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Cardenal, Eugenia (2016). Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela
BNIM (Biographic Narrative Interpretive Method). Revista Espaola de Investigaciones
Sociolgicas, 155: 55-72.
(http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.155.55)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, Julio - Septiembre 2016, pp. 55-72
56 Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela BNIM
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, Julio - Septiembre 2016, pp. 55-73
Eugenia Cardenal 57
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, Julio - Septiembre 2016, pp. 55-72
58 Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela BNIM
una parte de su vida dentro de ese objeto La obtencin de un relato desde los marcos
social, para obtener descripciones e infor- de referencia del entrevistado es el objetivo de
maciones que, una vez analizados y reuni- la entrevista. Desde los mismos se puede in-
dos, ayuden a comprender su funcionamien- terpretar, en un camino de ida y vuelta, la
to y su dinmica interna (ibd.: 49). Frente a vida vivida, los acontecimientos experimen-
los planteamientos constructivistas y feno- tados por el entrevistado, contextualizndolos
menolgicos que subrayan el carcter con- adecuadamente. Los relatos biogrficos, se-
tingente y subjetivo del relato autobiogrfico, ala Rosenthal, son interpretaciones, hechas
el socilogo defiende la existencia de una desde el presente, de los eventos relatados.
objetividad accesible mediante la identifica- De ah que sea esencial considerar tanto los
cin de los mecanismos internos del fen- eventos en s como la interpretacin de los
meno social: algo que se obtiene mediante la mismos, que est incrustada en la forma, flu-
acumulacin de relatos (ibd.: 53). jo y tratamiento temtico de la narrativa (2004:
Por otra parte, el autor defiende que no 49; 57 a 79). La distincin entre historia (even-
puede obtenerse conocimiento sociolgico tos experimentados) y relato (narracin) y su
de un relato individual: este tiene, a lo sumo, anlisis y puesta en relacin es, en esta es-
valor puramente ejemplar. La narracin indi- cuela, fundamental.
vidual no debe ni puede analizarse por s En cuanto a la posibilidad o no de obtener
misma, pues el estudio de las experiencias conocimiento sociolgico a partir de una sola
individuales llevara a la biografa fuera de la biografa, el enfoque interpretativo plantea
sociologa: lo especficamente sociolgico que lo social est inscrito en lo individual y no
sera poner en relacin los testimonios para es, por lo tanto, la acumulacin de casos lo
superar sus singularidades (ibd.: 37, 40). que har posible el conocimiento sociolgico,
Bertaux distingue, pues, entre autobiografa sino la capacidad de realizar las conexiones
y relato de vida: mientras que en el primer que van de la experiencia biogrfica a las
caso interesa lo singular, lo nico y lo que constricciones estructurales (Rosenthal,
para el autobigrafo es relevante, en el se- 2004; Chamberlayne y Span, 2000). Cada
gundo lo importante es el fenmeno social biografa, seala Rosenthal, permite hipoteti-
del cual el sujeto forma parte y ayuda a com- zar acerca de un tipo social que revela un
prender (ibd.: 49). As, el autor plantea que: patrn social determinado en relacin con la
pregunta de investigacin (2004: 62).
Al multiplicar los relatos de vida de personas que En sntesis, la premisa epistemolgica del
se hallan o se han hallado en situaciones sociales mtodo narrativo-interpretativo es la focali-
similares, o participando en el mismo mundo so- zacin en la experiencia, como un terreno
cial, y al centrar sus testimonios en estas situacio- donde confluyen la subjetividad que decide,
nes se trata de sacar provecho de los conocimien- reflexiona y acta, y su interaccin concreta
tos que ellas han adquirido mediante su experiencia con el sistema de relaciones sociales en el
directa de este mundo, sin enredarse por ello en su que se desenvuelve, y los contextos de
necesaria singularidad, ni en el carcter inevitable- oportunidad que le enmarcan y condicionan.
mente subjetivo de su relato (2005: 37). El territorio de la experiencia implica, por lo
tanto, centrar la atencin en el individuo, en-
La escuela narrativa-interpretativa, por su tendido no como un representante de una
parte, sostiene que la narracin autobiogrfi- categora social, sino como un actor social
ca es inequvocamente subjetiva, y que es el concreto inserto en una red de relaciones
acceso al marco de significados, desde el que sociales de la que es miembro y agente en la
el narrador acta, lo que esta tcnica puede sociedad en que vive, y que debe afrontar, en
aportar al conocimiento de la realidad social. su biografa, las constricciones estructurales
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, Julio - Septiembre 2016, pp. 55-73
Eugenia Cardenal 59
propias de su poca y posicin. Dicha expe- frmula fija que busca facilitar una primera
riencia se reconstruye mediante entrevistas narracin. El entrevistador/a enmarca el
no directivas y abiertas, de modo que se tema (Como sabe, estoy investigando Por
puedan rescatar los marcos de significado favor, cunteme la historia de su); y acla-
de los entrevistados. Aunque no necesaria- ra al entrevistado la profundidad y la ampli-
mente son los entrevistados los casos ob- tud con la que solicita que se hable del mis-
jeto de estudio (pues estos pueden ser fami- mo, que se deja a criterio del entrevistado,
lias, organizaciones u otros colectivos), se pero en el marco de lo narrativo-auto-biogr-
parte de que cada vida individual tiene un fico (todos los acontecimientos y experien-
contenido social, y puede ser materia de co- cias de importancia personal para usted.
nocimiento sociolgico. Empiece por donde quiera, tmese el tiempo
que necesite).
Un ejemplo de pregunta narrativa inicial,
LA PRCTICA DEL MTODO tomado de la investigacin Inmigracin y tra-
INTERPRETATIVO-NARRATIVO bajo en Canarias, sera:
La entrevista biogrfico-narrativa
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60 Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela BNIM
Vd. dijo [frase del entrevistado/a], recuerda algn El encuentro con su casera no haba sido
[ejemplo, ocasin, situacin, momento, evento, mencionado por Adriana en su narracin ini-
sentimiento, etc.] en particular? cial. S haba hablado del trabajo en la lnea
area, como parte de una descripcin muy
general de los distintos trabajos que haba rea-
8 De hecho, Rosenthal plantea que incluso las preguntas lizado. Pues bien, este momento, y su conse-
acerca de valoraciones u opiniones pueden ser formu- cuencia en trminos laborales (la llamada para
ladas narrativamente (por ejemplo, solicitando analogas impartir un curso de formacin), es escogido
o proyecciones de futuro), y que, con ello, la opinin
siempre est anclada en una situacin concreta que para por Adriana como ejemplo de lo que significa
el entrevistado/a tiene sentido (2011: 162-163). para ella ganarse las cosas por s misma.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, Julio - Septiembre 2016, pp. 55-73
Eugenia Cardenal 61
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62 Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela BNIM
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, Julio - Septiembre 2016, pp. 55-73
Eugenia Cardenal 63
Fecha Acontecimiento
1966 Nace Adriana en Buenos Aires.
1999 Su marido cierra la empresa que tena en Argentina.
Adriana emigra con su marido a Venezuela. l crea una empresa de productos importados.
1999
Ella tiene una representacin turstica. Viven en un pueblo a orillas del ro Orinoco.
Su marido visita al cnsul de Espaa en su localidad para informarse de la posibilidad
2003
de emigrar.
Su marido llega a Canarias. Se aloja en casa de una conocida. Monta una empresa de
Octubre de 2003
filtros purificadores de agua.
Adriana llega a Canarias. Ella y su esposo se mudan a un piso alquilado. Alquilan un
Noviembre de 2003
local y contratan personal.
[Contina la
Ms eventos
cronologa biogrfica]
Conoce a la duea de su piso, rumana, directiva en una lnea area. Adriana le cuenta
Enero de 2006
que imparte formacin sobre sistemas de reservas areas en una escuela de turismo.
La duea de su piso le llama para que imparta un curso de sistemas de reservas areas
A la semana
en El Aain.
[Contina la cronolo-
Ms eventos
ga biogrfica]
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64 Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela BNIM
cuencializacin es, pues, una radiografa del En esta etapa no se trata de hacer un
relato que recoge de manera muy sinttica anlisis del discurso enunciado, sino de la
los temas y subtemas planteados, y los tipos dinmica interna del relato, y de la relacin
de texto que fueron utilizados para cada par- que existe entre sus partes. De ah que se
te de la narracin. Para elaborarla se distin- comprima gran parte del texto en forma de
guen los cambios de interlocutor, los cam- parfrasis, ms o menos detallada. En el
bios de tema y, una vez fijada la secuencia cuadro 2 puede verse un fragmento de la se-
de temas, los cambios de tipo de texto. cuencia temtico-textual de Adriana.
Pg/ Tipo de
Int. Tema Contenido
ln. texto
Interesada en las experiencias de personas que vinie-
PREGUNTA ron a trabajar a Espaa Cuntame tu historia desde
1/1-15 MA. P. Inicial
INICIAL que empezaste a pensar en dejar tu pas hasta hoy...
Empieza por donde quieras, no te voy a interrumpir
Informacin Mi nombre es Adriana y tengo cuarenta y cuatro aos,
1/16-17 Adr. INFORME
personal soy argentina. Nac en Buenos Aires.
1999 marido cerr la empresa en Buenos AiresVea-
mos la situacin difcil en Argentina Amigos en Vene-
zuela Interesante para emigrarMarido empresa de
productos importados, yo representacin turstica
Primera Profesionalmente muy bien, econmicamente noPol-
INFORME/
1-2/17-36 Adr. experiencia ticas de Chaves paro general Cambio de moneda
ARGUM.
migratoria peligroso
A los cuatro aos: venirnos, Brasil o Espaa. Espaa:
Sin papeles, no vengo ni loca. En Brasil amigos all,
ms difcil abrir una empresa, conseguir trabajo sin pape-
les.
Nos vinimos aqu en el 2004, no, a finales del 2003.
Segunda
Una persona conocida Piso montado, alquilada oficina,
migracin:
contratado personal Importando filtros purificadores de
Espaa. NARR/
2-3/36-65 Adr. agua No conocamos el mercado Contable present
Fracaso de ARGUM.
los papeles cuando cambi la Ley de Extranjera, haba
su proyecto
que estar en el pas de origen Mucho dinero invertido,
migratorio.
nos quedamos sin papeles.
Cada Sin papeles de la noche a la maana. Yo digo que me
INFORME/
3/65-67 Adr. social, convert de esposa de empresario a inmigrante sin pa-
EVAL.
exclusin. peles [re].
Volvernos o seguir empresa no funcion, tuvimos que
Quiebra. cerrar, gasto enorme. ARGUM./
3/ 67-75 Adr. Encierro. Pequea crisis de una semana llorando Dios, qu NARR.
Reaccin. es esto!. Viendo a la Pantoja en la tele Digo yo: Esto ENRIQ.
as no va.
Haba sufrido con el cierre No quera sentirme rechaza-
da buscar trabajo sin tener papeles
Bsqueda
Soy comercial, ped entrevista director de la mayor
de empleo, ARGUM./
agencia de viajes
3-4/ 75-99 Adr. entrevistas. NARR.
Yo voy a pedir consejo que es un buen truco [re], no?
Miedo/
Ms que pedir trabajo
iniciativa.
No haba trabajo, ped contactos Al da siguiente me
llamaron.
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Eugenia Cardenal 65
Como documento, la STT nos permite del siguiente. Nos preguntamos: por qu
tener una visin de conjunto de los aspectos introduce el entrevistado este tema en este
clave de la autopresentacin improvisada del momento? Por qu lo hace de este modo?
entrevistado: sintetiza temas, secuencias, Por qu con este nivel de detalle? Y, a par-
tipos de texto y el espacio que ello ocupa en tir de ah, qu cabe esperar en los siguien-
la transcripcin (Wengraf, 2012: 569). tes segmentos, en trminos de tema/tipo de
Fundamental en el anlisis de la secuen- texto? Tras el anlisis, las hiptesis ms
cia temtico-textual es el concepto de cam- plausibles acerca de la subjetividad que na-
po temtico, elaborado por Gurwitsch para rra quedarn como las principales. Tras
identificar la totalidad de aspectos a los completarlo, dispondremos de un segundo
que se refiere un tema y que forman el nivel de reflexin sobre el caso, en el que
contexto en el que un tema se presenta (en nos habremos planteado cmo presenta el
Wengraf, 2001: 274). En el campo temtico entrevistado su historia en la entrevista; a
qu experiencias y eventos se refiere, en
identificamos lo dicho, lo insinuado y lo si-
qu contexto temtico lo hace, y desde qu
lenciado: todo ello es de igual importancia,
perspectivas y con que (posibles) intencio-
pues nos remite al sistema de relevancia del
nes lo hace (Breckner et al., en Wengraf,
entrevistado/a (Rosenthal, 2011: 198). Se
2012: 333).
trata, pues, de entender el relato de la na-
rracin de la vida tal y como ha sido cons- El anlisis del caso
truida, y, que, consecuentemente, expresa
El anlisis de entrevistas como casos indivi-
una gestalt o patrn que tiene que ser de-
duales no es la nica opcin metodolgica
tectada (Wengraf, 2001: 272). Este patrn,
en la metodologa biogrfica narrativa-inter-
entendido en un sentido dinmico, se refle-
pretativa: estas se han utilizado como base
ja como movimiento de ciertos temas y ma-
para anlisis de caso de unidades ms am-
neras de presentarlo en el texto y es deno-
plias, como organizaciones, familias o colec-
minado por Wengraf flujo temtico (2012:
tivos (Rosenthal, 2011). S es propio de esta
331-332).
metodologa el tratamiento de, al menos, un
La pregunta que preside el anlisis de la cierto nmero de entrevistas en profundidad,
STT es: por qu el entrevistado se presenta esto es, poniendo en relacin el anlisis de la
de esta manera y no de otra? (Rosenthal, cronologa biogrfica con el de la secuencia-
2011: 212). No se trata, pues, solo, de resca- lizacin temtica, de modo que cada caso
tar la perspectiva pasada, vista desde el pre- individual permita ampliar el conocimiento
sente, sino, sobre todo, de profundizar en el del problema de investigacin, formulando
presente continuo que lleva de la perspectiva interpretaciones del mismo a travs de las
de entonces al relato de hoy: el de los mar- experiencias individuales.
cos de significado del sujeto, identificables a Para ello se realiza una interpretacin del
partir de la seleccin de unos temas y no de caso-entrevistado por s mismo, buscando
otros, unas formas de hablar y no otras, una los elementos de conexin (o desconexin)
especfica manera de relacionar los temas entre la cronologa biogrfica y la secuencia-
entre s, y la manera en que evoluciona esta lizacin temtico-textual, de manera que la
autopresentacin en la entrevista (Wengraf, lgica interna de la experiencia de cada
2012: 331-333). entrevistado/a quede descrita en su versin
De nuevo, como en el caso de la crono- ms probable. El examen de los puntos cr-
loga biogrfica, analizamos cada segmento ticos de la biografa, y de los puntos crticos
o unidad analtica (Rosenthal, 2011: 199) de la entrevista, nos permite identificar, aqu,
por separado, ignorando las caractersticas las claves del caso (Wengraf, 2012).
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66 Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela BNIM
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, Julio - Septiembre 2016, pp. 55-73
Eugenia Cardenal 67
La segunda parte del relato de Adriana se necesidad de olvidar las emociones para
dedica a su trabajo como mediadora laboral salir adelante; de la importancia de acostum-
en una ONG. Es un campo temtico en s brarse a la soledad, a no tener una amiga a
mismo, pues el tema no es tanto el trabajo quien llamar para contarle algo; del distan-
en s como la dedicacin, su rol y la manera ciamiento de su marido, con el que, dice, ha
en que ella pone en juego sus capacidades luchado al lado, pero espalda con espalda.
en una profesin social. Aqu, la narracin se Ello es mencionado con pinceladas, para, de
vuelve ms detallada, surgen ancdotas, hay nuevo, regresar al argumento general, posi-
una clara referencia al racismo de los posi- tivo en su conjunto, de agradecimiento a la
bles empleadores, con la que ella ha de li- sociedad de acogida. En la subsesin 2, al
diar: retomar estas cuestiones, la entrevistada de-
sarrollar su salida de la ONG como una cri-
Me toc vivir la otra parte de la historia, que era sis personal en la que se mezclan la impo-
sentir la discriminacin todos los das por parte de tencia y el miedo13, pero eludir hablar de su
la gente que quera contratar inmigrantes. crisis de pareja de una manera directa. Al
preguntarle por el sentimiento de estar es-
En esta parte, Adriana hace balance de palda con espalda con su marido, Adriana
las experiencias vividas, menciona las amis- relata casos de separaciones y crisis de pa-
tades ganadas, relata unos cuantos episo- rejas de inmigrantes de contextos muy dis-
dios de enfrentamiento con posibles emplea- tintos, aparentemente, del suyo: un caso de
dores a causa de su ideologa racista y maltrato de un polica de Per a su mujer,
discriminadora. Es importante sealar que, si otro de un hombre que pierde su empleo y se
bien en su primer campo temtico, su marido vuelve indigente.
est presente de manera discontinua, pero Es la crisis matrimonial, que Adriana ex-
clara, relatando algunas situaciones de dis- perimenta como algo muy intenso en el mo-
criminacin vividas, en esta parte del relato mento de la entrevista, y sobre la que le re-
no hay referencias a su marido. La protago- sulta difcil hablar, la que revela con mayor
nista es Adriana, sus experiencias, y el mun- claridad uno de los aspectos fundamentales
do de relaciones adquiridas a travs de ellas: de la experiencia migratoria de Adriana: la
es un relato heroico de una etapa de su vida constante tensin, el carcter contradictorio
en el que ella adquiere autonoma, un mundo de sus vivencias. Estas son, en buena medi-
propio, y, lo que es ms relevante, se con- da, inherentes a su condicin de mujer de
vierte en mediadora entre los suyos y los clase media, con habilidades y recursos so-
nuestros, la sociedad de destino. ciales, que no se resigna a perder su posi-
La integracin es el tercer campo temti- cin social, pero debe recuperarla en un en-
co abordado espontneamente por Adriana, torno desfavorable y mucho ms sola.
y resulta interesante porque en su presenta-
cin el flujo es extremadamente discontinuo,
pasando de evaluaciones y argumentaciones 13 [...] De la noche a la maana escuch la palabra
desempleo, imagnate! Todos los das era ver la tele, ver
muy distanciadas, a veces en tono de supe- los diarios, la gente pidiendo trabajo, no? Entonces
rioridad (lo importante que es la formacin cuando yo me estabilic el resto de las personas se
para la integracin, lo agradecidos que de- volvieron inestables, entonces eso me cre una tensin
tan grande que decir, jo! Sabes? No puedo disfrutar,
beran sentirse los inmigrantes con Espaa), no puedo disfrutar de lo que tengo por miedo, por mie-
con otras afirmaciones muy ntimas, expre- do a que me vuelva a pasar lo que le est pasando a
sadas de manera entrecortada, que reflejan estas personas con las que hablo, no? Entonces, pues
ah tienes que comerte las emociones, interpretarlas,
la dimensin ms profunda de su experien- eh? Vamos, yo tuve que salir a pedir ayuda fuera por-
cia. La entrevistada habla, entonces, de la que no saba cmo manejar eso.
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68 Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela BNIM
Adriana se nos revela entonces como una pasa por enfriar sus emociones, y ello refuer-
persona atravesada por ambivalencias que za el distanciamiento de su esposo. Su tra-
le resultan cada vez ms difciles de sobre- bajo como orientadora laboral una nueva
llevar. Su primer trabajo importante aquel certificacin de xito implica aprender a
en el que menciona como un ejemplo de gestionar la discriminacin de los dems. Su
ganarse las cosas por s misma le resul- consolidacin en ese puesto en plena crisis
ta, en un entorno extrao, totalmente imper- supone la culminacin de estas paradojas, y
sonal, y lo deja. Su proceso de integracin la lleva a un punto crtico. Se trata, como ella
laboral se desacompasa del de su marido, misma dice, de una mujer que sabe darle la
del que se va distanciando. Su adaptacin vuelta a los problemas, pero que, a pesar de
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Eugenia Cardenal 69
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70 Biografa y relato en el anlisis sociolgico. La aportacin de la escuela BNIM
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, Julio - Septiembre 2016, pp. 55-73
Eugenia Cardenal 71
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doi:10.5477/cis/reis.155.55
Eugenia Cardenal
Citation
Cardenal, Eugenia (2016). Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the
BNIM (Biographic-Narrative Interpretive Method) School. Revista Espaola de Investigaciones
Sociolgicas, 155: 55-72.
(http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.155.55)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, July - September 2016, pp. 55-72
56 Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the BNIM
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, July - September 2016, pp. 55-72
Eugenia Cardenal 57
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, July - September 2016, pp. 55-72
58 Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the BNIM
Moreover, the author argues that sociolo- paramount importance for this school to
gical knowledge cannot be obtained from an distinguish between history (experienced
individual story, as it has, at most, purely events) and story (narrative), to analyse
exemplary value. Individual narratives should them and to establish a connection between
not and cannot be analysed by themselves, the two.
for the study of individual experiences takes As to whether or not sociological know
biography outside of sociology. What would
ledge can be obtained from a single biogra-
be specifically sociological would be to link
phy, the interpretive approach suggests that
testimonies together in order to overcome
the social is inscribed in the individual and is
their singularities (ibid 37, 40). Bertaux thus
not, therefore, the accumulation of cases
distinguishes between autobiography and
which will enable sociological knowledge,
life story: while the former concerns the sin-
but the ability to make the connections that
gular, the unique and that which is relevant
go from biographical experience to structural
for the autobiographer, the latter focuses on
constraints (Rosenthal, 2004; Chamberlayne
the social phenomenon that the subject
and Span, 2000). Each biography, says Ro-
helps to understand, of which it is part (ibid
49). The author argues that: senthal, makes it possible to hypothesise
about a social type that reveals a certain
social pattern in relation to the research
By multiplying the life stories of people who are, or
question (2004: 62).
have found themselves to be, in similar social si-
tuations, or who participate in the same social In short, the epistemological premise of
world, and by focusing their testimonies on these the narrative-interpretive method is the focus
situations, the knowledge they have acquired on experience, as an area at the intersection
through their direct experience of this world can between the subjectivity that decides, re-
be taken advantage of without getting entangled flects and acts, and its specific interaction
in their necessary singularity, or in the inevitably with the system of social relationships in
subjective nature of their story (2005: 37). which it operates, as well as the contexts of
opportunity that frame and constrain it. The
realm of experience involves focusing on the
The narrative-interpretive school, mean-
individual, understood not as a representa-
while, argues that the autobiographical na-
tive of a social category, but as a specific
rrative is unequivocally subjective, and that
social actor inserted into a network of social
the contribution this technique can make is
to access the frames of meanings from relationships of which individuals are mem-
which the narrator acts. The purpose of the bers and agents in the society in which they
interview is to obtain a story based on the live. These individuals must face, in their bio-
interviewees frames. These can be used to graphy, the structural constraints of their
interpret and properly contextualise the time and position. This experience is recons-
lived life and the events experienced by tructed by non-directive and open-ended
the interviewee on a bi-directional basis. interviews, so that the frames of meaning of
Biographical accounts, says Rosenthal, are the interviewees can be rescued. Although
interpretations of the events depicted made the cases under study are not necessarily
from the present. Hence it is essential to the interviewees (as these can be families,
consider both the events themselves and organisations or other groups), it is assumed
their interpretation, which is embedded in that each individual life has a social content,
the form, flow and thematic treatment of the and may be the subject of sociological
narrative (2004: 49; 57-79). It is therefore of knowledge.
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Eugenia Cardenal 59
The biographic-narrative interview is divided As you know, Im studying the experiences of peo-
into two parts, which having been called by ple who came to work in Spain from different parts
Wengraf and Chamberlayne sub-session 1 of the world; what their work and personal life have
and sub-session 2 (2012). The aim of the been like over time and how they have managed.
sessions is to obtain all the narrative informa- So, please, tell me the story of your life since you
tion available in the least intrusive manner planned to leave your country until today. All of the
possible. Therefore, questions about non- events and experiences that are of personal impor-
tance to you, until today. Start wherever you want
narrative issues (typically descriptions, rea-
to; please take the time you need. First I will listen,
soning or assessments), and issues not men-
I wont interrupt you. Ill just take some notes in
tioned by the interviewee but which are of
case I have questions after you have finished tell-
interest to the researcher, are set aside for
ing me everything. So, please, tell me the story of
this first meeting. The less informed the inter-
your life since you planned to leave your country
viewee is about the interviewers relevance
until the present7.
systembeyond the initial topicthe grea-
ter the chance that experiences will be freely
rebuilt and recovered, responding to the After asking the narrative question, the
interviewers non-intrusive attitude in their interviewee tells their story without interrup-
role as facilitator of memories and evoca- tions. The interviewer, meanwhile, takes very
tions. Memory allows the interviewee to re- detailed notes. Of utmost importance is the
construct subjectivity in situation. It is so- explicit commitment not to interrupt, which is
cially formed but also acts as an agent in the to be fulfilled to the letter, as it is essential to
contexts and situations experienced by the create a listening atmosphere and allow the
individual (Wengraf, 2012: 43), which were story to be formed in the interviewees head
first lived and later narrated. and in their own words. When the interviewee
finishes, the interviewer asks: Is there an-
Sub-session 1 begins with an initial narra- ything else you want to add? Anything else
tive question6. This contains a template form that comes to mind? Silence ensues and the
in order to facilitate a first narrative. The in- interviewer takes additional notes if there is
terviewer frames the topic (As you know, Im an answer. Then the interviewer takes a few
studying... Please tell me the story of ....); minutes to study the notes and select those
and informs the interviewee of the expected statements of interest about which further
depth and the extent to be talked about, information is sought.
which is at the discretion of the interviewee,
In sub-section 1 an initial story, a long,
but in the context of the auto-biographical- improvised narrative is obtained, which re-
narrative (All the experiences and the events flects the spontaneous reaction of the inter-
which were important for you, personally. viewee to the initial question, and is a self-
Start wherever you like, please take the time presentation by the interviewee (Rosenthal,
that you need ...).
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60 Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the BNIM
2011: 160). Sub-session 2 is intended to ob- month, imagine that! Well, err, I saw her in my
tain specific narratives about the themes/ housein her houseafter I had been renting the
events that have been selected by the inter- flat for two or three years, right? We had a chat,
viewer. The interviewer works exclusively she saw the flat. She was fascinated to see that it
with the information produced by the inter- looked the same, everything was the same, ok?
viewee, and again seeks to elicit narrative So there was a lot of chemistry, you know? And I
information linked to particular situations and told her that I was doing some teaching in tourism
experiences. In this way it is possible to res- studies, I didnt know she worked for [the com-
cue the perspective that was adopted at the pany]. The following week she calls me and offers
time of the original biographical movement me work as a consultant to train employees of [the
or to retrace it, in Wengrafs words(2012: airline] in Laayounne to teach them how to use the
345). This includes the interviewees frames airline reservations system, which is what I was
of reference, both those stated explicitly and teaching, you know? And, and, and they paid me
those of which they are not aware8. After se- five thousand euros for that. When youre broke,
lecting the relevant elements of the story to you know? to be offered five thousand euros, just
be explored further, a default form is again as easy as that ... That a person trusts you, relies
used, which is repeated until the end of the on your abilities, just after knowing you for half an
interview: hour, or an hour I say, hell, okay, I earned that, it
wasnt just given to me!, you know? (Line. 1658-
You said [their cue-phrase]; can you remember 1714, fragments deleted).
any (more) detail about that/the/a particular The encounter with her landlady had not
[example, occasion, situation, moment, event, been mentioned by Adriana in her initial na-
feeling, etc.]. rrative. She had spoken about her work for
the airline, as part of a very general descrip-
Below is an example taken from an inter- tion of the various jobs that she had done.
view with Adriana, one of the interviewees in However, this particular time, and its conse-
the project discussed above: quences in terms of employment (to be con-
tacted to deliver a training course) was cho-
Ma: Hey, you said that you have done and achie- sen by Adriana as an example of what it
ved a lot of things for yourself, do you remember means to make things happen for herself. In
a particular example? You know, what? I re- this way she provided a very detailed ac-
member how, how there is now half the island count that portrayed the scene using very
who want to get into [local airline], they all say vivid language (there were a lot of exclama-
[imitating a voice]: You bitch, how did you get in tions, she incorporated direct speech). It
there, Ive got loads of qualifications and Ive got was a rich narrative of a specific incident9
this and Ive got that. Well, my landlady, that I about which several questions could be as-
rented from was Romanian, alright? A thirty- ked. For example, about the fact itself: What
something woman, who spoke five languages per- implications may this event have had for
fectly, and had studied in several European coun- Adriana in later life? But also about the per-
tries. And who was earning four thousand euros a son, the subject, who narrated it: Why did
Adriana choose this narrative form to talk
about this event? Why did Adriana choose
8 Infact, Rosenthal argues that even questions about this particular incident as an example of
values or opinions can be formulated narratively (for
example, requesting analogies or future prospects), and
thereby the opinion is always anchored in a concrete
situation that makes sense to the interviewee (2011: 162- 9 In
Chamberlayne and Wengrafs terminology, this is a
163). PIN Particular Incident Narrative (Wengraf, 2012: 341).
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Eugenia Cardenal 61
making things happen for herself? What examples or illustrations of a theory, but by
did the interviewee understand by making themselves, and allow theory to be produ-
things happen for herself? And finally, about ced (Rosenthal, 2011: 57). It is a question of
Adriana as a particular type of immigrant, attempting to intellectually reconstruct the
who lived this life and told her story in that process, context and conditions that led to
way: Ultimately, what does this event and the fragment of experience reported, and the
story tell us about the type of immigrant that particular story produced about it, drawing
Adriana could be an illustration of? The interpretations about the possible paths
spontaneous response to a non-directive taken by the interviewee, which would be
question provided a narration using the in- tested against further details from the inter-
terviewees frames of reference, which con- viewee.
tained her perceptions (both conscious and The principle of abduction involves ma-
unconscious, explicit and non-explicit) of the king hypotheses for each piece of data for
reality she had experienced. This richness each particular respondent. The successive
allows different levels of analysis: the se- data available for the case make an interpre-
quence of events experienced, the sequen- tation more plausible than any other. The
ce of the text, the issues, the structure of the hypotheses in this method are not external
story, all of which took place in the context formulations attempted to be tested by using
of the research problem. biographical data (deduction). Nor are they
extracted from the data to seek a generalisa-
Data processing and interpretation tion by comparing them with other biogra-
in biographic narrative-interpretive phies (induction). They are internal to the
methodology case, are developed ad hoc in order to iden-
tify its internal logic, and are tested or discar-
The analysis conducted within the narrative-
ded in terms of the evidence available in
interpretive approach is guided by the logic
each specific case (Rosenthal, 2011: 57-61).
of openness and the logic of discovery (Ro-
senthal, 2011: 54). This involves applying the The practical application of these princi-
principles of sequentiality, reconstruction ples in the analysis entails processing the in-
and abduction, briefly explained below10. terview transcript to produce two sequences
of data: Biographical Data Chronology (BDC),
The principle of sequentiality involves di-
which reconstructs the sequence of events
viding the interview into significant units of experiencedor the lived life-; and the
meaning which are arranged in different storys Text Structure Sequentialisation
ways. An analysis of the sequence(s) is con- (TSS)or the told story, which recons-
ducted to identify the structure underlying tructs the structure of the story from the the-
the interview and, therefore, the case (for mes mentioned and the types used to outline
these purposes, the subject interviewed). them (Wengraf, 2012: 521-527; 576-577).
The principle of reconstruction entails Both are analysed separately, leading to spe-
analysing each piece of data (in this case, cific interpretations for each sequence, which
each segment of the sequences obtained are later linked to each other11. The purpose
from the transcription) according to its role in
the overall biography, and not using external
categories. The data are not analysed as 11There is a third phase of the analysis in which the
significant fragments of the text are interpreted, which
is not described for reasons of space. This step follows
the same principles as the rest of the interpretive work.
10 The
authors references are Peirce (1930/1980) and For a detailed discussion, see (Rosenthal, 2004: 59-60;
Oevermann (1980). 2011: 232-234), under the name rekonstruktive Diskur-
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62 Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the BNIM
of the interpretation is to identify the structu- As can be seen, the biographical data
ring principles of a biography, creating a link chronology is a list of events, stripped of the
between the lived life and the told story. subjectivity of the social actor who lived it and
related it. It can be analysed by itself and
Developing and interpreting the compared with others. It makes it possible to
Biographical Data Chronology (BDC)
enquire about who lived this life, how it is si-
The biographical data chronology (BDC) co- milar to others, what the significant stages of
llects the events narrated by each inter- that type of life would be, under what condi-
viewee, in the order they were lived. This tions these events occurred, why was one
does not necessarily coincide with the order event followed by another, and not vice versa.
in which they were told, due to the non-direc- The interpretive school analyses the bio-
tive nature of the interview. The biographical graphical sequence by enquiring about each
data chronology is carried out by extracting particular piece of data according to the
events from the transcription, stripping chronological order established, starting with
them of the assessments and explanations the first, while ignoring (or better yet, forget-
which the interviewee wraps them in. Data ting) the next. A segment-by-segment analy-
thus become dry facts as expressed by sis is thus carried out, multiplying the predic-
Wengraf (2012), that is, facts which are tota- tive hypotheses until they are supported or
lly devoid of interpretation by the narrator. All refuted by later segment(s). The following
the details needed to place the events in time questions can be asked: What role could this
and context are added to the initial sequence event have played in the life of the inter-
obtained from the transcript. These details viewee? How may the interviewee have ex-
are obtained by resuming contact with the perienced this event? What structural factors
interviewee. This is a must, since in this type may account for this segment? What contex-
of interview there can be no interruptions or tual elements may have influenced this
diversions to obtain further details or ask for event? And, consequently, if this hypothesis
clarification. In the case of Adriana discussed were true, what events could be expected
above, the extract allowed for two events to later? (Wengraf, 2012: 540- 554). The next
be located: segment is analysed in the same way. The
information segments that follow make it
The meeting with her landlady, an exe-
possible to test whether the assumptions /
cutive in an airline12, and the conver-
conjectures could be corroborated or not, as
sation held with her about the work
at least three expected pieces of data con-
Adriana did as an airline reservation
cerning them can be identified in the sequen-
systems trainer in a tourism studies
ce. As the analysis continues, some hypothe-
school.
ses will be discarded, and others will be
The call from her landlady, a week later, reinforced by subsequent data. Eventually
for Adriana to teach a course on airline only a few which have been proven to be
reservation systems at her airline. more plausible will remain as the main inter-
pretive hypotheses (Rosenthal, 2011: 189).
In Table 1 we find an excerpt of Adrianas
BDC, from the beginning of her life, and the After completing the analysis of the BDC,
recording of these two events in particular: an initial picture emerges of the structure of
the respondents biographical sequence.
This is a result of discarding other possible
sanalyse; and (Wengraf, 2011: 670- 677), who calls it hypotheses: what Wengraf called the the
microanalysis. pattern of the lived life (2012: 540). This ima-
12 An additional detail obtained by checking with Adriana. ge is a synthesis of our initial findings in rela-
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Eugenia Cardenal 63
Date Event
2003 Her husband visited the Spanish consul where he lived to inquire about
the possibility of migrating.
October 2003 Her husband came to the Canaries. He stayed at the home of an acquain-
tance. He started a water filter company.
November 2003 Adriana came to the Canaries. She and her husband moved into a rented
flat. They rented a business unit and employed some personnel.
January 2006 She met the owner of her flat, a Romanian executive who worked for an
airline. Adriana told her that she provided training on airline booking
systems in a tourism studies school.
One week later The landlady called her to ask her to deliver a course on airline booking
systems in Laayoune.
tion to the biography, and serves as a back- pes of text that were used for each part of the
drop for the interpretation of the told story of narrative. A number of aspects are identified
the life narration. to develop this sequentialisation: changes of
speaker, changes of subject, and once the
Collecting and interpreting the Text
sequence of issues has been established,
Structure Sequentialisation
the changes in the text type.
The Text Structure Sequentialisation (TSS)
At this stage the internal dynamics of the
collects segments of each interviewees na-
story, and the relationship between its parts
rrative in the manner and order in which it
are analysed, not the discourse used. Hence
was told. Here, unlike in the biographical
much of the text can be compressed by pa-
data chronology, respecting the order in
raphrasing it in a more or less detailed way.
which the various elements of the narrative
emerge is critical, because the trail followed Table 2 shows a fragment of Adrianas Text
is not the biography, but the narration, and Structure Sequence.
the subject in it, who chooses, consciously As a document, the TSS gave an over-
or unconsciously, this or that thread, these view of the key aspects of the improvised
issues in particular, this or that way of telling self-presentation by the interviewee: sum-
it. The sequentialisation is therefore an X-ray mary of themes, sequences, types of text
of the story that synthetically collects the and the space it occupied in the transcription
themes and sub-themes raised, and the ty- (Wengraf, 2012: 569).
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64 Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the BNIM
The concept of thematic field is funda- as it refers to the interviewees relevance sys-
mental in the analysis of the text structure tem (Rosenthal, 2011: 198.). This is intended
sequentialisation, developed by Gurwitsch to to understand the told story of the life narra-
identify the totality of items to which a theme tion as constructed by, and consequently
points and refers... and which forms the con- expressing, a gestalt or pattern or structure
text in which the theme presents itself (in that has to be detected (Wengraf, 2001:
Wengraf, 2001: 274). In the thematic field 272). This pattern, understood in a dynamic
everything that is said, hinted at, and silen- sense, is reflected as a movement of certain
ced is identified: all of it is equally important, issues and ways of presenting them in the
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Eugenia Cardenal 65
text, and is called teller flow by Wengraf this methodology to deal with at least a cer-
(2012: 331- 332). tain number of in-depth interviews by linking
The overriding question of the TSS is: the analysis of the biographical data chrono-
Why does the interviewee present their story logy with that of the text structure sequentia-
in this particular way and not in another? (Ro- lisation, so that each individual case increa-
senthal, 2011: 212). It is not therefore a ques- ses the knowledge of the research problem,
tion of simply rescuing the perspective of the and allows for it to be interpreted through the
past seen from the present, but of delving individual experiences.
into the present continuous that leads from This requires an interpretation of the ca-
the perspective of the past to todays story. se-interviewee themselves, looking for points
This present continuous covers the subjects of connection (or their lack) between the bio-
frames of meaning, identifiable from the se- graphical data chronology and the text struc-
lection of some issues and not others, some ture sequentialisation to ensure that the in-
ways of speaking and not others; a specific ternal logic of each interviewees experience
way of linking some topics with others, and is described in its most likely version. Exami-
the way in which this self-presentation evol- nation of the critical points of the biography
ves in the interview (Wengraf, 2012: 331- and the critical points of the interview allows
333). for the identification of the key points of the
Again, as in the case of the biographical case (Wengraf, 2012).
data chronology, each segment or analytical Table 3 summarises the essential ele-
unit (Rosenthal, 2011: 199) was analysed se- ments of both series. I will discuss some re-
parately, ignoring the characteristics of the levant aspects of Adrianas case as an exam-
next. We questioned: Why did the inter- ple.
viewee introduce this issue at this time? Why
do it in this way? Why in this level of detail? Adrianas biographical data chronology
And from there, what can be expected in the reflects a fairly clear process of coping with
following segments, in terms of topic / text and overcoming difficulties. It has distinct
type? After the analysis, the most plausible ups and downs, and what is more interes-
hypotheses about the subjectivity in the na- ting for analytical purposes, the interviewee
rrative remained. After completion, a second at times seems to contradict what can be
level of reflection on the case would be ca- concluded from her previous account. The
rried out, in which we will have questioned interviewee and her husband, both Argenti-
how the interviewee presented their story in nians, had a track record as small business
the interview; what experiences and events entrepreneurs and sales representatives.
were referred to, in what thematic context, After some time in Venezuela, they came to
and from what perspectives and with what the Canary Islands in 2003 and started a bu-
(possible) intentions this was done (Breckner siness project that went bankrupt after only
et al. in Wengraf, 2012: 333). a few months. They entered the islands on
a tourist visa, and later were rendered illegal
The analysis of the case immigrants. They only knew one person the-
The analysis of interviews as individual cases re, and had to seek help from NGOs for help
is not the only methodological option in the with their legal and economic situation.
biographic narrative-interpretive methodolo- They therefore experienced an abrupt social
gy. Interviews have been used as the basis decline, and had to work for a long time
for the case analysis of larger units, such as without contracts, without permits, and in
organisations, families and groups (Ro- temporary and poorly paid jobs. It was a
senthal, 2011). But it is certainly inherent to down period of their life, which the inter-
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66 Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the BNIM
viewee and her husband managed to over- illegal immigrant [laughs]. The interviewee
come. During that time, Adriana volunteered concluded this thematic field with a reference
for an NGO, teaching Spanish to immi- to her work in the airline and underlined the
grants. By 2006, both she and her husband recognition that this job offered her (It was
had jobs of comparable status to that which then that (...) all of the problems were solved,
they had lost: he managed a mobile phone right? With some important jobs), and how
office, while Adriana was a training consul- difficult it was cope with the pace demanded
tant for an airline. At this moment when she by the company (I could not stand such an
had clearly recovered her lost social status, impersonal pace) in a context that was al-
Adriana left her job, and giving a twist to her ready very hard:
career, became employed as an employ-
ment mediator in the NGO where she had As you have to make a sacrifice to live in another
worked as a volunteer. She held this job for country and all that, at least it has to be gratifying.
three years. When she was given a perma- And if my job was torture, then I ... Thats not for
nent contract, she left the post. When the me, you know?
interviewee became established in an occu-
pation of a certain statusand in this case
there was also a history of commitment to The second part of Adrianas story was dedi-
the organisationshe left it to start again. cated to her job as an employment mediator
She prepared for admission to the Universi- in an NGO. It is a thematic field by itself, be-
ty and passed the test, but was not given a cause the issue is not so much the work itself
place. So she enrolled in French and Chine- as the commitment, her role, and the way
se classes. Each of Adrianas achievements she used her skills in a social profession.
was accompanied by a crisis, and a shift in Here the story became more detailed, anec-
her professional and personal path. dotes emerged, there was a clear reference
to the racism of potential employers, which
The thematic sequence of Adrianas first she had to deal with:
sub-session provided very interesting ele-
ments for the analyse of this chronology.
I had to experience the other side of the story,
There were three clear thematic fields, which
which was to feel discrimination every day from
the interviewee expressed in many different
people who wanted to employ immigrants.
ways. The first, based on her first migrations
and her first work experience as an illegal
immigrant, was reported giving few details In this part, Adriana took stock of her expe-
and a lot of explanations and evaluations: riences, mentioned the friendships made,
explaining why she did this and that, and and recounted a few confrontations with po-
conclusions of what happened. She mentio- tential employers because of their racist and
ned discriminatory and abusive experiences, discriminatory ideology. It is important to
especially those of her husband, but did not note that, while in her first thematic field her
elaborate on them. This first thematic field husband was a clear but discontinuous pre-
can be interpreted as a biographical context sence and she recounted some discrimina-
or a background against which the inter- tory experiences encountered by him, in this
viewee measured the rest of her process, but second part of the story she did not refer to
which she considered closed. Significantly, her husband. The protagonist was Adriana,
her most dramatic momentbankruptcy and her experiences, and the world of relations-
illegal immigrant statuswas presented with hips acquired through them: it is a heroic
a wry assessment and a laugh: I moved from story of a stage of life in which she acquired
being ... a businessmans wife to being an autonomy, a world of her own and, what is
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Eugenia Cardenal 67
more relevant, she became a mediator bet- Adriana felt the crisis in her marriage
ween them and us, the host society. very intensely at the time of the interview,
Integration was the third thematic field and found it difficult to speak about it,
spontaneously brought up by Adriana. It is which clearly revealed one of the funda-
interesting because in her presentation the mental aspects of the migratory experience
flow was extremely discontinuous, moving for her: the constant tension, the contradic-
from assessments and arguments from tory nature of their experiences. These were
which she distanced herself, sometimes largely inherent to her status as a middle-
using a tone of superiority (the importance of class woman, with skills and social resour-
training for integration, how grateful immi- ces, who was not resigned to losing her
grants should feel towards Spain) to other social position, but who had to recover it in
very intimate statements, expressed haltin- an unfavourable environment, and even
gly, which reflected the deeper dimension of harder, alone.
her experience. The interviewee then spoke Adriana showed herself to have ambiva-
of the need to forget about emotions to lent feelings that were increasingly difficult to
move forward; of the importance of getting bear. Her first important jobwhich she
used to loneliness, of not having a friend to mentioned as an example of making things
call; of the distancing between her and her happen for herselfseemed to her to be a
husband, with whom, she said, she fought strange, totally impersonal environment, and
side by side, but with their backs turned she left. Her integration into the workplace
away from each other. This was mentioned process was out of step with that of her
in passing, to again return to the overall ar- husbands, and she started to become dis-
gument, generally positive, of being thankful tanced from him. She adapted to this by coo-
to the host society. In sub-session 2, retur- ling emotions, and this reinforced the estran-
ning again to these issues, the interviewee gement from her husband. Her work as an
portrayed her exit from the NGO as a perso- employment counsellora new certificate of
nal crisis in which both impotence and fear successinvolved learning to manage the
were evident13, but avoided discussing her discrimination against others. Her becoming
marriage crisis directly. When asked about established in that job during the crisis was
the feeling of her and her husband having the culmination of these paradoxes, and led
their backs turned away from each other, her to a critical point. As she said, she beca-
Adriana talked about cases of separation and me a woman who knows how to turn her
relationship problems that immigrants have problems around, but despite her efforts,
in (apparently) very different contexts from she could not escape the vulnerability of her
her own: a case of a policeman from Peru situation.
who abused his wife; another of a man who
lost his job and became homeless.
From the analysis of the case
to the analysis of the problem.
13...Overnight I heard the word unemployment, imagine! Conclusions
Every day I watched TV, read the newspapers, people
asking for work, right? Then when I got stability in my The brief notes presented about Adrianas
work, everyone else lost theirs, and that made me very
tense, oof! You know? I could not enjoy it, I could not
case, while not at all exhaustive, lead to a
enjoy what I had for fear, for fear that what was happe- final question about this method and its con-
ning to those people that I spoke to would happen to tribution to sociological knowledge, specifi-
me, right? That is why you have to swallow your emo-
tions, interpret them, huh? Basically, I had to go outsi- cally to the relationship between micro and
de for help because I did not know how to handle it. macro, action and structure, individual chan-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, July - September 2016, pp. 55-72
68 Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the BNIM
ge and social change, as this has traditiona- scientific rigour14; and if it deals with indivi-
lly been the field of analysis of biography duals as valid units of analysis, of being po-
(Plummer, 1989). It should be noted here that
an in-depth analysis of cases that does not
14 Fora discussion about working with cases and the di-
involve aggregating data, but rather con- fference between the sociological analysis oriented towards
trasting them, is often suspected of lacking variables or cases, see Becker and Ragin (eds.) 2009.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, July - September 2016, pp. 55-72
Eugenia Cardenal 69
pular psychology (Chamberlayne and Span, dynamics, and about the particular interac-
2000: 323-324). The focus on individual ex- tion that takes place in each case study. The
perience, both in the interview and analysis, times of strongest emotional stress very of-
and the in-depth study of the acting subject, ten reflect or reveal the structural tensions
in their subjectivity, carries the risk of being that our interviewee is struggling to overco-
anchored in the micro, in the particular and me, and the resources available for them to
the specificity of the realities studied. This is do so (2000: 324, 325).
by no means negative, or by itself, anti-so- In Adrianas case two structural ele-
ciological, but, as indicated by Dubet and ments that are clearly reflected in her bio-
Martuccelli, it is a look at the social which graphy are of note. Firstly, the social and
does not allow the intellectual re-composi- educational background of the interviewee
tion of the world in which we live, but only is critical to understanding how she ap-
makes it possible to account for its particu- proached her employment and social inte-
larities (2000: 71). gration process. This is a woman from the
It is necessary to move from introspec- urban middle class, from a large city, educa-
tion, where the analysis of the particular is ted to secondary school level, with some
followed to its end, to the identification and financial resources and extensive sales ex-
formulation of the social logic inscribed in the perience. She left her country and engaged
case. This requires shifting the individual in a business project that failed, then went
case to the social context in which it was ge- to Spain and started another one, which
nerated, identifying the chain of connec- went bankrupt. When she became aware of
tions between one dimension and the other. the limitations of her illegal immigrant sta-
It involves placing the subjects in the con- tus, she used her social skills (Im a born
salesperson she said at one point in the
texts of their activity, decision-making and
interview) to achieve what she wanted: to
social survival (Rustin in Chamberlayne and
recover her status to the extent possible. As
Span, 2000: 325; 333).
she could neither financially nor legally
Comparing cases, as well as contexts, achieve this as an employer, she did it as an
strategies and different mentalities, is cru- employee, and looked for work that involved
cial, as it increases the knowledge about the a recognition of her status.
problem and adds nuances to it. For the in-
The second issue to be emphasised in
terpretive approach, as I noted earlier, the
these brief endnotes is the difficulty of fin-
accumulation of cases does not add reliabi-
ding a path such as this with a limited social
lity to the results, but richness and interpre-
support network, especially in emotional
tive potential. By introducing different ver-
terms. The interviewee and her husband
sions of the same problem, the different
had a single contact person when they went
possible underlying logics can be identified
to the Canary Islands, and when they beco-
and linked to the contexts and structures in me bankrupt, they became dependent on
which they may occur (Chamberlayne and institutions and themselves. They belonged
Span, 2000: 334). to a large community, the Argentinean com-
However, as proposed by Chamberlayne munity, but this was not as cohesive or uni-
and Span, in every individual biography it is form as other communities, such as the Co-
possible to identify the relationships, imme- lombian or Senegalese. They had to
diate contexts, and structural constraints restructure their identity with little social
that place the individual in the social scena- support, although they managed to recons-
rio. These suggest ways of thinking about the truct it along the way. They experienced an
relationship between social and individual important individualisation process, which
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. N 155, July - September 2016, pp. 55-72
70 Biography and Story in Sociological Analysis. The Contribution of the BNIM
increased the tensions experienced in situa- Lemkow, Louis; Tejero, Elisabet and Torrabadella,
tions of exploitation and discrimination until Laura (2001). Mujeres y lucha cotidiana por el
they moved towards safer and better-paid bienestar. Barcelona: Icaria.
jobs. Oevermann, Ulrich et al. (1980). Zur Logik der In-
terpretation von Interviewtexten. In: Heinze, T.;
Other subjects with similar profiles may
Klusemann, H. W. and Soeffner, H.-G. (eds).
have taken different, but perfectly feasible Interpretationen einer Bildungsgeschichte.
routes, and therefore the two major aspects berlegungen zur sozialwissenschftlichen Her-
featured here are difficult to generalise. But meneutik. Bensheim: Pd. Extra Buchverlag.
this is not the objective of this method. Each
Peirce, Charles Sanders; Harshorne, Charles and
biography makes it possible to expand the Weiss, Paul (1933/1980). Collected Papers of
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