Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
- Need a qualititative distinction b/w existing policies and the ones our interp allows for,
Get cards that say that the only barrier to change to [x] is only politics not a genuine controversy
there have been a number of efforts to catalogue and determine how much is spent on federal education
programs. However, because education programs are administered by agencies throughout the federal
government, and there is no standard definition of a federal education
program there , currently is no single source that legislators and policymakers can refer to for an
accounting of federal education programs. To address your interest in these issues, we answered the following questions: (1)
What is the federal expenditure on K-12 and early childhood education programs? (2) What are the characteristics of these programs? (3) To what extent have
these programs completed evaluations? We briefed your staff on the results of our analysis on August 25, 2009, and this report formally conveys the information provided during that
briefing. See appendix I for the briefing slides and appendix II for a list of all the federal K-12 and early childhood education programs identified through our study. In summary, we reported
the following findings: The federal government provided an estimated $166.9 billion over the 3- year period from fiscal years 2006-2008for an average of $55.6 billion per
yearto administer 151 different federal K-12 and early childhood education programs. We used the following methodologies to develop our findings. We worked with officials
from the Department of Education (Education), the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and several other federal agencies to develop a standard definition and criteria to identify
relevant K-12 and early childhood education programs. For purposes of this study, we developed a standard definition and criteria to identify relevant K-12 and early childhood education
programs: Federal K-12 and early childhood education programs have a variety of goals, although serving disadvantaged populations was cited most frequently by survey respondents.
Agencies reported that 65 of the 151 programs have completed program evaluations. In addition, of the 20 programs with the largest funding amounts, representing 90 percent of fiscal year
20062008 funding, 12 reported performing program evaluations, and 3 reported evaluations under way. In February 2009, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (Recovery
Act)1 was enacted to, among other things, promote economic recovery, provide investments needed to increase economic efficiency, and minimize and avoid reductions in state and local
government services. Because the Recovery Act provided substantial funding for education, we reviewed it to identify K-12 and early childhood education programs that received funding at
the Departments of Education, Labor, and Health and Human Services, and we confirmed our findings with each of the agencies. Our review focused on these agencies because they
administered more than 90 percent of all fiscal year 2006 through fiscal year 2008 federal K-12 and early childhood education funding identified in our study. The Recovery Act provided about
$85 billion in discretionary funding for 14 existing and 3 new K-12 and early childhood education programs through a one-time fiscal stimulus package (see app. III). Some of these funds can
also be used for postsecondary education and non-education purposes. About $48.6 billion of the funding Education received through the Recovery Act is to be distributed to states through
the State Fiscal Stabilization Fund (SFSF). The Recovery Act specifies that about 82 percent of SFSF funds distributed to states must be used for support of elementary, secondary, and
postsecondary education and, as applicable, early childhood education programs, and about 18 percentor $8.8 billionmust be used for public safety and other government services, which
may include educational purposes. Over 93 percent of the $85 billion in discretionary funding was provided for K-12 and early childhood education programs administered by the Department
of Education. We used the following methodologies to develop our findings. We worked with officials from the
Department of Education (Education), the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and several other federal agencies to develop a
standard definition and criteria to identify relevant K-12 and early childhood education programs. For
purposes of this study, we developed a standard definition and criteria to identify relevant K-12 and early childhood education programs: Federal education program refers to any activity
education programs are those that meet the following criteria: have a primary focus on any level of K-
12 or early childhood education, emphasis of programs objectives is enhancing student learning
through school activities and curricula, and K-12 or early childhood students or teachers are the main
beneficiaries of the program. Developing a single definition for the wide variety of federally funded K-12 and early childhood education programs is challenging,
particularly in the context of ensuring that officials across agencies understand the definition and apply it consistently when completing our questionnaire. A broader
definition than the one we developed would result in a larger list of programs, but the connection that
some programs have to education may not be apparent . For example, our definition excludes food
nutrition and infrastructure programs , which provide billions of dollars to schools but do not directly
achieve the objectives of enhanc ing student learning through school activities and curricula. Creating a
single definition for federal education programs is also challenging because some education programs
provide funding for noneducation purposes . For example, in addition to providing funding for
education, the Head Start program provides funding for health, nutritional, and social services to
young children enrolled in the program. In appendix II we list all of the federal K- 12 and early childhood education programs identified through our study as
well as the funding amounts for each program from 2006 through 2008. These funding amounts reflect the total appropriated budget authority for each program, although some portion of the
early childhood education programs that met our definition and criteria based on reviews of the Catalog of Federal Domestic Assistance and
Department of Education program lists. We contacted all 15 executive branch agencies and 10 independent federal agencies outside the cabinet departments to verify the accuracy and
completeness of our preliminary list of programs. Of the 25 federal agencies we contacted, 20 indicated that they had K-12 and early childhood education programs meeting our definition and
criteria. Finally, we used a Web-based survey to obtain information about the 229 programs confirmed by each agency and received a 100 percent response rate. After reviewing survey
responses for these 229 programs, we identified 151 programs that met our definition and criteria and
received federal funding in at least one of the three fiscal years included in our analysis, fiscal years 2006, 2007, and 2008.3 The practical difficulties of
conducting any survey may introduce nonsampling errors. For example, differences in how a particular question is interpreted, the reliability of data self-reported by agency officials, and the
extent to which questions are not answered can introduce unwanted variability in the survey results. We took steps in the development of the questionnaires, the data collection, and the data
editing and analysis to minimize nonsampling errors. For example, we pretested the questionnaire with officials at six agencies to refine the survey instrument, and we contacted individual
respondents, if necessary, to clarify answers.
Vote Neg
1. Precision prior to the GAO report there wasnt a consensus on what qualified
as a federal education policy now theres a standardized cross-agency
definition thats key to predictable limits we narrow the scope to curriculum
shifts, and they explode it to include non-educational affs like vegan lunches or
infrastructure reform.
2. Ground they move the topic away from policies that directly affect learning.
Thats the heart of the controversy and where literature is published on both
sides they skew neg fairness b/c they justify tiny non-controversial affs like
fire codes or better interior painting.
2NC Top Level
2NC Interp O/V
Extend Our Interp Federal Education Programs only change K-12 curricula and school
activities thats GAO
Curricula at public schools are usually regulated by the state, although some federal laws, such as the No Child Left
Behind Act, also may affect what public schools are required to teach. States often use high school graduation requirements to regulate school
curricula by requiring students to take a specified number of courses in certain subjects. Public universities and colleges, however, may have
different admission requirements, so depending on the state, completing the high school graduation requirements may not guarantee that an
individual student is eligible to enroll in college.
2NC A2 Aff Flex
1. We Solve with the N/B of having functional limits there are over 151 topical
affs under our interp thats GAO.
2NC A2 151 Affs Explodes Limits
1. 151 is the ceiling not the floor thats the number of affs that meet our
definition of education, not the total ones considered fully topical other
words in the resolution like funding, regulation, and substantial limit out
uncontroversial and small affs.
2. Functional limits solves even if its a lot, we still mandate that affs revolve
around curricula or activity reform which links to core neg ground b/c it centers
debate around a site of controversy that was explained above.
2NC A2 DoE Indict
Lol wrong the GAOs methods account for the shortcomings that the DOE articulates.
GAO 10 (The Government Accountability Office - the audit, evaluation, and investigative arm of
Congress, exists to support Congress in meeting its constitutional responsibilities and to help improve
the performance and accountability of the federal government for the American people. Federal
Education Funding Overview of K-12 and Early Childhood Education Programs Report to Congressional
Requesters, January 2010. http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d1051.pdf)//kbuck
We provided copies of a draft of this report to Education and OMB for review and comment. In written comments,
Education acknowledged the inherent challenges associated with compiling an inventory of federal education programs, and commended GAO
for taking steps to obtain an accurate count of federal K-12 and early childhood education programs. Education
said the report
appears to be a significant improvement over previous efforts to catalogue federal education programs, but expressed
concern that based on the methodological limitations disclosed in the draft, the report may not provide an accurate
snapshot of federal activity in K-12 and early childhood education programs. We appreciate Educations concerns. Absent a
standard definition of federal education program or central tracking of these programs, efforts to catalogue such
programs will be subject to the methodological limitations we discuss in the report. However, based on
the specific actions we took to mitigate these limitations, including working closely with Education and
OMB to develop a standard definition and criteria, pretesting the survey, and following up with each
agency to ensure that the information provided in response to our survey was accurate, we believe this
report provides a comprehensive listing of federal K-12 and early childhood education programs.
Educations comments appear in appendix IV. Both Education and OMB provided technical comments, which we incorporated as appropriate.
2NC Case List
Heres a list of all the existing affs they could modify that are topical under our interp:
GAO 10 (The Government Accountability Office - the audit, evaluation, and investigative arm of
Congress, exists to support Congress in meeting its constitutional responsibilities and to help improve
the performance and accountability of the federal government for the American people. Federal
Education Funding Overview of K-12 and Early Childhood Education Programs Report to Congressional
Requesters, January 2010. http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d1051.pdf)//kbuck
Appendix II: Federal K-12 and Early Childhood Education Programs Funded in Fiscal Years 20062008 by
Agency
Trump budget cuts means only of the 22 of the 151 federal education initiatives are
both inherent and topical.
Serna 17 (Alex Program Director for Breakthrough San Juan Capistrano, 5/26/17, Six of the worst
cuts in Trumps budget https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/six-of-the-worst-cuts-in-trumps-
budget/2017/05/26/632e6796-40ba-11e7-9869-bac8b446820a_story.html?utm_term=.5631535802a5)
For many low-income, first-generation students, the road to and through college is a difficult journey. According to a Pell Institute report, only
10.9 percent of low-income, first-generation students attained a bachelors degree in six years. Imagine how challenging it is for low-income,
first-generation student-parents to graduate. Without
federal access programs such as Child Care Access Means Parents in
School, or CCAMPIS, which is one of the 22 programs federal education initiatives up for elimination in the
Trump budget, student-parents, children, communities and indeed the whole nation will suffer. Why?
Because cutting CCAMPIS has a trickle-down effect with real impact; it ripples across generations, and eliminating it would cut into our nations
future economic prosperity.
Trans-Inclusive Bathrooms
2NC Ground Magnifier
The only reason trans inclusive bathrooms dont exist is bigotry centering the debate
about curriculum reform ensures that we have neg ground that isnt rooted in
discrimination.
Gersen 16 (Jeannie -professor at Harvard Law School and contributing writer for the New Yorker,
1/25/16, Whos Afraid of Gender-Neutral Bathrooms? http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-
desk/whos-afraid-of-same-sex-bathrooms)//kbuck
Whereas homosexuality was until recently considered the paradigm of sexual deviance, todays
bathroom debate focusses on
heterosexual deviance. The undercover figures we imagine are not snooping cops but rather heterosexual men
who might pretend to be women that day to follow women and girls into restrooms. Im not aware of
reliable statistics that would indicate that public bathrooms are more sexually dangerous than any
other placesor would be, were they to be desegregatedthough the history of bathroom sex does associate the space with sexual
conduct. Even if the sexual-assault argument against allowing transgender restroom access is
implausible, it is still hard to come up with an account of why public bathrooms should be gender-
segregated that does not rely on a gendered version of privacy and safety that recapitulates separate
spheres and sexual vulnerability. Today, men and women, not assumed to be only heterosexual, are expected to
function at work alongside one another, eat at adjacent seats in restaurants, sit cheek by jowl in buses
and airplanes, take classes, study in libraries, and, with some exceptions, even pray together. Why is the
multi-stall bathroom the last public vestige of gendered social separation? When men, gay or straight,
can stand shoulder to shoulder at urinals without a second thought, is there much to back up the view
that men and women must not pee or poop next to one another, especially if closed stalls would shield
them from view? Women may have some distinctive sanitation needs, but why does that require a wholly separate space from men?
Perhaps the point is precisely that the public restroom is the only everyday social institution remaining in which separation by gender is the
norm, and undoing that separation would feel like the last shot in the war on gender itself. As we consider the possibility of electing our first
female President, the bathroom as the site of sex difference has been underlined by another candidate, Donald Trump, who said, I dont want
to think about the disgusting things Hillary Clinton was doing in the bathroom, in a comment widely understood to be about her female sex.
Though both men and women must perform private bodily functions in public bathrooms, the mere thought of a woman doing it implied an
irreducible sex difference that made plain a gross incongruity with the ultimate public role. Public
restrooms are not just toilets;
for more than a hundred years, they have implicated questions of who really belongs in public, civic, and
professional life. One practical reason we cant change to unsegregated bathrooms overnight is that municipal, state, and federal legal
codes, many with origins in the nineteenth century, mandate that there be separate facilities for each sex, in businesses and places of work.
These widespread codes could be changed one by one. But it seems more likely that, when it comes to multi-stall bathrooms, gender
segregation will remain the norm, and that we will see the addition of more single-stall restrooms that are open to any gender.
Transgender peoples need to use bathrooms that match their identified gender is modest and not
reasonably denied. Old ideology, in the meantime, stays alive in mundane legal regulation that resists more
thorough change and determines our plumbing.
2NC TVA
1. Plan: The United States federal government should mandate that all
elementary and secondary schools that receive federal funding comply with a
national curriculum on gender self-identity.
Beginning in fall of 2017, all Washington state public schools will begin teaching kindergartners that gender is a "social
construct" and there are "many ways to express gender" as part of its newly-approved "self-identity" curriculum.
One of the "core" areas in Washington state's new health education learning standards is sexual health,
components of which will be introduced to children starting in kindergarten, including the idea of gender "self-identity" and the
difference between "safe" and "unwanted touch." The new standards require that kindergartners be taught to understand that "there
are many ways to express gender." Gender, as The Daily Caller's Peter Hasson notes, is defined by the state's health education glossary as "a social
construct based on emotional, behavioral, and cultural characteristics attached to a persons assigned biological sex."
Gender expression is defined by the state as "the way someone outwardly expresses their gender." In its
"safe" versus "unwanted touch" lessons, the state will teach kindgartners to "[r]ecognize people have
the right to refuse giving or receiving unwanted touch." When TheDC asked Nathan Olson, a communications manager for the
state's Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction (OSPI), if that meant they were teaching kindergartners about the idea of consent, they got no response. In
third grade, children will learn that they should respect others' self-determined "gender identity," an
idea that will be elaborated on in fourth grade, when they will be taught to identify "how friends and
family can influence ideas regarding gender roles, identity, and expression," along with lessons on HIV
prevention. In fifth grade, children will be taught about the ways "media, society, and culture" influence
the "social construct" of gender and how to "identify trusted adults to ask questions about gender
identity and sexual orientation." In seventh grade, students will be asked to distinguish "between
biological sex, gender identity, gender expression, and sexual orientation." Despite the massive controversy over ideas
surrounding "gender identity" versus biological sex, OSPI insisted that through its standards it was not attempting to "impose belief systems" on children.
"Standards help students become familiar with concepts that education experts feel are essential for
all students to know," Olson told TheDC. "Standards are not used to impose belief systems."
2NC A2 Aff Education Key
3. Turn Treating trans- inclusive as the battleground for trans- rights narrows the
scope of discussion and skews our understanding of transphobia.
Tan 16 (Avianne writer for ABC News, 5-13-16, Why Transgender Advocates Are Concerned About
the Focus on the 'Bathroom Issue http://abcnews.go.com/US/transgender-advocates-concerned-
focus-bathroom-issue/story?id=39091947)//kbuck
The "bathroom issue" has recently taken center stage in the contentious debate over transgender rights. While
advocates agree it's an important matter, they're now concerned that the attention on bathrooms is
detracting from the other equally important problems trans people face but are
being overshadowed by the narrow scope of the current discussions, according to
advocates. "This
focus on the bathroom as a battleground is really just a distraction from the bigger issue:
that transgender people face rampant discrimination daily across all walks of life," said Alison Gill, a trans
woman who's vice chair on the board of advocacy group Trans United Fund. "The opposition has really picked up on bathrooms as a way to
oppose trans people's rights without having to explicitly say so," Gill told ABC News today. "We
need to stop fixating on
bathrooms and start talking about larger issues, which have been made invisible by the opposition."
Trans people don't just face discrimination in bathrooms but also in employment, health care, housing
and other public accommodations, Gill said. She added that trans people also face high rates of poverty,
violence and suicide -- which are even higher for trans people of color. The National Transgender
Discrimination Survey conducted in 2011 found that over 6,000 trans and gender non-conforming
respondents were four times more likely to make less than $10,000 a year compared to the general
population. The survey's key findings added that about 41 percent of respondents reported attempted
suicide, a staggering number compared to 1.6 percent of the general population. Gill said that she
believed transphobic people and lawmakers are using bathrooms as a way to "undermine and
bury" such statistics and issues.
4. The aff doesnt even scratch the surface of solvency.
Spade 15 (Dean associate professor at the Seattle University School of Law, Normal Life:
Administrative Violence, Critical Trans Politics, and the Limits of Law, Duke University Press, pgs. 41-
42)//kbuck
In addition to these general problems with law reforms that add gender identity/expression to the list of prohibited characteristics, trans
litigants have run into specific challenges when seeking redress from discrimination under these laws. Even
in jurisdictions where
these laws have been put in place, trans litigants have lost discrimination cases about being denied
access to a sex- segregated facility.7 In the employment context, this often means that even when a worker lives in a
jurisdiction where discriminating against trans people is supposedly illegal, denying a trans person access to
a bathroom that comports with their gender identity at work is not interpreted as a violation of the law. Of course, given
the staggering unemployment of trans populations stemming from conditions of homelessness, lack of
family support,8 violence-related trauma, discrimination by potential employers, effects of unmet health
needs, and many other factors,9 even if the legal interpretations of trans peoples bathroom access
demands were better it would not scratch the surface of trans poverty.10 However, these interpretations in
employment cases involving bathrooms are particularly dangerous because they can be applied by courts to other high- stakes settings where
trans people struggle in systems that rely on sex- segregation. Because trans people frequently face violence and discrimination in the context
of sex- segregated spaces like shelters, prisons, and group homes, and because bathroom access is often the most contentious issue between
transworkers and their employers, these anti- trans legal interpretations take the teeth out of trans- inclusive laws and are an example of the
limitations of seeking equality through courts and legislatures.