 Peggy McIntosh calls the White privileges an invisible weightless knapsack. Peggy
McIntosh, White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming to See
Correspondences Through Work in Women's Studies, in Margaret Andersen and Patricia
Hill Collins, eds., Race, Class, and Gender: An Anthology (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth,
1992), 71.
12
Chapter 1
I did not realize that his assumption was based on a familiar, if not too
made the meanings and values of both Japanese and technology much more
complex, which is, indeed, why I needed to develop research methods and
discourses both in the United States and Japan as well as the interviews with
20 For instance, though without any concrete data, Alondra Nelson, et. al. notes,
Techno-savvy Asian whiz kids... have always had a place in the high-tech hierarchy.
Nelson, Alondra, Thuy Linh N. Tu and Alicia Headlam Hines, Introduction: Hidden
Circuits, in Alondra Nelson, Thuy Linh N. Tu and Alicia Headlam Hines eds.,
Technicolor: Race, Technology, and Everyday Life (New York and London: New York
University Press, 2001), 5.
21 Catherine Kohler Riessman, Narrative Analysis (London and Newbury Park, CA:
13
Chapter 1
which [h]uman agency and imagination determine what gets included and
excluded in narrativization, how events are plotted, and what they are
and their interrelations in chapter two. After summarizing both the concept
dissertation. 23
22Ibid, 2.
23As Yoshiko Nozaki and Hiromitsu Inokuchi have mentioned, when considering
Orientalist discourses in a Western country, we more profoundly need to understand the
socio-historical, economic, and political relations between society and a particular Asian
country Japan in the case of this dissertation. See Yoshiko Nozaki and Hiromitsu
Inokuchi, On Critical Asian Literacy, Curriculum Perspectives 6:3 (1996), 72-76.
14
Chapter 1
discourses, both in the United States and in Japan? The meanings and
each country.
several other popular magazines, such as Time, New Yorker, New York Times
photographs published since the end of the Second World War. While
last century, I selected particular texts and photographs from among 114
24 Chapter four is methodologically categorized into the second part of this dissertation.
25 For information on the 114 articles, see Appendix 3-1.
15
Chapter 1
symbol of the United States, National Geographic has not only been used by
middle-class parents who wish to provide their children with a window to the
world. It has provided the American people with certain key images by
mapping the world and categorizing peoples and cultures of the world,
This popular discourse has affected American peoples views of Japan and may
university.
manufacturers.
16
Chapter 1
Nissan, and Mazda, which have appeared since the 1980s. 26 Based on
such as car names and their on-air years from auto-makers official websites,
focusing on their on-screen captions and the settings and characters, which
link them with printed advertisements for other technological products, such
providers not only to sell their products but also to popularize their particular
images of the world, people, desire, and pleasure, which they aim to convert
into the selling of their products. Although TV audiences may not so easily
convert such images into determining factors when buying particular products,
17
Chapter 1
influences on them.
products are increasingly shared among people around the world, including
formations in Japan, but also the voices of Japanese students who may have
resources.
28For instance, in 2004, Toyota was at the top of the advertising providers list in
Japanese ad expenditures. Following Toyota, other Japanese automobile makers also
ranked in its top 10, such as Honda (third) and Nissan (sixth). See, Nikkei Advertising
Research Institute, Advertising Expenditures Top 200 in 2004 FY (koukoku-senden hi
toppu 200, 2004 nendo), (2005) [Online]. Available at
http://www.nikkei-koken.gr.jp/study/01.html [Only Japanese].
18
Chapter 1
short, the first part of this dissertation is based not on quantitative but on
relation to modality.
These analyses are not concerned with the quantity, but rather the
discourses. This is, again, because particular images and their ideological
effects on people are not erased by their counter-images. When only one
image has a great impact on people, even a large number of its counter-images
cannot forgive such an impact. Moreover, this discourse analysis part leads
reject.
In chapters four, six, and seven, which comprise the second part of this
19
Chapter 1
them that they could refuse to answer particular questions, ask me to stop
the end of the interview or later, if they pleased. 32 I realized that the
methods for obtaining informed consent typically include the use of the
they were international students at the Western New York University, where
20
Chapter 1
technology, starting with the question: what do you imagine when you connect
the two words Japan and technology? All of their voices were
technology in connection with Japanese, which may affect them, but also
21
Chapter 1
Japan and (re)produce them in the United States. Finally, in chapter seven,
concrete case.
living in the United States accept, negotiate with, or reject both dominant
global contexts.
33As seen in the last section, chapter five is methodologically categorized into the first
part of this dissertation.
22
Chapter 2
CHAPTER 2
Introduction
1 Karl Marx, Theses on Feuerbach, in Robert C. Tucker ed., The Marx-Engels Reader
(New York: Norton, 1978), 145. (emphasis original)
2 Brian Basgen and Andy Blunden eds., Practice & Theory, Encyclopedia of Marxism
23
Chapter 2
Representation
seemingly quite simple, carries two important premises. On one hand, the
will continue to change from one historical period to another, as they are
Japanese mean something and have value and who have (re)produced
these meanings and values through their own discursive practices, which
where certain meanings and values are produced, fixed and naturalized as
being Japanese or having any other cultural identification, they are subjected
to its meanings and values through their discursive practices, though only
3 Stuart Hall, The Work of Representation, in Stuart Hall ed., Representation: Cultural
Representations and Signify Practices (London and Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE
Publications, 1997), 15.
4 Ibid, 61.
24
Chapter 2
only within which people can learn and talk about things, events and people,
including themselves, in the world, but also and more importantly within
control, and naturalize certain knowledge as the truth, and at the same time,
grants the dominant power over the subordinated, who do not possess such
which create meanings about the human body, sex, desires and the world, and
whose certain rules and values have encompassed the ordering of peoples
5See Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: An Introduction (New York:
Vintage Books, 1978/1990). For Foucault, medicine is also a good example of discourse,
which can make meanings about the human body, illness, and the world. Also, see
Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception (New
York: Vintage Books, 1973/1994).
25
Chapter 2
and learn about things, events and people, including themselves, in the world,
behaving.
especially in his earlier works, 6 his notion of discourse has indeed contributed
process of such relationships that Stuart Hall has found the possibility of
resistance.
is the process by which the dominant try to incorporate their world images
6 For instance, see Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison
(1977/1995), especially 27-28. However, he subsequently discusses a common
misperception about such his neglect and the possibility of resistance in more details.
Also, see Michel Foucault, Powers and Strategies, in Colin Gordon ed.,
Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 (New York:
Pantheon Books, 1980), 134-145, especially 141-142.
26
Chapter 2
into the subordinateds way of thinking to guarantee their own benefits, and
representation not only as the relationship between the dominant and the
He stresses human agency, which may allow resistance from the margins in
through peoples particular ways of life, and thus, their own cultures, which
text accepts its message at face value; the negotiated response may
dispute a particular claim, but accepts its overall interpretation; and the
7 See Antonio Gramsci, Selection from Prison Notebooks (London: Lawrence & Wishart,
1971), especially 181-182.
8 Stuart Hall, Encoding/decoding, in Stuart Hall et. al., eds., Culture, Media, Language
Raymond Williams, Base and Superstructure in Marxist Cultural Theory, in Roger Dale,
Geoff Esland and Madeleine MacDonald, eds., Schooling and Capitalism: A Sociological
Reader (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1976), 202-210.
27
Chapter 2
responses) that benefit the dominant, but can negotiate with them
are constructed through multiple social relations, such as class, gender, race,
Japanese as sites not only in which the dominant try to classify, control, and
naturalize certain knowledge and values about them, but also in which the
subordinated try to reject or change such knowledge and values through their
28
Chapter 2
meanings and values of the Other and the Self and their certain
Orientalism
representation of the Orient as the other culture and people or the Other
and the economic, political, and cultural processes that legitimatized Western
imperialism during the period of colonial expansion, and whose dynamics are
the concept of the Orient was (re)produced within the Western system of
dealing with the Orient by making statements about it, authorizing views of
29
Chapter 2
production of power/knowledge.
Said postulates that the power to examine the Orient as the will to
enabled and legitimatized Western colonial control over the Orient, which
Orient in the name of the truth, as evidenced in the statement, We know the
real Orient.
Said argues that the images of the Orient were not the truth, but rather,
and stereotypes. The relationship between the Orient and the West was one
of power and domination, which was exerted by the West over the Orient.
30
Chapter 2
certain meanings and values of the Oriental Other and the Western Self,
relations. Yet, at the same time, his concept has been criticized by some
scholars, who point out such problems as the static binary opposition between
the Orient and the West, the theoretical ambiguity surrounding the real
single character, as if total colonial power only lies with the colonizer. As a
interlocutor, but its silent Other. 16 In this regard, as Homi K. Bhabha notes,
There is always, in Said, the suggestion that colonial power and discourse is
14 Lata Mani and Ruth Frankenberg nicely summarize some reviews of Saids
Orientalism. See Lata Mani and Ruth Frankenberg, The Challenge of Orientalism,
Economy and Society 14:2 (1985), 174-192. Also, for more details on the problems of
Orientalism, see Robert Young, White Mythologies: Writing History and the West
(London and New York: Routledge, 1990), chapter seven, 119-140. In addition, Said
himself responded to some reviews of Orientalism, which criticized its problems. See
Edward Said, Orientalism Reconsidered, Race and Class 27:2 (1985), 1-15.
15 Orientalism, 204.
16 Orientalism Reconsidered, 4-5.
31
Chapter 2
simplification. 17
Orient and the West in the development of Orientalism. For instance, Mani
and Frankenberg criticize Saids tendency to see the colonized only as the
victim by briefly pointing out the crucial role of native elites as producers of
within the Orient as well as the West. For instance, Dennis Porter argues
and the contradictions within the colonized in chapter three of his book.
Chrisman eds., Colonial Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory: A Reader, (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1994), 150-61.
20 Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), especially
32
Chapter 2
from Oriental perspectives, Orientals may not only accept but also negotiate,
reject, and interact with the Orientalist discourse for their own interest.
discourse and (re)construct their own identities as Oriental under the gaze
the colonized subject accepts the imperial views of the world constructed by
that, by constructing its Western Other, has allowed the Orient to participate
21 Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, The Rani of Sirmur: An Essay in Reading the Archives,
History and Theory 24:3 (1985), 247-272.
22 Xiao-Mei Chen, Occidentalism: A Theory of Counter-Discourse in Post-Mao China
33
Chapter 2
the nationalistic discourses about Japan and the West, such as Nihonjinron
Japan and the West, particularly the United States. Anthony D. Smith, for
its own self only when it is recognized by the West.25 Yet, as he continues,
this is nothing but the positing of Japan's identity in Western terms which in
have been written that examine its historical contexts from critical
viewpoints. 27
23 For instance, Said mentions that American people tend to associate the Orient with the
Far East, particularly China and Japan. Orientalism, 1.
24 Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Reno, NV: University of Nevada Press, 1991),
106. (emphasis original)
25 Naoki Sakai, Modernity and Its Critique: The Problem of Universalism and
34
Chapter 2
modernization, which has been associated with the West. In addition, the
differentiated by the simple binary opposition between the Orient and the
35
Chapter 2
relations. For instance, Ruth Schwartz Cowan examines the processes used
thinking and acting, which does not mean that technology itself is value-free
same time, being shaped by social relations and peoples ways of thinking and
28 Donald MacKenzie and Judy Wajcman, Introductory Essay: The Social Shaping of
Technology, in Donald MacKenzie and Judy Wajcman eds., The Social Shaping of
Technology (Second Edition) (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1999), 3-27.
29 See Ruth Schwartz Cowan, How the Refrigerator Got its Hum, in Donald MacKenzie
and Judy Wajcman eds., The Social Shaping of Technology (First Edition) (Buckingham:
Open University Press, 1985), 202-218.
36
Chapter 2
individuals and institutions, it can influence social relations and our ways of
thinking and acting; and at the same time, technology is shaped by our
societies and our thinking and acting, which are influenced by previous social
Orientalism.
ideology that both justified Europe's global hegemony and vitally influenced
30 For more details about how people think about technology, see MacKenzie and
Wajcman, Introductory Essay. Also, see Hank Bromley, The Social Chicken and the
Technological Egg, Educational Theory 47:1 (1997), 51-65.
31 Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and Ideologies of
37
Chapter 2
Western manufacturing techniques, which was hardly proof that the Japanese
Japanese. 34
(re)produce Western superiority over the Orient, including Japan, under the
gaze of Orientalism. Although his notion of the West, like Saids, seems to
that technology has functioned under the gaze of Orientalism and points out
33 Ibid, 357.
34 Ibid, 365.
38
Chapter 2
Like Adas, Morley and Robins also argue that technology has played a
very important role in the Wests modernity and superiority over the Orient.
discourses about Japan panic in the 1980s, a time when Japan apparently
became the model of economic and technological progress, which led to a fear
state that Japan blurred the distinction between the pre-modern Orient and
advancement as the gauge of Western superiority over the Orient, Japan has
associated with Western identity and is now more closely connected with
Japan, it does not necessarily mean that technology is not fulfilling its original
function to secure Western identity and to differentiate the Orient from the
the West while securing a Western sense of superiority to the Orient. They
35David Morley and Kevin Robins, Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic
Landscapes and Cultural Boundaries (London and New York: Routledge, 1995),
particularly chapter eight, Techno-Orientalism: Japan Panic, 147-173.
39
Chapter 2
and Robins, the Techno-Orientalist does not claim that Westerners have a
people generally have a penchant for robots. He tries to explain the origins of
stereotypes have prevailed in U.S. mass media since the 1980s, especially in
history and suggests that the Western desire to enclose its otherness stems
40
Chapter 2
only considered to be the most high-tech country in the world, but also
imaginarily separated from both the Orient and the West by being reproduced
any reality and its own pure simulacra, or copies of which there is no original
[Online]. Available at
http://www.city.yamagata.yamagata.jp/yidff/docbox/9/box9-1-e.html
40 The notion of simulacra is, of course, borrowed by Jean Baudrillard. He explains the
successive phases of the representation as following four stages: 1) the representation is
the reflection of a basic reality; 2) it masks and perverts a basic reality; 3) it masks the
absence of a basic reality; and 4) it bears no relation to any reality whatsoever: it is its
own pure simulacrum. See Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulations, in Mark
Poster, ed., Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
1988), 166-184.
41
Chapter 2
representation, which the West sees as its own technological fantasies, but
42
Chapter 2
and catching up with Western counterparts in both the prewar and postwar
with much controversy since the 1980s, when an array of prominent work was
of geography and ethnicity. However, especially since the 1980s, critics have
argued that the notion of a nation and Nationalism are social constructions.
42Simon Partner, Assembled in Japan: Electrical Goods and the Making of the Japanese
Consumer (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1999), especially
chapter one. Electrifying Japan: Techno-Nationalism and the Rise of the Mass Society,
1-43.
43 For instance, see Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the
Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London and New York: Verso, 1983); Ernest Gellner,
Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983); Eric E. Hobsbawm and
Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1983); and Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford
and New York: Blackwell, 1986).
Also, for more details on the theories and approaches of Nationalism since the 1980s,
especially Andersons imagined community and Hobsbawms invention of tradition,
see Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism: A Critical Survey of Recent Theories
of Nations and Nationalism (London and New York: Routledge, 1998), chapter six,
117-142.
43
Chapter 2
For instance, Ernest Gellner rejects any idea that Nationalism is natural, as
his notion has been moved into the realm of discourse by Benedict Andersons
functioned to (re)produce certain meanings and values of the Self and the
the Self is better than the Other. This is because Nationalism always gives
people the binary decision of who belongs to a nation, or who is we, and who
44Ernest Gellner, Thought and Change (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965), 169.
45Anderson, Imagined Communities, and Hobsbawm and Ranger, The Invention of
Tradition.
44
Chapter 2
technology has indeed played a very important role in forming not only its
Others, including the West. Although few in number, some critics have
45
Chapter 2
Techno-Nationalism.
higher within the international market, more and more [Western] people
became eager to explain the origin of Japanese technological ability with the
Techno-Orientalism.
such as video games and animations. In addition to Toshiya Ueno, who sees
47Ibid, 163.
48The term interpellate that I use here comes from the usage of Louis Althusser. He
focuses on the subjectivity of ideological or interpellated individuals by claiming that
Ideological State Apparatuses impose the subjectivity that people internalize as
self-definitions. In his view, people are always-already subjects who believe that they
are free individuals but who, in reality, are unconsciously subjected to power and
authority. See Louis Althusser, Ideology and Ideological Apparatuses, in Lenin and
Philosophy and Other Essays (New York: Monthly Review, 1971), 127-186, especially
170-177.
46
Chapter 2
Japan. 49
Japans ambivalent sense of superiority over the West even in global cultural
flows, and has caused Japanese popular culture, such as video games and
upon Japans dominant position vis--vis the West, but is nevertheless one of a
Techno-Orientalism.
data, they clearly suggest that such an intimate interaction facilitates the
(re)production of the essential differences between Japan and the West and
49 Koichi Iwabuchi, Soft Nationalism and Narcissism: Japanese Popular Culture Goes
Global, Asian Studies Review 26:4 (2002), 448.
50 Ibid, 461.
47
Chapter 2
Theoretical Implications
differences between Japan and the West in order to (re)produce their national,
stress the essential differences between Japan and the West. Moreover,
people continue to engage in the processes by which the meanings and values
dominant try to classify, control, and naturalize certain knowledge and values
about technology, but also in which the subordinated try to reject or change
changing from one historical period to the next. In order to fully understand
everyday life.
48
Chapter 2
dominant classify, control, and naturalize certain knowledge and values about
function to facilitate the essential differences between Japan and the West
Japan, 2) how do Japanese youth living in the United States read these
discourses?
dissertation.
49
Chapter 3
CHAPTER 3
How Have U.S. Popular Magazines Represented Japan and the Japanese in
Introduction
show how Japan and the Japanese have been visually and textually
not only been regarded as a popular magazine, but also as scientific and
1 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 272. (emphasis original)
50
Chapter 3
short review of books discussing its ideology especially the prominent work
different phases during the last century, especially after the Second World
Moreover, this chapter aims to show how the textual and visual
representation of Japan and the Japanese in the United States has functioned
articles and photographs selected in this chapter are only focusing on Japan
as it relates to technology.
geographic education but also on the various fields of education. In fact, the
States. It manages more than seventy million dollars and grants three
education, and a large number of K-12 teachers in the United States, Puerto
Rico and Canada. In addition, it has enrolled 150,000 members across the
51
Chapter 3
United States. Since its foundation in 1888, the magazine has not only been
middle-class parents who wish to provide their children with a window to the
passed the million mark in the 1920s, reached two million in 1952, and neared
around the world into American living rooms, it has also provided the
American people with certain key images by mapping the world and
categorizing peoples and cultures of the world. What kinds of world images
does the magazine provide for its readers? How does it map the world and
categorize peoples and cultures of the world? These questions are profoundly
52
Chapter 3
male and middle-class Americans how the Western culture is different from
wearing tribal dress that seems not only exotic but also strange. National
the world. 5 Through reinforcing the Self-Other binary, the magazine has
differentiate and marginalize other peoples and cultures from Westerners and
Western culture.
Moreover, and more importantly for this chapter, Lutz and Collins
non-Western worlds and creating the contrast between Western progress and
advanced in technology. For instance, while white people are shown working
with machines, people of color are shown working with simple manufactured
5 Ibid., 157.
6 Ibid., 236-41.
53
Chapter 3
discourse.
examines the representation of the Arabs in the one hundred plus years of the
magazines existence and points out that its representation of the Arabs has
Haraway also points out that the magazine has stressed the benefits of
Lutz and Collins, along with several other authors, indeed elaborate
the fact that the magazine is shaped by, and at the same time shaping, a
However, as we will see later on, their analysis cannot easily apply to
54
Chapter 3
association with technology, I examined all articles of the magazine since the
first issue in 1888, especially focusing on the photographs published since the
and checking out all issues from 1989 to 2000, I find 119 Japan-related
articles since the first issue of the magazine. 10 Secondly, I read all the
visual representations, I categorize them into five images: the mimic, the
female worker, the yellow peril, the model minority, and the geek. 11
Moreover, following these five images, I link them with the cover images of
several other popular magazines, such as Time, New Yorker, New York Times
in the United States categorized by Robert G. Lee, who examines Orientalist discourses
in U.S. popular media. See Robert G. Lee, Orientals: Asian Americans in Popular Culture
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998).
55
Chapter 3
Magazine, and Wired Magazine, which I examine all covers since their first
issues.
Japan and Japanese people in five images connected with technology: the
mimic, the female worker, the yellow peril, the model minority, and the geek.
marked by shifts in the political relationship between Japan and the United
States, they have more or less overlapped in the magazine throughout the
56
Chapter 3
medium in the union and reconciliation of the Orient and the Occident. 12 It
portrayed Japan as not only the Orient but also the chief medium of the
electricity. In addition, the magazine saw the key factor in Japans industrial
into question the Western assumption that lower races inherently lacked the
the illusion of Western superiority over the Orient, 14 the magazine tried to
technology and that of a modern Japan which embraced its own Oriental
12 William Elliot Griffis, The Empire of the Risen Sun, National Geographic 44:4
(October 1923), 443.
13 O. P. Austin, The Commercial Development of Japan, National Geographic 10:9
57
Chapter 3
magazine did not directly attach such labels to the Japanese except during the
readers, certain Japanese voices that agreed with such labeling, and past
Japanese stereotypes in their articles. For instance, the magazine allowed for
such labeling by quoting one Japanese person as follows: We have been often
Even if the magazine did not directly call the Japanese the mimic, in
reality, it made the Japanese call themselves imitators. In other words, the
of modernity, the magazine dealt with the Japanese, in the phrase of Homi K.
Bhabha, as a subject of a difference that is almost the same, but not quite. 16
58
Chapter 3
Although it was only up until the end of the Second World War that
sometimes returned to this same point of view in the 1960s and 1970s. In an
though the magazine regarded the mimic as a Japanese stereotype used in the
magazine around the 1980s when the magazine began to represent the
Before the Second World War, National Geographic often used the
first, in the 1920s, the magazine simply described women as the cheap labor
of the Orient. Most notably, Japanese women were associated with Japans
cotton and silk industries, which led the countrys industrial revolution and
became the main source of foreign reserve revenue by selling primarily to the
the same, but not quite forms of the binary opposition between the West and the Orient.
17 William Graves, Tokyo: the Peaceful Explosion, National Geographic 126:4 (October
1964), 451.
18 Bart McDowell, Those Successful Japanese, National Geographic 145:3 (March 1974),
326.
59
Chapter 3
Source: The Geography of Japan, Source: The Empire of the Risen Sun, National
National Geographic 40:1 (July Geographic 44:4 (October 1923), 430
1921), 59.
were women, and most of them were unmarried and less than twenty years
old. Many of them were the daughters of poor peasants, who came to the
cities from rural areas to find seasonal jobs, and were forced to work long
workers, for instance, were forced to work for lower wages than their
Vol. 1 (Nihon Bosekigyoshi Jyosetsu, Jyo) (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobo, 1971), 339. For more
details about the day-to-day inhumanities in their lives, also see, Yamamoto Shigemi, Ah,
Nomugi Pass, New Edition (Aha, Nomugi Toge, Shinban) (Tokyo, Asahi Shinbun-Sha,
1972). This prominent work is made up of interviews with over 300 elderly women who
60
Chapter 3
protection laws, the adaptation of new technologies, and labor demand for the
metalworking and machinery industry during the First World War. However,
even after the War, the number of female workers under the age of twenty
increased in the spinning and weaving industry, and they were also the
hours and low wages, they played a crucial role in the reproductive cycle of
working conditions in Japan and throughout the colonial world, but also
magazine tried to extract racial, ethnic, and national otherness from economic
99.
61
Chapter 3
around the beginning of the Second World War, it resumed the representation
of the female worker again in the 1960s in connection with large global
companies such as Nikon (Figure 3-3) and SONY (Figure 3-4). As was the
case for female workers in the 1920s, female workers in the 1960s were simply
Source: Franc Shor, Japan: the Source: William Graves, Tokyo: the Peaceful Explosion,
Exquisite Enigma, National National Geographic 118:6 (October 1964), 457.
Geographic 118:6 (December 1960),
749.
23For more details about the class relations of modern female workers in Japan, see,
Minako Saito, On Modern Girls (Modan Gaaru Ron) (Tokyo: Magazine House, 2000),
especially chapter two.
62
Chapter 3
threatened its domestic counterpart in the United States (see Figure 3-5).
Figure 3-5
Geisha Ladies Fixing a Blowout
63
Chapter 3
Japanese Women admired the new, modern women who were beginning to
generation ago. 24
and differentiated not only traditional Japanese women (or a large majority
as the female worker was shared with other printed media, and thus, has
Japanese as the yellow peril, as a threat not only to the United States but also
24 Deborah Fallows, Japanese Women, National Geographic 177:4 (April 1990), 52.
25 See, for instance, Gerald Horne, Race War: White Supremacy and the Japanese Attack
64
Chapter 3
mentioned before, since the end of the nineteenth century, the magazine had
described the Japanese as the mimic. However, with the outbreak of war,
which pitted Japan against the United States, the magazine began to change
its image of the Japanese. At first, it saw Japans imitation of our ways as
seemingly harmless:
They as the Japanese Other from the Self within the context of
of European techniques, and held the assumption that the Japanese could
on the British Empire (New York: New York University Press, 2004). In this book, Horne
reveals how Euro-American colonialism and racism functioned during Japanese colonial
times to justify the Pacific War through a racial and ethnic defense against white
domination in Asia.
26 Willard Price, Unknown Japan: A Portrait of the People Who Make up One of the Two
Most Fanatical Nations in the World, National Geographic 82:2 (August 1942), 230-232
(emphasis added).
65
Chapter 3
In short, the magazine argued that the Japanese had changed from the mimic
to the yellow peril they not only copied everything, but became a menace to
cruelty.
66
Chapter 3
Just like the portrayal of the Japanese as cheap laborers who operated
Western technology at the very end of the nineteenth century, the magazine
its image of the Japanese from men of the twentieth century with Western
Western world.
Since the 1970s in the United States, Asian Americans have often
Although they are simply regarded as the model minority from racially and
30 The phrase model minority was coined by William Peterson in an article titled
Success Story: Japanese American Style in New York Times Magazine in January 1966.
He argued that Japanese culture (for example, family values and strong work ethic)
enabled Japanese Americans to overcome racial prejudice unlike the problem minority,
which implied African Americans. Indeed, the academic success of Asian students has
been quantitatively reported in national surveys. However, for instance, Stacey J. Lee
documents that Asian-identified students experienced anxiety upholding the
expectations of the model minority stereotypes and points out that the model minority
myth has functioned as a hegemonic device to maintain and reinforce White dominance
in the United States. See, Stacey J. Lee, Unraveling the Model Minority Stereotype:
Listening to Asian American Youth (New York: Teachers College Press, 1996).
67
Chapter 3
Asian-American Whiz Kids, who were setting the educational pace for the
rest of America and cutting a dazzling figure at the countrys finest schools
Figure 3-6
Those Asian-American Whiz Kids
In addition, as seen in the above picture, among the six kids on the cover, one
female child with glasses uses a computer. Such depiction also leads to a
David Brand, The New Whiz Kids: Why Asian Americans Are Doing So Well, And
31
What It Costs Them, The Time. 130:9 (August 31, 1987), 42-51.
68
Chapter 3
Japanese as the model minority in the Western world amid the Cold War era.
in the United States as if they were the model minority in the Western
Figure 3-7
Those Successful Japanese
Source: Bart McDowell, Those Successful Japanese, National Geographic 145:3 (March 1974),
322-23.
32Bart McDowell, Those Successful Japanese, National Geographic 145:3 (March 1974),
322-59.
69
Chapter 3
industries, and regarded them as the main driving force behind Japans
economic recovery from the ashes of the Second World War. Yet, at the same
time, it also described them as inhuman workers, robots, who began to sing
company songs such as Grow, industry, grow, grow, grow! when signaled
Geographic often puts Western and non-Western (or Japanese in this case)
West and the Orient, or Japan. However, since the 1980s, contrary to the
backwardness. 33
33 Noel Grove, The Automobile And the American Way: Swing Low, Sweet Chariot!,
National Geographic 164:1 (July 1983), 10-11.
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Chapter 3
Figure 3-8
Slow-Paced Precision and Robot Workers
Source: Noel Grove, The Automobile And the American Way: Swing Low, Sweet Chariot!, National
Geographic 164:1 (July 1983), 10-11.
Western humanity and Japanese inhumanity (see Figure 3-8). On one page,
and a matter of pride. 34 Conversely, on the facing page, images taken from
a giant Nissan plant near Tokyo were used to portray Japanese work as
robotic.
As seen in the previous chapter, David Morley and Kevin Robins argue
that since the 1980s, technology has symbolically become a part of the Other
for the West within the context of Western human nature, which has
34 Ibid, 11.
71
Chapter 3
the Japanese as the robot may have created some contradictions and conflicts
gradually changed the Japanese image from that of the model minority to
Until the 1990s, the model minority image of the Japanese coexisted
with the representation of the Japanese as the geek in U.S. popular media. 36
example, the magazine published a photograph that depicted the latest car
35See David Morley and Kevin Robins, Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic
Landscapes and Cultural Boundaries (London and New York: Routledge, 1995),
particularly chapter eight, Techno-Orientalism: Japan Panic, 147-173.
36 In his book Orientals, Robert G. Lee also points out that the model minority was
gradually represented as the agents of foreign capital and as the replicant in sci-fi books
and films, like Blade Runner, the cyborg who perfectly, efficiently, and inhumanly worked
in the United States. See, Robert G. Lee, Orientals: Asian Americans in Popular
Culture (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), especially chapter six.
72
Chapter 3
Figure 3-9
Insurance Policies at Shinto Shrine
Source: Arthur Zich, Japan's Sun Rise Over the Pacific, National Geographic 180:5 (November 1991),
46-47.
Japan with Western technological products before the Second World War,
73
Chapter 3
Source: The New York Times Magazine (July 8, Source: Time (March 30, 1981)
1984)
Although the above two magazines were issued by different publishers in the
actor equipped not only with Japans representative traditional goods, such
During the 1980s, Japanese people were portrayed as the embodiment of the
traditional cultures.
74
Chapter 3
technology.
Figure 3-12
Altar of Imagery at Buddhist Temple
Source: Fred Ward, Images for the Computer Age, National Geographic 175:6 (June 1989), 748-49.
In the caption of the above picture, the magazine explained that Japanese
3-12). 37 This picture tried to show neither the simple Orientalist dichotomy
show the geeky harmony between Japans traditional views and futuristic
virtual reality. In short, the magazine began to describe the Japanese as the
37Fred Ward, Images for the Computer Age, National Geographic 175:6 (June 1989),
748.
75
Chapter 3
magazine explained them as follows: Short on space and time, the Japanese
pursue their leisure with the same ingenuity they apply to their work. 40
Although the magazine might, in fact, have taken some snapshots of Japanese
their peoples lack of time, possibly due to their overwork. Because of Japans
notoriety for having limited space and being overworked, the magazine may
Furthermore, since the end of the 1990s, on other magazine covers, the
representation of the Japanese has gone beyond the geek and into the realm of
the robot (see Figure 3-13) or the cyborg (see Figure 3-14).
38 Arthur Zich, Japan's Sun Rise Over the Pacific, National Geographic 180:5
(November 1991), 39.
39 Ibid, 40.
40 Ibid, 40.
76
Chapter 3
Source: BusinessWeek (May 31, 1999) Source: Wired Magazine (September 2001)
(such as the cell phone held in her hand), and emphasizing her skin color, or
77
Chapter 3
Summaries
I have shown how Japan and the Japanese have been visually and
the Japanese in connection with technology: the mimic, the female worker, the
yellow peril, the model minority, and the geek. Since the very end of the
nineteenth century, the magazine has used the five images of the Japanese,
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Chapter 3
the Japanese have been represented as the Other and differentiated from the
Western Self.
critics have pointed out, people actively interpret or read discourses through
their own knowledge and values, which do not necessarily correspond to those
analyze how Japanese youth living in the United States read U.S.
the Japanese in connection with technology, and how they read U.S.
79
Chapter 4
CHAPTER 4
Introduction
and other critics argue that subordinated people interpret or read dominant
discourses through their own knowledge and values, which do not necessarily
discourses, they can also affect such discourses through their own knowledge
subordinated are not merely passive bearers, but active readers of dominant
1bell hooks, Black Looks: Race and Representation (Boston, MA: South End Press, 1992),
4. (emphasis original)
80
Chapter 4
discourses.
consisted of eight female and eight male students of Japanese nationality, who
their voices through only one system of representation, that being the
their daily conversations with American people were mostly limited to their
81
Chapter 4
whenever they referred to the topic of Japan, their friends usually discussed
advanced country than the United States, and often associated Japans
82
Chapter 4
products, while others might not have any images about Japan. However,
following example:
Yoko was an art-history senior, who was neither a computer science major nor
asked her about computer operations simply due to her Japanese nationality.
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Chapter 4
She also regarded Japan as a technologically advanced country, just like her
Yoko primarily concerned herself not with the stereotype but with the
she did not care about her differentiation from racially dominant Americans.
As was the case with Yoko, Aiko, an art major student, was also
of her class projects, and among them, I found a clay motif of Tamagotchi, the
Japan. 2 When I asked her why she selected it as the motif, she answered:
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Chapter 4
When Aiko tried to decide on a motif for her clay work, she was restricted to
selecting only what most of her classmates already knew that being an odd,
egg shape virtual toy. Moreover, her motif had to be limited to the popular
classroom. In fact, according to her, only one of her classmates, an Asian (or
Kamikakushi.
that she choose a more popular motif for American children, rather than the
movie. However, their recommendation made her change her topic only in
the name of U.S. popularity and passed over the meanings of Tamagotchi in
Tamagotchi is often cited not only as Japans popular virtual toy but
3Studio Ghibli is an animation studio led by Hayao Miyazaki, known as the director of
the movies Princess Mononoke and Spirited Away.
85
Chapter 4
basis with human beings. 5 In short, as Arjun Appadurai argues that people
especially the so-called high-tech gadgets, but her instructor and classmates
due to her Japanese nationality, she chose Tamagotchi as the motif and
States.
4 See Anne Allison, A Challenge to Hollywood? Japanese Character Goods Hit the US,
Japanese Studies, 20:1 (2000), 67-87.
5 Machiko Kusahara, The Art of Creating Subjective Reality: An Analysis of Japanese
Digital Pets, LEONARDO 34:4 (2001), 299302.
6 See Arjun Appadurai, Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy,
86
Chapter 4
Moreover, her own choice could also have helped her instructor and
they might have believed her choice in motifs was made based on her
This episode reveals how Aiko was differentiated from her instructor
problem here is how she read such a conversation. After listening to this
episode, I asked her how she felt about their recommendations and reactions.
She immediately answered, I just thought, Oh, even in the United States,
questions over the theme of this project and my interview methods. Their
87
Chapter 4
questions?
intentionally showed them the magazine photographs and covers near the end
of each series of interviews. Since they had never seen these particular
Geographic magazine, most of them showed little interest in the images. The
7 Two of the three photographs from National Geographic magazine are shown in Figure
3-9 and Figure 3-12. Four of the six magazine covers are displayed in Figure 3-5, Figure
3-10, Figure 3-11, and Figure 3-14. The other photograph and magazine cover appears
in Appendix 4-3.
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Chapter 4
showed an eclectic mix of the older and the newer Japan. She did not read
Instead, she read them only as facts she already knew, and regarded
traditions, such as a Shinto ritual, tea ceremony, and habit of bowing, on one
hand, and new technologies, such as a new car and virtual reality, on the other.
She read the photographs from the viewpoint of a mediator who tried to
representations. Despite the publishers possible intention, she did not read
them as cultural otherness, but instead accepted them as facts about Japan,
like Chie, a few students responded to them with relatively critical feelings.
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Chapter 4
Osamu worried that the information in the photographs was insufficient for
American readers to learn about Japan properly, and was concerned about the
impact on the readers that could only follow such insufficient information.
Yet, at the same time, looking at the images from the viewpoint of a mediator,
like Chie did, he also considered that the photographs functioned as good
possible American readers, who might not try to know more about Japan, but
though Osamus reading was apparently more critical than Chies, the
This mediator viewpoint was the same as that of Tomoko, who pointed
out the lack of accuracy of the photographs more critically. Tomoko was a
business major junior, who came to the United States three years ago after
quitting college in Japan. She was different from the other students in a
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Chapter 4
way: her previous college major was computer engineering, which female
from that of other students due to her previous college major, she criticized the
photographs as follows:
Well, its not like this, really. This [virtual reality] hasnt
been popular currently, you know. Once this is brought up in
the magazine, Americans may fix such an image, Japan is
like that. This leads to a wrong image, actually not wrong, a
misunderstanding misunderstanding that Japan is much
more advanced [in technology than the United States].
(Tomoko: Female)
She believed that the photographs did not represent todays Japan, and
Japan and the Japanese. 9 Her response indeed rejected the dominant
8 While the number of women in Japan majoring in engineering has increased recently,
the percentage of women in engineering departments in 2004 was still ten percent in
comparison with humanities (more than sixty-five percent), education (more than sixty
percent), and social science (more than thirty percent). Minister of Education, Culture,
Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT), The Number of Undergraduate
Students by Field of Study in Universities and Four Year Colleges, Report on Fiscal 2003
School Basic Survey (2004). Available at
http://www.mext.go.jp/b_menu/toukei/001/05011201/index.htm [Japanese Only]
9 The word false here comes from the notion of ideology as false consciousness by the
so-called traditional Marxists. One of the problems of the notion is that they set it over
and against true consciousness as if people will have true consciousness and social
relations, in which there is no ideology at all. For more details about the notion of
ideology as false consciousness and its problems, see Raymond Williams, Marxism and
Literature (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), particularly chapter
four, Ideology, 55-71.
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Chapter 4
about current Japan to American readers. From her viewpoint, the problem
was the accuracy of the information, not the way Japan and the Japanese
not the photographs presented accurate and sufficient information, not how
they ideologically represented Japan and the Japanese. In other words, they
were not concerned about Techno-Orientalist ideology that the publisher may
them the photographs, their responses did not help me to answer this
question. Yet, at least I knew their general ways of reading the photographs
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Chapter 4
these caricatures as good introductions for American readers who did not
Osamu read the caricatures not as representations of Japan and the Japanese
society, which enabled Japan to make the covers of U.S. popular magazines
more often than the so-called Third World. In addition, he appreciated that
the last section, he was only concerned about insufficient information and
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Chapter 4
which he appreciated Japans popularity in the United States, he did not care
about how they were interpreted by American readers. For him, unlike the
any information about Japan and the Japanese, but represented Japans
at all. In other words, he accepted the magazine covers within his own
counterparts.
American readers, he assumed that most Americans do not know much about
Japan and the Japanese. Moreover, his assumption was shared by most of
mentioned by Taro, who was also pleased that Japan was on the covers of U.S.
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Chapter 4
I'm pleased about it [the fact that Japan was on the front of
U.S. magazines], you know. When I was a kid, I heard
Americans still thought of Japan as an undeveloped country,
in which people still wore chonmage [Japanese topknot].
Because they may still have such images, I think, they
[magazine covers] are good for them to know more about
Japan (Taro: Male)
Taro believed that American people still had old and false Orientalist images
that the caricatures were better than such false images and would help to
know the true images of Japan as technologically more advanced than the
United States:
Taro claimed that the caricatures were not only better than old and false
American people, who had frustrated and disappointed him in his everyday
life. He regarded the caricatures as vehicles for conveying that Japan was
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Chapter 4
such Orientalist stereotypes. Yet, at the same time, his uncritical readings
Taros voice was not common among the other interviewees, who
the topic of Japan came up. Yet, it helps me consider why most other
representations and why they saw the photographs and caricatures from the
others regarded such discourses as better than old and false Orientalist
96
Chapter 4
and Naomi
Osamus Case
the Japanese. When I asked him about his daily conversations with
interviewees as follows:
97
Chapter 4
After listening to the above voice, I continued to ask him about his images of
the future. At first, he began to talk about the contents of the movie 2001: A
the future. Even though he had lived in the United States for two years, he
always felt as if he was an alien due to his Asian race and Japanese
nationality. Moreover, he was reminded of this feeling with the use of the
was not an outrageous idea. As seen in chapter two, David Morley and
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Chapter 4
addition, as seen in chapter three, the Japanese people are associated with the
associated the word future with Japan. During this interview, he, in fact,
magazine covers, his first response, like most other interviewees, was just
10David Morley and Kevin Robins, Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic
Landscapes and Cultural Boundaries (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), 172.
99
Chapter 4
himself, not only from themselves but also from other Asian peoples. At the
Japan or the Japanese, it was not a cause for his concern. Given his
distinguished Japan and the Japanese from other Asian countries and Asian
peoples respectively.
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Chapter 4
contradictorily.
Naomis Case
some critics have already pointed out, gender issues are very important
discuss at length in this chapter, I deal with her voice here only as one of the
States after graduating from high-school in Japan two years ago. When I
showed her the first magazine cover, her response, like many other
Technology and the Nature of Change, in Gail E. Hawisher and Cynthia L. Selfe eds.,
Passions, Pedagogy, and 21st Century Technologies (Logan, Utah: Utah State University
Press, 1999), 293-322, and Matthew Weinstein, Computer Advertising and the
Construction of Gender, in Hank Bromley and Michael W. Apple, eds., Education/
Technology/ Power (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), 85-100.
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interviewee responses, was just funny! However, after looking at the cover of
Naomi read the animated cyborg girl on the magazine cover as portraying
some critics point out, Asian women in popular media are often associated
with sexual images under the gaze of white masculinity. For instance, Renee
E. Tajima points out that Hollywood films have dominated two types of sexist
representations of Asian women: the Lotus Blossom Baby, such as China Doll,
Geisha Girl, and shy Polynesian beauty, on one hand, and the Dragon Lady,
Naomi also mentioned that Asian girls were often seen as sexual
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could not offer any reasons, except for the skin color of the character, she was
vividly aware not of nationality but of race and gender. Her response
Although Naomi could not also explain why she particularly hated the
ukiyoe ladies, on the other magazine covers, she had certain images of men
cyborg girl, she continued to talk about how she hated otaku. She also read
the animated character, considering not the gaze of white masculinity but the
Asian women.
Yet, at the same time, Naomi focused only on how Asian women were
represented under the masculinist gaze, not on how Japanese women were
identifying herself as an Asian woman, she saw the cyborg girl as a sexist
representation, she did not care that the caricature was represented as a
14 Otaku generally mean people who are completely obsessed on one thing, such as video
games, computers, science fiction, and animations, and who may be called geek or nerd in
English. For more details about otaku, see Frederik L. Schodt, Dreamland Japan:
Writings on Modern Manga (Berkeley, CA: Stone Bridge Press, 1996), especially, 43-48.
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Japanese girl with high-tech gadgets, instead of an Asian girl. When I asked
her how she considered that a Japanese girl, not an Asian girl, was drawn as a
cyborg with a cell phone on the magazine cover, she confusingly answered:
popular culture, which enjoyed worldwide fame. Even though she hated the
have been increasingly regarded as political sites around which people are
From the viewpoints of such criticisms, struggles over cultural identities can
15These criticisms are represented by the movements of Third World Women. See, for
instance, Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Introduction: Categraphies of Struggle, in
Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Ann Russo and Lourdes Torres eds., Third World Women and
the Politics of Feminism (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991),
1-47. Also, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Woman, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and
Feminism (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1989), especially
chapter three, 79-116.
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Chapter 4
cyborg girl suggested not only the possibility of the resistance against sexism
Summaries
In this chapter, I have first shown how Japanese youth living in the
daily conversations with American people, who might also read such
dominant Americans.
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most of my interviewees were concerned only with the accuracy and amount of
readers.
information for Americans, who did not know much of anything about Japan.
Nevertheless, on the one hand, I believe that they possibly accepted the
information about modern Japan than the old and wrong Orientalist
discourses. On the other hand, I believe that they saw such discourses as a
conversations and his antipathy to being seen as Asian, I found one possible
wanted Americans to differentiate them from other Asian nationals, with the
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assumption that Japan was a technologically more advanced country than the
United States and other Asian countries. On the other hand, Naomis
response to the magazine cover suggested not only the possibility of the
Techno-Orientalism.
saw a certain limitation in analyzing their responses only within one system
readers. The question then is: within what kind of system of representation
States, and which may construct another type of discourse concerning Japan
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CHAPTER 5
Introduction
Japan. Indeed, they have examined how Japans nationalistic sentiment has
analyses have been based on advertisements appearing before and during the
situation.
scientific and technological policies since the 1980s and their relationship to
1 Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983),
48-49.
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students, whose voices are analyzed in the next two chapters. The discussion
and seven.
During the Sea Island Summit, which took place in the United States
in 2004, Japans Government ran a sixty second television spot titled Invest
Japan! on CNN Headline News for its foreign direct investment promotion. 3
as the Shinkansen bullet train, TVs, computers, cell phones, automobiles, and
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clich because of my Japanese background, where I have heard this clich for
Source: Invest Japan! (Investment Group, Economic Policy Division, Economic Affairs Bureau,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2004)
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catch up with and overtake U.S. counterparts such as IBM and Motorola. This
VLSI project is said to be one of the most successful projects co-funded by the
television. 6
In 1980, Japans Science and Technology Agency first used the phrase
announced its new goal for science and technology policies for the twenty-first
5 For more details about the VLSI project, see, Sigeru Nakayama, Postwar History of
Science and Technology (Kagaku Gijyutu no Sengosi) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1996),
127-130.
6 See, Hiroshi Aida, Electric Powerhouse: Self-Portrait of Japan (Denshi Rikkoku:
Nippon no Jijyoden), Vol. 1-4 (Tokyo: Nihon Hoso Shuppan Kyokai, 1991-92).
7 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, White Paper on
made the Science and Technology Basic Plan its fundamental framework to promote
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follows:
Yet at the same time, the essential vision of these policies has, in fact, been far
from new and tracked back to the beginning of Japans modern history, 10 or at
various science and technology policies. For more details about the Basic Plan, see On the
Science and Technology Basic Plan [Online]. Available at
http://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/kagaku/kihon/honbun.htm [Japanese only]
9 Japan Science and Technology Agency, Annual Report of the Science and Technology
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policies have not been based on the monolithic bureaucracy; some policies
have not only coexisted and overlapped, but also sometimes conflicted with
their brand images and new products in the domestic market. As a result,
not only their research and development but also their products in the
domestic market.
chapter seven.
14 In 1971, the so-called Japan Inc. was first popularized by a special report in Time
magazine titled Japan, Inc.: Winning the Most Important Battle and whose cover
pictured the face of Sonys then CEO Akio Morita within the screen of Sonys portable TV.
This article simply insisted on a cozy relationship between politics and business,
especially technological industries. However, in the same year, a U.S. governmental
report more precisely analyzed such a relationship as a hegemonic interaction between
the two. See, Eugene J. Kaplan, Japan: the Government-Business Relationship
(Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, l972).
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Inspire the Next: opening the way for this country by intelligence and IT
that such products will open the way for Japan as a technological powerhouse.
Figure 5-3
Inspire the Next
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boasting Japans economic success. Moreover, the maker may have caused
only its own products but also Japanese technological products or MADE
indeed one of the most important symbols for confirming not only Japans
and its reputation for achieving economic success in the world. Such
commercials that have aired for Japanese automobiles since the 1980s, I have
examined 1,340 such ads, which have been presented by Japanese domestic
15 For the detailed list of all TV advertisements I examined, see, Appendix 5-1.
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ads by focusing on their captions put on screen and their settings and
Although these expressions may have begun to appear with regularity during
during the 1960s and 1970s, they have overlapped in the advertisements since
the 1980s.
For more than two decades, Japanese automobile makers have shown
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repeated the phrase Worlds First over and over again. Moreover, as seen
themselves. Yet, the makers have tried to show consumers that their
automobiles adopt the first, and implicitly the most advanced, technologies in
the world. Moreover, by using the phrase Worlds First, they position their
advanced technologies not only in the domestic field, but also in the global
16For more details about the list of TV advertisements related to Worlds First, see
Appendix 5-2.
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have also used the same phrase in their advertisements to show their
digital camera in the FinePix line, for instance, FUJIFILM listed its worlds
first technologies created from 1988 to 2001 (see Figure 5-6). This maker
digital cameras.
Figure 5-6
Worlds First from FinePix
In much the same way as the use of the phrase Worlds First, automobile
products as Worlds Best such phrases as Worlds Top Sales, The Worlds
advertisement for SUNNY by Nissan in 1984 said, SUNNY is the worlds best
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in car production, with the caption placed in the center of the TV (see Figure
caption appeared in the center of the screen: GALANT won the overall
victory in a rally world championship (see Figure 5-8). In 1993, Subaru had
an advertisement for its LEGACY model with the caption, The achievement
in 2002 boasted that it established the worlds most stringent emissions gas
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This advertisement also boasted the computer maker itself with the following
Best to highlight the worldwide recognition of the maker as the worlds top
implied that the high quality of their products inevitably correlates with a
phrases from the position of market strategy, those technological makers have
words, the makers have seen them as catchphrases driving Japans consumers
to buy their products. Although they have become more and more of a clich,
the makers have aired such advertisements for more than two decades, which
customers.
Even though the Worlds First and variety of Worlds Best phrases
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rather than each makers technologies, is far ahead of the rest of the world,
phrases, especially since the end of the 1980s when Japan was internationally
Do you know? CEFIRO is loved in 129 countries all over the world. In
2004, Isuzu had a TV advertisement for its ELF model, which narrated, ELF
advertisements have claimed that their automobiles are highly praised by the
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Standard in the center of the screen and proceeded to scroll the names of the
countries in which it had a relatively larger market share (see Figure 5-9).
very real sense, it claimed that the Japanese ACCORD became the worlds
recognition.
recognition of their products based on their market share in the world, others
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Joseph J. Tobin points out that the process of Self-Orientalizing is one of the
he calls the domestication of the West and has been happening since the
17Joseph J. Tobin, ed., Re-made in Japan: Everyday Life and Consumer Taste in a
Changing Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), especially his Introduction:
Domesticating the West.
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Geisha girl and the tower of Osaka Castle, with the Chinese character West
displayed in the upper right corner of the screen (see Figure 5-11). Conversely,
oiled-paper umbrella, Mt. Fuji, and the Rising Sun (known to be a flag design
of Japans navy before the end of the Second World War), with the Chinese
views, the Western gaze indeed plays a crucial role in the process of
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Self-Orientalism.
Worlds First and Worlds Best or not, they are more or less conscious of the
gaze of the world in general, and the West in particular. In this sense, the
maker may use the word World under the gaze of the West. Moreover, if
their products to prove the excellence not only of their automobiles but also of
difference between Japan and the rest of the world, particularly the West, by
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1989 identified itself as Japan Original (see Figure 5-13). This automobile
emphasized the fact that Japan[s] Original automobile was released in the
had already gained the automobile a superior reputation in the U.S. It tried
Figure 5-13
Japan Original
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the automobile not only for U.S. consumers, but also for Japans counterparts.
brands.
for Nissans PRESEA used the motif of an Ukiyoe (Japanese wood block print),
Hishikawa (see Figure 5-14). Mikaeri-bijin is one of the most popular Ukiyoe
and was also used as the design of Japans postage stamp in 1991, which
motif, it may have used this particular Ukiyoe as a symbol of not only Japans
traditional beauty, but also its originality, which has had a greater impact on
the West. Ukiyoe has indeed been one of the most influential Japanese arts,
19See, Yoji Katsuragi, The Century of the Automobile in Japan: Focusing on Toyota and
Nissan (Nihon ni okeru Jidosha no Seiki: Toyota to Nissan wo chusinn ni) (Tokyo:
GrandPrix Shuppan), 619-624.
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inspiring Western artists like Vincent van Gogh and many French
fact, the 1992 advertisement for the PRESEA used the motif of Woman with a
This advertisement may have tried to identify the automobile with an Ukiyoe,
claim that the worldwide reputation of its automobiles resulted from Japans
technological products.
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have made many efforts to develop Japans originality throughout the world.
Sonys former CEO Morita Akio also intentionally explained Sonys products
the simple and miniature style of the Walkman has an essential connection to
context of Orientalism. Yet, at the same time, the makers have used the
1980s, as seen in Figure 5-16 and the statement which appeared within the
advertisement:
20 For more details about his essentialist viewpoints, see, Akio Morita, Made in Japan:
Akio Morita and Sony (New York: Dutton, 1986).
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Figure 5-16
Japan Made
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In addition to Nissan, Toyota has also shared the same, or even more
beginning of the 1980s. In 1987, Toyota had a TV advertisement for its new
CROWN model, which was titled Japans Pride and Pleasure (see Figure
in that next year, it also had a TV advertisement for CROWN, which was
titled Pride and Pleasure, Our CROWN, and identified us as the Japanese
According to Toyotas website, the first line of the CROWN was Toyotas first
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and sensitivity. Moreover, Toyota identifies itself with Japan and identifies
the Japanese under the gaze of the West. In the advertisements, Toyota
and received the accolades of Westerners, who regard the automobile as their
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broadcasting station.
Japanese, who have worked hard and succeeded in their specialized fields,
NHK, Project X has consistently achieved high ratings. The 137th episode of
the CROWN by using documentary photographs (see Figure 5-19) and having
the engineers share their experiences in the studio (see Figure 5-20).
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Like the statement displayed on Toyotas website, this program also shared
nameless Japanese, who have worked hard since the end of the Second
Japan.
their manufacturers with Japan and the promotion of their products with
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Yet at the same time, Japanese automobile makers need to use the Western
between Japan and the West. Regardless of whether they have used it as a
Summaries
expressions have been used in the advertisements over and over again.
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traditional cultures.
through their own knowledge and values, which do not necessarily correspond
their own national identity, has been worked ideologically into their everyday
lives. In other words, we have to analyze how Japanese people see and talk
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CHAPTER 6
Introduction
differentiated in their daily lives, they did not feel alienated by white
Americans.
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why most students did not care about Techno-Orientalist discourses. Some
people from other Asian nationals because they felt that Japan was
document how they connected Japans images with technology, and then
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new findings, or new realities, which made them realize the backwardness of
realities, their focus was categorized into two main groups: the inferiority of
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they were used, as if there was a national boundary between American and
Japanese products.
belief in the inferiority of the United States to Japan with the phrase,
chapter three. She clearly assumed that Japan was regarded as a mimic of
marketing strategy in the United States. However, her voice is very common
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[In addition to cell phones,] Cars [in the United States] are
also backwards, right? The door locks of mine are manual,
not automatic, you know. And, a lot of people [in the United
States] still generally use a cassette tape, a cassette player
and a radio [as a car-audio system], right? And oddly, Ive
got to feel a CD car-audio as cool, but, in Japan, its nothing
special, right? Auto-locks are pretty natural, too, right? As
I was surprised at this in Japan, as I went back to Japan on
this December, I saw a car closing its doors automatically!
Can you believe it? (Aiko: Female)
Like Naomi, Aiko also categorized technological products based only on the
countries in which they were used, drawing a national boundary between U.S.
However, she used both American and Japanese inconsistently during this
interview.
as Japanese even though they were used in the United States. Despite
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Both Naomi and Aiko merely tried to insist on the United States
here is: why is it possible for them to cite such backwardness as evidence to
that the United States was technologically more advanced than Japan, which
they may have taken for granted before coming to the United States and
preexisting idea was clearly mentioned by Naomi, who had assumed that
Japan was the mimic and that the images of American technologies used in
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the world of Hollywood films, she found that the United States was not as
highly advanced in technology as she expected. At the same time, she might
have realized that Japan was more advanced in technology than the United
technological products and through her observed realities in the United States,
Japan. Other students who stressed such backwardness also associated it,
However, this analysis is not enough to explain why they could connect
their observed realities not only with their disappointment of real American
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focused on new realities that failed to meet their expectations of the United
Kei mentioned that the appliances labeled Made in Japan exceeded those
interview with her, however, she defined Made in Japan not as products
appliances based on their makers and the countries in which the makers
originated.
students, who categorized them based only on the countries where they were
used. Yet, she also distinguished Japanese from Other origins, and used
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global economy.
Among them, for instance, Emi highly appreciated VAIO computers, produced
2For instance, see David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the
Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1989), chapter nine; Saskia
Sassen, Cities in a World Economy, Second Edition (Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge
Press, 2000), chapter two.
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categorization scheme, she first assumed that American people wanted to use
excellence.
events, like Kei, but she also took it for granted that people bought domestic
with the reason why American people owned Japanese computers and didnt
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but the fact that she took it for granted that nationality was a determining
had Japanese products. In other words, she seemed to have made these
assumption that Japan was technologically superior. Indeed, they felt far
more confident that Japan was more technologically advanced after coming to
the United States, yet they took it for granted when they were in Japan.
Mari already had the idea that Japanese automobiles were highly regarded
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everyday life. However, her observed realties were merely used to make
Japan. In other words, she merely selected her observation to confirm her
Like Mari, most students already had the idea that Japanese
technological products were very popular in the United States as well as all
over the world. However, contrary to their beliefs about their popularity, one
year-old men and women in the United States, England, and Japan. 3 It
products much higher than American and British peoples. In analogy with
they were merely (re)producing what they already assumed through their
3 For more details, see Hakuhodo Inc., Survey of the Brand Power of the "Made in
Japan" Label: What Young Businesspeople in Japan, the US & the UK Think, Hakuhodo
News (2002). Available at http://www.hakuhodo.co.jp/english/news/e/20020605.html
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limited to what they had already learned in Japan, rather than what they
Their preexisting ideas also led me to answer why some students, who
observed realities not only with their disappointment for real American
they had high expectations for American products, they also had the strong
However, there still remain these key questions regarding their voices:
How did they produce the idea of Japans technological excellence? How did
they (re)produce it in the United States? How did they (re)construct the idea
States?
4 I use the word selective based on part of Raymond Williams theory of culture, in
which he explains the selective tradition, described in his book The Long Revolution
(Westport, CN: Greenwood Press, 1961). Here, the word implies that their observed
realities were more or less supported by certain views that made them select something
regardless of their own intentions.
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mentioned:
Although Kei could not recall any particular discursive resources that made
counterparts, she naturally came to believe it. In addition, by using the word
While most students did not remember the discursive resources that
led them to believe that Japanese products were superior to their American
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their products in TV and printed media by using the phrase Worlds Best.
Like Hiroshi, I also knew that Casio G-Shock first gained fame in the
United States rather than in Japan. The company then went on to become a
global name. Yet, unlike him, I still do not recall the source of my knowledge.
5 According to Casios web site, in 1983, Casio released a new watch called G-Shock,
based on the concept that a watch could be dropped from the top of a building and still not
break. When it was first introduced, the G-Shock was only popular in the U.S. market.
Yet, ten years later, it became an instant hit worldwide. Available at
http://world.casio.com/corporate/history/
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such a fact, even though he did not explain how G-Shock was made and how
could not verify his knowledge about it. This episode implies not only that I,
myself, shared this knowledge with him, but also the strong impact of
discourses, but how such knowledge is, or is assumed to be, common among
technological excellence.
Social Studies
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the truth.
national narratives, Yoshiko Nozaki and Hiromitsu Inokuchi point out that
narratives of nation are powerful tools that can involve people in a shared
Mari and Ken, mentioned that they learned about Japans technological
excellence through their social studies classes. In the case of Mari, she first
reading printed materials, though she did not recall any particular TV
her about such discursive resources, she suddenly recalled a social studies
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Mari referred to the bashing of Japanese cars in the United States, which
she learned about in a social studies class. In short, according to her, she
studies class, she learned, or believed that she learned, not only three
In this sense, the social studies class (re)defined and (re)arranged the
the map not as one of many maps, in which the three were connected together,
but as the official or national map. Following this conceptual map, she
understand them, but as the truth. Moreover, for her, this map might have
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mentioned.
When Mari came to the United States, she might have brought this
map with her and located her observed realities on the map, as she said, I
knew it, but after I came here, I realized it in reality. Or, she might have
selected her observed realities to locate them on the map and to (re)produce it
as her own conceptual map. Moreover, she might have gained her
fragmental knowledge from several other discursive resources in her daily life,
Although Ken did not learn about Japans technological excellence itself in the
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in national white papers, as seen in chapter five, but also in other powerful
map, that is, Techno-Nationalism. While I can neither say that Japans
technological excellence is a false image, nor point out that such a conceptual
map is misunderstood, I do want to say that the map is just one of many maps
which can connect these phenomena. Nevertheless, Ken believed that the
Although seen only in the above two voices, social studies, in fact,
7 Akio Morita, Made in Japan: Akio Morita and Sony (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1986), 74.
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in Japan.
other family members and with other Japanese students in the United States,
and through their own discursive practices, they not only encountered
people.
been living in the United States for four years with his family after his
fathers job transfer from Japan to the United States and after graduating
from his junior-high school in Japan. Since his living conditions were
attending a U.S. university, his discursive resources were mainly derived from
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distinguished auto makers and their products by their national origins, even
and then became Fords subsidiary, in this case. Even though specific
accounts of Juns daily conversations with his father were not mentioned
discursive resources.
Yet, at the same time, Jun himself had no doubt that everyone knew
sometimes, albeit eagerly, talked with his friends in Japan about his favorite
consumer goods, such as Portable MD [Mini Disk] players, cell phones, and
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159
Chapter 6
because of her longing for an American car, something Japanese youth often
following her friends advice, she traded it in for a used Honda, which she
before coming to the United States, after her bitter experience with her used
American cars.
automobiles, of course. However, she used her experience to support her idea
Had she not received advice from her friend, would she have
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breaking down of her used car and as a discursive resource to promote the
Just like Jun and Aiko, other students also talked with Japanese
resources for other students, like Jun and Aiko, and helped to (re)produce the
Summaries
At the same time, I began to realize that their observed realities might
discourses.
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technological products and the United States itself with their biased images of
themselves.
everyday lives in the United States, there still remain questions which should
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technology? These questions are the main topic of the next chapter.
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CHAPTER 7
Techno-Nationalism?
There is always a good and a bad nationalism. There is... the one
which tolerates other nationalisms and which may even argue in their
defense and include them within a single historical perspective and
the one which radically excludes them from love in an imperialist and
racist perspective. There is the one which derives from love (even
excessive love) and the one which derives from hate. In short, the
internal split within nationalism seems as essential. 1 --- Etienne Balibar
Introduction
United States.
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identity, and through such discursive practices, how did they (re)construct
Self.
on the countries where they were made and used, and where the product
simplicity, fine detailing, and sensitivity and certain traits of the Japanese
165
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compact and simple, which they felt were traits of Japanese traditional
architecture with the aesthetic taste and virtue of the Japanese people.
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lavishness, not all Japanese temples and shrines are necessarily simple, and
Popular discourses and even academic articles have also stressed the
2 Kinkakuji, or the Golden Pavilion, for instance, is covered in gold leaf and is famous for
its great splendor. Also, one of the gate buildings in Nikko Toshogu, Yomeimon is
decorated by countless wood carvings and large amounts of gold leaf. The buildings
were designated as UNESCO World Heritage Sites in 1994 and in 1999, respectively.
Although being labeled a UNESCO World Heritage Site does not mean anything except
that Japan wields power in global politico-economics, I mention it here to point out that
these buildings also represent Japanese traditional culture.
3 Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall, Linda Janes, Hugh Macky and Keith Negus, Doing Cultural
Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman. (Sage Publications, 1997), 70 (emphasis added).
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Here, Kei tried to explain that her preference for Japanese appliances was
Moreover, she seemed to assert that her preference was highly related
to her nationality. Although her nationality was, in fact, one of many factors
Keis habitus depended not only on her nationality, but on the diverse
4Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), 53.
Also, for his more practical analysis in French society while using the concept of habitus,
see Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1984).
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conditions surrounding her, even though she tried to explain her taste for
beauty.
mentioned that she did not realize such a particular connection between fine
detailing and Japanese technological products until she came to the United
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States. Although she believed that she made this connection on her own
after coming to the United States, this association is, in fact, popularly
Japan to foreigners.
For instance, one book explains the fine detailing used to create a
asserts, The same spirit which creates this elegantly compact maku-no-uchi
boxed lunch also produces the home electronic appliances, automobiles, and
products.
learned of the connection, she regarded the fine detailing as a common thread
among Japanese products. Similar to Kei, Mari also believed that the fine
people:
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excellence to the sensitivity and fine detailing of its products, which she
through a simple binary distinction between the Orient and the West, or
Japanese people, but did not consider any other possible reasons for why MD
values.
6For instance, see Mazdas 1991 TV advertisement for SENTIA (see Figure 4-10). The
ads caption reads, Western Modernity and Oriental Sensitivity.
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simplicity, fine detailing, and sensitivity, other students associated them with
mentioned:
such a trait caused Japanese people to place too much effort on improving
viewpoint, she assumed that all Japanese people love technology and
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taken for granted even in U.S. popular media. In journalistic articles, there
nation. 8
chapter.
While Yoko connected the excellence of the Japanese cell phone with
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which led to the popularization of cell phones in Japan. Like the Japanese
technological products was based on the fact that all Japanese people were
9 Edwin O. Reisechauer and Marius B. Jansen, The Japanese Today: Change and
Continuity (Enlarged Edition) (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard
University Press, 1995), chapter thirteen, The Group, 128-139.
10 For more details about Tamagotchi, see footnote 2 in chapter four.
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group consciousness and ignored other factors, such as economic, political, and
social issues.
Japanese traditional culture and the traits of Japanese people to what they
essentialist viewpoints.
Superiority over Others: How Did Japanese Youth in the United States
recognized all over the world, as seen in the last chapter. While their
products because of her own habitus, which she consciously associated with
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reality, recognized worldwide, Kei believed that her taste was supported by
she offered a relatively logical rationale for her praise for Japanese
associating her own taste with Japanese beauty, she identified her habitus
with her nationality, was conscious of being Japanese, and (re)constructed her
own Japaneseness.
affected them personally, even though they had little relation to the products
as a victory for all Japanese people. Yet, at the same time, their praises were
they more or less shared a kind of antipathy toward the United States and
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American people. For instance, Naomi was pleased with the adoption of
With the assumption that Hollywood set the global standard for digital
Hollywood movies, she was very pleased that Hollywood primarily used
Naomi later expressed that she disliked her media study classes,
which focused only on Western movies and ignored Japanese films, and her
American classmates, who did not know and did not want to know about
Japanese films and Japan in general. Before coming to the United States,
according to her, she imagined that American people would ask her about
Japanese culture, including films. She had believed that Japanese films
nobody in any of her classes asked her about them. As she said, To my
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attributed to her personal character and her expectations for the popularity of
Japanese films in the United States. However, in fact, she was frustrated by
identity. Yet, at the same time, her self-respect complexly required American
toward her courses and classmates, other students simply, but more
rivalry between Japan and the United States. When they talked about
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Unlike Naomi, Hiroshi was not frustrated with American people, nor did he
(re)construct his own national pride. Rather, he had a simple sense of rivalry
his courses. Although he did not specifically mention how he learned of the
Yet, at the same time, he used the phrase Japan isnt behind to
that the United States was popularly seen as the most technologically
advanced country in the world. He also regarded the United States as the
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advanced, but also as a country that was not technologically behind the
United States. While he shared a sense of rivalry with the United States, he
also felt inferior to the United States and regarded the country as a
Like Hiroshi, other students also shared a sense of rivalry with the
United States. For instance, Ryo, a business major student, expressed more
interviewees statements, such as, I know that its wrong, but Although
Ryo repeated similar phrases, he had a sense of rivalry with the United States
without feeling inferior to them. Because he assumed that Japan was the
world leader in digital camera and cell phone technology, he was proud of
these Japanese technological products and did not want Japan to cede the
top position to the United States. Moreover, he justified his sense of rivalry
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of whether it was true or not, he believed that he had no other choice but to
develop a sense of rivalry with the United States because of his nationality
the United States with the United States itself, and felt a sense of rivalry by
thought as wrong, he believed that he had to have a sense of rivalry with the
the United States, a few students had more hostile attitudes toward American
181
Chapter 7
Although Emi was not exactly sure what Japans technological excellence
products and Japan in general, she wanted to make American people aware of
particular.
Emi tried to justify her hostility only on the grounds of her nationality.
182
Chapter 7
lazy people. In her context, Made in Japan was better than Made in
USA because the products were made by Japanese people, who were not as
lazy as Americans.
traits in the same way that Japanese technological products embodied traits
States with those in Japan, she also seemed to (re)construct her identity as a
Japanese person, who worked hard and had good manners, as opposed to the
lazy Americans.
the excellence of Made in Japan products and the Japanese people, Emi
simply wanted to show the superiority of her own nationality by using SONY
183
Chapter 7
including herself. 11 Why did she want to make Americans aware of such
Taro criticized those Americans who thought of the United States as the most
technologically advanced country in the world, when the fact was that Japan
was technologically more advanced than the United States. As I cited his
conversations with American people, who did not know about Japans
technological excellence and who had old and false Orientalist images about
Americans misplaced sense of national pride might also have provoked his
11Not only Emi, but popular discourses in English language areas have also
acknowledged that SONY products are distinctly seen as Japanese. See, for instance,
Paul Du Gay, Stuart Hall, Linda Janes, Hugh Mackay and Keith Negus, Doing Cultural
Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman (London: Sage, 1997), 48-50.
184
Chapter 7
the same time, his antipathy might have stimulated his nationalistic
sentiments.
people, they shared ambivalent feelings and attitudes toward them. Moreover,
their national pride by ridiculing or having a sense of rivalry with other Asian
countries.
185
Chapter 7
products by looking down not only on Made in USA products, but also on
and Made in China, she discriminated against the two countries based on
the economic disparities between them and Japan. Of course, she ignored
the omnipresent inexpensive products labeled Made in Japan and the more
admired were not necessarily Made in Japan, in which she trusted. She did
not know, for example, that my micro-cassette recorder, which I used to record
her interview and which I had bought in the United States, was produced by
were true or not. While she looked down on Made in USA products by
citing the lazy working attitudes and ethics of American people, she put
citing their economic poorness. According to her, Made in Japan was not
186
Chapter 7
only better but also more expensive than Made in China. Consequently, by
looking down on products labeled Made in Taiwan and Made in China, she
was showing pride for her nationality because of her personal trust in
Unlike Emi, who only looked down on other countries, Chie felt a
market. Although she did not apparently discriminate against Korea, her
rivalry was based on her national pride and belief that Japan should be
By identifying herself with Japan, Chie had a strong sense of rivalry with
products in the U.S. consumer market and threatened to steal Japans status
as the number one producer in Asia in the technological fields. Unlike some
other students, who regarded the United States as a strong competitor, she
In the above voice, though she did not blatantly discriminate against
187
Chapter 7
Japan and Korea. When I asked her why she would feel so bad if Japan
an exploited country, she explained one of her reasons for why We cant lose
products in the U.S. market was clearly associated with Japans economic
economic status in Asia and in the world, just like a governmental report,
she maintained and reinforced her national pride as the top country in Asia.
Moreover, in the above voice, she clearly expressed her shared sense of
188
Chapter 7
products clearly functioned as vehicles to clarify who We are and involve her
in Techno-Nationalism.
Summaries
United States and in their hostile attitudes toward American people and other
and We, the Japanese people. When some of them expressed their
antipathy toward the United States and American people, however, they
technological excellence and the Japanese people by American people, who did
189
Chapter 7
criticize.
countries based on the economic disparities between Japan and these other
Japaneseness.
190
Chapter 8
CHAPTER 8
Nationalism.
United States read these discourses in their daily lives, and 3) how do they
1Michel Foucault, Prisons et asiles dans le mcanisme du pouvoir, in Dits et Ecrits, t. II.
(Paris: Gallimard, 1994), 523-4, quoted in the web index page of Foucault Studies.
Available at http://www.foucault-studies.com/index1.html
191
Chapter 8
the relationship between technology and Japan and/or the Japanese, and 2)
voices of Japanese college students in the United States, who interpret and
racial/ethnic/national identification.
chapters three to six, I clarify both the formations of, and responses to,
192
Chapter 8
differences between the West and Japan in order to (re)produce their racial,
according to the literature, both Western and Japanese dominant peoples and
truth by the dominant and through the active practices of the subordinated
concretely examined by existing literature except for one article related to the
2 See the chapter two of this dissertation, especially the section Theoretical
Implications.
3 See Shunya Yoshimi, Made in Japan: The Cultural Politics of 'Home Electrification' in
193
Chapter 8
chapters four and six, I have explored this question by clarifying and
194
Chapter 8
Techno-Nationalist Discourses
since the very end of the nineteenth century, National Geographic has used
magazine has also represented Japan and the Japanese people with five
worker, the yellow peril, the model minority, and the geek. In other words,
the magazine has used the five images to (re)produce, (re)fix, and
4 See, Koichi Iwabuchi, Soft Nationalism and Narcissism: Japanese Popular Culture
Goes Global, Asian Studies Review 26:4 (2002), 447-469; Yoshimi, Made in Japan: The
Cultural Politics of 'Home Electrification' in Postwar Japan.
5 See Catherine A. Lutz and Jane L. Collins, Reading National Geographic (Chicago and
London: The University of Chicago Press, 1994); Linda Steet, Veils and Daggers: A
Century of National Geographic's Representation of the Arab World (Philadelphia:
Temple University Press, 2000).
195
Chapter 8
the United States, represented Japan and the Japanese as the Other, and
discourses through their own knowledge and values, which do not necessarily
face value and shared its images with their American friends.
6Stuart Hall, Encoding/decoding, in Stuart Hall et. al., eds., Culture, Media, Language
(London and Hutchinson: Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, University of
Birmingham, 1980), 128-138.
196
Chapter 8
only with the accuracy of the photographs and the information presented, not
better information about todays Japan than old and false Orientalist images.
information to American people, who did not exactly know about todays
excellence. Yet, at the same time, two students attempted to reject U.S.
magazine covers.
conversations and his antipathy to being seen as Asian, the male student
197
Chapter 8
other Asian peoples based on the assumption that Japan was technologically
more advanced than other Asian countries as well as the United States. On
the other hand, through her rejected response to one of the magazine covers,
the female student suggested not only the possibility of the resistance against
sexism, but also the limitation of the resistance against Orientalism from
feminist perspectives.
198
Chapter 8
Japans traditional cultures. Yet, at the same time, the very nationalistic
discourses in chapter five, I have also raised an important question about how
own national identity, has been worked ideologically into their everyday lives.
Then, by analyzing how Japanese students saw and talked about Japan and
seven.
199
Chapter 8
Techno-Nationalist discourses.
technological products and the United States in general, given their biased
bearers.
200
Chapter 8
everyday lives, there still remained one final question to examine in this
Japanese technology? This question was the main topic of chapter seven.
(Re)Construction of Japaneseness
sensitivity, on one hand, and the traits of Japanese people, such as loving
gadgets and being group conscious, on the other. Moreover, most of them
United States and in their hostile attitudes toward American people and other
United States and American people, they shared ambivalent feelings that
people by Americans, who did not correctly understand Japan. On the other
201
Chapter 8
hand, without any ambivalent feelings, a few students directly expressed their
their Japaneseness. At the same time, they could not (re)construct their
Techno-Orientalism.
Techno-Nationalism
caricature on the cover of the New Yoker (Figure 3-5) ukiyoe ladies and
202
Chapter 8
Figure 5-14
Just like the motif of the ukiyoe ladies and automobiles, that of the
203
Chapter 8
chapters four, six, and seven, I have also considered the intimate relationships
States.
information for American people, who had little knowledge about todays
Japan. On the other hand, because some other students tried to criticize
204
Chapter 8
American people, who did not correctly know about Japans technological
excellence due to old and false Orientalist ideas, they tended to connect their
discourses.
have argued the characteristics of the Japanese people from ethnically and
205
Chapter 8
own experiences through their observed realities in the United States, read
lives.
identity. Technology has, in fact, functioned as a vehicle that can clarify their
Other, or who They are, and their Self, or who We are, and thus, has
206
Chapter 8
These limitations are categorized into three fields, which will be addressed in
countries, these analyses are, in fact, very limited within specific discourses
U.S. magazine photographs and covers, on one hand, and Japanese TV and
207
Chapter 8
discursive formation.
other power relations. Thus, even though I have clarified the cultural
over cultural identities themselves can no longer ignore the differences both
208
Appendix
1980s
1989 11 In a Japanese Garden 638-663 Coats, Bruce A.
1989 06 Image for the Computer Age 718-751 Ward, Fred
1987 07 Prodigious Soybean 67-91 Hapgood, Fred
1986 11 Tokyo, A Profile of Success 606-645 Graves, William
1985 08 Pearl 193-223 Ward, Fred
1984 08 Japan Alps 238-259 McCarry, Charles
1984 08 Preposterous Puffer 260-270 Vietmeyer, Noel D.
1984 06 Hagi: Where Japan's Revolution Began 751-773 Gregg, N. Taylor
1984 04 Japan's Izu Oceanic Park 465-491 Clark, Eugenie
1984 01 Silk: The Queen of Textiles 2-49 Hyde, Nina
1983 10 Japanese Crane, Bird of Happiness 542-556 Hayashida, Tsuneo
1983 07 Swing Low, Sweet Chariot!: The Automobile and the 2-35 Grove, Noel
American Way
1982 11 Lost Fleet of Kublai Khan 634-649 Mozai, Torao
1982 10 Chip: Electronic Mini-marvel That is Changing Your 421-457 Boraiko, Allen A.
Life
1982 08 Plight of the Bluefin Tuna 220-239 Butler, Michael J. A.
1981 03 Bonanza Bean: Coffee 388-405 Starbird, Ethel A.
1980 10 Bamboo, the Giant Grass 502-529 Marden, Luis
1980 01 Hokkaido: Japan's Last Frontier 62-93 Lee, Douglas B.
1970s
1978 07 Day of the Rice God: A Folk Festival in Rural Japan 78-85 Lee, Douglas B.
1977 12 Japan's Amazing Inland Sea 830-863 Ellis, William S.
1977 04 Japan's Warriors of the Wind 551-561 Eliot, John L.
1976 06 Kyoto and Nara: Keepers of Japan's Past 836-859 McCarry, Charles
1974 06 Oil, the Dwindling Treasure 792-825 Grove, Noel
1974 03 Those Successful Japanese 323-359 McDowell, Bart
1972 10 Quicksilver and Slow Death 507-527 Putman, John J.
1972 09 Human Treasures of Japan 370-379 Graves, William
209
Appendix
1960s
1969 09 Okinawa, the Island Without a Country 422-448 Billard, Jules B.
1968 12 Snow Festival in Japan's Far North 824-833
1968 07 Bonins and Iwo Jima Go Back to Japan: An Era Ends 128-144 Sampson, Paul
For the "Yankee" Isles
1967 09 Kayak Odyssey: From the Inland Sea to Tokyo 295-337 Dimancescu, Dan
1967 02 Japan's "Sky People," the Vanishing Ainu 268-296 Hilger, Mary Inez
1965 05 Shrimp Nursery: Science Explores New Ways to Farm 636-659 Idyll, Clarence P.
the Sea
1964 10 Tokyo, the Peaceful Explosion 445-487 Graves, William
1963 12 YWCA: International Success Story 904-933 Rockefeller, Mary French
1962 07 Round the World School 96-127 Antze, Paul
1960 12 Japan, the Exquisite Enigma 733-777 Shor, Franc
1960 12 Map Supplement: JAPAN AND KOREA
1960 01 Deep Diving off Japan 138-150 Houot, Georges S.
1950s
1959 12 Around the World and the Calendar with the 832-866 Grosvenor, Melville Bell
Geographic: The President's Annual Message
1955 02 Okinawa, the Island Rebuilt 265-288 Diffenderfer, Hope A.
1953 11 Cruising Japan's Inland Sea: Voyaging Americans Brave 619-650 Price, Willard
Whirlpools and Tide Rips to Explore the Secluded
Beauty of an Island World
1953 07 Yankee Sailor Who Opened Japan: Commodore Perry 85-102 Kuhn, Ferdinand
and His Black Ships Changed the Course of History by
Ending Japan's Seclusion a Century Ago This Month
1940s
1947 07 Adventures with the Survey Navy
1947 04 Backwoods Japan During American Occupation 491-518 Huberman, M. A.
1946 06 Sunset in the East 797-812 Walliser, Blair A.
1946 05 American Pathfinders in the Pacific 617-640 Nicholas, William H.
1945 12 Face of Japan 753-768 Moore, W. Robert
1945 11 Behind the Mask of Modern Japan 513-535 Price, Willard
1945 10 Okinawa, Threshold to Japan 411-428 Duncan, David D.
1945 10 Jap Rule in the Hermit Nation 429-451 Price, Willard
1945 05 Peacetime Rambles in the Ryukyus 543-561 Schwartz, William L.
1945 04 South from Saipan 441-474 Moore, W. Robert
1944 10 Springboards to Tokyo 385-407 Price, Willard
1944 06 Manipur: Where Japan Struck at India 743-750
210
Appendix
1930s
1938 01 Women's Work in Japan 99-132 Nourse, Mary A.
1936 04 Friendly Journeys in Japan: A Young American Finds a 441-480 Patric, John
Ready Welcome in the Homes of the Japanese During
Leisurely Travels Through the Islands
1936 04 Mysterious Micronesia: Yap, Map, and Other Islands 481-510 Price, Willard
Under Japanese Mandate are Museums of Primitive
Man
1933 03 Motor Trails in Japan 303-318 Moore, W. Robert
1933 03 Japan, Child of the World's Old Age: An Empire of 257-301 Griffis, William Elliot
Mountainous Islands, Whose Alert People Constantly
Conquer Harsh Forces of Land, Sea, and Sky
1920s
1924 04 Sakurajima, Japan's Greatest Volcanic Eruption: A 441-470 Jaggar, Thomas A.
Convulsion of Nature Whose Ravages Were Minimized
by Scientific Knowledge, Compared with the Terrors and
Destruction of the Recent Tokyo Earthquake
1923 10 How the Earth Telegraphed Its Tokyo Quake to 453-454 Tondorf, Francis A.
Washington
1923 10 Empire of the Risen Sun 415-443 Griffis, William E.
1922 09 Some Aspects of Rural Japan 275-301 Weston, Walter
1921 07 Geography of Japan: With Special Reference to Its 45-84 Weston, Walter
Influence on the Character of the Japanese People
1920 10 Making of a Japanese Newspaper 327-334 Green, Thomas E.
1920 04 Around the World with the Salvation Army 347-368 Booth, Evangeline
1910s
1914 10 Japan 415-420
1914 07 Young Japan 54-64 Scidmore, Eliza R.
1913 02 Do Volcanic Explosions Affect Our Climate? 181-191 Abbot, C.G.
1911 11 Glimpses of Japan 965-1002 Chapin, William W.
1910 12 Race Prejudice in the Far East 973-985 Stone, Melville E.
1900s
1908 04 Why Nik-ko Is Beautiful 300-308 De Forest, J.H.
1907 10 Koyasan, the Japanese Valhalla 640-670 Scidmore, Eliza R.
1907 04 Giant Spider Crab from Japan 280
1906 09 Cultivation of Marine and Fresh-Water Animals in 524-531 Mitsukuri, K.
Japan
1906 09 Japan, America, and the Orient 498-504 Hioki, Eki
1905 10 Population of Japan 482 B Ballard, W.
211
Appendix
1890s
1899 09 Commercial Development of Japan 329-337 Austin, O.P.
1898 12 President Alexander Graham Bell on Japan 509-512 Hyde, John
1896 09 Recent Earthquake Wave on the Coast of Japan 285-289 Scidmore, Eliza R.
1894 12 Japan 193-199
212
Appendix
213
Appendix
This consent form explains my research study. Please read it carefully. Ask questions about anything you
do not understand. If you do not have questions now, you may ask later.
SHUZO KOGURE
Ph.D Student at the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy
Address: xxxx xxxxxxx Road #X, Amherst, NY 14228
Phone & Fax: (xxx) xxx-xxxx
E-mail: xxxxxxx@buffalo.edu
You are invited to participate in research on exploring the symbolic relationship between technology and
Japan including its culture and people. In this interview, you will be asked open-ended questions about your images
of the connection between technology and Japan, introduced with the initial question: What do you image when you
connect two words, technology and Japan? Your participation in this interview will take approximately 60-90
minutes. Additional interviews may be scheduled if necessary and with agreement between you and the researcher.
For information about this research, please contact at the information above or my faculty sponsor Dr. xxxx
xxxxxx, Graduate School of Education, Baldy Hall, North Campus, email: xxxxx@buffalo.edu or voice: xxx-xxxx
xxxxx. This research study has been reviewed by the Social and Behavioral Sciences Institutional Review Board,
University at Buffalo. For questions regarding the rights of participants in research, the Social and Behavioral Sciences
Institutional Review Board may be contacted at (xxx) xxx-xxxx.
This interview will be recorded on audiotapes, which will not be played at any scientific meetings and will be
kept for at least 3 years until completely erased. Your data in this interview will be used primarily for doctoral
research but may also be used for educational purposes, in conferences and written publications such as articles.
Your individual privacy will be maintained. You will not be identified by name, and a pseudonym (a false name)
will be used in all written and published data resulting from this interview.
There are no known risks to participating in this research. There may be no direct benefit including
payment to you other than a sense of helping the public at large and contributing to knowledge.
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of benefits.
You have the right to refuse to answer particular questions and to stop tape-recording anytime during this
interview. In addition, you have the right to withdraw your own data at the end of this interview or later.
This document is to provide the information participants need to know in order to make a good decision
about study participation. It is not to execute a waiver of liability on behalf of the researcher. By signing this form, you
are not waiving any legal rights.
I, __________________________ have read the explanation provided to me. I have had all my questions
answered to my satisfaction, and I voluntarily agree to participate in this study. I HAVE BEEN GIVEN A COPY OF
THIS CONSENT FORM.
________________________________________________________
Signature & Date of Participant
I certify that I obtained the consent of the subject whose signature is above. I understand that I must give a
signed copy of the informed consent form to the subject, and keep the original copy in my files for at least 3 years after
the completion of the research project.
________________________________________________________
Signature & Date of Researcher
214
Appendix
Ward, Images for the Computer Age, National Geographic 175:6 (June 1989),
748-49.
Arthur Zich, Japan's Sun Rise Over the Pacific, National Geographic 180:5
(November 1991), 41-42.
215
Appendix
Arthur Zich, Japan's Sun Rise Over the Pacific, National Geographic 180:5
(November 1991), 46-47.
216
Appendix
Time (March 30, 1981) The New York Times Magazine (July 8, 1984)
217
Appendix
218
Appendix
TOYOTA
219
Appendix
TOYOTA (Continued)
220
Appendix
TOYOTA (Continued)
221
Appendix
NISSAN
222
Appendix
NISSAN (Continued)
223
Appendix
NISSAN (Continued)
224
Appendix
225
Appendix
HONDA (Continued)
226
Appendix
HONDA (Continued)
227
Appendix
228
Appendix
MITSUBISHI (Continued)
229
Appendix
MAZDA
230
Appendix
231
Appendix
232
Appendix
SUZUKI
233
Appendix
Worlds First
World's Records
World's Championships
234
Appendix
World's Awards
235
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