Vol 2 No 1 - March 2015

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Vol. 2, No. 1
March 2015
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International
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Humanities &
Social Sciences
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e-ISSN: 1694-2639
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
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Vol 2, No 1 March 2015
Table of Contents
Transgenic and Organic Food A Brief Review of the Literature about 1
Concepts and Consumer Perception in Brazil
Camilla Barbosa, Dr. Elizama Aguiar-Oliveira, Msc. Daniela
Soares de Oliveira and Dr. Rafael Resende Maldonado
Cte dIvoire: The Unattainable Disarmament of Rebel Groups 11

Dr. Bertin G. Kadet
Faith and Reason Expressed: The Case of Ghana 29

George Anderson Jnr. (M. Phil.) and Joseph Oppong (PhD.)
Situating Ghanas Policy Making and Reform Strategies on Basic 40

Education in the MDG2 and EFA Strategies; what is the Interplay
between National and International in Policy Making?
Moses Ackah Anlimachie
Improving Online Communication for Students in Higher Education 55

Contexts
Dr. Sarah Ohi and Dr. Brian Doig
Stakeholder views about participating in paediatric biobanks: a narrative 70

review
Cynthia A. Ochieng, Joel T. Minion, Andrew Turner and Madeleine
J. Murtagh
A reading of Mathew 20:20-28 and implications for local governments in 86

Ghana
Alice Matilda Nsiah
Action research as a research method 98

Shiyun Wang
International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Volume 2, No 1, pp. 1-10, IJHSS
Transgenic and Organic Food A Brief Review of the

Literature about Concepts and Consumer Perception in
Brazil
Camilla Barbosa
Municipal College Professor Franco Montoro,
Mogi Guau, BR
Dr. Elizama Aguiar-Oliveira

Multidisciplinary Institute on Health, Federal University of Bahia,
Campus Ansio Teixeira,Vitria da Conquista, BR
Msc. Daniela Soares de Oliveira

Mogi Guau, BR
Dr. Rafael Resende Maldonado

Mogi Guau, BR
Food Department, Technical College of Campinas, University of Campinas
Campus Baro Geraldo, Campinas, BR.
Abstract
Genetically modified food (GMF) and organic food (OF) are two different forms of food
production that are becoming more popular and drawing more interest worldwide in recent
decades. The aim of the present article was to provide a brief review of the literature about
concepts and consumers perception aspects in Brazil related to GMF and OF. Scientific
database such as PubMed, Scielo and ScienceDirect were consulted and a total of 33 references
were identified as informative and relevant for this study. While large industrial groups sponsor
the production of transgenic, the production of organic food is counterpoint, valuing the local
issues and the preservation of the environment. However, far from being complete opposites,
these two forms of production have strengths and gaps still to be filled to the full understanding
of what they are and what they can offer to the consumer. So far, there is incongruous
information about effects and/or benefits from consuming GMF and OF and, in response, it is
observed a wide lack of knowledge from consumers.
Keywords: Transgenic Food, Organic Food, health, environment, consumer.
Introduction
The production of safe and quality food is a major challenge for modernity. The growing
number of consumers, the depletion of natural resources, increasing competitiveness among
1 http://aajhss.org/index.php/ijhss
nations, changes in the population lifestyle, problems related to food shortages and hunger are
great demands nowadays.
In this context, a discussion that is placed is to compare different ways to obtain food, what are
its potential benefits and risks and how the consumer stands in relation to these different forms.
Genetically modified food (GMF) and organic food (OF) are two possibilities in relation to
conventional cultivation of food that have been gaining strength in recent decades. On a more
superficial analysis, one can say that these two forms of production are in many different
directions but further analysis is needed for correct understanding of these two forms of
production.
The use of genetically modified organisms (GMO) for the production of food appears with the
potential of producing healthier food; resistant crops to adverse weather, lower production cost
and higher productivity, on the other hand, the risk of genetic alterations on health of individuals
and on environmental relations have not been well elucidated.
As for organic foods, they advertise an environmentally responsible manufacturing and food
production without pesticides and potentially more nutritious, on the other hand, low
production and distribution structure and higher cost to the consumer are the main obstacles.
In the center of all these discussions there is the consumer, who often does not have sufficient
evidence to choose with certainty the best option of food to place on the table and to ensure
health and well-being. The discussion of concepts related to these different forms of food
production and the perception of them is essential to give more guarantees to consumers.
The aim of this brief review was to analyze the consumers perception in Brazil related to GM
and organic foods, in addition, presenting some important concepts related to these two types of
food based on what has been published about these subjects.
Methodology
Scientific database such as: PubMed, Scielo, and ScienceDirect were consulted from June to
November of 2014 using the conjunction of keywords genetically modified food, transgenic
food, organic food benefits, effects, consumption and consumers. The articles
related to the consumers perception were restrictedly selected as the ones conducted with
Brazilian consumers. In total, for the preparation of this review, 33 studies were selected and
analyzed in relation to concepts and in relation to the consumers perception.
Results
Transgenic Food (GM Food)
Techniques of production
The World Health Organization (WHO) defines genetically modified organisms (GMO) such as
those organisms in which the genetic material has been altered in a way that does not occur
naturally (Domingo, 2007).
GMF or transgenic foods are those produced through genetic and biotechnological changes. In
recent decades, there have been significant advances in the use of these tools, which led to an
increase in the number of GMF in the world market. GMF may have different characteristics
compared to conventional, such as foods with higher nutritional value; sweeter or pitted fruit,
longer lasting foods, etc. There are also changes to food producers, with the development of
more resistant plants to pests and the force of nature (rain or prolonged drought, for example),
which leads to an increased agricultural productivity (Menasche, 2003).
Production of GMF occurs through various techniques such as recombinant DNA technology,
infection by Agrobacterium tumefasciens, bombardment and protoplast electroporation.
Recombinant DNA technology cuts DNA fragments at specific points using cleavage enzymes.
After cleavage, selective isolation of a segment of interest (cloning) also occurs, by joining this
segment to other DNA that serves as a carrier or vector, and finally introducing the modified
DNA molecule into other organism. Thus, it is possible to introduce characteristics of interest
via insertion of one or more genes into the plant genome (Vieira & Vieira Jnior, 2006).
The second technique is to plant infection using the bacterium Agrobacterium tumefasciens, which
has intrinsic ability to transfer genes from its cell to plant cells. In this technique, changes are
made to the DNA of the bacterium by insertion of the gene of interest. Then, the modified
bacterium is placed in contact with the plant so that there is a transfer of genes from one species
to other. This technique has been applied to the production genetically modified of tobacco,
tomato and canola. (Guerrante, 2003).
Other technique is bombardment, also known as biobalistic, which uses micro projectiles that
accelerate the rate of introduction of DNA into cells in vivo. The accelerated micro particles pass
through the cell wall and the plasma membrane in a non-lethal way. Then the DNA is
dissociated from the micro particles by the action of the cytoplasm and the process of integrating
of foreign genes occurs into the genome of the organism to be modified. This technique is
applied to produce genetically modified crops of soybeans, corn and wheat (Guerrante, 2003).
Other possibility is the protoplast electroporation using a high voltage electric field for a short
period of time. Cells modified by this technique are plant cells or fungi called protoplasts. They
do not have the cell wall to facilitate the entry of DNA of interest (Guerrante, 2003).
The production of GMF varies in type of technology used and type of food produced. In the
USA, the most produced GMF are corn, cotton and potatoes. They have longer shelf life and the
culture is resistant to insects. The change produced is called 'bt'. Upon insertion of genetic
material from one type of bacteria found in soil (Bacillus thuringiensis) these foods start to produce
proteins that are able to protect the plant from insect attacks. These proteins act destroying the
intestinal follicle of the insects, causing insect death. This is the general mechanism of action, but
there are variations, depending on the inserted gene. An example of corn with a 'bt' alteration is
called StarLink" in which a gene called Cry9 (c) is inserted, which generates a protein that is
toxic to corn borer and other insects (Leite, 2000; Guerrante, 2003).
Other example of GMF is FlavrSavr tomato, which was approved for consumption in the USA
in 1994. It features a differential more vigorous maturity. This feature is due to the introduction
of a DNA sequence encoding polygalacturonase, an enzyme responsible for hydrolysis of cell
wall components of tomato, which operates during ripening (Guerrante, 2003).
Transgenic foods in Brazil
In Brazil, the cultivation of GMO plants began in the late 1990s. The transgenic soybean was
planted illegally in Brazil; mainly in Rio Grande do Sul, through smuggling from Argentina,
where this type of soybean was cultivated in large scale. In 2005, an interim measure allowed the
cultivation of transgenic soybeans in the Brazilian regions in which it had been imported illegally
since the late 1990s. In the same year it was enacted The New Biosafety Law, n11,105 of
March 24, 2005, which definitely regularized the planting of GM foods in Brazil (Ribeiro&
Marin, 2012).At that time, according to Allain et al. (2009), the Brazilian press demonstrated
major interest in introducing the transgenics based only on the economic aspects and not in
educating the population.
In terms of protection of plant species, Brazil adopted the sui generis protection system (European
model) instead of patents (USA model). In 1999 Brazil joined the UPOV Convention
(International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants) which opts for the unique
system that takes into account criteria of protection of plant species such as: novelty,
distinctness, uniformity, stability and prohibits the establishment of patents. The patent system,
unlike the one adopted in Brazil, considers innovation, invention, and not just mere discoveries.
The model chosen by Brazil is the best option for agricultural biotechnology from the point of
view of researchers, farmers and consumers. However, although there is no patent system in
Brazil, what is observed in the practice is that a small group of companies owns the market of
both transgenic seeds and pesticides. Monsanto has almost a monopoly of the Brazilian market
in this area (Leite & Munhoz, 2013).
The role of Monsanto has always been controversial regarding the legalization of GMOs in
Brazil. The company's relationship with regulators certainly goes beyond the technological
regulatory affairs. Not coincidentally, company representatives have eventually taken prominent
positions in the committees responsible for the commercial release of GM crops, influencing
decision-making due to their high degree of knowledge and by spreading a positive outlook on
the quality and benefits of GMOs, even with lack of research that might prove otherwise. In
addition, Monsanto also serves on the scientific environment, with financial incentives for
research in genetic engineering branch in order to subsequently use opinions of these scientific
groups to give credibility to sues products and facilitate the argument for the commercial release
of the company's technology. In Brazil, however, despite the action of the company to release
the transgenic soybean there was a reaction from various sectors of society leading to a negative
image of both the company and the transgenic soybean (Schioschet & Paula, 2008).
Regarding labeling, the Brazilian legislation imposes the obligation of identifying GMF or foods
formulated from GM raw materials. According to the Brazilian Consumer Protection Code,
consumers have the right to know what the characteristics are found in the product and its
composition. Companies that produce GM food are against mandatory labeling in this type of
food claiming that the statement could create some kind of prejudice against these foods by
consumers, which would be detrimental to businesses (Cmara et al., 2008).
GMF when used well can benefit for the population, as in the case of genetically modified foods
to control the ripening fruits, foods with increased nutritional value, such as oils with a lower
content of fatty acids, etc. The mere ingestion of additional fragments of DNA/RNA itself is
not dangerous, since these fragments are usually ingested through the diet. However, the changes
produced in GM can lead to the formation of different proteins in foods, which can present
toxicity, allergenicity or antinutritional characteristics. There is also the possibility of formation
of undesirable substances (Lajollo &Nutti, 2003).
There is a possibility of increase in the resistance to antibiotics after insertion of new gene in the
product. In the development of GM food, marker genes of bacteria resistant to antibiotics are
inserted to see if the desired change is according to the plan. The insertion of these genes can
increase resistance to antibiotics in humans consuming such products. For this reason, WHO
and FAO do not recommend the use of these foods (IDEC, 2014).
Consumers' perceptions of GM food in Brazil

Whether positive or negative, there is still a major lack of further studies on GMOs. The impacts
that it can cause in human health and acceptance of the consumers about GMF are the most
important aspect to be discussed.
A study on the degree of knowledge of GMF held in Paran (Brazil) with the last year of high
school students revealed some interesting information. Students were divided into two groups
(students from private and public schools). About 97% of students said they know GMF and
about 95% expressed support for research with this type of food. However, the perception of
action of this food was distinct in both groups. For students in private schools, 73% said that
such food would not compromise the health and 78% that do not affect the environment. While
in the group of public school students the perception was reversed, with 62% stating that GMF
may compromise the health and 65% that can compromise the environment. This result is
interesting because it shows that the type of training received by students may strongly influence
the perception in the GMF acceptance (Canossa et al., 2006).
In other study, 60 consumers in a supermarket of a noble district of Fortaleza (Cear/Brazil)

answered similar questions. In the evaluated group (of which 50% had higher education) it was
found that 63% claimed to know what GMF was, 53% checked the label to check the indication
of GMF, and of these 77% have never seen GM mention in labels evaluated. About a third of
respondents said they believed only that GM would present risks to health, but 73% said they
were in favor of the release of GMOs by the government after more research. Half of consumers
said no mind consuming GMOs, but most of them had no knowledge of the application of
GMF in processed food (Calvasina et al., 2004).
A third study evaluated the intention to purchase GMF food. A sample of 390 college students
were interviewed and it was found that 50% favored the use of GMOs, but only 34% of them
were informed about it. Regarding the intention to purchase, more than 50% expressed a
preference for non-GM fruit, even if they present a higher cost (Siqueira et al., 2010).
Recent studies show that even with almost ten years of planting release transgenic crops in Brazil
that the degree of informing in general public on the subject remains low. The study carried out
by Souza (2013) with 400 respondents in the Federal District (Brazil) identified a high degree of
ignorance in the population about GMF, especially among consumers of lower income and
education, 46% of respondents had never heard of GMF and 76% had read little or no
information about this type of food. In other study, Farias et al. (2014) also assessed the level of
knowledge about transgenic among university students in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), the authors
classified the knowledge of this group as incipient. In this analyzed group, 69% said they did not
know about possible benefits from the GMF and the same percentage ignores the possible
impact of these foods on human health.
Organic Food in Brazil

Definition and production of organic food (OF)
The theme of healthy eating has gained importance in the daily lives of consumers, who
increasingly are looking for foods free from harmful substances to health, such as pesticides.
This trend has stimulated the market of organic food (OF). The production of this type of food
began in the 1920s, however, the organic system in technological bases only started on a small
scale in the late 1970s and gained ground in world agriculture from the 1980s. Nowadays, in
Brazil, organic farming provides direct consumer products, especially dairy, chatting and fresh
horticultural, with production concentrated in the states of So Paulo, Minas Gerais, Esprito
Santo, Paran and Rio Grande do Sul (dos Santos et al., 2013). The Brazilian government has
even created the Programa Nacional de Alimentao Escolar (PNAE, National School Food Program)
which determines that at least 30% of its resources should be, preferably, use for buying OF (de
Andrade Silveiro & de Sousa, 2014).
According to the MAPA (Brazilian Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Supply) for a food to
be classified as organic it must be free of substances that may endanger human health and also
the environment. The use of synthetic fertilizers, genetically modified seeds or any type of
pesticide is not allowed.According to the MAPAs Normative Instruction n 07/99 (Brazil,
1999), an organic farming shall be defined as:
[...] Agricultural system which adopts specific techniques by optimizing the use of
natural and socioeconomic resources available and respects cultural integrity of rural
communities, with the objective of economic and ecological sustainability, the maximization of
social benefits, minimization of non-renewable energy dependence using wherever possible
cultural, biological and mechanical methods, in contrast to the use of synthetic materials,
eliminating the use of genetically modified organisms and ionizing radiation at any stage of the
production process, processing, storage, distribution and marketing, and the protection of the
environment [...]
More recently, organic farming was defined as a set of management practices that can help to
keep people in the countryside, as well as to reduce the use of pesticides, meaning, it is an
ecologically sustainable and economically viable activity at all scales of production (dos Santos et
al., 2013).
Organic food market is growing throughout the world, including Brazil. In 2013 this market
increased above 20% compared to the previous year. Currently there are over 7,000 producers of
OF in the country and the potential of growth in this market is high (Ipd Orgnicos, 2014).
In Brazil, organic food has identification symbol in the labels and the producer must be
registered to receive a certification seal. Borguini & Torres (2006) estimated that 90% of OF
produces in the country are provided from small producers linked to associations and social
movement groups while only 10% are linked to large producers of private enterprises.
Despite potential benefits of OF consuming, as the absence of harmful substances to health,

there are still problems related to scale of production and hence the selling price. About 70% of
the national organic production is done by family farms, which hinders the expansion of
production scale. Thus, the price of organic food is in average 40% higher than the conventional
product. Nevertheless, there is a class of consumers willing to pay more for these foods. These
consumers believe that to purchase healthier food is an investment in health.
Much information has been reported about quality and benefits of OF, but there is still no
consensus and more studies are needed. Sousa et al. (2012) performed a comprehensive literature
review on different databases, with studies since 1990. These authors found that there is
controversy on various aspects related to OF such as: impact on human health, the existence of
chemical contaminants, quality of organic food compared to conventional and about the price of
organic food. The authors indicated emphasis on low toxicity, shelf of life and increased content
of some nutrients; however more comparative studies are needed to confirm the superiority of
the nutritional value and health promotion. They also cited that OF production means should be
better discussed within broader social context.
Same examples of controversy about OF can be cited in two relatively recent studies. In the
study conducted by Nascimento, Silva & Oliveira (2012) a comparison was made of iron and
copper concentrations between organic and conventional vegetables sold in Maranho (Brazil).
The two minerals were analyzed in samples of lettuce, cabbage, watercress and okra. Firstly, the
iron content was found suitable in all evaluated vegetables; however, there was an excessive
amount of copper in the samples of kale and watercress from organic farming. In other study,
Arbos et al. (2010) evaluated the antioxidant activity and total phenolic content in samples of
organic and conventional lettuce, arugula and watercress planted in the same garden. The results
indicated a higher antioxidant activity in organic compared to conventional crop. The
comparison of these two studies, as an illustration, shows that different results may be obtained
on organic and conventional farming food, so further investigation and broader approaches are
needed to confirm the potential benefits related to organic cultivation of food ensuring their
safety and quality for human consumption.
Despite the controversies, the cultivation of OF acquires a particular importance regarding to

family farming. In a context linked to sustainability increasingly present on the global stage,
organic production may represent an alternative for family agriculture in relation to social,
environmental and economic aspects, adding value to this type of production (Neto et al., 2010).
Portilho & Castaeda (2008) highlighted another important aspect about OF in recent years that
is a challenge for this market - building trust between consumers and organic products. This
relationship has been widely changed, since more and more OF is no longer only sold in organic
fairs (in which there is direct contact between producer and consumer) and are becoming more
common in supermarket chains, in which guarantee origin given no tonly by the producer-
consumer confidence, but also certification systems.
The relationship of consumers with OF

A behavioral study conducted among consumers of organic food in the city of Belo Horizonte
draws an interesting profile of consumer of OF. Through the theory of means-end chain, the
authors found that consumers of these foods have an ego-trip type behavior, that is, they value
autonomy, pleasure, wellness, healthy living and closer relationship with nature. Values such as
longevity, quality of life, tranquility and happiness (terminal values), and inner harmony with
nature, responsible consumption, live well life, caring for the health and economy of time and
money (instrumental values) are striking characteristics of this group. However, there was more
desire for individual values than the collective in the evaluated group. (Boas, de Souza &Brito,
2011).
Other study evaluated the profile of consumers of OF in the countryside of Paran (Brazil) and
it was found that 27% of respondents do not know OF; 11% know, but do not consume; and
8% consume, but do not want to pay more for OF. According to the same study, 39% of people
consume OF for selfish reasons, while only 15% for more altruistic reasons. The study also
found a lack of knowledge about OF especially among housewives, young and low-income
consumers (Constanty et al., 2013).
Andrade and Bertoldi (2012) evaluated the consumer market for OF in Belo Horizonte (Minas
Gerais/Brazil), both socioeconomic and behavioral points of view of consumers in a sample of
400 people. Most respondents were female (76%), aged over 30 years old (90.3%), in a stable
relationship (81.3%) and graduate (81.5%). In this group, 69.7% defined OF as pesticide residue
free products; 82% considered that OF is nutritionally richer than conventional; 75% believe that
these foods are GMO free and 86% believe that OF is synthetic free. Regarding behavior, the
majority seeks to maintain healthy lifestyles and 98.8% cited improvements in health after
incorporation of OF in the diet. However, only 16.3% consumed other OF different of
vegetables and fruits. The authors indicate that the majority of respondents had only superficial
knowledge of the subject; they also detected a strong demand and interest in OF. The high price
and low quality were the main factors that limit the consumption of these products.
Barbosa et al. (2011) included the problem of OF prices in their study. It was found that among
consumers from Goiania (Gois/Brazil) the main difficulties in relation to OF consumption
were related to the high price and low availability. It was found that organic products like
pumpkin, eggplant, sugar beet, carrot, and cucumber presented more price changes over the
conventional ones.
Despite the examples cited above, it is interesting to note that even with a growing interest in OF
in Brazil, the number of studies exploring this theme is still relatively small. An interesting study
published in 2013 made a survey of the literature in organic products in Brazil. It evaluated
papers published in journals (with rating from A1 to B2 in the Qualis System) and in Brazilian
scientific events of the business administration area from January 1997 to March 2011 and they
found 54 articles published in journals and 63 in scientific events. In this total, only 4 journal
articles and 10 scientific events evaluated the consumer behavior. The main conclusions were
that the majority of published studies are from the South and Southeast regions of Brazil,
exploratory and preferably adopt the primary data collection and empirical studies. These figures
also show the low level of exploration of this theme in Brazil (Sampaio et al., 2013).
Conclusion
From this brief literature review, it is possible to draw some important conclusions about GM
and organic foods. On the first group it is possible to note that there are different techniques to
obtain GMF and many possibilities of use. However, so far from the commercial point of view,
few varieties have been produced and in general these varieties presented different characteristics
in relation to aspects of culture (such as increased resistance to pests), the nutrition or consumer
health aspects. There are still relatively a small number of studies with consistent data on the
impact of GMF on human health and the environment. There is also a high degree of lack of
knowledge in the population about what it is and what are the implications of the consumption
of GMF. The second group arouses interest due to the lower risk of contamination by pesticides
and higher nutritional potential. However, some issues need to be further explored such as:
degree of knowledge of consumers, the high price and small-scale production. It is possible to
note that consumers have unclear concepts about OF. The studies found in the literature are also
inconclusive on the two main attractions of these foods - no residues of pesticides and greater
amount of nutrients. Moreover, the price is one of the biggest barriers to OF, both for access by
the consumer as well as to the development of larger scale production.
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p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Cte dIvoire: The Unattainable Disarmament of Rebel

Groups
Dr. Bertin G. Kadet

Researcher/Lecturer
Ecole Normale Suprieure dAbidjan, RCI
Email : bertinkadet@yahoo.fr
Address: CP 8220, Com. 7 Tema, GHANA
Phone Number: +233 264 271 407
Abstract
The just-ended Ivorian socio-political crisis (2002-2011) calls on the need to put into perspective
the obstacles facing the country in its efforts to get out of a security deadlock. The dynamic that
governed the settlement of the conflict failed to lead to the disarmament of the rebel groups who
took up weapons against the democratic institutions of the country. This stems from an
interpretation of the international management devices of this crisis. As a matter of fact, since
the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement is perceived as institutional procedures towards a validation of
the armed violence in Cte d'Ivoire (West Africa), it remains the symbol of a biased political
compromise. In fact, Ivorian rebel groups never proved able to disarm until a military solution
was found to the crisis, thus turning the former aggressors into new leaders of the country.
Keywords: Cte dIvoire, crisis, rebellion, agreement, disarmament, security, peace.
Rsum
La rcente crise socio-politique ivoirienne (2002-2011) interpelle sur la ncessaire mise en
perspective des difficults de ce pays sortir de limpasse scuritaire. La logique ayant prsid au
rglement du conflit na pas milit en faveur du dsarmement des groupes rebelles ayant pris les
armes contre les institutions dmocratiques de ce pays. Cette situation dcoule dune
interprtation des dispositifs internationaux de gestion de cette crise. En effet, perus comme des
procdures institutionnelles de validation de la violence arme en Cte dIvoire (Afrique de
lOuest), lAccord de Linas-Marcoussis demeure le symbole dun compromis politique biais. De
fait, les groupes rebelles ivoiriens nont jamais pu dsarmer jusqu ce quune issue militaire soit
trouve la crise, faisant des anciens agresseurs les nouveaux dirigeants du pays.
Mots cls : Cte dIvoire, crise, rbellion, accord, dsarmement, scurit, paix.
Introduction
On the night of September 18 to 19, 2002, a coup is attempted against the regime of President
Laurent Gbagbo in Cte dIvoire (West Africa) while on official visit to Italy. Insurgents attack
military targets (barracks, armories, gendarmerie and police academies), strategic sites (prefecture
buildings, town halls, State television and radio) and the homes of important figures in the
country as well as civilians. This procedure suggests that it is not simply a mutiny or spontaneous
actions, but rather an attempt to change the nature of the regime, a coup dtat 1. Following their failure
to take up Abidjan, the insurgents fall back to the center and north of the country. The attempted
coup turns into a rebellion and plunges Cte dIvoire in an armed conflict with a North-South division of
the country. To solve this crisis, the international community chooses to conduct negotiations
between the legal government and armed gangs. Several peace agreements along with twenty UN
resolutions are then signed between the actors in the crisis, but fail to bring peace to the country.
In reality, despite efforts by the international community, rebel groups refuse to be disarmed.
Finally in April 2011, those who took up arms against their country succeed in achieving their
coup with support from international forces and become the new leaders of Cte dIvoire.
The research question is to find out the policy mechanisms through which informal armed bands
succeed in not being disarmed, and finally seize the state power in the country, while the peace
process is ongoing with backing from international political agreements including those of the
United Nations. This interrogation is all the more crucial as the international community,
including the UN is against armed violence and promotes peace in the world.
Methodologically, the study uses various documentary sources on this long military and political
crisis. This includes political agreements and resolutions from institutions, government decisions,
books, study reports or reports by international or military experts. Given the poisoning and
demonization campaigns carried out against the political regime of that period, some comments
are biased and subjective. Whenever possible, we take a close look at the content of official crisis
management arrangements, including the political agreements signed by the parties to the
conflict. Our analysis is also based on our personal experience as attentive observer of those
events, and especially as political player who sat in the inner state power during this period
(Kadet, 2011: 193-237). The facts reported here therefore also stand out as our testimony to
those events. We will however try to confront our views with those of other authors.
This paper intends to show the complexity of the crisis in three parts. The first part analyzes the
logic in the resolution of the Ivorian crisis, particularly through a consideration of the Linas-
Marcoussis Agreement which is an international management device of this conflict, and
subsequent political agreements in order to show the challenges of the rebel war. This part also
tries to determine whether disputants implement the agreements in order to restore peace. The
second part examines the role of the United Nations as a major player in the management of the
crisis. Eventually, the third part highlights the issue of disarmament, a process that experienced
multiple twists and turns, but which determines peace and security in the country.
I- The dynamics of the political settlement of the Ivorian crisis and the question of
disarmament of the rebel groups
The resolution of the Ivorian socio-political crisis is supported by various peace agreements.
While recognizing the importance of agreements negotiated under the auspices of the African
political and economic organizations including the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU), the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement negotiated under the
auspices of France and the UN Security Council resolutions (UN) remain the ones having a real
impact on the security situation in the country, particularly in the disarmament process.
Therefore, analyzing these devices deserve the attention of the researcher in order to grasp the
momentum and understand the real issues of the Ivorian rebellion. This is the purpose of the
following developments.
1Declaration of Pascal Affi NGuessan, Prime Minister of Cte dIvoire relating to the attack of September 19, 2002,
Ivorian Broadcasting Television, Abidjan.
1- The Round Table and the Linas-Marcoussis Ageement and the challenges of the rebel
war
After two unsuccessful attempts to solve the conflict at the subregional level (Accra I
Agreement, 2002; Lom Agreement, 2003), the French government convenes the Ivorian parties
in conflict for a round table in Paris for solutions. As far as its organization, resolutions and
implementation are concerned, the Linas-Marcoussis Round Table raises more concerns than
hope for peace.
Concerning the way the conference was organized, analytical elements support the assertion that
the Linas-Marcoussis conference was site for the expression of a balance of power between
actors involved in the Ivorian conflict and also the opportunity to obtain an agreement aimed at
weakening the Gbagbo regime. As a matter of fact, the French Government convenes the
Ivorian political parties and rebel groups for negotiations from 15 to 24 January 2003. However,
they do not to invite the Ivorian President into such discussions that should lead to decision-
making, while those who attacked the country he is leading are taking part into that conference.
Then, the Agreement aiming at finding a solution to the crisis is endorsed on January 25, 2003 in
Paris, Centre Klber. At this stage, the meeting is extended to African Heads of State including
President Laurent Gbagbo, France, the UN, the International Monetary Fund and the European
Union. One will note that the Ivorian President is just invited on January 24, 2003 towards
endorsing the will of the real aggressors of his country. Besides, this is even the content of the
statement made on the eve of the meeting by French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin on
January 14 in France Parliament House:
The Government is the instigator of a conference between the parties. Our goal is clear, even if it is ambitious:
peace, reconciliation and reconstruction for Cte d'Ivoire. For us to succeed, we must address the problems
undermining Cte dIvoire since the death of President Houphouet Boigny: the Ivoirit, the Land Law and the
status of foreigners .
Through this statement, the French government knows in advance what they are expecting from
the Round Table without having heard the parties in conflict. Another element of analysis is that
the number of delegations taking part in the Round Table is in favor of the opponents of the
Ivorian regime. Indeed, the ten invited delegations include political parties and the rebels group.
Political parties delegations are as follows: the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI): 5 people; the Rally
of Republicans (RDR): 5 persons; the Democratic Party of Cte d'Ivoire-African Democratic
Rally (PDCI-RDA): 5 persons; the Union for Democracy and Peace in Cte d'Ivoire (UDPCI): 5
persons; the Ivorian Labour Party (PIT): 1 person; the Movement of Future Forces (MFA): 1
person; the Democratic Union and Citizens (UDCY): 1 person; the Rebel groups: 9 people
divided between the Ivorian Great West Popular Movement (MPIGO), the Movement for
Justice and Peace (MJP), the Patriotic Movement of Cte d'Ivoire (MPCI). Those three
movements were baptized by the organizers of the conference as the New Forces speaking
with a single voice. Their delegation includes political and military leaders of the rebellion while
the military leaders of the opposing party, the National Armed Forces of Cte d'Ivoire (FANCI)
are not taking part in the meeting. Another fact is that one of the moderators in the Round Table
discussions in the person of Seydou Diarra will be appointed Prime Minister of Cte d'Ivoire at
the end of the meeting. Finally it should be noted that through the game of the alliances created,
the RDR, the PDCI-RDA, the UDPCI, the MFA and the three rebel movements (MPCI,
MPIGO, MJP) form the Group of 7 (G7) united by one ideology known as the Houphouetism,
name given after the first Ivorian head of state Felix Houphouet-Boigny whose long term in
office (1960-1993) exerted political governance favoring France, the former colonial power. The
Houphouetist group has 25 members out of the 32 persons around the table. The PIT and
UDCY are two small parties; they mainly focus on their own recognition. The FPI which is a
party created by President Gbagbo calls for a new vision of Cte d'Ivoire through a political,
economic and social reconstruction of the country, as well as the diversification of the country's
partners. This party has 5 representatives. This number will get narrowed down to four when
one of its representatives decides to leave the room as a way of challenging the attempt of
constitutional coup by the French moderator and chairman of the Round Table, the
Magistrate Pierre Mazeaud 2.
As can be noticed, the participation of the Ivorian Government in the Round Table is discarded.
In the same trend, the power imbalance governing discussions favors the opposition. This
reflects a desire to weaken the regime of President Gbagbo and minimize the number of those
who are able to defend that regime. In addition, the rebels are members of a coalition actively
supported by the main organizer of the conference. This suggests a predominance of the views
of the Group of 7 in the debates and means that the rebels are placed in the best conditions to
request for more, not to disarm.
In its content, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement reveals contradictions. Certainly the Agreement
reaffirms the need to preserve the territorial sovereignty of Cte d'Ivoire, respect for institutions and the
restoration of the authority of the State ; it also reaffirms its commitment to the principle of accessing to
power and exercising same in a democratic way . Meanwhile at the same time, the agreement calls for
the immediate release of all those who introduced armed violence by attacking the country and
its institutions (Linas-Marcoussis, 2003). Furthermore, the Agreement calls for the establishment
of a national reconciliation government led by an irremovable Prime Minister until the next
presidential election, Prime Minister having the executive power. However, the Ivorian political
system is a presidential system, not a parliamentary system. The Prime Minister is just the first of
the Ministers; he is appointed by the President of the Republic; the only powers he has are those
assigned him by his principal. Having recognized and proclaimed respect for Ivorian institutions
(Linas-Marcoussis), is it normal to request that the Prime Minister have all the powers of the one
who appoints him?
Concerning disarmament, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement obliges the government of President
Laurent Gbagbo to dismiss the Ivorian youth recruited into the army since 19 September 2002
(Linas-Marcoussis Agreement, 2003, Chapter VII). However, the rebels change their name in a
bid to be acceptable, becoming the new forces . The Agreement even recommends an
amnesty law to absolve them of their crimes. In other words, the Linas Marcoussis Agreement
demands impunity for aggressors.
Based on such facts, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement reveals that part of the international
community stands in favor of a rebellion at the expense a State and its elected government
contrary to the UN principles, the Charters of the African Union and ECOWAS. This agreement
wants the government of President Laurent Gbagbo to give way to a National Reconciliation
Government by the end of the conference holding at Centre Klber in Paris on 24 January 2003.
This National Reconciliation Government must have the prerogatives of the Head of State, in
particular as regards the defense and the restructuring of the army. By forcing the Ivorian Head
of State to accept rebels in his government, by stripping him of his key powers, the Linas-
Marcoussis acknowledges and validates the coup of the rebels. The above observations indicate
that the Linas-Marcoussis Round Table is a constitutional coup against President Laurent
Gbagbo. In this respect, the organizers of the Linas-Marcoussis Round Table and the Agreement
it led to are not encouraging the rebel groups to engage in a disarmament process.
2Pierre Mazeaud has been a member of French Constitutional Council from 1998 to 2004, and he was named as
President of this institution on February 27, 2004 by President Jacques Chirac.
This is the main reason why there are challenges in implementing this agreement. In practice, the
Linas-Marcoussis Agreement enables the formation of a National Reconciliation Government on
13 March 2003. Progress is also achieved on the militarily front including the signing of a
comprehensive agreement on cessation of belligerence acts on May 3, 2003 between the FANCI
and the New Forces ; a halt to the fighting on May 24 and the designation of cantonment sites
for ex-combatants. Between Cte d'Ivoire and neighboring countries, a normalization of
relationships emerges through the opening of secured transportation corridors to Mali and
Burkina Faso. On 4 July 2003, a declaration of the end of the war is signed.
However, the political situation has kept deteriorating because of the difficulties experienced by
the Prime Minister of the Reconciliation Government, Seydou Diarra in implementing some
provisions of the Linas-Marcoussis including those empowering him to exercise the powers of
the executive . Since International laws must apply in the observance of the Ivorian
Constitution, it is impossible for the President of the Republic of Cte d'Ivoire, the guarantor of
the Basic Law of the country, to have himself evicted by his Prime Minister, especially when he
realizes that the purpose of the game is to eject him from power. Faced with this deadlock,
adjustments are made to the Linas-Marcoussis agreements through other meetings (Accra II
Table Round, March 7, 2003 and Accra III, 30 July 2004, Pretoria Agreement I, 5- 6 April 2005
and Pretoria Agreement II, 29 June 2005).
Through these agreements, the rebels become members of the National Reconciliation
Government, but they announce they will not disarm on the scheduled date (15 October 2004).
This certifies that the New Forces remain in the logic of violence and rebellion, denying all legal,
moral and political basis to the National Reconciliation Government, which is a way of
challenging the international community (Bangr Habibou, 2004). It follows that the
disarmament of the rebels, which is central to the peace process, is not performed. In his study
on the issue of the security sector in Cte d'Ivoire, Arthur Boutellis (2011) noted that the lack of
political will on the part of the government and the lack of trust between conflicting parties are
the reasons that are often put forth to justify the reluctance of the rebels in integrating the
Ivorian security forces and to allow the revival of the disarmament process: the lack of political
will on the part of the government and the failure to build trust between the parties are often cited as the primary
reasons for the failure to integrate security forces and launch a successful DDR ahead of the elections (Boutellis,
2011: 6)3. Such an assessment is inadequate since, for that political will to be expressed and for
there to be trust between people who are shooting at each other, the rules enacted to bring them
to order should not be suspected of being bias. Meanwhile, the Linas-Marcoussis process
supporting the crisis showcases this as demonstrated in our analysis (supra). The lack of
disarmament is primarily attributable to the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement whose political
calculations failed to find appropriate solutions to the Ivorian socio-political crisis.
As analysis indicates, the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement and all subsequent agreements are jointly
validating a constitutional coup in order to supersede the institutions of the Republic of Cte
d'Ivoire. This is the logic for understanding the management of the Ivorian crisis. Armed gangs
who attacked a sovereign State are legitimized and promoted to the rank of credible
interlocutors. This view is shared by Colonel Georges Peillon, a former spokesman for the
French Licorne force in Abidjan. This former senior officer of the French army now turned into
an entrepreneur acknowledges: Marcoussis was a fool's bargain; people who were ourcasts were labelled.
(Aujourdhui, 2015: 8). Under such conditions, it is appropriate to find an alternative solution to
resolve this crisis, hence the direct dialogue with the rebellion initiated by the Ivorian president.
3Arthur BOUTELLIS is a Senior Policy Analist at the International Peace Institute focusing on peacekeeping
operations. Before joing IPI he worked with the United Nations in Burundi (BINUB) in East Africa, Chad and the
Central African Republic (MINURCAT) and Hati (MINUSTA).
2- The Ouagadougou Political Agreement (APO) and its tedious enforcement
The return to a lasting peace is related to the outcome and success of two complementary
processes including the DDR process aiming at the disarmament of former combatants and the
electoral process with the goal of electing the President of the Republic in 2005. In order to
achieve these goals, and learning from previous peace agreements, President Laurent Gbagbo
initiates a process of direct dialogue with the rebellion, which brings about the Ouagadougou
Political Agreement (APO) signed on 4 March 2007 in the Burkinabe capital under the mediation
of President Blaise Compaor of Burkina Faso. Above all, the Ouagadougou agreement signifies
a process of appropriation by the Ivorians, a process of management of a crisis that hitherto has
remained in the hands of the international community. Did this device of peace meet the
expectations of the country?
From a general point of view, the APO addresses the following complementary areas: the
general identification of the populations; the electoral process; the defense and security forces;
the restoration of State authority throughout Cte d'Ivoire; the institutional framework for
implementation; measures to consolidate national reconciliation, peace, security and the free
movement of people and goods; monitoring mechanisms and consultation. However, in the
context of this study, we need to examine the provisions on security and defense to show how
the mechanism put in place helps promote the disarmament of the fighting forces.
Particularly concerning the security sector, Chapter 3 of the APO states that Parties recognize that
the national army should be a reflection of the national unity and cohesion and guarantor of the stability of the
republican institutions; they have agreed to restructure and rebuild the two armies towards the development of new
defense and security forces committed to the values of integrity and republican morality.
To this end, the Agreement puts forth various concrete measures including the establishment of
an Integrated Command Centre (CCI) under the joint command of the Chief of Staff of the
FANCI and the Chief of Staff of the FAFN (art.3.1). This new body is responsible for unifying
the fighting forces and implementing the restructuring measures of the Ivorian Defense and
security Forces (art. 3.1.1.). To reach this goal, the CCI has six core missions (art. 3.1.3.),
including the development of a defense and security policy, the implementation of a National
Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration programme under the supervision of the
Impartial Forces. In addition to the above, other measures were taken in 2007 and 2008
including four complementary agreements in order to accelerate enforcement of that Agreement,
including the 27 March 2007 Additional Agreement, the 28 November 2007 second and third
Additional agreements, the 22 December 2008 fourth Additional Agreement. These additional
agreements set new dates for the grouping and disarmament of former combatants, the storage
of weapons and the dismantling of militias by 22 December 2007 (APO III, 2007: Article 1).
Recruitment in the Civic Service is also planned over the same period as well as financial
measures for the monthly support of the ex-combatants until their integration or reintegration or
reinsertion (International Crisis Group, 2008: 15). The fourth Additional Agreement (2008) sets
out procedures for carrying out disarmament-related tasks. The question now is whether the
signatories agree to apply the provisions of those agreements.
Regarding the latter concern, President Laurent Gbagbo, the guarantor of the unity of the
country, takes various steps towards peace: on 17 October 2002, he signs the first act of peace in
this crisis, the cease-fire with the rebels for that matter, thus clearly indicating the way to resolve
the Ivorian crisis. Added to this are the negotiations that followed (Lom, Linas-Marcoussis,
Accra, Pretoria and Ouagadougou), the 8 August 2003 Amnesty Act and the enforcement of
Article 48 of the Ivorian Constitution authorizing exceptionally Alassane Dramane Ouattara and
Henri Konan Bedi to stand for the presidential election, thus testifying to the will of the Ivorian
head of state to favor dialogue and compromise in the search for solution. In such a context, the
Ouagadougou Political Agreement consolidates the already existing good spirits. The APO is an
extra motivation that drives the Head of State to multiply acts of goodwill in the quest for peace.
Thus, on 12 April 2007, that is a month following the signing of the APO, President Gbagbo
passes a second amnesty law to further reassure and strengthen the spirit of appeasement. On
the military front, he obtains the voluntary disarmament of the vigilante groups called Great-
West Resistance Front (FRGO) in Guiglo on May 19, 2007. In his presence and in the presence
of the representatives of the international community, several hundred of war weapons are laid
down by FRGO elements and the first flame of peace is lit from the city of Guiglo. The impetus
from Guiglo immediately touches on Bouak which in turn organizes a flame of peace in late
June 2007. Other individual measures concerning rank promotion or advancement are then
taken towards easing the election environment.
April 2009 is a decisive step in resolving issues on the security of elections. In a statement
broadcast on both radio and television on Thursday April 30, 2009, the President of the Republic
announces the deployment of 8,000 security officers to secure the presidential election. This
quota will be made up of equal number of elements from both the New Forces and the Defense
and Security Forces. In deciding to deploy this unit, the Ivorian Head of State only applies
Article 3 of the APO Additional Agreement IV pursuant to which three thousand and four
hundred (3,400), then six hundred (600) FAFN elements trained to uphold security as part of the
Pretoria Agreement be committed to said tasks, alongside the Cte dIvoire National Armed
Forces (FANCI). In addition, pursuant to Articles 3 and 4 of the fourth APO Additional
Agreement, President Gbagbo enables the establishment of Composite Companies for the
Security of Election (CMSEs) throughout the national territory (RCI Minidef, 2009). Such
composite companies are made up of elements from the New Forces , gendarmes and
policemen from the regular forces. They are tasked to secure rallies and political meetings, to
secure and protect sites, polls and electoral rights of way, to maintain order, to protect
individuals and authorities. On the inauguration day of President-elect, the mission of the
CMSEs ends. Willing to build trust between the former rebels and the government of Cte
d'Ivoire, the Ivorian Head of State grants (RCI, 2009) admission of 300 elements from the
Armed Forces of the New Forces, FAFN in the National Police School as of the academic year
2010. This unusual step is made pursuant to Article 6 of the Pretoria Agreement recommending
the recruitment of FAFN trainee non-commissioned officers in the National Gendarmerie. In
the same vein and enforcing the fourth Ouagadougou Additional Agreement, the President of
the Republic takes a decree (RCI, 2009) granting three thousand four hundred (3,400) elements
of the Armed Forces of the New Forces, FAFN the status of volunteer in the National
Gendarmerie and Police forces. Six hundred (600) other elements (Pretoria Agreement)
participate in election security missions. This quota receives a flat monthly allowance of 50,000
francs CFA (about $ 100).
Complementing security measures, mixed brigades of gendarmerie and mixed police stations
made up of officers from both forces were deployed in various localities in the country. It should
be recalled that as part of its operations, the Integrated Command Centre (CCI) is theoretically
made up of eight thousand (8,000) men. In compliance with Article 3 of Additional Agreement
IV, half of this total number is to be provided by the New Forces . Shortly before the election,
13 mixed gendarmerie brigades are activated, with a staff of 315 agents over 390 planned. For
mixed police stations, 12 are activated with a total workforce of 613 staff over 840 planned.
Alongside the establishment of such mixed units, other important units of the National Police
are deployed in areas at risk including the cities of Abengourou, Agboville, Bouna, Daloa, Divo,
Dukou, Gagnoa, San Pedro, Soubr which often experience tensions between populations
under normal circumstances. In an often overheated electoral context, the risks are even greater.
It is then necessary to provide a safety tool that can contain possible clashes. Therefore,
specialized police units are set up in some regions. This is the case in Divo where a Republican
Security Company (CRS) is inaugurated on August 23, 2010. This National Police unit
specializing in keeping public order is limited in number in the country. Emergency units
including Fire Brigade are already activated in San Pedro, Gagnoa and in the Northern Highway
in the town of Nzianouan. Establishing such bodies aims at securing the October 31 presidential
election and other upcoming elections.
In view of the above, it should be noted that contrary to the argument that there is a lack of
political will and confidence in the management of the crisis (Boutellis 2011, op.cit), President
Gbagbo got fully committed in implementing his share of the Ouagadougou Political
Agreement. However, despite efforts towards ensuring a peaceful environment, there are still
concerns about the election as rebel groups have still not disarmed two months into elections.
This finding is also shared by Boutellis who points out that Disarmament had always been a
contentious issue. Weapons are often considered an insurance policy by former rebel movements, and in negotiations
the Force Nouvelles conditioned their disarmament on both the identification of the population as well as the
integration (numbers and ranks) of forces (Boutellis, 2011: 10).
In reality, disarming rebel groups is a recurrent concern with no real solution. On the eve of the
presidential election, update of the disarmament as claimed by the new forces is as follows: in
32,777 profiled or registered ex-combatants, 17,119 are demobilized, 5,000 are Volunteers for
the National Army (VAN) 4,000 are planned or engaged in mixed security forces. Thus, the
demobilized, the VAN and the elements of mixed security forces represent a total of 26,119 men
who have theoretically disarmed. In reality, this is much less because in 5,000 VAN, only 2,560
are real and in 4,000 security officers, half of them are neither operational nor deployed. It is
therefore 21,679 (17,119 + 2,560 + 2,000) ex-combatants that have been disarmed (CCI, August
2010). . These figures show that we are off the mark because one remembers that in the midst
of the crisis, the leaders of the rebellion announced a staff of 35,000 to 40,000 men in their
ranks. With what we are witnessing, one can assess the extent of the overstatement as the
Integrated Command Centre cannot meet the required quota to be sent to brigades and mixed
police stations as demanded to new forces , to be assigned to mixed Gendarmerie brigade and
police stations. Furthermore, the scheduled deadlines of the premium or direct assistance
amounting to 500,000 CFA francs ($ 1,000) that should be paid to the demobilized in full
settlement fail to be met.
Finally, the process of disarming ex-combatants of the New Forces did not yield the expected
results. Right from the symbolic Flame of Peace operation in Bouak (July 2007) to the first
round of the presidential election in October 2010, theoretically 11,098 (32,777 - 21,679) ex-
combatants were yet to be disarmed, which represents a significant war force. In light of such an
achievement, one may rightly question the involvement of the UN whose special representative
present in the country is handling the crisis.
II- The involvement of the United Nations Organization and its impact on
disarmament
The United Nations intervene in the Ivorian crisis through resolutions, declarations and
especially through a country-based operational body: the United Nations Operation in Cte
d'Ivoire (UNOCI). The UN has expressed support and solidarity to Cte d'Ivoire under other
circumstances; however, in the context of the 2002 crisis, 4 February 2003 Resolution 1464
marks the starting point of its intervention. A consideration of UN resolutions on the Ivorian
crisis, however, confirms that beyond the hope it raised, the supranational organization adopted
measures that legitimized the rebellion, weakened Ivorian institutions and subsequently brought
about the downfall of President Laurent Gbagbos regime and its replacement by the
houphouetist coalition (April 2011).
1- Legitimating rebel groups
Since its creation at the end of World War II, the UN have been playing a role in maintaining
peace and security in the world. In Africa where crises are recurrent, the supranational
organization is very active on all armed or unarmed conflict fronts in order to restore peace. In
the Ivorian dispute, the UN have not deviated from their mission. But for a long time, its
intervention in Cte dIvoire will continue to be questioned. Authors from various specialties
have examined the UNs role in the Ivorian crisis through books or articles. The contribution of
the Cte dIvoire national Jean-Jacques Konadj is one of the most recent ones (2014) on this
subject. In his approach, the author places the UN intervention in Cte dIvoire within the
context of its international mission, recalling the UN's response procedures in conflicts. Then, he
presents the Ivorian crisis through its historical foundations lying in the ruling of the first head of
state Felix Houphouet-Boigny. He makes reference to the contradictions of the Houphouetist
system. He describes the military and political crisis the country faced from 2002 to 2010 as an
intrastate crisis. For this researcher, unlike the interstate conflict between the armies of two
states, the Ivorian crisis pitted the Ivorian citizens , hence its peculiar nature (Konadj, 2014:
92). He continues by stating that the UN intervened in the Ivorian conflict because the ability
of France which is a country involved in the conflict as a neutral country, was limited, especially
if the crisis persists. He then adds that an anti-French sentiment was growing among the
Ivorian people, especially after the signing of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. These anti-
French demonstrations were seen as a desire for emancipation vis--vis the former colonial
power (Konadj, 2014: 93). The author also claims that the UN intervention slowed down the
escalation of violence in the country.
Beyond this point and also beyond the documentary and educational interest of the work by this
researcher, the way he describes the war in Cte dIvoire raises questions. Indeed, is the fact that
Ivorian armed groups are firing at each other on the national territory enough to describe the
conflict in the country as an intra-state conflict? The Ivorian conflict remains all the more
complex as one wonders who provided weapons to armed groups for them to attack a sovereign
State. Where and how did those armed groups get formed? Who are their financial, political or
diplomatic supports? For us, answering these interrogations will help qualify the Ivorian conflict.
In addition, the media hype orchestrated by the international media to tarnish the image of the
Ivorian regime and direct pronouncements by leaders from some African and Western countries
show that the direct exchanges of Kalashnikov gunshots between soldiers on a physical military
theater are not sufficient to restrict this conflict in the sphere of the Ivorian territory alone.
As far as we are concerned, Jean-Jacques Konadj published his book three years following the
post-electoral phase of the Ivorian conflict. Given the abundance of available sources on the
Ivorian crisis, he knows the facts as they truly occurred in Cte dIvoire. In addition, the real
sponsors of the Ivorian drama now appear openly since the fall of the Gbagbo regime.
Therefore, a number of parameters need to be taken into account while processing conflict-
related facts. Certainly military oppositions took place on the Ivorian territory and some civilian
or military officials of the rebellion are Cte dIvoire nationals. However, reports of all non-
governmental organizations on the conflict, those of the UN itself prove that Burkina Faso
served as a rear base for rebels and war weapons were provided to those rebels from Burkina
Faso. In addition, support from some European countries to the rebels and the Houphouetists
(the Group of 7 or G7) is also proven as evidenced by the designing, conduct and findings
(supra) of the Linas-Marcoussis conference as well as the very controversial position of France in the
conflict (Konadj, ditto: 95). Ivorians expressed discontent through demonstrations when they
realized that France which is the principal ally of their country was not so neutral in this unique
conflict, which is far from a desire of emancipation vis--vis any former colonial power.
Besides, during the post electoral phase of the conflict, the French army got committed to the
New Forces for the fall of Preident Gbagbos regime based on Resolution 1975 by the UN
Security Council of 30 March 2011. Aside this, all New Forces political leaders, without
exception, became leading members of the RDR, Alassane Ouattaras party. In the December
2011 parliamentary elections, former rebels Guillaume Soro, Moussa Dosso, Alain Lobognon
and many others ran under the banner of the RDR and not as representatives of the New
Forces . The sudden disappearance of the New Forces and subsequent merging into the
RDR right after the fall of Gbagbos regime mean that those armed groups were actually on a
destabilization mission on behalf of that party. In February 2012, on the occasion of the first
visit of Alassane Ouattara to France, President Nicolas Sarkozy of the French Republic
welcomes the return of the Houphouetist governance system in Cte dIvoire in a vibrant tribute
to his friend, the new Ivorian head of State. These are indications that the Ivorian conflict was
not a concern to Ivorian citizens alone. Although external states involved are not theaters of
armed clashes, they were actually involved in the conflict. And because those invisible actors
operated under shadows, the role of the UN remained complex during the crisis.
It should be noted that the decisions taken by the Security Council contributed to legitimizing
the rebellion. By the time the UN gets involved in the Ivorian crisis in 2003, the first Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) summit on the issue was held in Accra (29
September 2002); in the same trend, the Linas-Marcoussis conference (24 January 2003) made
findings known. The UN then endorses the findings of these two meetings. In all its resolutions,
the supranational organization affirms its commitment to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and
unity of Cte d'Ivoire; yet it fails to take a consistent stance against the armed groups that
attacked a sovereign State. On the contrary, those informal armed groups are called political
forces (Res.1527 of February 4, 2004), meaning they are granted the same legal consideration as
are Ivorian legally constituted political parties. Furthermore, instead of requiring the restoration
of the State authority throughout the Ivorian territory, the UN makes mention of a transition
period in Cte d'Ivoire (rs.1479 7). In this spirit, the Security Council decides to establish a
political liaison office in Cte dIvoire, the United Nations Mission in Cte d'Ivoire (UNOCI)
complementing the French forces in order to facilitate the implementation of the Linas
Marcoussis Agreement (Rs.1479, 2, 3, 5) and to prepare ahead of that political transition in the
country. In 2004 the MINUCI is replaced by the United Nations Operation in Cte d'Ivoire
(UNOCI) staffing 6,240 soldiers as well as 350 civilian police force (Res. 1528 of 27 February
2004). The UN presence comforts rebel groups who have already been enjoying unspoken
support from French authorities (Linas-Marcoussis, 2003).
From our point of view, the difficulty experienced by the UN lies in the fact that all Security
Council resolutions on the Ivorian crisis are initiated by France (Boutellis, op. Cit). How could
the then French government, visibly backing the rebels Group, objectively defend the positions
of that side in this conflict? We believe that UN Security Council resolutions which are supposed
to reflect the required neutrality rather reflect the French position throughout the management
of this crisis. This is the rationale behind the fact that despite condemnations for forms sake by
the Security Council and the UNOCI military build-up, the Ivorian rebellion is convinced of
support from the international community. Therefore, the Ivorian rebellions attitude never
wavered in the direction of disarmament. Its members kept maintaining the country divided into
two and multiplying acts of violence. This results in a weakening of the countrys institutions.
2- The weakening of institutions and the subsequent fall of the regime
UN resolutions also contributed to the weakening of state institutions. These include resolution
1572 of 15 November 2004 imposing an embargo on Cte d'Ivoire following a military
operation launched by loyalist forces targeting the city of Bouak, the stronghold of the rebellion
from 4 to 6 November 2004 and resolution 1633 of 21 October 2005 establishing an
international Working Group (IWG) responsible for legislating on behalf of the Ivorian
Parliament and for organizing presidential elections in October 31, 2006. In a context in which
the international community is expected to actually disarm rebels and restore the authority of
that State, the Ivorian populations failed to warmly welcome such resolutions. Certainly
Resolution 1633 also requires the disarmament of the New Forces, which was never done.
In addition, the fall of the Ivorian regime occurs on April 11, 2011 following intense bombing of
the regular forces and the official residence of the Ivorian Head of State by a military coalition
made up of the rebel army, the French forces and the forces of the United Nations Operations
in Cte d'Ivoire (rs.1975 March 30, 2011. What gave way to this situation is the second round
of the presidential election (28 November 2010) meant to restore peace. The outcomes are
contested by both candidates Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara. On the one hand, the
Constitutional Council which is the highest court legally empowered to proclaim the final results
of the election in the country, proclaims Gbagbo victorious and inaugurates him in accordance
with the law. On the other, the president of the Independent Electoral Commission responsible
for proclaiming the provisional results of the election experienced a foreclosure; but he was
against all odds seen on the state television at the campaign headquarters of the candidate who
lost the election and there, he calls on not the national media, but only the international press,
and announces figures according to which Alassane Ouattara is the actual winner of that
election. The controversy takes on another dimension when the Special Representative of the
UN Secretary General in Cte d'Ivoire, You Jin Choi who admits the victory of the candidate
proclaimed as a looser by the Constitutional Council which is the highest court in the land.
Immediately, the Western media relay the information to their various networks. This new
situation plunges the country back into uncertainty.
Facing the imbroglio, President Laurent Gbagbo offers a peaceful solution in a broadcast
message to the nation on December 31, 2010 as follows: We need to understand how the year 2010
which was announced as the year of election, the year that ends the crisis is ending in perplexity. While Ivorians
are suffering the violence of an armed rebellion internally, they are the subject of an international hostility since the
announcement of the results of the presidential election on 28 November 2010. This is unfair! We question the
attitude of the international community towards us; an attitude never experienced anywhere else during an internal
political crisis within a State ... Therefore, I am proposing an evaluation committee in charge of establishing the
facts and the truth about the elections in Cte d'Ivoire. I am confident the truth will triumph. We have the right
and the truth with us.
President Gbagbos call is rejected by the international community. The UN Secretary General,
Ban Ki-Moon even states publicly that the recounting of the votes as proposed by President
Gbagbo is an injustice done to Ouattara ; meanwhile the UN had just accepted a recount of
votes in Haiti.
Finally, the international community chooses a military approach as a solution to the problem.
One notices that it took ten years (2002-2011) to the coalition of Houphouetists to achieve the
longest coup in the Ivorian political history. Meanwhile, this outcome is as a result of Resolution
1975 of 30 March 2011 being used as the official umbrella to trigger the final assault against the
army and the Ivorian regime. In the end, the rebel groups that do not disarm are promoted from
the rebellion to the state power. This is apparent from the testimony by French Colonel Georges
Peillon until the 2010 events and the arrest (of Gbagbo), I admit that I was amazed; I told myself the bandits
are in Abidjan ... But obviously, they had the consent of that famous international community to take power in
Abidjan. (Peillon, 2015: ditto). This situation made the politologist Vincent-Sosthne Fouda
saying: "UNO, the organization which speaks in the name of the international Community did not play the role
that Ivorians and the public opinion waited from it. The disarmament of the rebels and the introduction of peace in
the one of its Member States which is Cte d'Ivoire were not assured. In that, the UN organization with its
representation which is the ONUCI is responsible for all the potential skids "(Fouda, 2015: 55).
III- Between ambitions and realities, what solutions for disarmament?
After taking power in April 2011 with military support from the New Forces the new Ivorian
Head of State, Alassane Ouattara appoints (RCI, 2012) a new administrative and technical body
to handle disarmament: the Authority for Disarmament, Demobilization, Reintegration, socio-
economic reintegration (ADDR). The purpose of this body is to restore security, to consolidate
peace and national reconciliation. The success of this operation will depend on the lasting peace
and security in the country.
1- Ambitions and realities
ADDR is the body in charge of disarmament since the signing of the Linas Marcoussis
Agreement (2003); it comes after the National Disarmament, Demobilization, Reintegration and
Community Rehabilitation (PNDDR / RC) programme established before the Ouagadougou
Peace Agreement (March 2007) and the National Reintegration and Community Rehabilitation
Programme, PNRRC (ROI 2007: No. 140). Since the authorities who established this new
disarmament body were more or less the main rebellion leaders from 2002 to 2010, it's logical for
us to expect an acceleration of the process (Kadet, 2014). Pursuant to the DDR policy letter of
the Ivorian government (RCI, 2012: ditto), the operation aims at getting back 64,777 ex-
combatants into the Ivorian socio-professional circuit from 2013 to 2014 after their
disarmament. Before the electoral dispute-related events in December 2010, 32,777 former
rebels were eligible to DDR; 9,000 of those former rebels were directly integrated into the army
and the paramilitary forces in accordance with the Ouagadougou Peace Agreement. 23,777
armed ex-combatants are remaining. During the same period, 22,898 elements from self-defense
militia groups were taken into account by the DDR program, making a total workforce of 46,675
eligible former combatants between 2007 and 2010, with another group of 18,102 post-election
fighters. These two figures bring the number to 64,777 eligible ex-combatants to DDR in 2013
and 2014.
To achieve this objective, the aim of operational areas are summarized in the following concrete
actions: to prepare ex-combatants to return to civilian life; to group, to disarm and to demobilize
former combatants; to repatriate exiled ex-combatants and alien ex-combatants non-residents in
Ivory Coast; to reintegrate ex-combatants in the socio-economic fabric; to rehabilitate the social
and economic infrastructure of the ex-combatants host communities.
The operation targets ex-combatants who participated under various groups into the consecutive
armed conflicts as a result of the September 2002 events or those of the post-electoral crisis
from December 2010 to April 2011. This includes the ex- fighters from the rebel New Forces
, who are not included in the new Ivorian army now called Cte dIvoire Republican Forces or
FRCI (RCI, 2011); soldiers from the Ivorian regular army, the National Armed Forces of Cte
d'Ivoire or FANCI who are not members of the FRCI; ex-combatant members of traditional
armed groups; persons associated with FRCI; ex-combatants from self-defense groups; alien ex-
combatants living in Cte dIvoire; non-resident alien ex-combatants in Cte dIvoire that must
be repatriated; exiled Ivorian ex-combatants that must be repatriated.
In reviewing the list of targets involved in the disarmament, we can deduce that the concern of
Ouattaras government is to cast a wide net, taking into account all the forces that, at one time or
the other, played a role in the armed conflicts that destabilized Cte dIvoire over the past
decade.
For the year 2013, a first batch of 30,000 ex-combatants is offered socio-professional integration
opportunities. When ex-combatants are grouped in a reception center then disarmed, those who
meet the criteria for recruitment in the army, the police or the gendarmerie integrate those
institutions. The others receive specialized training leading to jobs in various industries including
pastoralist jobs, prison guards, craft workers, private security officers, customs officers, Water
Resources and Forestry Service employees, drivers in public or private transport. Finally, other
former combatants simply go back to school to resume their studies. All those integration
projects are funded by UN agencies including UNDP and UNOCI.
In fact and although disarmament operations cover the entire country, the northern part is the
place where the first committed projects yield measurable results. In the Savannah District
(Korhogo) for instance, 1,930 ex-combatants are reintegrated into the various vocational courses,
being 49.55% of the target in that administrative district (Doumbia, 2013: 6). In addition, as part
of the 10,065 craft workers project, 789 ex-combatants are currently undergoing training in
Bouak on behalf of this district and that of Denguel (Odienn). In the other Ivorian conflict-
prone regions, the DDR is still in the process of informing and raising the awareness of the ex-
combatants involved. According to Alassane Ouattara, Ivorian Head of State, 10,000 ex-
combatants have been effectively demobilized at the current stage of project implementation,
being 15.43% of the total workforce. On the disarmament and reintegration of the remaining
55,000 former combatants, an investment of 90 billion CFA francs or $ 150 million is required
(Soir Info No. 5706, 2013: 2; Inter No. 4597, 2013: 2). Rather than looking at the financial
difficulties of the State, what if the disarmament problem was to be found in the very behavior
of the rebellion?
2- How to overcome challenges ?
Implementing the disarmament of the ex-combatants is facing a two-fold resistance: firstly, the
reluctance of former warlords and secondly, the influence of traditional Dozo4 hunters who
are auxiliaries to the Republican Forces of Cte d'Ivoire, FRCI (Amnesty International, 2013:
16).
The first challenge facing the disarmament process lies in the warlords whose attitude has
become vicious since the change of regime in Cte d'Ivoire. The former rebel leaders who were
undertaking illegal exploitations in the North of Cte dIvoire from 2002 to 2010 are now in
Abidjan, the economic capital of the country thanks to the post-electoral crisis from December
2010 to April 2011. Although they have all been promoted to positions of responsibility in the
Ivorian administration since the advent of Alassane Ouattara, those warlords have not given up
4Dozo refers to traditional hunters, especially big game and wild beasts hunters. They are an important traditional
brotherhood in the Mandingo space covering part of the territories of Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Sierra Leone,
Senegal and Cte dIvoire. Ivorian rebellion utilized the Milicia Dozo as Fode Sankohs Kamajors during Sierra
Leone Civilian war.
the illegal exploitation of the country's economic resources particularly the gold and diamond
mines in lieu of official State bodies. For this purpose, they establish parallel armies that control
the major cities and the whole country as noted by the UN experts group: At present, within the
regular FRCI force, there is a parallel body on which the security system relies for any effective intervention
(United Nations, S / 2013/605: 8). For instance, the city of Korhogo in the north of the country
has been under the exclusive control of the immovable warlord Fofi Kouakou since 2002. The
Abidjan metropolis in the south is divided between the warlords Issiaka Ouattara alias Wattao
(removed from office in August 2014), Cherif Ousmane, Kon Zakaria, Tour Herv alias
Vetcho and Jah Gao. These former rebel leaders have advantageously placed their men at
strategic places that they scour for their personal profit in the Abidjan metropolis and within the
country. Thus, Herv Tour alias Vetcho and his men control the south-east of the country
starting from the town of Grand-Bassam down to the town of No close to the border with
Ghana. In the Central West, the town of Issia and its surroundings are the preserve of warlord
Losseni Fofana and his men. In the southwest, San Pedro port city is exploited by Bema
Ouattara, a henchman of Wattao according to investigations by weekly Jeune Afrique (LNC No.
879, 2013: 2). Warlord Issiaka Ouattara alias Wattao justified the presence of the parallel forces
of FRCI saying:
The elements we are telling you about are my best elements. They are ready to do the job. As regards their index
numbers, I am in discussion with the Chief of Staff to study the case of those hundreds of elements. What you need
to know is that many elements are not serious with work. And I am against this boycott that I rather denounce.
You have to understand once and for all that those soldiers known as soldiers without index numbers are those
providing security to millions in Abidjan. We should therefore celebrate and congratulate them. I am proud of
them. (United Nations, S / 2013/605: 52).
Actually, those auxiliaries FRCIs work on behalf of their leaders and not in the interest of the
Ivorian state they are expected to serve. Faced with such situations, the Disarmament,
Demobilization and Reintegration Authority (ADDR) is powerless. The impotence of the body
in charge of disarmament raises uncertainties about the future of the very process; this is
confirmed by the report of the UN Panel of Experts in item 6, on the situation in Cte dIvoire:
As regards the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process, the Panel believes Government may not
be able to achieve the goals set out in resolution 2112 (2013) namely the disarmament and reintegration of
30,000 ex-combatants by the end of 2013. From reliable sources, 9,422 soldiers were demobilized on 5
September and 9,600 weapons were collected. The Panel notices that zone commanders continue to exert a strong
influence on the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process to the extent that they appoint the soldiers
that need to be considered for demobilization and disarmament operations. Those commanders are capable of
maintaining control over military networks inside and outside the Republican Forces of Cte d'Ivoire (FRCI) and
by so doing, they are serving their own financial, military and political interests. The Panel is concerned about this
situation as those bodies influence the handling of security conditions and do not systematically report to the FRCI
through the appropriate channels. (United Nations, S / 2013/605: 4)
It is no secret that the current Ivorian regime is indebted to those warlords who form its
backbone. But at the same time, this is a kind of organized mafia that illegally exploits the
country's resources. Since 2002, the Alassane Ouattara regime has proved unable to fight the
predation that has been going on for thirteen years. It is high time the UN whose experts
regularly produce reports on the situation in Cte dIvoire took concrete measures to deter those
warlords and salvage the common resources of the country.
The second difficulty in the implementation of disarmament in Cte d'Ivoire is the influence of
the auxiliary Dozos . Originally, this term refers to traditional hunters, especially big game and
wild beasts hunters. In the Mandingo space covering part of the territories of Mali, Guinea,
Burkina Faso, Sierra Leone, Senegal and Cte dIvoire, the Dozos are an important traditional
brotherhood. Those operating in Cte d'Ivoire hail mainly from Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea and
Sierra Leone. The collective memory recalls Sam Bukari and Fode Sankohs Kamajors or Sierra
Leoneans Dozos , notorious fighters during the civil war in that country whose brotherhood
members are utilized in the Ivorian rebellion.
The general weakening of regular security forces following the military coup (1999) and the rebel
war (2002-2010) revealed the Dozos as fighters, first within Guillaume Soros rebel troops
(New Forces), then as auxiliaries to the pro-Ouattara forces as they enabled him to take power
by force in April 2011. Since that date, the Dozos numbering 6,000 men to date are the
backbone of the new Ivorian army called the Republican Forces of Cte d'Ivoire (2011) with
leading figures such as Zakaria Kon, Cherif Ousmane who do not hesitate to claim membership
of the brotherhood.
Despite the good image they enjoy, the Dozos who are everywhere in Cte dIvoire are both
a source of public insecurity and an obstacle to the disarmament of armed groups. Claiming that
the fact of possessing firearms is a cultural trait of their community, the Dozos refuse to
disarm. Their position seems all the more reinforced as it is encouraged by the current regime
that uses them as militia parallel to regular forces as evidenced by Hamed Bakayoko, the Minister
of the Interior of the Ivorian government:
Our country has experienced a war and during that war, the Dozos contributed to the liberation of the country. I
would like to thank them. There is no shame in acknowledging and assuming this because this is the truth. So the
State of Cte dIvoire is not ashamed of admitting this, of assuming and saying thank you ... We count on you, we
know that if you are well organized, you can help President Alassane Ouattara succeed in this mission ...
(LNC, 2012: 2).
In all Ivorian cities and most remote villages, members of the Dozos brotherhood set up
roadblocks on pathways despite calls from government (RCI, PR / MPRCD / MEMI, 2012 :
No. 4347). They often do not hesitate to assume the right to disarm elements of the regular
forces at some roadblocks (Le Jour Plus, 2013: 8). Although they are indexed in all UN and
NGOs reports for serious violation of human rights (Amnesty International, 2013: 15, 39-50),
members of that brotherhood are not called to order and this is happening less than one year
into the next presidential elections in the country slated for October 2015. Without an aggressive
security clean-up policy consisting in taking weapons away from those tribal militias and sending
them back to their original home, the Ivorian people will not enjoy serenity. Certainly, one
cannot prevent human mobility, and therefore the Dozos have the right to move throughout
Cte d'Ivoire; however, every citizen should be able to feel free with the assurance that they will
not be assaulted by non conventional parallel forces.
As it stands, the disarmament issue is far from resolved since former rebel members refuse to get
rid of their bad habits. Owing to difficulties inherent in the nature of a regime whose highest
authorities consist of former warlords, there are serious doubts on the success of this process
which is however long awaited by the country. The concern of Ivorians is all the more justified
as the head of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Authority, Fidle Sarasoro
himself was a victim of an assault with heavy weapons perpetrated by those parallel forces in July
2013 on the Ferkessdougou-Kong road in northern Cte dIvoire, a stronghold of the former
rebels (United Nations, S / 2013/605: 6). Also, during the last quarter of 2015, Cte dIvoire will
once again be engaged in an electoral process while significant quantities of war weapons are still
held by uncontrolled armed gangs. The DDR Authority head seeks assistance from former
militia leaders in order to speed up the disarmament of such groups (Inter Abidjan, 2015: 4). The
necessary appeal to these groups, however, should be extended to the Dozo tribal militias which
are true destructive weapons and whose disarmament will continue to undermine the security
sector.
Conclusion
The aim of this study is to show that despite the existence of international peace tools
supporting the peace restoration process in Cte d'Ivoire, rebel groups that took up weapons
against the country in 2002 have so far not disarmed. In the search for elements justifying this
development, our analysis examined political mechanisms for managing the security aspect of the
Ivorian conflict so as to identify deadlocks. It also highlighted efforts by protagonists to
domesticate those tools before questioning the issue of disarmament. What can we learn from
these inventories? Compiling available data reveals that the rationale behind the resolution of the
Ivorian conflict failed to bring about the disarmament of rebel groups. In fact, the resolution of
this crisis happens to be the disclosure of a game of interests. On the International scene,
external actors (ECOWAS, AU, France, the UN) endorsed agreements whose contents fail to
tally with the Ivorian institutional realities. In a way, those agreements are perceived by Ivorians
as measures to validate what the rebellion failed to have with their weapons. The causes of the
crystallization of Ivorians frustrations lie in the Linas-Marcoussis Round Table whose
resolutions constitute a form of celebration of the armed violence. Due to the complicit silence
observed by the international community vis--vis the armed groups, national institutions have
been discredited throughout this crisis. In April 2011, after a decade of prevarication, the
conclusion is that the resolution of the Ivorian crisis confirms that the political and diplomatic
dialogue is subordinated to the armed violence. However, a consideration of the acts of peace
posed by the conflicting parties in accordance with the various crisis agreements certifies that
President Laurent Gbagbo applied his share of the political compromise. However, this was not
the case with the rebels who display a defiant posture vis--vis national institutions and the
international community. Indeed, rebel groups have continued to enjoy political dividends from
this crisis by maintaining the country under division since 2002. They have never really agreed to
lay down their weapons which serve as a means of political pressure. Comforted by the passivity
of the international community during the crisis, rebel groups have led this latter to develop a
biased reading of the Ivorian situation. This dynamic is indeed sustained by procedures
legitimating the rebellion, procedures that can be perceived through the controversy of the
Linas-Marcoussis Agreement and subsequent agreements, the weakening of Ivorian institutions
and, ultimately, the victory of the coalition of the Houphouetists supported by the France-UN
forces in April 2011.
Although they are ultimately on power, rebel groups continue to hold weapons in particular
through the tribal militias and warlords. In this process, the presence of France which is a
permanent member of the Security Council was instrumental, so much so that one is wondering
if the UN that worked on this outcome were not enrolled in an insider trading. Beyond this
question, the persistent refusal to disarm by rebel groups and their auxiliaries Dozo militia in
the country continues to raise concerns among populations. The United Nations Operation in
Cte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) and France are still in place. It is their duty to bring those groups to
order. In any event, the Ivorian situation raises the broader issue of the management of armed
conflicts in Africa. Similar cases are ongoing in Africa especially in Mali, in Central African
Republic and in Nigeria. Those are armed conflict-torn states and some of them are engaged in
similar processes requiring the involvement of external actors. Should the Ivorian case serve as
an example, then the neutrality of external actors as regards the management of the conflict
remains an interrogation towards a lasting peace and security on the continent.
References
1- Amnesty International (2013). Cte dIvoire : la loi des vainqueurs. La situation des droits
humains deux ans aprs la crise postlectorale, Royaume Uni, Fvrier, pp. 15-16, 39-50.
2- Bangr Habibou (2004) : Cte dIvoire : le processus de paix la drive Journal Afrik, (en
ligne), 18 octobre 2004.
3- Bl Kess A. (2005). La Cte dIvoire en guerre. Le sens de limposture franaise, Paris,
LHarmattan, pp. 118-119.
4- Boutellis, A. (2011). The Security Sector in Cte dIvoire: A Source of Conflict and a Key
to Peace, New York: International Peace Institute, May. 17 p
5- Brou Ph., 2013. Comment les comzones continuent de piller la Cte dIvoire, in Le Nouveau
Courrier n879 du lundi 16 Septembre, p.2. Voir aussi Jeune Afrique n2749, du 15-21
Septembre 2013.
6- Doumbia, Y (2013). Dmobilisation et rintgration, 3895 ex-combattants dj pris en compte dans
le district des Savanes. In Linter dAbidjan n4588 du mercredi 18 septembre, p. 6.
7- Fouda V- S (2015). Le procs de Laurent Gbagbo, Cte dIvoire, lAfrique face son
destin, Paris, LHarmattan, p.55.
8- Gramizzi C., Damian M. (2003). La crise ivoirienne de la tentative de coup dEtat au
Gouvernement de Rconciliation nationale, Rapport du GRIP, 2003, p. 10.
9- International Crisis Group (2007). Cte dIvoire : faut-il croire lAccord de Ouagadougou ?
Rapport Afrique, n127, 27 juin 2007, p. 10.
10- (2008) : Cte dIvoire : garantir un processus lectoral crdible, Rapport Afrique n139, 22 avril, p.
15.
11- Kadet G.B (2011). La politique de dfense et de scurit de la Cte dIvoire. Paris,
LHarmattan, pp. 193-237.
12- Kadet G.B. (2014). Rbellions et scurit urbaine en Afrique de lOuest. Revue
Gopolitique Africaine, Paris, n51 Deuxime trimestre.
13- Konadj J.- J. (2014). LONU et le conflit ivoirien, Les enjeux gopolitiques de
lintervention 2002-2010, Paris, LHarmattan, pp. 92-93.
14- LInter dAbidjan (2015). Adhsion au processus DDR, Maho Glofii lance un appel
pressant aux ex-combattants, Linter N5016, 28 fvrier -1er mars, p.4.
15- Le Jour Plus (2013). Les dozo veulent dsarmer les gendarmes, LJP n2835 du 17
septembre, p.8 et Linter dAbidjan n4587 du 17 septembre, p.11.
16- Nations Unies (2003). Security Council Resolution 1464, 4 February
- (2003). Security Council Resolution 1479, 13 May

- (2004). Security Council Resolution 1527, 4 February
- (2005). Security Council Resolution 1633, 21 October
- (2006). Security Council Resolution 1682, 2 June
- (2006). Security Council Resolution 1721, 1 November
- (2011). Security Council Resolution 1975, 30 March
17- Nations Unies (2007). Rapport du Secrtaire gnral des Nations Unies sur la situation en
Cte dIvoire, en date du 14 mai 2007.
18- Nations Unies, 2013. Rapport de mi-mandat du Groupe dexperts sur la Cte dIvoire,
tabli en application du paragraphe 19 de la rsolution 2101 (2013), S/2013/605, pp. 4, 6,
8, 52.
19- Peillon Georges (2015). Gbagbo, cest homme dEtat mais, il tait seul . Dans le film
documentaire de Fagiolo N. (2014), le droit la diffrence sur Laurent Gbagbo. Propos
de lauteur retranscrit par Sverine Bl, in Aujourdhui n850 du 18 mars 2015, pp. 6-8.
20- Rpublique de Cte dIvoire (2007). Arrt N140 PM/Cab du 18 juin 2007 portant
cration du Programme National de Rinsertion et de Rhabilitation Communautaire.
- (2009). Arrt ministriel n0344 du 9 novembre, du Ministre de la dfense.

- Rpublique de Cte dIvoire (2009). Dcret n2009-380 du 16 novembre 2009.
- (2009). Dcret n2009-381 du 16 novembre 2009.
- (2010). Centre de Commandement Intgr : Point sur le dsarmement, Document indit,
Yamoussoukro, aot 2010.
- (2011). Dcret du 17 mars 2011 portant cration des Forces Rpublicaines de Cte
dIvoire.
- (2012). Circulaire interministrielle N4347- PR/MPRCD/MEMI du 05 juin relative la
prsence de dozo aux barrages routiers.
- (2012). Lettre de politique DDR, adopte par le Conseil National de Scurit le 02 aot,
Abidjan, p. 7.
- (2012). Dcret N2012-786 du 08 aot 2012 portant cration de lAutorit pour le
Dsarmement, la Dmobilisation, la Rinsertion, la Rintgration socio-conomique des
ex-combattants.
21- Soir Info (2013). Alassane Ouattara sur BBC, n5706 du 28 et 29 septembre, p.2. Voir
aussi Linter dAbidjan n4597 de la mme date, p.2.
22- Toti, F (2012). Mis en cause dans les diffrents rapports, le rgime Ouattara clbre ses
miliciens Dozo : extrait du discours adress le jeudi 1er novembre 2012 par Hamed
Bakayoko, Ministre de lIntrieur dAlassane Ouattara, aux diffrentes confrries Dozo,
rassembles au Centre de Confrence International du Ministre des Affaires Etrangres
Abidjan, commune du Plateau. Le Nouveau Courrier n644, vendredi 02 novembre,
p.2.
23- Union Africaine (2007). Rapport du Prsident de la Commission de lUnion Africaine sur
la situation en Cte dIvoire. Conseil de Paix et de Scurit, 104me runion, 19 dcembre,
AddisAbeba, PSC/PR/2(CIV), p. 6.
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Faith and Reason Expressed: The Case of Ghana
George Anderson Jnr.1 (M. Phil.) & Joseph Oppong2 (PhD.)

Department of Religion and Human Values, University of Cape Coast, University Post Office
Cape Coast, Ghana, West Africa.
Email: georgeanderson58@yahoo.com
Abstract
It is sometimes difficult to acquire the right answers in solving the problems of life. In this
regard, many people wallow in the quagmire of confusion in their quest to get answers to the
problems that confront them in life. Largely, this state of confusion emanates from one making a
choice amid two alternatives that are capable of rendering solution. The two alternatives that
seem to be capable in this context are faith and reason. Whereas some people advocate for only
faith, others advocate for only reason to be the independent approaches to solving human
problems respectively. Nevertheless, the question is, can faith or reason alone solve ones
problems in the midst of the existential factors in the Ghanaian context? By joining this debate,
the paper examines the expressions of faith and of reason on separate terminus taking
inspirations from the Ghanaian perspective. The paper argues that in finding answers to
problems of life, Ghanaians must not depend on only faith or on only reason. Rather, they must
blend both faith and reason inasmuch as they are confronted with daily issues of life. This is
because issues that operate on the terminus of faith alone (religion) on one side of the coin and
that of reason alone on the other side of the coin are complex and delicate to human existence.
Keywords: Faith, Reason, Ghana
Introduction:
Faith and reason are both necessary for the human person to
understand reality and live properly3
The issue of faith and reason has been a topical one from antiquity to postmodern times.
Traditionally, faith and reason have each been considered by some people to be sources of
1
George Anderson Jnr. is a Senior Research Assistant in the Department of Religion and
Human Values, University of Cape Coast in the section of Ethics and Society. His research
interests are in the area of Philosophy of Religion, Akan Ethics, Humanistic Ethics, Logic, and
Penteco-Charismatic Church Studies.
2
Joseph Oppong is a Lecturer in the area of the study of Ethics and Society in the Department
of Religion and Human Values at the University of Cape Coast, Cape Coast, Ghana West Africa.
3
See John Paul II, (1998). Fides et Ratio: On the relationship between faith and reason. Washington,
DC: United States Catholic Conference.
justification for religious belief. This is because both (faith and reason) can ostensibly serve the
same epistemic function. For this reason, it has been a matter of much interest to philosophers
and theologians in view of how the two are related and thus how the rational agent should treat
claims derived from either source. Many scientists, theologians and philosophers have argued
that religious faith and logical reason are not compatible. Some scientists and humanists have
further suggested that natural reason alone is sufficient to provide human beings with answers to
questions about the meaning or purpose of human existence4. Notwithstanding the above claims
however, in Ghana today, it is obvious that majority of Ghanaians who are faced with difficulties
get confused. Their confusion to some degree emanates from the fact that they do not know
from which of the two alternatives (faith and reason) the one that will yield them solutions to
their problems. At times, when this confusion becomes so acute, the only means one resorts to is
faith (religion) forgetting if not, completely about reason. Nevertheless, by taking into
consideration the general idea that has been espoused above, this paper takes inspirations from
the Ghanaian context and examines how faith and reason are expressed. By so doing, the paper
suggests how and when faith and reason could be employed in solving problems of life.
Ghana as a Study Area

The study area is Ghana. The Republic of Ghana lies almost in the centre of the countries along
the Gulf of Guinea (the West African coast). Its southern coast extends between latitudes 4
North at Cape Three Points and 6 North in the extreme east and is thus not far from the
Equator. From the coast, the country extends inland to about latitude 11 North covering a
distance of 672 kilometres from South to North. The distance across the widest part from east
to west measures 536 kilometres. The country has a total land area of 239,460 square kilometres.
To the east of Ghana lies the Republic of Togo, beyond which are Benin and Nigeria. On the
west is La Cte d'Ivoire and on the north is Burkina Faso. Ghanas coastline is 560 kilometres of
mainly sandy beaches. According to the year 2010 Population and Housing Census, it was
estimated that Ghana has a population of about twenty-four million, six hundred and fifty-eight
thousand, eight hundred and twenty three (24,658,823) people. Out of the 24,658,823 people,
71.2% of the population professes the Christian faith, 17.6% are Muslims, 5.2% are adherents of
traditional African religion and 5.3% do not belong to any religion5. Inferring from the statistics
on the religiosity of Ghanaians, there is reason to examine how Ghanaians apply faith and
reason in dealing with issues of life.
A Look at Faith
It is difficult to comprehend faith or the notion of religious faith to its fullest terms. Tavani
(2008) writes that generally if one were to look up the term faith in a dictionary, she (sic)
would likely encounter a definition that included terms such as confidence or trust for
instance, confidence or trust in a person or thing6. He adds that a close examination of the
notion of religious faith reveals at least two different senses that offer a clearer comprehension
of the subject. The two different senses have to do with faith as an act, and, faith in terms of its
content. Tavani (2008) posits that primarily, the two aspects of faith might seem to be inseparable.
4
Tavani, H. T. (2008). The classic debate on the relationship between faith and reason: Some
contemporary challenges from the perspectives of relativism and postmodernism. InSight: Rivier
Academic Journal, 4(1), p. 1.
See, for example, Wilson, E. O. (1998). Consilience: The unity of knowledge. New York: Vintage
Books.
5
Land and people of Ghana, see: http://www.ghc-ca.com/frm-e-land-people.html, accessed on 27th
February, 2014. See: Ghana Statistical Service (May, 2012). 2010 Population and housing census:
Summary report of final results. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service.
6
See, for example, the Random House Dictionary of the English Language (New York: Random
House, 1968).
For example, the content of ones faith (i.e., the principles, doctrines, and articles that comprise a
certain faith) might well inform an individuals act of faith (i.e., ones choice, decision,
commitment, etc.)7. Faith as an act as mentioned by Tavani (2008) has been interpreted in diverse
ways by several scholars. For example, Thomas Aquinas speaks of faith as an act of the intellect
assenting to the truth at the command of the will8 whereas Paul Tillich defines faith as an act of
the total personality9. John Locke speaks of faith as an assent to [a] proposition...10 and
William James describes faith as our right to adopt a believing attitude in religious matters11.
Tavani (2008) in using Tillichs phrase dynamics of faith posits that faith in its dynamic
sense, can be understood as an interactive and interpersonal relationship that one has with God.
It can also be seen in the form of a commitment that an individual consciously makes to a
certain way of living. This way of living includes an individuals commitment to a vocational
form of religious community life, or following a set of doctrines. For example, when one
professes his or her faith. For Tavani (2008), religious faith can be viewed in terms of its
content i.e., the content of the beliefs themselves as opposed to an individuals act of believing.
Here, the focus on faith is in terms of a particular set or system of religious beliefs and
doctrines, rather than on ones subscription or commitment to those beliefs12. There are some
groups of people who are referred to as fideists. A fideist is someone who believes that faith is
independent of, and superior to reason13. For a fideist, using reason alone to demonstrate and
evaluate religions or religious beliefs is always inappropriate. Fideists argue that faith is not the
kind of thing which needs rational justification. Fideists maintain that attempting to prove ones
religious faith may even be an indication of a lack of faith14.
Another term worth mentioning in connection with faith is fideism. The term fideism
derives from the Latin for faith. It is an epistemological theory that questions the power of
reason to reach certainty and argues rather that truth can be attained only through faith. Most
forms of fideism conceal a distrust of reason, particularly in the areas of morality and religion.
In this context, therefore, faith can be understood as belief despite the absence of conclusive
evidence: it also implies an emotional attitude of trust or reliance towards its object. Fideists
consider such faith essential to religious commitment. The strongest exponent of this view was
Sren Kierkegaard who rejected objective reasoning outright as a basis for faith. For
Kierkegaard, faith is a fundamentally different process from objective reasoning, a matter of
passion rather than reflection. He opposed the notion of proof to that of faith, arguing that
faith is only possible when faced with uncertainty15. In this paper however, the term faith is
understood as an expression of a strong sense of belief in an occurred or yet to occur
phenomenon and a particular Christian religious products16.
7
Tavani, H. T. (2008), p. 2.
8
St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II (Qu. 4, Art. 5). In A. C. Pegis, (Ed.). Basic Writings of
St. Thomas Aquinas, Vol. 2 (New York: Random House, 1945).
9
Tillich, P. (1957). Dynamics of Faith. San Francisco, CA: Harper and Row, p. 4.
10
Locke, J. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. A. C. Fraser (Oxford: Clarendon Press),
Vol. II, p. 416.
11
James, W. (1896). The Will to Believe and Other Essays. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., p. 1.
12
Tavani, H. T. (2008), pp. 2-3. See: Swindal, J. (2001). Faith and reason, Internet Encyclopaedia
of Philosophy, par. 1, Retrieved from http://www.utm.edu/research/iep/f/faith-re.htm, accessed on 2nd
March, 2014.
13
Tavani, H. T. (2008), p. 6.
14
Meister, C. (2009). Introducing philosophy of religion. London and New York: Routledge, p. 154.
15
Faith and Reason, retrieved from http://www.sevenoaksphilosophy.org/religion/faith-and-
reason.html, accessed on 25th February, 2014.
16
Some notable examples are anointing oil, handkerchiefs, stickers, and holy water.
A Look at Reason
It is wrong always, everywhere, and for anyone, to believe

anything upon insufficient evidence17.
The Latin rendition of the English word reason is ratio18. Tavani (2008) writes that the term
reason is ambiguous and is sometimes used equivocally. For him, in an informal and colloquial
sense, reason is sometimes associated with common sense19. In general terms, the meaning
associated with reason is, the principles for a methodological inquiry, whether intellectual, moral,
aesthetic, or religious20. It can be added that reason largely will deal with the critical and effective
use of the intellect/mind. According to St. Augustine, reason is the minds capacity of
distinguishing and connecting the things that are learned21. Inferring from Augustine, there is
reason to posit that using the intellect/mind requires a persons ability to employ a grave
evaluation of issues in a logical sequence before passing out judgment.
A person who holds that reason is independent of, and superior to, faith is referred to as
a rationalist. Rationalists contend that using faith rather than reason to demonstrate or evaluate
religions or religious beliefs is always inappropriate. This is because faith stales the moral
agents22 sense of reasoning before an action is taken and therefore attributes every failure to
superstition. Some genres of rationalists include critical rationalists23 and strong rationalists.
Critical rationalism is the process of rationally criticizing and evaluating religious belief systems
while acknowledging that conclusive proof of such a system is impossible. For critical
rationalists, in ones quest to use reason to solving human problems, one must use reason
decisively. In other words, the moral agent is anticipated to weigh the strengths, weaknesses and
the consequences of reason before reason is used. The other genre of rationalists are the strong
rationalists. For this group of rationalists, they maintain that in order for a religious belief system
to be properly and rationally accepted, it must be possible to prove that the belief system is true.
By prove it is meant that it is possible to show that a belief is true, in a way that is convincing to
any intelligent person. It opposes faith and relies on reason. In other words, one should only
believe what is reasonable and presented with empirical proofs rather than believing solely
because of faith24. Having discussed the terms faith and reason in the context of this paper, the
next issues to be dealt with focuses on how faith and reason are expressed in the Ghanaian
context.
17
Clifford, W. K. (1877). The ethics of belief. See: www.memelyceum.com/documents/ethics_of_belie
f.pdf Accessed on 6th November, 2014.
18
Runes, D. D. (Ed.). (1959). Dictionary of philosophy: Ancient-medieval-modern. USA: Littlefield,
Adams & Co., p. 264.
19
Tavani, H. T. (2008), p. 3.
20
Swindal, J. (2001). Accessed on 2nd March, 2014.
21
Runes, D. D. (Ed.). (1959), p. 263. `
22
Ozumba (2001), writes that to be a moral agent means that moral qualities can be ascribed to a
person. For Ozumba, a moral agent must be free and responsible, imbued with certain maturity,
rationality and sensitivity. See: Ozumba, G. O. (2001). A course text on ethics. Nigeria:
Onosomegbowho Ogbinaka Publishers Limited, p. 3.
23
See: Karl Raimund Popper, Critical Rationalism.
24
Sterne, A. (2012). Faith and reason. Retrieved from http://www.stpetersfireside.org/2012/08/faith-
and-reason/. Accessed on 6th November, 2014.
Faith Expressed
Much can be and has already been said by renowned scholars about the religiosity of Africans
and Ghanaians. By revisiting the assertions made by the scholars, the paper refers to Anderson
(2013)25 who recalls some of the notable assertions made by some of the scholars. Anderson
(2013) writes, scholars like Mbiti (1989), Parrinder (1969) and Idowu (1962) have referred to
Africans as notoriously, incurably and in all things religious people respectively. The scholars
maintain that religion so deeply permeates all the spheres of their (Africans) lives that it cannot
be distinguished from non-religious aspects of life. For this reason, in the African traditional life,
there are no atheists and that the African cultural heritage is intensely and pervasively religious.
This attribution of religiosity to the African peoples, though a general one, may be said to be
true of Ghanaians. Thus, Opoku (1974) observed:
The phenomenon of religion is so pervasive in the life

of the Akan, and so inextricably bound up with their
culture, that it is not easy to isolate what is purely
religious from other aspects of life. It may be said
without fear of exaggeration that life in the Akan world is
religion and religion is life26.
Majority of Ghanaians express their faith in diverse ways. Some prefer to lodge at prayer
camps to offer prayers to salvage their sicknesses rather than seeking medical attention. In
concretising this view, data27 was collected to find out which alternative (lodging at prayer camps
and consulting a pastor to get their problems solved as against seeking medical attention) one
would choose over the other. The data revealed that a total number of two hundred (200)
interviewees out of two-hundred and fifty (250) maintained that prayer camps and pastors are
efficient in remedying their situations than resorting to medical care. The interviewees claimed
that medicine dispensed by doctors does not cure every disease. For them, most of the doctors
operate on the principle of try and error to deliver health care service in majority of Ghanas
medical centres. More so, the interviewees consider prayers and pastor-patronage services to be
less costly as compared to seeking medical attention. A section of the interviewees maintained
that they would choose prayers offered by pastors over medical attention. This is because it is
time consuming and unprofitable to spend the entire day in long outpatients queues in the
hospital only not to have access to the doctor.
In connection with the above findings, some notable prayer camps in Ghana were
visited. In Ghana today, it would interest one who visits some popular prayer sites/camps to
witness how some Ghanaians express their faith over reason. For example, some prayer camps
like Atwea Mountain28 and Edumfa Heavenly Ministry29. At these prayer camps, glimpses were
25
Anderson, Jnr. G. (2013). Religion and morality in Ghana: A reflection. Global Journal of Arts
Humanities and Social Sciences, 1(3), pp. 162-170. See: Mbiti, J. S. (1989), p. 1, Parrinder, E. G.
(1969), pp. 2829, Idowu, Bolaji, E. (1962), p. 146.
26
Opoku, K. A. (1974), In C. Eric Lincoln (Ed.), p. 286.
27
Data was collected from two hundred and fifty (250) respondents from five towns in Ghana, Cape
Coast, Elmina, Ajumako, Mankessim and Kintampo, all in the Central, and Brong Ahafo regions of
Ghana respectively. The total sample size included 100 males and 150 females. A total of 100
respondents were age group 35-50 years whereas 150 were age group between 25-34 years.
28
The Abaasua/Atwea Mountain is located at Abaasua a small village between Banko and Nsuta in
the Sekyere Central District in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. Oral sources claim that a Methodist
Minister, the late Rev. Asibey who was in charge of the Effiduase Circuit of the Methodist Church,
Ghana in the 1960s, discovered the Mountain as a place for prayer retreat by the direction of God. On
reaching at the foot of the mountain, God instructed him to climb to the top to pray and dedicate the
place as a prayer site. From that day, the Abaasua Mountain has been a site for prayer retreat for many
caught of many people. Some of whom were shedding tears as they prayed, others sang with
loud voice, some were clapping their hands and jumping (signifying the act of trampling on the
devil). Some of the inmates at the prayer camps were chained, others were receiving spiritual
assistance in the form of deliverance and fervent prayers from the priestesses and pastors in
charge. Some of the inmates appeared to be physically weak. This was because they had fasted
fervently and prayed close to ten days without eating any food. However, the inmates were
restricted to only the intake of small quantity of water.
Moving away from the prayer camps to the issue of miracles, there is much reason to
posit that the performance of miracles has become a topical issue in Ghana today. This is
because almost every Ghanaian Pentecostal-Charismatic Christian church performs miracles.
The miracles that occur are but not limited to the restoration of the sight of the blind, curing the
deaf and dumb, and healing the cripples etc. In the midst of the occurrences of these miracles
however, there are certain Christian religious products30 that facilitate the occurrences of
miracles. Interviewees from five different Ghanaian Pentecostal-Charismatic Christian churches
maintained that the religious products contained supernatural powers that readily remedy both
spiritual and physical problems. This information gathered from the interviewees ties closely
with the research findings of Stiles-Ocran (2004 ). Literature indicates that Stiles-Ocran (2004)
conducted research on some Pentecostal-Charismatic Churches in Ghana. He observed that
majority of the Ghanaian populace patronise Christian religious products than seeking medical
attention.
According to Stiles-Ocran (2004), his interviewees maintained that the Christian religious
products are used to administer healing and deliverance. Again, the products serve as a medium
that empowers the clients for wealth or prosperity at anointing services and the use of the
religious products is very efficacious31. Inferring from the findings of Stiles-Ocran (2004) in
connection with the issue under discussion, then there is reason to comprehend the news item
that hit the airwaves of Ghana on 19th of May 2013. On that said date, four (4) people were
reported dead with thirteen (13) other persons injured at a Nigerian-based Pastors Church in
Accra32. This tragedy was as a result of a serious stampede that occurred at the main entrance to
the churchs premises. The report was that thousands of people had flocked the Church in
pursuit of healing, spiritual and financial breakthrough. The influx of people to the church in
question was in view of an alleged free distribution of bottled holy water (Italics mine) that is
claimed to be the panacea to peoples physical and spiritual afflictions33.
Another area that depicts an expression of faith over reason is how some Ghanaians
invite into their homes and businesses some pastors to pray for them to get their problems
solved. In this respect, the research conducted a survey in one hundred and fifty homes34. The
Christian Churches and Ministries in Ghana and even beyond. (The Mountain is popularly known as
Atwea Mountain because it is close to the Atwea village which in terms of population has over
shadowed the Abaasua village), See: http://www.pcgatweamountain.com/, accessed on 2nd March,
2014.
29
Edumfa Heavenly Ministries is a spiritual revival and healing centre near Cape Coast, Ghana.
Edumfa is a town in the Abura-Asebu-Kwamankese District of the Central Region. See:
http://edumfaheavenlyministry.org/index.html,accessed on 2nd March, 2014.
30
See p. 5, footnote number 17.
31
Stiles-Ocran, D. B. (2004). Prophetism in Ghana: A case study of some charismatic churches, M.
Phil thesis, University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, pp. 75-76.
32
The capital town of the Republic of Ghana.
33
See: http://edition.myjoyonline.com/pages/news/201305/106286.php, accessed on 27th February,
2014.
34
Data was collected from four towns in Ghana from February 12th to April 20th, 2014. The four
survey revealed that ninety-eight (98) out of the one-hundred and fifty (150) homes in one way
or another had invited and hosted a pastor to offer prayers for their wellbeing. Another way that
illustrates how faith is expressed over reason is evident in the prayer of one renowned pastor of
the Christian Action Faith International Ministries35 that hit the airwaves of Ghana on Monday
February 3, 2014. This pastor is reported to have led his congregation to offer a fervent
intercessional prayer for the Cedi36 to bring to a standstill its losses against the American Dollar.
The prayer was in connection with the wake of the galloping inflation of the Cedi by the
Commencement of the year 201437. The prayer is captured below verbatim:
I hold up the cedi with prayer and I command the cedi

to recover and I declare the cedi will not fall; it will not
fall any further. I command the cedi to climb. I command
the resurrection of the cedi. I command and release a
miracle for the economy38.
Away from the above instances discussed, the paper recalls an incident that involved the
expression of faith over reason. The incident ensued between the medical staff of the Princess
Marie Louise Childrens Hospital and the parents of a nine-year old girl belonging to the Jehovah
Witnesses Religious faith on Sunday 19th June, 2011. The confrontation was in connection with
blood transfusion. It was reported that the nine-year old girl was rushed to the hospital for
medical treatment only to be told that the girl was anemic. This implied that the girl needed
blood. In the medical staffs quest to save the life of the dying girl, the parents of the girl
vehemently protested against the intended transfusion of blood to their daughter since it was
against their faith. Nevertheless, the police intervened and the life of the girl was rescued39. From
the instances cited earlier like others that have not been captured in this paper, one begins to
question the place of reason in Ghana. Do the above instances give reason to argue that reason
does not play much role in the life and thought of Ghanaians? If it is the case, then there is
reason to posit that it is no wonder that Asare-Opoku, Mbiti and other scholars have maintained
that religion permeates in all the aspects of the African including Ghanaians that one cannot
towns were; Cape Coast, Accra, Winneba and Takoradi. In Cape Coast, fifty homes were visited. Out
of the fifty homes, thirty confirmed that they had invited an itinerant pastor who had come to stay
with them for about three weeks to organize fervent prayers with them in anticipation of total
liberation from demonic spiritual attacks. In Accra, sixty homes were visited. Out of the sixty homes,
forty maintained that, they had invited pastors who came to live with them for two months. The
pastors stay was to help them develop their spirituality and offer deliverance for the entire family
owing to issues pertaining to spiritual marriage and frequent divorce. In Winneba and Takoradi twenty
homes each were visited. Fifteen out of the twenty homes in Winneba acknowledged that they had
invited a pastor to live with them for three days to pray against witches attack. In Takoradi, only
thirteen out of the twenty homes visited confirmed that they had invited a powerful pastor who had
come to stay with them for two days to counsel and pray for their twenty-three year old boy who had
subscribed to the smoking of Indian hemp.
35
Christian Action Faith International Ministries is one of the Penteco-Charismatic churches in Ghana
36
The Cedi is the national currency of Ghana. It comes in coins and notes.
37
Duncan Williams spiritually commands the cedi to rise, See: http://news.myjoyonline.com/busines
s/2014/February-2nd/duncan-williams-spiritually-commands-the-cedi-to-rise.php. Accessed on 7th
May, 2014.
38
Asare-Donkoh, F. (2014). Can prayer alone resurrect the cedi? See: http://graphic.com.gh/feature
s/opinion/17257-can-prayer-alone-resurrect-the-cedi.html#sthash.Agr9p9KU.dpuf Accessed on
February 10th 2014.
39
GhanaWeb. (Sunday, 19 June 2011). Doctors, police "fight off" Jehovah's Witnesses over blood
transfusion. Retrieved from http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/artikel.php?I
D=211555 accessed on 29th September, 2014.
distinguish what is religious from non-religious aspects of their life.
Reason Expressed
Like the discussions made on the expression of faith above, one expects to see that of reason.
However, can the above discussion be likewise in the case of reason? In the popular mind of
some Ghanaians lingers the impression that there seems to be too much religion (faith) in
Ghana. In this regard, excess religion (faith) has mired the efficient use of reason. Though it can
be true of the above stance however, there is the need to sound a caveat. This caveat is in view
of the fact that one cannot completely deny the place of reason. Else, without fear of
exaggeration, there would be enough reason to say of Ghanaians that they do not reason or
rationalize. Nevertheless, it must be categorically established that it is not the case that Ghanaians
do not use their reason. Ghanaians express their reason in matters pertaining to the
environment. Importantly, issues pertaining to sanitation, environmental degradation and illegal
mining. In his bid to tackle the canker of filth in Ghana, the Ghana government has instituted a
monthly clean-up exercise schedule. This clean-up is to be observed on every first Saturday of
the month. This day is tagged Sanitation Day. This initiative, aims at sensitizing Ghanaians about
the need to clean up their environment to reduce filth and the spread of diseases in the nation40.
In this regard, there is reason to maintain that reason is at work instead of it counterpart, faith.
One other way Ghanaians express reason is in the area of Law, basically, legal justice. That is to
maintain that in a situation where a person or groups of persons think that someone has
infringed upon their rights. In this regard, people turn to the Law Courts and Legal Units41 for
justice but not to faith. Corruption is a canker that is bedeviling Ghana and Ghanaians. In the
words of Brig. Gen. Nunoo-Mensah (Rtd.), corruption in Ghana like other countries has
reached what has been called epidemic proportions42. Importantly, Ghanaians do not tackle
corruption with faith but rather, their reason.
In the paragraphs that follow, the paper presents data collected from a survey amongst
some students and from some communities in Cape Coast. The survey was conducted in three
schools43 and five different communities44 all located in the Cape Coast Municipal. In the
schools, the students responded to the question of how they express their reason in their world
of life and academics. Ninety students of the one hundred and forty sample size population
maintained that it would be of no use to rely only on faith in dealing with issues of life and
academics. For them, though they reckon the importance of faith, reason must lead faith. Faith
should be a compliment to reason. The students advanced that comprehensive reading produces
success in ones academic life rather than the reliance on anointed pens distributed by pastors
in church prior to examinations. Away from the students, attention was paid to the five
communities noted earlier. The inhabitants responded to the question of how they responded to
the issue that threatens their livelihood. For majority of the respondents, they would prefer to
seek prayers from their pastor if they have any troubling issue (health, unemployment, divorce,
business). If for some days the problem persists, they would find other alternatives that can best
40
Daily Graphic, Thursday October 30, 2014 Cover Page. The government declared Saturday,
November 1 and subsequently every first Saturday of the month National Sanitation Day.
41
For example: The Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit (DOVVSU).
42
This is how Brig. Gen. Nunoo-Mensah (Rtd.), a former Security Advisor who is currently at the
forefront of the crusade against corruption, described the issue in a radio interview, cited in an
editorial of The Catholic Standard, November 2-8, 2014 Issue, p. 4.
43
Forty students from two different Senior High Schools in Cape Coast were interviewed to find out
how they express reason in their world of life and academics to solve their problems. One hundred
students were additionally interviewed from the University of Cape Coast.
44
The five communities are; Apewosika, Kokwaado, Kwaprow, Amamoma and Kwesipra, all in the
University of Cape Coast environs in the Central Region of Ghana.
solve such problems. Here one infers from the stance of the respondents that reason becomes
the best apparent alternative.
Faith and Reason Expressed: An Evaluation

Faith and reason are at work in the Ghanaian society. There is a relationship between faith and
reason. There is no contradiction between faith and reason. They complement each other45. That
is to say, human reason and experience but not faith alone can be considered as sources of moral
wisdom and knowledge for the human person. In assessing the use of faith and reason in
Ghana, the paper argues that it would be fallacious for one to maintain that a persons level of
education determines whether to apply faith or reason in resolving a life crisis. This position, the
paper holds because there are some people whom despite their level of education will and have
misapplied the best befitting alternative capable of solving a particular life issue. Nevertheless,
the caveat the paper alerts is that the afore proposition does not imply that ones level of
education plays no significant role in choosing between the two options faith and reason.
Away from the above, one may question why it seems faith is expressed over reason in
Ghana. Is it because Ghanaians are noted for their high level of religiosity? The paper posits that
it is not necessarily so. However, Ghanaians generally have the conviction that real life issues are
to be explored well in our attempts to finding solutions. This gives Ghanaians the urge to
become zealous to uphold the autonomy of faith and by so doing, reason becomes depreciated.
The paper proposes an adherence to the ideal of a reasonable faith. That is, a genre of faith
which is not indeed purely rational, in the sense that it could be demonstrated by reason but one
which has exposed itself to the scrutiny and testing of critical and corrective reason and has
survived46. The paper posits that Ghanaians must first develop their reason before used or
expressed. This is because reason is a good tool and source of solution to problems of life.
However, the question remains, must Ghanaians give much prominence to faith in finding
solutions to the existential problems because we seem to have failed to develop our reasons? The
paper revealed that instances where Ghanaians fall so much on traditions, faith is expressed over
reason. For example, Ghanaians situated in rural communities who experience low harvest and
pests attack on their crops generally attribute such a fiasco to the handiworks of the gods and
spirit beings. In this regard, faith or religion becomes the first resort. By so doing, they placate
the gods and the spirit beings for a failure that might possibly not have been inflicted by the
gods. Nevertheless, must it be the case that faith be the first to be expressed? Should there not
be pragmatic questions like; was it the appropriate period for planting, were the weather
conditions favourable, were the seeds viable for planting? Such reasonable questions are generally
left out.
Conclusion
Faith and, or reason are dicey and delicate approaches Ghanaians use to solve their problems. In
view of this, the outsider must be cautious in passing judgment on how one uses any of the two
approaches. Taking on board this background, the paper sought to look at how faith on one
hand and reason on the other hand are expressed in the Ghanaian context. The paper discovered
that many Ghanaians subscribe to the use of faith in most cases than that of reason.
Nevertheless, it could not be said that the subscription to faith implied a total absence of reason.
This is because there is reason to argue that in Ghana faith does not operate in a vacuum.
Reason could not be the only alternative employed by Ghanaians. In situations where reason was
45
Sokolowski, R. (1995). The God of faith and reason: Foundations of Christian theology.
Washngton, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press. See also: The Catechism of the Catholic
Church (1995). New York: Double Day. No. 159, which states that though faith is above reason,
there can never be any real discrepancy between faith and reason.
46
See: Macquarrie, J. (1996). Principles of Christian theology. London: SMC Press Ltd., p. 40.
used, it was observed that faith became the complement. From the above perspectives, the paper
concludes by referring to Pope John II who writes, Faith and reason are both necessary for the human
person to understand reality and live properly47. In this respect, the paper admonishes Ghanaians not
to allow faith to solely dictate the pace in their lives in their quest to finding answers to problems.
Faith and reason should not be placed on the same pedestal in ones pursuit to solving a
particular problem. In this regard, reason must be placed over faith so that faith becomes the
complement. By so doing, Ghanaians must however blend both faith and reason in their quest to
solve problems of life.
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p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Situating Ghanas Policy Making and Reform Strategies on

Basic Education in the MDG2 and EFA Strategies; what is
the Interplay between National and International in Policy
Making?
Moses Ackah Anlimachie

Department for Educational Research, Faculty of Educational Sciences
University of Oslo, Norway
Abstract
Over the years Ghana has made significant commitments towards achieving universal basic
education in line with the MDG 2 and EFA goals. These commitments are reflected in several
policy reforms documents, reports and programmes she has implemented since 1951. This
article, examines Ghanas educational policy making and reforms process particularly, on basic
education. Using the MDGs and Education for All (EFA) Framework of Action as benchmarks,
and the human rights as a theoretical lens, it tries to explore the intricacies between the global
and the local in policy making in education. It concludes that for individual nations like Ghana to
benefit sustainably from this interplay, there is the need to strike a balance and two way channels
of communications between local and international interests groups in the formulation and
implementation of policies on education. This will whip up the needed support to drive the
implementation of education policies and programmes to maximize the needed outcome in
access, equity, quality and relevance in education. Also, given the inequalities that still exist in her
basic education, there is the need for the nation to continue to commit herself to the human
rights approach to education.
Keywords: globalization, universal basic education, educational policy, educational strategies
Introduction
Over the years Ghana has made significant commitments towards achieving universal basic
education in line with the MDG 2 and EFA goals. These commitments are reflected in several policy
reforms documents and reports. This article examines Ghanas educational policy making and
reforms processes particularly, on basic education. Using the MDG2 and Education for All
(EFA) Framework of Action as benchmarks, and the human rights as a theoretical lens, it tries to
explore the intricacies between the global and the local in policy making in education. It seeks to
unravel the following questions; how is global policy making paradigm shaping educational
policies and reforms strategies on basic education in Ghana? In what ways do Ghanas
educational policies mimic or contradict that of the Dakar Framework for EFA? And what can
be done in order for Ghana to achieve the overall targets of free universal, accessible, exclusive,
quality basic completion by her new timeline of 2020.
This paper, apart from exploring the reciprocity between the national and the international in
policy making, also seeks to enrich the debate for human rights approach to basic education
policy making. It main hunch is that policies borne out of wider consultations and deliberations
of all stakeholders, both at the local and international level, including minority groups, tend to
enjoy popular support which is key to successful outcomes. The article is structured into five
sections. The first section takes a cursory look at the concept of policy and the interplay between
local and international in the policy making process. The second introduces a theoretical
framework which views policy making in basic education from the lens of the human rights. It
also seeks to draw a linkage between policy making in Ghana and the EFA Framework of Action
to the human rights approach. The third highlights background of basic educational policy
reforms in Ghana, and how it seeks to address the issue of access, equity and quality which is at
the heart of human rights. The fifth leg is a comparative analysis of the policy making process in
Ghana vis-a- vis that of the international level. It compares Ghanas Education Strategic Plan to
the UNESCO EFA strategies to see the similarities or the differences, if any, between
international and national policy making processes. The paper concludes by making suggestions
on how Ghana could achieve positive outcomes in the policy making on education in the face of
intense globalization.
Method
This study is theoretically examination of existing education reform and policy making strategies
whilst drawing further theoretical linkage with human rights approach to education discourese.
The paper does not claim to challenge the authority and the credibility of their findings, but it
tries to consolidate them in the context of Ghana as how to achieve the overall targets of free
universal, accessible and equitable quality basic education.
The Concept of Policy Making and Policy Making Processes

Haddad & Demsky (1995), defined policy as an explicit or implicit single decision or group of
decisions which may set out directives for guiding future decisions, initiate or retard action, or
guide implementation of previous decisions(Haddad & Demsky, p.8). Haddad & Demsky
(1995), therefore, posited that in designing educational policy or initiating successful educational
reforms, planners need to be abreast and take into cognizance the dynamism and the
complexities between policy formulation, implementation and evaluation procedures and
processes. This is also due to the fact that educational policies exhibit constant dynamism in
scope, complexity, decision milieu, choices, and decision criteria (Haddad & Demsky, 1995).
Ball (1994), also posits that policy can be a text or discourse. As a text it encodes particular set of
arguments and counter arguments and which invariably lead to compromises. As a discourse,
however, it embodies the totality of forces, interests, ideas, and perspectives shaping policy
production overtime. This suggests that there could be missing links between the intended
policies (the text on paper) the implemented policy (what is actually implemented) and even less
to the attained policy (the actual targets or goals achieved). Therefore to minimize this possible
disconnects demands that the policy making and planning and the implementation processes are
holistic, all encompassing, all involving, and well thought out.
Haddad and Demsky (1995), identified seven policy making and planning processes. They
include: analysis of existing situation; the generation of policy options; evaluation of policy
options; marking the policy decision; planning of policy implementation; policy impact
assessment; and subsequent policy cycles. Educational policy making process can therefore be
said to be an endless interchange of ideas, interests, strategies, goals, pooling of resources
among all stakeholders with the view of achieving a desirable outcomes that are consistent with
the developmental aspirations of the society at any particular time. The education policy making
process, therefore, marries and socializes competing and diverse interests groups in education
both at the global and the local levels.
The Interplay between National and International in Educational Policy Making

Educational policies are shaped at the national level through public consultations, parliamentary
debates, governing parties, commissions and councils, trade union representatives, employer
organizations, professional associations, sectors of civil society, bilateral cooperation and
international organizations (Dale, 2007). At the international level the major players are the UN
and its technical and specialized agencies, The World Trade organisation(WTO), The World
Bank and the International Monitory Fund, multinational corporations/organizations, regional
and professional, organizations, International NGOs, bilateral cooperation, national
governments, research institutions, and individuals (Crossley & Watsson, 2003). Comparison of
these two levels suggests that there is a reciprocal relationship between the national and the
international as each has a stake and interest in the other. However, the global seems to have the
upper hands as it can amass resources more than the local. For example being the first UN
agency, UNESCO through its long standing in championing the course of universal basic
education and functional literacy, has had a profound influence on global educational policies
and thinking, especially as a right issue (Crossley & Watsson 2003). Crossly & Watsson (2013),
further identified a strong collaboration among donor organizations concerned with educational
development. For example the association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA),
which was founded as Donors to Africa Education, brings together national, international and
private donor agencies to formulate policies and these policy directions are then disseminated
through several publications. Globalization, therefore, plays important role in national level
policy making in term of funding and technical expertise as nations response to the global
changes in order to become competitive and also ( in the case of developing countries) to attract
more funding from donor agencies (Jacobi 2012; Carnoy, 1999).
Dale (2007), suggests that the national education policy makers and planners interact with the
global through two main general policy mechanisms. These are the traditional approach to policy
making and planning which includes: Policy borrowing and Policy learning. The second one is
externally induced mechanisms such as Policy Harmonization as evident in the EU- Bologna
declaration; Policy Dissemination as seen in the OECD indicators- PISA; Policy Standardization
as exemplifies in the UNESCO EFA goals; Policy Interdependence as evident in the global
commitment in fighting climate change, global warming and terrorism. The last one is Policy
Imposition as seen in the IMF and the World Banks structural adjustment policies such as cost
sharing, full cost recovery and privatization in education. The mechanisms of influence of the
global on the local come in the form of policy advice, technical assistant, common policies and
architecture for educational system, indicators, ranking, declarations, recommendations,
guidelines, conventions, regional agreements, loans linked to programmes and policies and
conditioned aid (Jacobi 2012; Dale, 2007).
Background to Ghanas Educational Reform and Policy Making Strategies for Achieving
Free Universal Quality Basic Education
Formal education was introduced in Ghana in the 16th Century by Merchants and Christian
Churches. The colonial government- British Crown authorities took control of the education
system by financing a number of government schools, including one for girls. Both government
and church-funded schools co-existed and were based on the public monitorial schools system
then in England (Foster, 1963). Education then was a reserved of the elites and the overall
demand for education was very low. This was due to the fact that the indigenes were yet to
embrace the importance of education. For the period 1911 to 1937, the enrolment of pupils in
basic education increased from around 18,000 to 44,000 (Foster, 1993) as a result of public
campaign on importance of education. The type of education introduced was not relevant to the
context of Ghana as it placed much emphasis on literacy and numeracy at the expense of
vocational and technical which was much needed to make use of her vast natural resources
(Adu Boahen, 1975). It can therefore be argued that from the genesis, education in Ghana has
serious problem equity, access, quality and relevance as public participation of the local people
was low (Anlimachie, 2014).
The major education policy dubbed Accelerated Development Plan for Education (ADPE) was
introduced just before independence in 1951. It focused on expanding access in all sub-sectors
of education, particularly, at the basic education level. The main goal was to expand access
through investment in infrastructure and investing in technical education. This was also to make
educational relevant to the Ghanaian context. Many schools including basic, secondary teacher
training, College of Science and Technology, Polytechnics and Technical were established to
trained high technically skilled manpower for industry. In the late 1960 a revamp reform was
lunched which promulgated the Education Act of 1960, Act 87 to give legal framework and
impetus to the ADPE after independence. This Act guaranteed tuition free compulsory primary
schooling with effect from September, 1961. However, the Act places responsibility on parents
to foot the other cost such as the provision books, stationary, and other materials needed for
academic work. Ghanas educational system was one of the shining examples in Africa in the
mid-60s. The country achieved enrolment of 75% (for pupils aged 6-14 year) and overall
enrolment at the basic level increased by approximately 150% (Kay & Hymer, 1992). These
successes can be attributing to the fact that there were a strong participation and ownership in
the policy formulation and implementation prices by both local and international stakeholders as
well as strong financial and administration couple with good governance practices.
Notwithstanding there were a number of setbacks. First, there were inadequate numbers of
teachers to cope with the rapid increase in enrolment in basic schools and the enrolment also
outpaced the level of infrastructural expansion this affected the quality of education. Also most
of the schools were located in the core towns and places closer to the coast, denying the masses
in the hinterland opportunity of education (Foster, 2006). In the late 60s, deliberate efforts were
made to improve quality and equity through the training of more teachers, introduction of the
Teacher Trainee Allowance to attract best candidates into teaching and free supply of text
books. Others include fair distribution of model secondary schools countrywide, and the
introduction of special scholarship for northern Ghana which is more deprived (Kay & Hymer,
1992). All these strategies and programmes were linked to the human rights approach which
seeks to create quality education opportunities for all.
In 1966, the first military government (NLC) through the Kwapong Educational Review
Committee undertook a reform which attempted to revamp technical and vocational education
in order to make education more relevance to the needs of the country. The reform introduced a
2-year pre-vocational continuous vocational education into the Middle School system. The
vocational policy was linked to the industrial and the agricultural potentials of the country (Poku,
Aawaar , Worae, 2013). It was envisaged to prepare the Middle School leavers for the world of
work. However, this policy failed woefully as the students did not embrace the concept. They
were keener in pursing secondary academic path education as a conduit for future higher
education so as to get white color job rather than the vocational schools. The reasons for the
failure have links to the low level of involvements of the stakeholders in the policy making
planning and implementations processes. Others include the lack of resources, unstable political
atmosphere, and the failure of government to cooperate with the international players. It can also
be linked to the elitist white colour colonial legacy that is embedded in the education system of
Ghana (Poku et. al, 2013).
By 1978, Ghana started to introduce structural adjustment policies such as full cost recovery and
cost sharing in her education supported by the Bretton Woods institutions. Public funding to
education was massively cut and there was an increasing burden on parents to fund education.
The effects were further drops in enrolment and quality. For examples, the 75% enrolment
figure for 6-14 years olds and the 91% of trained teachers in basic schools recorded in 1965
dropped to 67% and 72% respectively by 1979 (Poku et. al, 2013). The decline has link to
economic crisis the country was plucked into as a result of four different military interventions.
The introduction of cost recovery policies in education between the 70s and 80s increased the
inequity and decreased the quality of education in Ghana (Adu Boahen, 1975; Pimpong, 2006).
During this period the type of policy interaction between the country and her foreign partners
was that of policy imposition with little consultations and participation of local stakeholders.
In 1986/87 another reform occurred in Ghana. It changed the structure of basic and secondary
education from 17 to 12 years. It included a 6-year primary education, a 3-year Junior Secondary
School (JSS), and another 3-year o Senior Secondary School (SSS). This means basic education
was reduced from eleven (11) to nine (9) years (Poku, et. al, 2013). The main goals of the
reforms were to improve the quality of teaching and learning by increasing school hours and
teacher professionalism. It was intended to make education planning and management more
efficient and effective (Akyeampong, 2005).The reforms therefore focused more strongly on the
issues of adaptability or relevance. The reform was to prepare JSS graduate for technical and
vocational training, and further education base on self-determined path it was seen as a way of
preparing students with varied skills and competencies so as to play a meaningful roles in all
sectors of the economy (Ministry of Education, 1996). All JSS where given workshops and
technical and vocational courses were included in the curriculum and teacher where trained in
these areas. The reform suffered a setback for want of sufficient resources and TLMs for
practical work at the JSS level (Ministry of Education, 1996). The level of participation of the
communities in the initial stage was fairly good but it plummeted in the course of the
implementation process and this may account for the very little impact.
In 1992 a comprehensive programme dubbed Free Compulsory Universal Basic Education

(FCUBE) policy was introduced and it has since been the main policy driver of basic education
in Ghana. Its main goals are to improve access to quality equitable basic education, especially of
girl, and also to improving school management through better planning, monitoring and
evaluation; and to promote active participation of communities in school management (Little,
2010). Abolition of tuition fee, school feeding and nutrition, supply of school uniform poor
communities and development of teacher professionalism and efficient teaching and learning
among, community participation among others are some of the policy implementation strategies
of addressing access and quality in basic education (Ministry of Education, 2010). The policy has
chalked modest successes. There has been a sustained increase in enrolment rates at the basic
level since 1997. For example the GER in primary education prior to the FCUBE was 73% in
1995 and by 2001 it had increased to 80% (Little, 2010). The most unique impetus injected in
basic education by the FCUBE is that it has laid a stronger case for participation of stakeholders.
It recognizes the role of the community, and strengthened the role of the School Management
Committees (SMCs) and Parent Teachers Association (PTAs) in the management of the
schools. These account for the modest successes chopped by the program.
Notwithstanding, some challenges still persist as regard to accessibility, availability, adaptability
and acceptability. For example about 40% of children of school going age were still out of school
by 2003. This is because people were still being denied access due to cost since the FCUBE does
not mean entirely free education (Little, 2010). Parents were to pay for other levies such as those
for school repairs, cultural and sporting activities. Some parents, particularly, in the rural and
urban slums poor could still not afford to pay these levies (Little, 2010). In her quest of
achieving universal access in line with the Education for All (EFA) goals, the Capitation Grant
Policy was introduce in 2004 with the support of the World Bank. This policy further abolished
these other forms of levies. There was an immediate impact as gross enrolment during the
2005/06 academic year increased by 10%, pecking the total primary enrolment at 92%. The
overall enrolment in basic school increased by 17% in the 2005/06 academic as compared to of
the 2004/05 academic year (Adamu-Issah, et al). The School Feeding Programme was
introduced in 2005 as a complementary to the FCUBE and the Capitation Grants with the
support of international partners to further boost access and captures the excluded children. It
basically targeted poor communities, especially, the rural areas and urban slums. The programme
further pushed the enrolment figure up (Ministry of Education, 2010). The FCUBE and its
attendance strategies are very much ingrained in the human rights approach to education and
also in line with the EFA goals of giving access to quality education to every child and the post
2015 agenda of leaving no one behind.
In 2004, the government instituted the Anamuah Mensah Educational Review Committee which
undertook a comprehensive reform the culminated into the Government of Ghana White Paper
on Education Reform. The objective of the reform is to link schooling to the job market through
forming alliances with private sector. The new reform gave a new the structure of basic
education to include a 2- year Kindergarten, a 6- year primary education and three (3) years of
Junior High School (JHS) (Ministry of Education, 2004). The innovation of the reform was the
inclusion of Kindergarten (KG) Education to the main stream of basic education in Ghana in
line of the EFA strategy on improving early childhood education and the use of KG as
sustainable tool of addressing the problem of access, equity and quality in Ghana. It is envisage
that KG will improve equity, access and quality of education. The reform also proposes that the
medium of instructions in Kindergarten (KG) and Lower Primary were to be Ghanaian language
complimented by English, where necessary as this is believed to impact on quality and relevance
(Ministry of Education, 2005).This is also in line with the EFA action plan and the 2008
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous people which advocate for the rights of indigenous
people and children to be taught in their mother tongue at least in the early stages of their
education. The implementation of the 2004 reforms therefore gave birth to the most
comprehensive educational policy strategy in recent times in Ghana dubbed the Education
Strategic Plan (ESP).
Success and Challenges

After decades of reform and policy strategy experimentations, Ghana had made some modest
gains in basic education, especially, in access and gender parity. The gross enrolment rate (GER)
for primary school increased from 76% in 1987/88, to 95% in 2008 (Ghana Statistical Service-
GSS, 2010). Gender inequities have also reduced as the GER in favour of boys decreased from
10% in 1996/97 to 7% in 2012 (UNICEF, 2013). The literacy rate has also increased from 54%
in 2000 to about 72% in 2010 (GSS, 2010). Also the figure of children (aged between 6 to 11
years) how has never attended school before dropped by 46% between 2006 and
2011(Government of Ghana, 2013). The completion rates also increased at both the Primary and
the JHS levels with current figures of 112.4 and 70.1 respectively by the end of 2013. Gender
parity (GPI) at the primary level stands at 0.99 by the end of 2013. This means that gender parity
has been achieved at the Primary level (Government of Ghana, 2013). Overall Ghana has
attained the EFA on gender parity in primary education and is on the verge of attaining that of
the access by the end of 2015. These improvements are attributed to the strategies adopted in
line with the EFA and MDG2 which are rooted in the human rights approach. However, as
mention earlier there is still problem of access and a huge problem as regard quality and more
grievously rural urban inequity.
With respect to the challenges, Ghana is currently, facing a general problem of access and quality
in education. At the basic level, notwithstanding the progress made with regard to access, many
children (about 23%) [of the population aged three (3) years and older] have never been to
school (Ghana Statistical Service [GSS], 2010). In terms of quality there are problems of
resources and infrastructure constraints and availability of teachers, poor monitoring and
evaluation, and lack of proper governance. For example, the number of core textbooks per pupil
stands at 1.2 and 0.9 for Primary and JHS public schools respectively, far less than government
target of three [3] (Ministry of Education, 2013). Also student performance in standard national
tests is dwindling. For example, pupils performance in the Basic Certification Examination
(BECE dropped from 60% to 47% for the period 2001 to 2011 (Ministry of Education, 2010).
More gloomily there are inequalities in access and quality in basic education in Ghana. The
urban centres have more schools which are relatively better equipped in terms of infrastructure
and teachers than the rural areas (Anlimachie, 2014). Attendance and completion rates are higher
in the urban areas than in the rural areas. There is marked difference between males (9.1%) and
females (14.3%) who have never attended school.
Theoretical/ Analytical Framework

The rights approach to education has become one of the most fashionable development policy
paradigms dictating the pace of educational reforms and policy strategies both at the global and
the national levels. It generally accepted nature is the fact that it is rooted on the principle of
inclusiveness, fairness, and relevance. It seeks to include everybody, especially, the most
marginalized and vulnerable who may be excluded from education. The human rights recognize
education as the biggest tool of achieving all other rights as it frees the individual from ignorant,
hopelessness and marginalization by empowering the person to realize his or her full potentials
in life.
The rights perspective to education argues that every person, no matter the race, socio-economic
background, or origin has the rights to a decent education (Tomasevski, 2004, 2006).It is premise
on the view that education prepares the learner for responsible citizenry position and social,
economic and political participation. This enhances social cohesion and socializes the young that
rights are naturally and sacredly inherent in the individual and it is the individual greatest
(Tomasevski, 2005). The provisions on the rights to equitable accessible quality education, is
enshrine in several international treaties such as the 1960 Convention against Discrimination in
Education, the 1966 international Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Others
include the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNICEF, 2007). The 1948
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example, states among other things that:
Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental
stages Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the
strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms... (UN, 1948 Article 26)
The 1959 Declaration of the Rights of the Child also entitle every child to receive free and
compulsory elementary education without discrimination on any ground. More significantly, it
advocates for a special provision for venerable children such as those with special needs, ethnic
minority, and the poor and rural dwellers to be included in education. In the Africa context, the
Lome Convention; and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights as well as the
ECOWAS Protocol on Education and Training are all relevant impetus toward the rights
approach to education. The ECOWAS Protocol, for example, seeks to eliminate all forms of
discriminatory against females as it aims at equity and full access to, and achievement in all levels
of the educational system among girls.
In Ghana, the rights approach, especially girls education, has been championed by local NGOs
like the 31st December Womens Movement and Federation of International Women Lawyer
(FIDA) - Ghana chapter. Through seminars, workshops, fora, discussions, and lectures these
organizations have rallied support from all segment of the society including professional groups,
policy makers, local and international NGO's, trades union, religious groups, women's groups,
market women, indigenous groups, traditional rulers for the rights approach to education
(FIDA- Ghana, 2014). These activities culminated into the 1992 Constitution granting Free
Compulsory Basic Education for all.
Tomasevski (2006), argued in her famous four-fold (4-As) schema of the right- based approach
to education that any educational policy that espouses human rights principles should capture
four key indicators of availability, accessibility, acceptability, and adaptability. These four
concepts are interlinked and they form a complex web of intricacy hence any educational policy
or reforms must take into consideration these intricate relationships as any policy which focus on
one or more of them to the detriment of the other (s) will invariably affect the other(s). The cue
from this is that any educational policy strategy must be comprehensive in their approach in
other to strike a balance between them.
EFA Framework & the Ghana Education Strategic Plan and the Right - Based Approach
to Education
Viewing the EFA framework and the Ghana Education Strategic plan from the rights - based
lens to education, it clear from their policy objectives, strategies and targets are pivoted on
human rights approach to education. The EFA framework take into cognizance the important
elements that are necessary, specific, unique and appropriate to the rights - based approach to
education. These include assessment and analysis to define claims of human rights in education
and the corresponding obligations of governments and the causes of the non-realization of these
rights. It also includes assessing the capacity of individuals to claim their rights and the ability of
the state to deliver. Others include developing strategies to build capacities to realize these rights
and; proper monitoring of the outcomes and the processes. All these should be guided by human
rights standards and principle (UNICEF, 2007). Therefore, the EFA framework and Ghana ESP
recognize that human rights approach to education become meaninful when there is a deliberate
effort on the part of government to empower the citizens, especially the minority groups
through equitable education. They seek to rally support at the national and the international
levels into achieving these goals.
The World Declaration on Educational for All (Jomtien, 1990 & Daker, 2000), lay a strong
policy strategies for achieving universal primary education by 2015 and its new mantra of leaving
no one behind in the Post-2015 agenda. The rights-based approach to EFA is holistic and all-
encompassing. It seeks to holistically improve access, equity quality and relevance in education
based on human rights principles (UNICEF, 2007). The EFA movement is geared towards
providing access to education for all, especially, traditionally marginalized groups (UNICEF,
2007). The rights-based approach to education plays a key role in overcoming the complex
barriers of discrimination on any grounds and all forms of violence that can impede educational
for all (UNICEF, 2007). Also Ghana Education Strategic Plan like the EFA framework is an
elaborate comprehensive policy and framework for achieving access, equity and quality of
education for all, especially expanding early childhood education and free universal basic and
inclusive education that hinge on human rights norms and values. The EFA framework and the
Ghana ESP are both ingrained in the human rights approach to education in terms of their
policy making process, goals, and objectives, targets and implementation strategies as they are
both pivoted on the principle of equity, fairness inclusion and participation.
Discussion of Basic Education Policy Making Process

According to (UNESCO& UNICEF, 2007), the rights-based approach to policy making
recognizes that the processes of development of policies largely determines the outcome. Hence
it advocates for principles of participation and accountability in the planning, design and
implementation of policies. The significance values of these principles are that the policy
acquires moral, political force and popular support that are essential for the success of the
programme. This is important, given that the people who may benefit from the application of
these policies are of diverse background including the poor and marginalized. This section is
therefore, juxtaposes the Ghanas Education Strategic Plan with the MDGs and EFA
Framework of Action as it seeks to discover the interplay between the national and the
international in policy making in terms of how various interests are married together in the
policy making processes.
Policy Option: Setting targets and Adopting Strategies

The Dakar (2000) Framework of Action and the Johannesburg (1999) Regional Conference on
EFA reaffirmed the objectives of the declaration of education for all (Jomtiem, 1990). The
globally agreed educational goals of EFA aim at meeting the learning needs of all children
through strategies and programmes that seeks to: widen and improve early childhood care and
development, especially for the most vulnerable; ensure at least every child everywhere,
especially, the disadvantaged will have access and complete the full cycle of free compulsory
quality basic education by 2015; eliminate gender disparities in primary education by 2005; and
achieve gender equality in basic and secondary education by 2015. (UNESCO, 2000).
Comparatively, Ghana educational policy and reform goals are greatly influenced by international
and sub regional policy frameworks and declarations. The countrys participation in and
signatory to several international treaties like the EFA declaration, the Declaration on the
Right of the Child, the Beijing Declaration on Womens Rights; the African Charter on Human
and Peoples' Rights and; the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the ECOWAS protocols
on Education and Training have greatly shaped her educational policy strategies and goals. This
means that the government tries to draw a balance between local interests and bilateral and
multinational negotiations she had participated in, as a guide to her policy making. The broad
policy goals of Ghanas ESP laid strong emphasis with regard to access, equity, quality and
relevance in education. The specific strategic goals relating to basic education include: to provide
equitable, accessible quality child-centered universal basic education. It seeks improve
educational opportunities for all children in at least basic education (Government of Ghana,
2010). The specific targets stated in the ESP 2003-2015 include the following; that all children
irrespective of background , gender and region will be able to complete a full course of primary
schooling by 2015; to eliminate ender disparities in primary and secondary education by
2015(Government of Ghana, 2003). From the above, we can say that education is viewed by
both the global and Ghanas policy makers as welfare and human right issues as they are
premises on expanding access, equity and quality and hooking everybody into the educational
process.
In term of strategies the Ghanas ESP and the EFA share similar guiding principles. The UN
seeks to achieve the MDG2 & EFA targets through promoting EFA policies within a
sustainable integrated broad sectorial framework link to poverty elimination strategies by
ensuring the following: constant engagement and participation of civil society and other
stakeholders in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of educational programmes;
developing responsive, participatory and accountable systems of educational governance and
management; implementing an integrated strategies for gender equality in education and;
enhancing the status, morale and professionalism of teachers in order to achieve the MDGs
(UNESCO, 2000). Similarly, in the Ghanas Education Strategic Plan the guiding participles and
strategies on basic education include; uprooting all kinds of gender and other and exclusion
from education; improve the quality of teaching and learning, and to promote lifelong learning
at all levels and for all ages. Others include the development of effective and rewarding teaching
profession; devolution of the delivery and fiscal systems of 1st and 2nd cycle of education to
Local Government to ensure accountability and local participation. It also seeks to strengthen
monitoring, accountability management and planning in the education sector (Government of
Ghana, 2010).
Decision Making: Consensus Building among Diverse Interests

International policy making is a complex process that seeks to include regional interests and
views of all major stakeholders in international education, including businesses and private
institutions (Verger, 2014).It involves several underground preparation and consultations. As
evident by the delibrations of the UN Secretary-Generalss High-Level Panel of Eminent
Persons who are working on the Post-2015 Development Agenda:
The deliberations of the Panel were informed by the broad consultative process This includes national
and global thematic consultations under the aegis of the United Nations Development Group (UNDG),
regional consultations undertaken by the Regional Commissions, consultations with businesses around the
world under the guidance of the UN Global Compact, and the views of the scientific and academic
community as conveyed through the Sustainable Development Solutions Network more than 5000
civil society organizations and 250 chief executive officers of major corporations who shared their valuable
ideas and views during a series of consultations, both in person and online (UN, 2013)
Also, the Dakar Framework of Action (2000) was birth out of amalgam of ideas and
reaffirmation of international stakeholders to commit themselves to the ten (10) EFA goals.
Likewise in Ghana, base on her democratic decentralization participatory system, the policy
making process is underpinned by high level of consultations and consensus building. Major
policy making and reform process starts with initiation of policy by Government (Ministry of
Education). This is followed by District and Regional consultations to gather inputs from the
local people. This is followed by national forum where all stakeholders including international
players converge to discuss and make inputs. An improved draft is then approved by cabinet.
The president laid it in parliament. The Speaker then refers it to Parliament Special Committee
on Education for their suggestions. The document goes back to cabinet for their final inputs
before a white paper is issued for it to become the final document. According to Government of
Ghana:
The two volumes of the ESP are the outcome of year-long discussions and consultations between numerous
stakeholders in the education sector, particularly those in District education offices, those in NGOs and
our development partners. This interaction has provided assurance and confidence in the strength and
probity of the plan (Government Ghana, 2010: ESP 2010-2020, p.6).
Further, in 1999 there was a National Educational Forum. This forum identified the major
challenges of education in Ghana and recommended the need to carry out a new reform in
education. This culminated into the institution of President Education Review Committee in
2002 and the subsequent drawing up of the ESP (Government of Ghana, 2004). Therefore, as
Haddad (1995) observes education policy making process in Ghana like that of the international
level takes into account the interests and inputs of the various stakeholders in education both at
the local and the international level. Hence the policies tend to enjoy high level of popular
support which is key to its successful implementation.
Policy implementation Process and funding
At the International level, UN specialize agencies like UNESCO and UNICEF and other
international NGOs play a complementary roles in supporting the implementation of
educational programmes globally. UNESCO, for example, provides support to national
governments to develop and implement comprehensive educational policies and programmes
that are relevant to local context. The support includes the provision of technical assistance in
policy analysis and design of education sector development plans. The supports also include the
facilitation of mobilization of donor supports for national educational plans implementation.
The support can include building the institutional capacity of national agencies in educational
planning policy dialogue and monitoring and of educational programes (UNESCO, 2014). The
UN specialized agencies fund their programmes through the receipt of compulsory and
voluntary contributions from member countries as well business and individuals. They also
impress upon developed nations to increase their aid to education. In Ghana, the
implementation of educational policies are highly supported and dependent on aid and technical
support from the UN specislised agencies, donor countries and the IMF and the World Bank.
They therefore dictate the direction of the policy making in Ghana. Perhaps one of the positive
impacts of globalization on education in Ghana has been the inflows of funds and technical
assistant into the education sector (Anlimachie, 2014). However, there seem to be overreliance
on external support at the expense of prudent local initiative in raising the needed resources to
fund education in Ghana. The evidence is that any time there is a delay or a withdrawal of such
funds it triggers a stunt in the implementation of educational programmes in Ghana. As noted
by Samoff and Carrol (2013) perhaps there is an internalisation within Africa countries, including
Ghana that improvement and change can only flourish on external support. This does not
sustain make the outcome of policy implementation sustainable. The donor organizations and
countries therefore have vested interest and expectations. For example, the over liberalization of
the Ghanaian economy through Structural Adjustment Programmes(SAPs) was as a result of
conditionality attached to grants and aid accessed by the country (Pimpong, 2006). This has led
to the influx of foreign goods and the gradual the collapse of local industries due to unfair
competition from the West, as well as privatization of key state- own industries most of whom
are now controlled by foreign and multinational companies. One of the effects is the current
problem of graduate unemployment in Ghana due to the shrinking of the industrial sector.
Another concern as observed by Pimpong (2006) is that most often the country use the funds
from aids and loans in such a way that fulfil goals agreed by the loaning agency or donor
countries. These goals may not be aligned with the goals of the nation. The impact of the global
on education policy in Ghana is therefore very real when it comes to funding of education, even
to the extent that donor partners have to make inputs into the national budget of the country. As
observed by Meyer, J. W. et al. (1997), the local is indeed gradually ceding its power and
sovereignty to the global.
Policy Evaluation, Impact Assessment and Recycling of Ideas

One of the seven processes of policy making and planning identified by (Haddad and Demsky
1995) includes analysis of existing situation so as to guide the current the future. For example,
The Dakar Framework of Action for EFA was influenced by previous experiences and revolves
around several UN declarations such UN Declaration on the Rights of the Child, the Beijing
Declaration on Womens Rights s among others. Dakar (2000) is a follow up to Jomtien (1990)
Declaration of Education for All. Similarly, the Ghanas ESP (2010-2020) builds upon its four
predecessors, especially, the ESP (2003-2015) and upon earlier visionary strategies such the
FCUBE, Education Sector Review Report (2002); 2002 Education Sector Review (ESR) and;
Meeting the Challenges of Education in the 21st Century (The report of the President's
Committee on Review of Education Reforms in Ghana, October 2002) which covers a long
period up to 2010 (Government of Ghana, 2010).
According to (Haddad & Demsky, 995), policy making processes also include policy impact
assessment and subsequent policy cycle. This means that strategic planning is continuous
developmental process which link past challenges, current situations to future projections.
Comparatively both the global and Ghana have similarities as regard to policy adjustments base
on identified pitfalls. Although significant successes have been chalked globally with regard to
the attainment of the MDGs within the EFA strategies, the UN likewise Ghana missed the
specific targets on education. The target on UPC was first scheduled by the UN to be attained by
1980, but this never materialised. A new deadline of 2000 was fixed by Jomtei 1990. This target
was further reviewed to 2015. Available data so far indicate that the target has been missed. The
UN Secretary-Generals High-Level Panel of Eminent Persons on the post-2015 Development
Agenda has proposed a more flexible timeline of by 2030. With respect to Ghana, the ESP 2003-
2015 sets 2015 as the target year for UPC, but this deadline has been revised to 2020 by the ESP
(2010-2020).
As regard to impact assessment for possible adjustment into existing policy in the policy making
process as identified by (Haddad and Demsky, 1995), the Ghanaian experience mimic that of the
international community. Example, having recognize the challenges of the EFA strategies of
attaining the MDGs by the given deadlines, the international community, although not
reinventing the wheel is seeking to strengthen its strategies toward 2030 in his new propose post-
2015 agenda. The new strategy is Leave No One Behind through the formation of stronger
global partnership for sustainable Development (UN, 2013). The focus is to provide fair
equitable inclusive quality education and life-long learning opportunities for all (UN, 2013). The
UN High-Level Panel on the Post-2015 Development Agenda opined that the amalgam and
consolidation of the goals, targets, strategies and indicators under the MDGs was a powerful
instrument for the mobilization of resources and motivation led action and must be maintained
and strengthened toward 2030. They recommended that going forward the new goals and
targets must be pivoted on the respect for universally accepted human rights , in order to fully
complete the mission started by the MDGs which is eradicating extreme poverty from the
face of the earth by 2030 (UN, 2013). The Panel identified and recommends a multi- stakeholder
partnership as exemplify by the composition, the structure and the practice of the Global
Partnership for Education (GPE) as the way forward in delivering quality education (UN,
2013).Comparatively, in Ghana the way forward toward her 2020 vision of achieving free
compulsory basic education and life-long learning for all as outlined in the ESP(2010-2020) is to
increase capacity and accountability and participation through; decentralised planning, financial
management in the implementation of policies and programmes; promoting public-private
partnerships in an integrated school programs; develop an open mutual-accountability scheme
for parents, teachers, schools, community and Districts ; and developing an effective operational
School Management Committees in Basic Schools, while forming a stronger partnerships at the
international level (Government of Ghana, 2010).
Discussion of Findings
From the background account and discussions, Ghana policy can be said to be undergoing
continuous transformation mostly motivated by international education policy paradigms, change
in governments, and donors influences. These forces interact and compromise their original
discourses and intentions into constructing a policy document that is acceptable to all interested
parties. Another feature is that policy making and reforms in Ghana are ingrained in the human
rights approach as most of her policies seek to widen the frontier of education by hooking the
marginalized, into at least basic formal education. The Accelerated Education Plan of the 60s and
the FCUBE show that even before Jomtiem (2000), Ghana had committed herself to universal
access to equitable quality education. However, the issues of equity, quality and
relevance/adaptability which are also pertinent to the rights approach to education have not
been sufficiently addressed for want of sufficient resources, efficient monitoring and evaluation
mechanism and governance in education. In order to address equity , quality and relevance issues
in education in Ghana requires the need for increasing government expenditure on education
by adopting appropriate revenue generation strategies such as efficient tax mechanisms and
ceding a percentage of the new oil revenue on education. These will injected the needed funds
for funding quality education in Ghana. The paper also recommends Private Public Partnership
in the monitoring and evaluation part in basic and secondary education in Ghana as a way to
inject efficiency and discipline needed for increasing performance. Also, curriculum reforms that
response to individual, local and national needs; refurbishment of school facilities, efficient
school governance, and management systems as well as the development of teacher professional
will all contribute to quality and make education more relevance to the need of the individuals
and the country at large.
Another issue that also emerged from the historical account and the discussions is that policy
making and reform process in Ghana in the past was greatly influenced by global stakeholders
through policy imposition and borrowing. However, in recent times, policy dissemination from
the UN and it specialize agencies and other bilateral and multinational partners base on wide
sectorial approach seems to be the main driver. Hence Ghana education policy making and
implementation process mimic that of UN specialized agencies on education in terms of
objective, target setting, strategies hence her policy implementation tend to attract a lot of
funding and technical support from donor countries and agencies. However, this seems to be a
contributory factor for the unsustainability of most of the gains. This is because whenever there
are a withdrawal of aid or grants for certain education projects or programmes they suffer
setbacks. In order to ensure the sustainability of such programmes require a long term plan,
commitment and financial sustainability mechanisms to ensure a lasting impacts of such
programs and policies.
The policy making process in Ghana is found to be underpinned by wider consultation of

international and local stakeholders. Base on her participatory democratic and freedom and
justice principles. However, the balance of power is tilted more to the global as the global tend to
hold the power of the purse. Her history points to the fact that there are likelihood of greater
successes in policies that were based on wider consultations and inclusion of all interest groups
at the grassroots level. This suggests that the government must struck balance of two channels
of relationships between the global one hand and the grassroots on another hand. This will help
to whip the necessary funds and popular support for the success in the implementation of
educational policies and programmes.
Conclusion
In conclusion, policy making is not an event but process which links the past to the present
whilst charting a new path toward the future. This article has highlighted that successful policies
are outcomes of deliberate and relatively long deliberations encompassing all stakeholders both
at the national and the international level where a compromises are reached between all
competing interests. Policy making process on education is therefore seen as a human rights
issue as it has far reaching effects on all segments of the society, including minority groups.
Further, the article recognizes that globalization has fueled that need for new global partnerships
in policy making process on basic education due to the increasing interconnectedness of global
challenges. As exemplify by the Ghanaian experiences on policy making vis--vis EFA
Framework of Action there is indeed an intricate, but perhaps reciprocal relationship between
the goal and the local when it come to policy making. However, the balance of power seems to
be tilted towards the global as it holds the power of the purse (Crossley and Watsson, 2003). The
implication is that for individual nations like Ghana to benefit sustainably from this interplay,
there is the need to strike a balance and two way channels of communication between local and
international interests groups in the formulation and implementation of policies on basic
education. Also, given the inequalities that still exist in her basic education, there is the need for
the nation to continue with human rights approach to education. This paper call for further
studies into how educational policy making and strategies can be made more appropriate to the
rural-urban contexts of Ghana in order to reduce rural-urban inequities in access, quality and
also make education more relevant to these two milieu.
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p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Improving Online Communication for Students in Higher

Education Contexts
Dr. Sarah Ohi

Dr. Brian Doig
Deakin University,
Faculty of Arts & Education, School of Education. Victoria, Australia.
Abstract
The study reported here sought to identify Higher Education students preferred modes of
online communication whilst studying a wholly online research subject at University. The
teacher education student participants from an Australian university were required to
collaboratively conduct inquiry research projects in groups whilst relying upon computer-
mediated communication. How do students communicate as a collaborative research group
whilst only meeting online? The data were collected via the use of online pre-test and post-test
surveys conducted prior to and post involvement in the unit of study and descriptive statistical
analysis was applied. The findings revealed that important influences affecting students choice
of communication mode included their own views on the capacity of online communication,
their prior experience and the availability and accessibility of the modes. Furthermore, it was
found that when given a choice, students preferred the use of asynchronous forms of digital
communication to synchronous forms. Recommendations for improving online teaching,
learning and research contexts in Universities are provided and the importance of considering
blended mode delivery for wholly online units is argued.
Keywords Higher education, information communication, online, research, distance education,

educational technology, early childhood, teacher education.
Introduction
In a short space of time digital technologies have become an integral part of many peoples lives,
with the immediate access provided by mobile technologies blurring the boundaries between
work, education and personal and social spaces in their lives. This emerging technology
landscape (Hanewald & Ng 2011p.1) commonly known as the Digital Age is characterized by
an increase in the development, use and reliance upon digital technologies on a global scale. As
western society becomes increasingly dependent upon the use of online technologies, so too
does the University that aspires to cater for students in the 21st Century. It is not surprising that
the application of technologies is increasingly prevalent in the University sector as a form of
communication, a pedagogical tool, a resource, and now even as a means of communicating in
order to conduct research. Universities and an array of other educational institutions world-wide
are confronted with the issue of how to engage students in communication within online
learning contexts. This study was conducted in order to better understand how Higher
Education students prefer to communicate in online environments. The main focus of the study
was to identify and understand the students reasons behind the technological choices made in
relation to communication and digital presentation mediums.
Utilising Online Technologies in Higher Education

Universities are attempting to capitalize on the affordances offered by technologies and have
been exploring the use of electronic learning environments and the study of on-line Units,
(Williams 2002) which have now become an essential part of the Universitys course offerings.
Much of the attraction to the expansion of online modes of learning and research in Universities
relates to their ability to provide increased flexibility for students who are unable to attend face-
to-face sessions. Online course modes provide access and allow students the opportunity
undertake university study regardless of whether they work business hours, reside long distances
from the campus location or overseas and also enables participation by overcoming of other
limiting factors such as illness, incarceration and unforeseen circumstances.
There is a growing body of research that is concerned with the role, application and effect of
utilizing digital technologies in Education and the University sector. On-line teaching has made
notable changes to University teaching pedagogies (Greenwood 2000, Williams 2002, Warren &
Holloman 2005). Although learning and teaching in online spaces has benefits for students and
teachers it is not without a number of associated problems. Williams (2002) identified three main
issues that commonly arise and need to be addressed when designing and implementing online
courses: pedagogy, participation and access. Vonderwell & Zachariahs (2005) review of research
on e-learning also highlighted the importance of participation and how it is conceptualised and
defined in online learning contexts. They argue that participation must go beyond measures of
frequency alone and probe more deeply to understand how the participants feel about their
participation and their level of engagement in the participation. Alexanders work (2001)
identified on-line students as valuing clear course expectations, rich feedback from educators and
high levels of on-line activity. Earlier research purports that the on-line learning experience is
positively enhanced by the development of a nurturing, communicative culture between students
and facilitators (Weller & Mason 2000, Hara & Kling, 1999).
Research concerned with the use of on-line contexts is growing rapidly in Teacher Education
with a range of studies focusing upon on-line group work and collaboration (An & Kim, 2006)
and the use of on-line lectures (Nast, Schafer-Hesterberg, Zielke, Sterry & Rzany 2009, Bassili &
Joordens 2008). Much of this research is specifically about teaching and learning, however the
current study focused upon students conducting on-line research in collaborative groups.
Niemiec, Sikorski & Walberg (1996) and Bassili & Joordens (2008) highlight the importance of
learner control in on-line learning environments and in this light, this study aimed to give its
participants increased control over the technological choices made for communication.
Although the field is rapidly expanding there is general consensus in the literature that there is a
need for more research in the area of on-line teaching and learning and how to improve
collaboration and communication on-line (Greenwood 2000, Williams 2002, Warren &
Holloman 2005, Ohi 2011). Communication via digital modes is often classified as either being
synchronous, simultaneous communication taking place live whilst on-line, or asynchronous
communication, such as via email or discussion board whereby communication is delayed, taking
place over a period of time (Joliffe, Rotter & Stevens 2001). Asynchronous communication is
commonly used in distance learning and is considered a cost effective, flexible mode (Williams
2002). Scagnelli s (2006) review of literature on asynchronous learning in Higher Education
argued that there is a need to conduct further research in the area in an attempt to identify
guidelines for the design of effective asynchronous online instruction that enhances interaction
and engagement with learners.
The significance of the study reported here is that it addresses a gap in the research literature that
addresses online research experiences. In order to better understand on-line research, teaching
and learning this project provided opportunities for students and staff to select from an array of
synchronous and asynchronous communication technologies. Also of importance was the
identification of the reasons underpinning the digital decisions that they made. This project
importantly explored aspects of the students experience in relation to their views, skills, choices
and expectations of the course.
Methodology
The Context and the Participants
This study was conducted with adult students from an Australian University in the South
Eastern suburbs of Melbourne, Victoria. Sixty-six students were invited to participate in the
project and a cohort of 39 volunteered for the pre-test survey and 17 for the post-test. The
student participants held a Diploma of Childrens Services (or similar) and had entered a
university pathway to upgrade their qualifications. They were undertaking their second and final
year of a Bachelor of Early Childhood Education. The core subject that they were studying
required them to undertake an Independent Research Project whilst working solely on-line
whereas their prior subjects were conducted either face-to-face or in blended mode. The project
involved them working in collaborative groups to undertake an inquiry research project under
the supervision of an Academic Supervisor over a 12-week period. The students were given the
opportunity to identify an area of interest in the area of Early Childhood and to put together a
proposal for a project of inquiry that would be undertaken during the trimester.
The participating students and staff were located across the state of Victoria with some residing
hundreds of kilometres away from one another. Some were based at one of the Universitys
three campuses, whilst others studied in distance mode from rural and overseas settings.
Seventeen research groups were comprised from a cohort of 66 students, overseen by 13
assigned Academic research supervisors. One group was comprised of two students whilst all
others had four group members. Each group was required to collaborate online to negotiate a
research topic, identify research questions and develop a research plan and a literature review.
The students were assessed on their research proposal (topic & questions), the literature review,
the key findings and their final presentation reporting their research findings in digital mode. The
research findings were to provide implications for the field of Early Childhood and to describe
their direct application to practice. The presentation was to be in a form that could be shared on-
line with their cohort as an on-line conference and that could be used in the future to present to
professionals and colleagues once in the field.
The Research Questions

The purpose of this study was to investigate the experiences of undergraduate University
students in Education (across multiple campuses) as they collaborated through the use of on-line
technologies to engage in research processes via distance mode. The aims were to:
1. Investigate the attitudes and opinions that the participants had towards the use of ICT
and its potential use within this Unit as a mode of communication and research.
2. Identify their preferred modes of online communication and to establish what influenced
their choices.
Essentially, the project explored collaborative approaches of communication education during
team-based learning that took place during an investigative project. As such the following
questions were posed:
1. How do students view the effect of ICTs as the main form of communication during
the research process?
2. When an array of technologies and related resources and training are made available to
University students, what are the key influences that effect their uptake and application
of the selected mediums?
The Methods
Given that the study participants were working in an online environment it was considered
practical and essential that the data collection also be made in that same environment. Data was
collected from the participants via the use of on-line surveys, valued for their potential to enable
a quick return of data and minimal time and effort required on the part of the participants
(Gillham 2000). The pre-test survey sought information about the students pre-conceptions and
expectations of on-line communication and their confidence levels and previous experience in
using various aspects of technology. The post-test survey was designed to elicit specific feedback
about the usefulness and effectiveness or in-effectiveness of the technologies used and the
reasons behind the technological communication choices made and to receive general feedback
about the structure and content of the on-line Unit.
The format of the survey questions varied and included a collection of multiple choice, Likert
ratings and short answer questions. The surveys were initially trailed by the Universitys
Education Development Unit and feedback provided to inform the development of the final
survey tools. Descriptive statistics were used for analytical purposes and in most cases presented
visually.
Students were invited to participate in the pre-test and post-test surveys at the beginning and end
of the academic trimester via the Universitys online learning space and again via email. Although
the research was developed and led by the students Education Lecturer who taught, coordinated
and chaired the online unit being studied, the invitation to participate was sent under the guise of
the Universitys Education Development Unit for ethical reasons. This was to ensure that the
students that volunteered did not feel coerced or obliged to participate in the research project.
Also for ethical purposes, the responses to the surveys were entirely anonymous. The Education
Development Unit therefore acted as a neutral third-party that sought voluntary participants.
The surveys clearly stated that the purpose of the research was to improve the structure and
design of this core unit of study and to understand a range of issues associated with engaging in
research processes via on-line communication. Also stated was the fact that the anonymous data
would be invaluable in improving this and other on-line units and that the findings could
contribute to the body of knowledge about online pedagogies.
Throughout the semester, a range of ICT communication modes offering the choice of
asynchronous and synchronous on-line communication were made available to each student
research group. Supported by the Universitys Blackboard Learning Management System, each
group was provided with their own online space in which to utilise any of the following
interactive e-tools and the surveys would identify if any other modes of communication were
used by students (see figure 1.)
Asynchronous Discussion Board Email Wikis Other?
Communication This space allows Enables people to Enables people to
people to communicate via digital communicate via
communicate via messaging and to share digital messaging as
digital messaging attachable documents. they create and
within the design a website that
Universitys on-line allows them to insert
system. audio, visual, audio-
visual files,
documents and
hyperlinks. NB: All
groups were required to
build a wiki together.
Synchronous E-Live Other?
Communication This space allows
people to
communicate live, in
real time, via on-line
chat (text),
microphone (audio)
or via the use of web
cameras (visual).
Figure 1. The E-Tools made available to the online research groups.
It must be noted that using the use of a Wiki was a focal point in this unit of study as students
were required to create a group wiki containing separate wiki pages for recording and organizing
aspects of their research. A template of a wiki was provided which had the following headings
(Research Questions, Literature Review, Design, Findings, Analysis, Recommendations) under
which students could insert and share their information. It was the first time for the students to
engage in formal research processes and so the template was structured in this rigid form, as it
was believed that they would benefit from this support. The wiki was selected in light of its
capacity to serve as a group meeting place for sharing, structuring and storing information.
Furthermore multiple members can edit a wiki and records of all changes are viewable.
Results
The findings elicited from the pre-test and post-test surveys are reported in this section.
Descriptive statistics were employed.
Students technological capabilities prior to the semester

It was important from the outset to gain an understanding of the participants initial views and
their perception of themselves as technology users, so they were asked to rate their level of
confidence in approaching new technologies in the pre-test survey. The total number of
respondents to the pre-test was 39, although not everyone responded to all survey questions. All
participants responded to the question: How would you describe yourself in terms of your capabilities with
Information Communication Technology (ICT)? Some claimed to be novice users of technology 12
(31%), whilst others claimed reasonable familiarity 26(66%), and the remaining 1(3%) cast
themselves as an expert user. Those who claimed to be technological novices, 12 participants, 4
agreed that they were experienced and confident, while two of this group, disagreed that they
were experienced and claimed to lack confidence too. However, when asked if they considered
themselves experienced in using a range of computer and on-line technologies, 24 (63%) agreed
or strongly agreed this to be true, and only 14 (37%) disagreed. This would suggest that even
novices have had experience with a range of technologies. One participant failed to respond to
this question.
With respect to feeling confident to try new technologies, the participants were divided between
agreeing 25 (65%) and disagreeing 14 (35%). On closer inspection of these data, it was found
that of the 26 participants reasonably familiar with technology, 13 maintained that they were
both experienced and confident, and 6 claimed that they were neither experienced nor confident.
The remaining 7 were mixed in their responses to these two questions.
The participants were asked to provide a statement about how they felt about beginning a
Research Unit of study, which utilized a totally on-line environment. As expected, there was a
wide range of responses, which fell into two broad categories: positive and negative feelings. In
the negative category were statements like a little nervous and I am very scared. However,
some participants, while nervous or apprehensive, also suggested that this could change,
apprehensive but enthusiastic to learn. Figure 2. shows the distribution of participants feelings
about studying wholly on-line for the 38 who made a response.
10
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
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ed
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ng
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or
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Figure 2. Students initial feelings about commencing research and communication in a

wholly online environment
As expected, the majority of participants were suggesting nervousness or apprehension at the

thought of researching and studying in an online environment whereby communication was is
wholly online. They expressed this in a variety of ways, not all fearful.
I am scared and hoping that I am able to understand what is written and use it to the
best of my ability. I also feel some sort of accomplishment, as this will be a challenge for
me. I look forward to the challenges and the "not so good" moments. This will be all
new to me!
Interestingly, those who felt positive included one who was curious. Several participants (6) said
at this initial stage, that they would prefer face-to-face classes.
The participants enrolled in the ICT-based university unit were also asked whether they believed
that ICT could be used effectively as the main form of communication during the research
process the semester. The participants were over-whelming positive about this prospect. Thirty
of the 39 participants agreed, or strongly agreed, that ICT could be used effectively. Seven
participants disagreed, and two did not give a response. The main reasons underpinning these
views were that they believed online communication has benefits in terms of accessibility, ease of
and flexibility of timing; all viewed as important as the modern world uses ICT and they need to
become ICT capable. It is more convenient as you can work on the assignments without having
to physically meet with other team members or teachers.
Interestingly, in the pre-test three participants who were not native speakers of English seemed
anxious and raised their concerns about communicating in a wholly online environment. One of
the comments made was, I feel a bit unconfident because of me English skills. I need some
face-to-face communication to clarify my doubts. It is possible that these participants were
competent oral English language users, but were concerned about their English proficiency in
utilising other forms of English language such as writing.
The 39 participants were asked to indicate any of the technological items listed (Wiki, Discussion
Board, e-Live, Email, Live Chat) of which they had heard. The following table shows the
participant responses.
Table 1.
Wiki Discussion Board e-Live Email Live chat
9 17 15 26 22
Unremarkably, email and live chat are the best known of the technological tools, as they are in
the public domain. The Wiki was the least known, which was not unexpected.
Participants were asked to indicate the technology items, as above, of which they had a working
knowledge. The results are shown in the table below.
Table 2.
Wiki Discussion Board e-Live Email Live chat
6 15 6 25 17
As expected, the pattern of responses in the second table closely follows the pattern in the first
table. The most interesting difference is the responses for e-Live, where working knowledge
responses are very much fewer than those for having heard of e-Live.
At the end of the 12 weeks of study the student cohort were invited to participate in the online
post survey. The 17 participants that volunteered were asked to reflect on their experiences in
the Unit. Figure 3. shows their responses to four questions that focussed on this aspect of the
survey.
Question 10 asked for a reaction to: It was important for me to have a choice to use a range of technologies
in this Unit. The majority of participants (14) agreed it was important, with 2 responding that they
strongly agreed. A similar pattern can be seen for Question 11, where participants were asked to
respond to: Ideally, under different circumstances, I would have engaged in the use of other technologies to
improve my research. For this question, 14 responses were either agree or strongly agree. However,
3 participants responded in a different way to these two questions. These included two who
strongly agreed to Question 10, but simply agreed to Question 11.
14
12
10
SD
8
D
6 A
SA
4
0
61 Q 10 Q 11 Q 15
http://aajhss.org/index.php/ijhss
Q 17
Figure 3: Outcomes of the Unit with respect to technology.
Question 15, which asked for a response to: I believe that ICT can be used effectively as the main form of
communication during the research process, was agreed to by slightly more than half the participants (9
out of 17). This is an improvement over the responses to the pre-Unit survey, where face-to-face
communication figured strongly as the preferred communication medium. In addition to this
change, there was an obvious change shown by responses to Question 17, I am more confident now,
than I was before this Unit, about trying out new technologies. Apparently, using the new technologies was
a positive experience, and raised confidence levels in the participants. The proportion, 12 out of
17, of positive responses to this question is a very positive outcome from a single semester Unit.
When asked why they felt this way about the effectiveness of online communication six (35%) of
the 17 participants did not respond, whilst seven (41%) agreed ICTs could be used effectively to
communicate because its easy to use, effective, efficient and fast.
Communicating within Research Groups

In terms of communication technology, the students chose to use a number of modes. The most
frequently used technology was email, followed by asynchronous communication via the
Discussion Board, then the Wiki. These were followed closely by telephone, e-Live, and
Facebook, in that order. The least popular modes were the synchronous modes of the Live Chat
and, not unexpectedly for an on-line Unit, Face-to-face (see Figure 4, below).
16
14
12
10 Once or twice a week
Three to six times a week
8
Seven or more times a week
6
Not at all
4
2
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io
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Fa
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Figure 4: Communication within Research groups.
An important question arises from Figure 4 above: Why did students choose to use particular
modes for communication in preference to others? This study offered the students the following
seven reasons: availability of resources, familiarity with the technology, ease of communication,
joint decision making, suitability of the technology and their eagerness to trial a new technology,
and other (see Figure 5).
5
Availability of Resources
4 Familiarity with the technology
Ease of communication
3
Group decision
2 Suitability of technology
Keen to trial a new technology
1
0
e
l
at
ok
d
ive
ai
iki
on
ar
Ch
em
bo
W
L
Bo
ph
e-
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le
n
Fa
Li
Te
io
ss
scu
Di
Figure 5: Reasons for selecting a communication technology.
The clear reasons for using the Wiki were the availability of resources and eagerness to try a new
technology, whereas the reasons for using email were availability, familiarity, ease of use, and a
group decision (for two groups). Other modes of communication that scored highly on
familiarity were Discussion Boards, Facebook, and Telephone, while ease of communication was
cited often as another reason for using Discussion Boards.
Although a range of reasons were cited for each of the modes of communication, it is
noteworthy that the Wiki, e-Live, and Live Chat were the only modes to receive mentions for the
category Keen to trial a new technologies. A Group decision was cited as a reason for using all the
technologies except Live Chat and Telephone.
In the post-test surveys students were asked also to identify how important it was to them that
they had a choice to use a range of technologies in this unit. They were asked whether, under
different circumstances, they would have engaged in the use of other technologies to improve
their research. The majority of the 17 students (14) indicated that having a choice amongst an
array of technologies was important and that they would consider using other forms of
technology next time, while only three indicated that this was not important to them (see Figure
6).
14
12
10
0
SA A D SD
Figure 6: Student agreement with having a choice of technologies.
An important part of this research was also to gauge whether research processes could be
undertaken wholly on-line and to evaluate and improve the Unit content and its organization as
it was the first iteration of this newly developed approach. When asked to reflect upon whether
the Unit was well planned and organized (Question 18), and if it was valuable in allowing them
to expand their knowledge and engage in the research process in an area of interest (Question
19). As is clear from Table 3, the overwheling view (83%) of the 17 students was that the On the
whole, this Unit was well planned and organized (Question 18) and they responded similarly to
Question 19: This Unit was valuable in allowing me to expand my knowledge and engage in the research
process in an area of interest (77%). From these figures we contend that the Unit was a success, and
provides guidance as to how to construct and conduct future Units.
Table 3*
Q18 Q19
SD 6% 6%
D 12% 18%
A 65% 59%
SA 18% 18%
* All percentages rounded up

As mentioned earlier, in the pre-test data some participants were clearly afraid and nervous about
working collaboratively in groups to conduct research. Despite this initial hesitance, comments
provided in the post-test as final reflections associated with engaging in on-line research
processes via on-line communication were much more positive,
I developed my research skills
Assignments were challenging and interesting to complete
Great to be able to research an area of interest
Team-based learning can be rewarding, but challenging!
Mastering the use of new technologies takes time
Research processes can be engaged in, via on-line communication.
These results indicate that the online Unit of study was valuable in allowing students to expand
their knowledge in an area of interest and to engage in research processes whilst studying via
distance mode in an online context.
The participants were asked, Were there any barriers that prevented you from trialling any of the technologies
made available to you within this unit? If so, what were they? Seven (41%) participants reported no
barriers at all, 5 (34%) felt lack of sufficient time to do their study and learn about ICTs was
limiting and 4 (24%) found their own lack of knowledge to be a hindrance. One student who
was studying abroad identified poor internet service as a barrier.
When asked to describe ideal circumstances that would improve their research in this unit, nine
(53%) of the 17 students wanted some face-to-face interaction with either or all of the following:
the lecturer, their research supervisor, other students or to engage in ICT instructional
workshops. The participants were asked to indicate if they would make the time to engage in a
free online professional learning workshop about ways of communicating online. Most of them
(27 people) said they would as it had benefits for them for the future and it would help them use
ICT more effectively. Five said Yes, but time permitting and four were adamant that they
lacked the time to engage in such things.
When asked what kind of strategies they used to receive help when using the selected
technologies 9 out of 17 people indicated that they did either or all of the following: persisted
and tried again, asked a colleague or asked their Supervisor or Lecturer. Other sources of
support were family and friends (4) outside of the university, Google (1) and a Guide document.
Interestingly none of the participants contacted the universitys ICT specialists who could be
contacted during extended business hours by telephone.
Discussion
The findings identified key aspects of the unit of study that hindered online communication and
others that supported effective online communication. These aspects and core issues that arose
whilst engaging in research processes in an on-line environment are discussed below.
Learning by doing
This study revealed that the participants capabilities and levels of confidence in using unfamiliar
technologies were raised by their involvement in the Unit of study and the online research
context. The results revealed that participants highly valued the opportunity to exercise choice
over which digital modes of communication they would master and utilize. They grew in
confidence and competence in using online modes for communication purposes over the
semester period. Furthermore, when given a choice, they preferred the use of asynchronous
forms of digital communication to synchronous forms for a range of reasons.
Barriers hindering effective online research and communication

Most of the participants agreed that online communication could work effectively for research
and communication purposes. They also largely agreed that the University Unit Chair and
Research Supervisors were approachable, very helpful and supportive, however, when asked how
to improve the Unit a prominent theme that arose was that they nonetheless desired more
contact and support from University staff (Supervisors & Lecturer). Their recommendations
included that the Unit could involve further support by the provision of some level of face-to-
face contact. This contact could be at planned intervals throughout the semester, either in person
or via videoconference so that students could receive further guidance and support. The
introduction of online instructional workshops or videos was also suggested as a possible form
for this support, for example, a session on how to build and use a wiki.
More than a third of the students felt there were no barriers preventing them from trialling any
of the available, new technologies for their online research and communication, whilst a third felt
they lacked the time needed to learn about the ICTs to be used. One quarter of the participants
identified their own lack of knowledge of ICTs as a barrier preventing them from exploring
unfamiliar ICTs and one person had issues with internet connectivity and reliability.
In summary, some of the barriers experienced are dependent upon the lecturer/teacher in terms
of curriculum design and pedagogy ie. modes of delivery, time needed to learn about new ICTs
and requirements to use particular ICTs. Other barriers however are more reliant on factors that
are in the student control such as time management and a willingness to increase their
knowledge.
Suggested improvements to enhance communication for online research and study

A strong theme that was prominent in both the pre-test and post-test data was that many
students, particularly, those who hadnt engaged in online study before believed that they would
have benefited from a mix of both face-to-face, live classroom learning and online modes of
learning and communication. The suggestions were largely that the unit be taught partly online
and partly face-to-face with opportunities to work with their research group, lecturer and
research supervisor. Some felt that face-to-face interactions could be replaced or supplemented
with the use of E-live and online explanatory or instructional workshops.
This particular mixed method mode of delivery is renowned as blended learning. There is a
growing body of knowledge about blended learning (Ginns & Ellis 2007, Picciano, Bonk &
Graham 2012, Ziuban & Graham, 2013). Lim, Morris & Kupritz (2014) recently conducted a
comparative study of students taught in blended versus wholly online modes. They reported that
although student-learning outcomes were similar, students studying in blended mode reported
less problems in relation to interpreting instructions, gaining understanding and difficulties with
workload. It must be noted however, that they view their research findings as limited and
identify the area worthy of further research.
Choice of Digital Communication Modes

The evidence suggested that as students engaged in collaborative online research, they made use
of an array of provided online communication methods and additionally also made use of
Facebook and mobile telephones which were part of their existing communicative repertoires
outside of the university context. The students agreed it was effective and important for them to
be provided with the freedom to choose the digital communication modes by which they would
communicate throughout the study period. Research groups collectively made decisions about
preferred communication modes. They favoured asynchronous modes of online communication
(email and group online discussion board) to engage with their student peers, largely because of
their familiarity and the ease of its use, whilst preferring to largely communicate with their
academic Research Supervisors via email. The results showed that students grew in confidence
and competence in using online modes for communication purposes over the trimester period.
Valuing the right to make technological decisions

This study highlighted the importance of providing online students (in this case at University)
with the opportunity to exercise some level of choice in relation to the digital tools and resources
adopted for communication and presentation purposes. The participants valued the fact that
apart from the requirement to use a wiki, they had control over what would be used,
The study also found that the main factors affecting their choices included group decision-
making, existing familiarity with the technology, their perception of the suitability of particular
technologies to suit their purpose and also the availability and accessibility of the technology.
Most students and Supervisors indicated that ICT can be used effectively as the main form of
communication during the research process, but that having autonomy and choice over which
digital modes would be used was both satisfying and effective in supporting their engagement in
the online research process.
Conclusion
This research investigated how pre-service teachers (Education students) viewed the effect of
Information Communication Technologies (ICT) as the main form of communication during
the research process and also identified the influencing factors that affected their choice of E-
tools for communication and presentation purposes. The survey data elicited core issues that
arise for students working in an entirely on-line research environment.
Students generally preferred the use of asynchronous forms of digital communication to

synchronous forms and this choice of E-tools for communication purposes were related to their
perception of their capacity to use ICTs, their previous experience and the availability and
accessibility of these modes. They largely believed that it was important to become ICT capable
and perceived communication via ICT to be valued for its ease, accessibility and time flexibility.
In contrast however, most notable was the participants desire for greater support and a hunger
for face-to-face interaction via live or video-conference facilities; the preference for a blended
mode of delivery and interaction.
These research findings have application to organisations conducting online research, teaching
and learning. Leaders of learning and research in online spaces are reminded of the importance
of providing opportunities for participants to exercise choice about the digital tools and
repertoires that they will need to master, adopt and utilise. Furthermore, the argument is made
that a blended learning learning approach, where possible, may well be more effective than
wholly on-line approaches and that further research is warranted in this area.
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University for supporting this
research project through the provision of funds via the competitive Teaching and Learning
Grant scheme. We also acknowledge the support of The Melbourne Group from the School of
Education at Deakin University. We acknowledge the Educational Development Unit at Deakin
University and Dr. Brad Warren for his support with the initial data. Furthermore, we would like
to thank the Academic Supervisors and Education students that chose to participate in this study
and thereby made the project possible.
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p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Stakeholder views about participating in paediatric

biobanks: a narrative review
Cynthia A. Ochieng, Joel T. Minion, Andrew Turner and Madeleine J. Murtagh*

D2K Research Group, School of Social and Community Medicine,
University of Bristol, BS8 2BN UK
Abstract
Scientific and medical research with children is essential to the development of therapies for
younger patients. Paediatric biobanking uses samples from minors to provide a critical and
expanding resource for such research. It also raises important ethical, legal and social
implications (ELSI) and highlights the need for appropriate frameworks for practice developed
through stakeholder consultation. This paper reviews the current literature on stakeholder views
of paediatric biobanking. A narrative review was conducted of empirical studies in this area, the
majority of which did not involve actual biobanks or include the views of children. Key themes
were identified: parental consent; childrens assent; the return of results; and risks, benefits and
burdens of participation. The resultant analysis highlights how children involved in paediatric
biobanks are not only capable of understanding and assenting to their participation but also of
contributing their voices to the development of future paediatric biobanking policy.
Keywords: paediatric biobank, children, ethics, narrative review, genetic, social.
1. Introduction
The use of human samples in biomedical research has resulted in unprecedented scientific
breakthroughs (Wolf, Bouley et al. 2010). Biobanking technology today offers a rich resource for
studying many aspects of human health and disease. The Organisation for Economic Co-
operation and Development defines biobanks as a collection of biological material and the
associated data and information stored in an organised system, for a population or a large subset
of a population (Sampogna 2006). Paediatric biobanking promises greater understanding of the
causes, prevention and treatment of childhood disease (Brisson, Matsui et al. 2012). The ongoing
dearth of knowledge of preventive measures and appropriate treatment for children at different
stages of their development is internationally recognised (Gill 2004). This limitation results in
part from stringent child protection restrictions placed on research involving children (Avard,
Silverstein et al. 2009). But alongside the need for child protection in research is an equal and
growing need for the inclusion of child participants in order to generate age-specific findings
(Field and Behrman 2004). Paediatric biobanks continue to be developed as a basis for
facilitating medical and scientific research with samples from child populations (Samul,
Knoppers et al. 2012). Their development has been accompanied by a corresponding interest in
the ethics of childrens participation in research and a need for sociological inquiry into practices
connected to it (Avard, Sncal et al. 2011). Future understandings can be expected to aid in
policy development and the implementation of culturally appropriate paediatric biobanking
practices.
Paediatric biobanking is governed by myriad restrictions and regulations, an unsurprising

situation given the historical injustices in bioscience perpetrated on vulnerable populations
(Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009) and the controversial discovery of unconsented bio-repositories
such as those at Alder Hey hospital and Bristol Royal Infirmary in the UK (Boden, Epstein et al.
2009, Avard, Sncal et al. 2011). There is also ongoing limited guidance on promoting good
biobanking practices involving samples from children (Samul, Knoppers et al. 2012). In
paediatric biobanking, participants are in a state of growing maturity requiring researchers to
address issues of privacy, autonomy and concepts of risk that all change with age. Some argue
that research on children should only be undertaken if it involves no more than minimal risks,
namely those no higher than what a child would encounter in daily life (Hens, Nys et al. 2009). A
dynamic approach to paediatric biobanking has also been put forward (Avard, Silverstein et al.
2009), one founded on continued communication among all stakeholders (for example, the
model proposed by (Kaye, Whitley et al. 2014)).
Children are key stakeholders and have demonstrable knowledge of the benefits and challenges
of biobank participation (Anderson, Stackhouse et al. 2011). Considering their views in research
recognizes their worth as human beings (Roberts 2008) and potentially improves the protection
of children while fostering trust in biobanking (Lemke, Wolf et al. 2010). Such consultation may
also help highlight pitfalls in research design and provide opportunities for improving research
(Godard, Marshall et al. 2004). The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child states that children
capable of forming their own views should be assured their right to express these views on
matters concerning them (Morrow and Richards 1996). The Childrens Act of 1989 in England and
Wales stipulates that courts shall regard the wishes and feelings of the child, while professional
bodies such as the British Psychological Association and the British Sociological Association as
well as research organisations such as the Medical Research Council encourage active
consultation and engagement with children involved in research.
Little is known, however, about childrens understandings of their social positioning within
health research (Mayall 1998). Children are increasingly seen as competent social actors worthy
of study in their own right (James and James 2001), and that understanding childhood requires
revealing the experiences of children (Shanahan 2007). But giving voice to children entails more
than simply letting children speak; it necessitates a deeper exploration of their experiences and
how adults theorise these (James 2007). Understanding social order from a childs standpoint
requires studying not only a childs perceptions but also the development of the concepts that
underpin such knowledge (Mayall 1998). Social studies of paediatric biobanking is therefore
needed to inform more fully policies affecting the study of health and disease in children (Grover
2004).
While paediatric research must always be finely balanced against child protection (Mumford
1999), overweighting in favor of protectionism can result in therapeutic orphans and a limited
number therapies tested for safety and efficacy in children (Samul, Ries et al. 2008). The
construction of childrens vulnerability may also lead some researchers to view child participants
as out-of-bounds with the result that their voices are silenced (Moran-Ellis 2010). Past efforts to
advance research while maintaining effective child protection have rested on the principle of
subsidiarity; that is, permitting research on children only if it cannot be done on adults (Hens,
Van El et al. 2012). Research with children has also generally been based on the precautionary
principle that adequate measures must be taken to avoid potentially harmful outcomes when
there is an expectation based on empirical evidence or causal hypotheses that damage could
occur (Jarosinska and Gee 2007). This approach demands full consideration be given to any
physical and emotional harm to the child, such as avoiding venipuncture by using residual blood
from diagnostic testing, or conducting data collection at home or a familiar setting rather than in
a hospital (Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009). Risks specifically associated with biobank participation
include breaches of privacy, the disclosure of information to third parties, and possible
stigmatisation of participants based on genetic results (Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009).
The objective of this paper is, therefore, to identify and critically review existing empirical
research into the views and perspectives of principal stakeholders involved in paediatric
biobanking namely children, parents and researchers. The authors aim to summarise not only
key findings emerging from this literature, but also to critically examine higher level ethical, legal
and social implications (ELSI) issues cross cutting the existing evidence base. The authors
assume from the outset that children's voices are essential to future development of paediatric
biobanking policies and best practice.
2. Methods
A narrative approach was used to review the literature. The aim was to identify empirical
research involving stakeholders and/or participants in paediatric biobanks. A narrative rather
than systematic review was undertaken for reasons outlined in the literature (Petticrew and
Roberts 2008, Bryman 2012), namely: that the focus of the review was broad rather than specific;
the studies under consideration were largely qualitative or mixed methods; and the objective was
to assess individual studies rather conduct a meta-analysis. A literature search was conducted by
the lead author (CO) to identify all articles published in English prior to May 2014 using multiple
bibliographic databases. The search process was iterative and continued until no new articles
were found (Petticrew and Roberts 2008). The overall strategy was additionally reviewed for
quality and output by a second author (JM), who is a professional librarian.
In order to pinpoint search terms most applicable in the field of paediatric biobanking, an initial
pilot search was conducted using the Web of Knowledge (WoK) bibliographic database. An
analysis of the results from exploratory searching determined that virtually all relevant papers
included keywords on two themes: children and genetic databases. There was, however,
considerable variation in terminology use. The terms relating to children were child/children, minor,
youth, young people, adolescent and paediatric; while those relating to genetic databases were biobank(s),
gene bank(s), gene repository/ies, genetic database(s), stored DNA and genomic database(s). Based on these
pilot efforts, an initial search was conducted in WoK using the terms identified above for
children and genetic databases. The final search used was:
TOPIC: (child* OR minor OR youth OR young people OR adolescent OR paediatric) AND

TOPIC: (biobank* OR gene bank* OR gene repositor* OR genetic database* OR stored DNA
OR genetic repository* OR genomic database*)
The search (along with all subsequent updating searches) was conducted without date restrictions
because paediatric biobanking remains a relatively new practice whose documented evidence
base is small. Initially we focused on general population biobanks that either included mainly or
only children. As these efforts yielded few papers, it was decided that disease-specific tissue
banks should also be included to elicit a range of views about childrens participation in
biobanking more broadly.
The final WoK search (May 2014) produced 311 unique hits. These were assessed by reviewing
each papers keywords and abstract using predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria. Papers
were included for review if they reported findings from empirical studies into peoples opinions,
views, perceptions or experiences with a paediatric biobank, paediatric tissue bank, or any
biobank and tissue bank including or intended to include samples from children. Papers
excluded from review were those of a medical laboratory nature, those detailing the structures of
biobanks, any papers based on blood spots or Guthrie cards, those focusing on predictive
genetic screening, and publications not based on empirical studies (e.g. theoretical papers,
systematic reviews, legal document reviews). Papers were also excluded from review if they were
not published in English or if full-text versions could not be obtained. Some papers included for
review sought participants views on the idea of paediatric biobanking rather than actual
paediatric biobanks. For the purposes of this paper these were categorised as being
hypothetical biobanks owing to the fact that the biobanks either did not exist or were being
established but not yet operational.
The WoK search was then repeated in PubMed (119 hits) and Scopus (195 hits). A total of 11
articles met the inclusion criteria. Following all three searches, a similar and final search was
conducted using Google Scholar (GS). Because GS offers a less precise search interface, the
search strategy incorporated additional terms relating to research methods and study type. Of the
terms used, the first was paediatric biobank, the second focused on research methodology (e.g.
qualitative, empirical, thoughts, views, experiences) and the third related to study type (e.g. birth
cohort, longitudinal). Within GS the final search used was:
paediatric biobank AND qualitative OR empirical OR thoughts OR views OR experiences AND longitudinal
birth cohort
Two further articles were identified using GS. To ensure a comprehensive literature review, a
pearl growing (Bryman 2012) assessment of the references cited in all 13 articles was carried
out. This produced two further articles that met the inclusion criteria, for a total of 15.
When conducting a narrative review, Bryman (Bryman 2012) also recommends reviewing key
authors publications. Based on papers assessed for inclusion, several researchers were identified
as prominent in the broader field of paediatric biobanking through their involvement in either
empirical or theoretical research. A search for each was conducted in WoK and PubMed,
identifying one further paper. Corresponding authors of all 16 papers were contacted by CO to
inquire if further work had been completed or published. This yielded six papers for a total of
22. Emails were also sent to 70 paediatric biobanks and biobanks involving families requesting
references, though no new articles meeting the inclusion criteria were identified.
3. Results
The results section first provides a brief overview of the papers and the different types of
research undertaken. Secondly we identify four main themes emerging from the findings and
considers their implication for future research and practice in paediatric biobanking.
3.1. Summary of papers reviewed

All papers reviewed are summarised in Table 1. Four key characteristics were identified among
them. First, the 22 papers reported only 17 empirical studies (papers reporting on single
underlying studies were: Study A (Halverson and Ross 2012, Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012);
Study B (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2003, Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004, Williamson,
Goodenough et al. 2004); and Study C (Hens and Dierickx 2010, Hens, Nys et al. 2010). Second,
only one study sought solely childrens views about their experience of participating in biobank
research (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2003, Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004). Two
others (Dixon-Woods, Wilson et al. 2008, Harris, Ziniel et al. 2012) included both children and
adults, though these were based on tissue bank research (i.e. disease specific biobanks); in these
papers the contribution of children was not made explicit in the findings. One study included
adolescents (i.e. children in their teens) as well as adults (Hens and Dierickx 2010, Hens, Nys et
al. 2010). Third, a clear majority of the papers (n=13) involved what we have termed
hypothetical paediatric biobanks (i.e. biobanks that did not exist at the time of the study). Finally,
almost all authors referred to children, minors or adolescents without specifying age ranges (for
this paper, we use child or children to refer to any individual under 18 unless specified otherwise by
an author).
3.2. Themes arising from the review

Four main themes emerged from the literature reviewed on paediatric biobanks. These were: (1)
parental consent; (2) childrens assent; (3) return of genetic results; and (4) risks, burdens and
benefits of participation. Each is discussed in turn, after which we briefly compare the
perspectives of the range of stakeholders involved in the reviewed studies.
3.2.1. Parental consent

Parental consent was a recurrent theme in many of the papers. Although never defined explicitly,
parental consent was understood as parents agreement that samples, medical records and other
information about their children would come to be included in biobanks as well as agreement to
their childs ongoing participation. Consent was portrayed as a legally binding agreement given
by a parent or a child who had reached the age of majority (usually age 16 years). Overall there
was a general preference for involvement in biobanks that used broad consent and simple
consent forms (Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012). While seeking views of women about a
hypothetical paediatric biobank Neidich et. al. (2008) found that women supported the use of
samples for a wide array of paediatric conditions, either to help their own children or medical
science more generally. There was some variability regarding temporal restrictions on broad
consent, with some studies suggesting parents preferred re-contact about future research
(Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012), while others indicated a more general willingness to sanction
future research without being re-contacted (McMurter, Parker et al. 2011).
Contrary to common practice in consent taking, parents reported a preference for more
straightforward and uncomplicated consenting procedures particularly in the nature of the
consent forms (Hens and Dierickx 2010). For example, a study proposing a hypothetical biobank
(McMurter, Parker et al. 2011) found that parents of paediatric oncology patients would be
satisfied to give a simple yes/no consent to future research without the need for complicated
consent forms. Another (Hens and Dierickx 2010) found researchers and healthcare
professionals in genetic research believed that parents would have less confidence in research
and be less likely to participate in paediatric biobanks if presented with long consent forms,
suggesting more complex consent forms could possibly deter participation among parents.
Parental consent on behalf of children was seen as potentially problematic. Professionals in the
field of genetics felt that proxy consent (consent given by parents on behalf of children) could
infringe on the childs rights by limiting the scope of the childs assent (Hens, Snoeck et al.
2010). Williamson et. al. (2004) postulated that power is negotiated between parents and children
in a complex manner and that the position of children changes as they age and acquire more
information.
3.2.2. Childrens assent
Childrens assent was seen as the inclusion of a childs permission or more simply, a childs
agreement to participate in research, once parental consent had been given on behalf of the
child. All papers reported that childrens views needed to be taken into account as part of
paediatric biobanking practices. In particular, this theme identified a debate over how assent was
managed empirically. The issues identified included: when to presume consent (age versus
maturity) (Hens and Dierickx 2010); how to assent (Jackson, DixonWoods et al. 2009); whether
to re-contact children to update consent (Goldenberg, Hull et al. 2009); and whether to make
provisions for withdrawal from research (Ries, LeGrandeur et al. 2010). In their study involving
parents of paediatric oncology patients, McMurter et. al. ( 2011) found that parents considered
children capable of consent before the age of 18. Jackson et. al. (2009) affirmed this finding in
their study of healthcare professionals but additionally found that strict formal adherence to
assessing a childs capacity (such as requiring his/her signature or having a particular age set for
majority) could interfere with the assessment of the childs ability to consent. Hens et. al. (2010)
corroborated this finding in their study of professionals involved in paediatric biobanking,
although their main departure from Jackson was their suggestion that 16 to 18 is a suitable age
for children to consent. Jackson et al (2009) argued that specific age boundaries for consenting
were too restrictive. Hens et al (2010) did, however, acknowledged the impracticality of assigning
a fixed threshold for consent given the influence of an individual childs maturity and social
context. Williamson et. al. (2004) reported that child participants viewed consent as a progressive
relationship between themselves, their parents and researchers. Hens and Dierickx (2010)
postulated that consent forms as used today mainly serve as a document for avoiding
prosecution or litigation rather than being a document to improve patient-researcher
relationship. Williamson et al. (2004) affirmed in their research with child participants of a
biobank that children were cognisant of their changing priorities and opinions and could hence
discuss their perceptions of their own development logically. Additionally, in the case of long-
term paediatric biobanking, competence and autonomy were thought to develop through direct
social experience (Hens and Dierickx 2010).
Kaufman et. al. (2008) demonstrated that adults saw the importance of obtaining childrens
permission before inclusion in a biobank. Using a hypothetical scenario approach, Hens and
Dierickx (2010) found that teenagers wanted to be re-contacted when participating in research
for reasons of respect and curiosity rather desire to control the research. The issue of re-contact
for consent was also reported by Goldenberg et. al. (2009), who surveyed adult cancer patients
about a hypothetical paediatric biobank that would include a sample from their childhood; in this
case re-consent was seen primarily by respondents as indicative of the researchers respect for
participants interest in research decision making. The debate on re-consent was presented as
moving in tandem with a participants ability to withdraw from a study (2008). While the right to
withdraw upheld an individuals autonomy, it also restricted the potential for long term research.
One reported way of avoiding high rates of withdrawal was to design participation in biobanks
that allowed participants to waive future consent (Goldenberg, Hull et al. 2009). Williamson et.
al. (2004) reported that some children felt pressure against dissenting to research participation in
their study among child participants of a biobank.
3.2.3. Return of results to children or families

Also identified in the analysis was a desire for the return of research results in paediatric
biobanking (McMurter, Parker et al. 2011). There was variation in participants expectations by
way of returned results and how these would be communicated. Parents generally wanted some
degree of feedback. For example, Harris et. al. (2012) found parents who had enrolled their
children (with developmental disorders) in a tissue bank not only wanted to receive results but
preferred to receive this information electronically, believing the results would help them
understand their childs condition more fully. Additionally, Hens and Dierickx (2010) found that
even though participants understood there to be a clear distinction between research and
diagnosis, return of results was considered a humane act as compensation for research
participation.
Although parents generally wanted results returned, this desire led to secondary concerns,
especially tensions between a childs autonomy and privacy vis-a-vis his/her parents (Hens and
Dierickx 2010). The study found there was a need to strike a balance between a parents desire
for disclosure and a childs autonomy within research participation. This debate was also
addressed by Hens et. al. (2010), who argued that communicating genetic results that lacked
immediate medical value to parents would breach the principle of autonomy and affect the
childs ability for self-governance. In addition to this, Harris et. al. (2012) postulated that a childs
future autonomy in controlling their research results may be compromised when such results are
disclosed to his/her legal guardian. Similarly, Hens and Dierickx (2010) argued that the rights of
a child to know about (potentially treatable) medical conditions superseded the rights of his/her
guardians in deciding not to know. Likewise, it was reported that returning genetic results could
alter how parents treat their child (Hens, Nys et al. 2010). Such debates speak to ongoing
concerns about best practices for upholding the autonomy of a child in paediatric biobanking.
3.2.4. Risks, burdens and benefits of participation

The final theme addressed the balance between the risks and burdens of research and the
potential benefits that could come from participation. While definition of terms such as risks,
burdens and benefits was rarely made explicit in the papers, risks were mainly viewed as potential
harms, burdens as excessive demands in time and effort, and benefits as possible gains from
participation (including but not limited to financial or therapeutic gains). In the papers reviewed,
the specific risks faced by children from biobanking were varied, from physical or emotional
harm (a commonly reported example was venepuncture, though whether this meets the
minimum risk threshold for child research participation may be debatable), to being
uncomfortable socially with certain questions (e.g. questions about alcohol consumption among
teenagers) (Hens and Dierickx 2010).
A number of authors reported concern among researchers and the public to avoid risks and
burdens for research participants. Others reported a similar finding among parents and children.
Halverson and Ross (2012) specifically noted parents stating they would enrol their children in a
biobank on condition of minimal risk to the children. Kaufman et. al. (2008) found parents in
their study were not willing to enrol their children in biobanks because participation would be
burdensome, especially if the biobank required daily recording of a childs life, vis a vis the
already long list of activities of their children. Hens et. al. (2010) reported that the possibility of
research being distressing or of limited benefit to participants could inhibit enrolment in
biobanks. Public opinion, as presented by Kaufman et. al. (2008), revealed an expectation of
benefits to individuals such as the child or the childs family, or a wider benefit to society
through the advancement of medical knowledge. In spite of participants being concerned by the
level of burden placed on them by participation, Lemke et. al. (2012) also found that parents
believed the benefits of participating in a paediatric biobank outweighed the risks. Although
parents wished to protect their children from unwarranted burden and risks, they were aware
that certain risks are ubiquitous in society; and reasoned that no research is exempt from risk in
the form of breaches (Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012).
4. Multiple stakeholders
A range of stakeholder opinions were covered in the papers included in this review. We note the
specific patterns of these perspectives here. In papers reporting researchers opinions, the issues
resonating most were the need for both parental consent and childs assent (Jackson,
DixonWoods et al. 2009, Hens and Dierickx 2010), the problematic nature of both blanket
consent (Ries, LeGrandeur et al. 2010) and the return of research results (Ries, LeGrandeur et al.
2010), the need for privacy protection, and a concern that research should not be burdensome to
the child (Hens, Snoeck et al. 2010). Papers reporting views of parents demonstrated that there
was a general desire to receive research results (McMurter, Parker et al. 2011, Harris, Ziniel et al.
2012, Lemke, Halverson et al. 2012) and that children should be re-contacted as they matured
(McMurter, Parker et al. 2011) for consent (Klima, Fitzgerald-Butt et al. 2013). Parents
supported biobank use for a wide array of paediatric research (Neidich, Joseph et al. 2008) and
their enrolment was based on their trust in biobanks (Neidich, Joseph et al. 2008, Brothers and
Clayton 2012). Parents asserted that children should be given access to their health records
(Halverson and Ross 2012). Papers reporting the views of the public had similar themes: the
need for re-consenting after the child reaches majority (Kaufman, Geller et al. 2008, Goldenberg,
Hull et al. 2009), the need for minimising a childs pain and burden in participation (Kaufman,
Geller et al. 2008), a desire to receive research results (Halverson and Ross 2012), and the
importance of trust in research participation (Halverson and Ross 2012). Papers involving both
adolescents and adults (who were not participants in biobanks) reported similar findings, (though
it is not clear which responses were from the adults and which ones were from the adolescents):
that research should not be burdensome (Hens and Dierickx 2010); a trust in parents ability to
consent to the right research as well as trust in biobanking (Hens, Nys et al. 2010); the
importance of informed consent and growth toward autonomy (Hens and Dierickx 2010, Hens,
Nys et al. 2010); the need for confidentiality; and, wanting meaningful research results
communicated (Hens, Nys et al. 2010). Papers reporting the views of children alone or children
and parents (actual biobank participants) expressed the need for both childs assent and parental
consent (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004, Williamson, Goodenough et al. 2004) the need
for anonymity (Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004) and the growing autonomy of children
(Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004).
Discussion
This review highlighted four main areas of interest in paediatric biobanking. First, parents
preferred simple consenting procedures, though it was noted that broad parental consent can be
problematic if it impairs a childs future autonomy and control over their participation in
research. Second, childrens assent was considered important in research. The few children
interviewed in these empirical studies viewed their role in assent as a progressive relationship
between themselves, their parents, the researchers. Child participants expected that with
increasing age they would have more control over their research participation. There was,
however, varied opinion as to the correct age for children to assume consenting responsibilities
for research. Many child respondents held the view that children might find it difficult to
exercise their right to dissent to research consented by their parents. Third, the return of research
results is a particularly important issue. Parents generally wanted to receive results, viewing them
as a possible benefit of participation in a biobank. Some authors however understood this
activity as having the capacity to infringe upon a childs autonomy. Finally, concern about risks,
burdens and benefits of research participation was evident in the literature. Respondents in all
studies wanted research to involve minimal risks and to not be burdensome. Parents supported
biobank participation on condition that the associated benefits outweighed the risks.
That consent and assent continue to be debated in paediatric research literature is unsurprising.
While assent as defined by Alderson (2007) comprises a non-refusal or simple agreement without
the understanding, discretion and legal validity associated with consent, consent invokes
protection of ones integrity of body, mind and personal information (Miller and Boulton 2007).
The latter is a concept with a dual ethical and legal nature (Brothers 2011). The consenting
process in a paediatric research setting is ideally fashioned as a tripartite relationship between
parents, children and researchers, though more probably involves value judgments by the parent
or childs guardian rather than risk assessment or acceptance by the child. This is especially true
where children are very young (e.g. in a birth cohort study) and parents give proxy consent based
on a substituted judgment (i.e. the presumed judgment of child if he or she was competent)
(Samul, Knoppers et al. 2012). There is, of course, no guarantee that the guardians decision is
the same as the childs will. As children age it is necessary to examine their views on the
consenting process to unlock pragmatic and ethical ways of handling this necessarily dynamic
and changing relationship. Indeed, there are numerous examples in the field of paediatric
biobanking of potentially good practice, though these are not often documented or verified by or
with child participants themselves.
Understandable concerns about the potential risks of research participation in this literature raise
issues about definitions and perceptions of risk. Framing potential dis-benefits of research as
risks may be itself problematic: absence of risk is not commensurate with the absence of cost
(Williams 2012). There may, for example, be relational or power impacts or costs. In as much as
dissent is available for children they are able to interpret social behaviour and develop social
expectations of themselves (Davis 1998) such dissent may be difficult in practical and
emotional terms. A childs dissent may be treated as non-cooperation; and could bear a cost in
the relational dynamic within the tripartite relationship, a relationship involving important power
negotiations. Arguably, inequalities of power will always exist for children involved in research
(Harden, Scott et al. 2000). While children are active social agents, their lives are in many ways
determined for them (Neale and Smart 1998). The aim of including children in research and in
debates about research is to avoid the situation whereby children have a voice but adults control
the conversation (Shanahan 2007). Irwin (2006) proposed handling this power imbalance in
research through the use of an emancipatory model; one having the capacity to increase the
childrens influence over research without necessarily suggesting that the children should take
over the research as is the case with participatory action research (Alderson 2007). Emancipatory
research within paediatric biobanking addresses issues of power and respect and has the potential
to inform its practice by taking into account the childrens perspectives on the research.
The return of research results is keenly debated in the broader literature about biobanking.
Guidelines for return of results routinely recommend that results should only be returned if they
have analytic validity, clinical validity, and action-ability, and that the results themselves meet
criteria related to severity of outcome (Hens, Van El et al. 2012, Knoppers, Zawati et al. 2012,
Wolf, Crock et al. 2012). The return of results is sometimes viewed as a way of benefit sharing in
research and by extension is an incentive for participation (Tabor, Brazg et al. 2011). In the
papers reviewed here, parents in tissue banks expressed a belief that research participation lead
to the development of new medications that could benefit them and their children. This
perspective may propagate the expectation and misconception of therapeutic gain from research
with a primarily scientific and non-therapeutic aim (Halverson and Ross 2012). In population
biobanks, the equivalent misconception may be of the potential diagnostic benefits of research
participation (Clayton and Ross 2006). Brothers (2011) argues that biobanks, especially those
with de-identifiable resources, are not designed with the aim of, or capacity for, returning health-
related results; also referred to as incidental findings.
The studies in this review presented parental and adult perspectives that positioned children as
lacking (if only in part) the capacity to make decisions about themselves and how they interact in
the world. Historically, children have been viewed in contrast to adults, typically framed as
victims or deviants when their views or performance differ from those of adults (Hood, Kelley et
al. 1996). Paediatric research has been known to ascribe incompetence to children in a similar
fashion, with the result that it is typically easier to prove a childs incompetence than it is for
them to display their competence. And yet by the age of 5 years, a child has already developed a
lifelong understanding of self, others, relationships and time (Alderson 2007, Uprichard 2008).
Alderson (2007) argues children not only value interpersonal relationships, but they also have the
ability to act responsibly and maintain these relationships. Children display sensitivity about
differences in age and are generally eager to grow older due to their anticipation of a change in
status (Bhler-Niederberger 2010). Ageing throughout childhood involves a relationship between
body, self and society (Uprichard 2008). The creation and reproduction of youth sub-cultures
selectively adopt and reject adult rules and interpretations (Shanahan 2007). Children appropriate
information from the adult world and use it to constitute their own realities (Shanahan 2007).
Although children borrow their parents constructions (e.g. risk), they ultimately negotiate their
own understandings (Hood, Kelley et al. 1996). Swartling et. al. (2011) have argued that the
development of appropriate frameworks for research with children will only occur when
adequate opportunities are available for adults to consult with children and consider as valid
childrens experiences and views. On this basis, the current literature on participant experience in
paediatric biobanking is very much still in its infancy.
5. Conclusion
In as much as the papers under review identified key themes in the views of stakeholders
participating in paediatric biobanks, very little of the evidence came from or could clearly be
identified as coming from children. Moreover, much of the literature involving children and
scientific and medical research is more generally contextualised within ethical debates (Harden,
Scott et al. 2000) and assumes a largely protectionist perspective (Shanahan 2007). This social
construction of childrens vulnerability gives rise to the perception that children as research
subjects are out-of-bounds, with the result that their voices are silenced (Moran-Ellis 2010).
This situations propagates a dependency model and undermines the status of children as
individuals in their own rights (Shanahan 2007). While there remains a need to balance inclusion
of children in research with their protection (Avard, Silverstein et al. 2009), it is important to
consider how efforts made to protect children may unintentionally protect the power of adults.
But the role of children in research is evolving and the shift from their being silent and obedient
subjects to autonomous and articulate participants (Alderson 2007) means appropriate
biobanking practices involving children will occur as this stakeholder group is actively consulted
(Goodenough, Williamson et al. 2004). Children have sophisticated understanding of concepts
and issues surrounding genetics (Anderson, Stackhouse et al. 2011) and can contribute to
complex policy debates on the topic (Grover 2004). Their virtual absence from empirical
research at present is a critical omission to future development of paediatric biobanking policy.
Limitations of the study

This paper examined stakeholders perceptions of paediatric biobanks by aggregating studies of
general population biobanks involving mainly or only children with studies of disease-specific
tissue banks of the same age group. Although this aggregation helped overcome the limited
evidence base, our analysis was in turn unable to distinguish between possible differences in
attitudes among stakeholders in biobanks and those among stakeholders in disease-specific
tissues banks. Our findings suggested attitudes between the two groups converge towards similar
themes, though this finding could be challenged as more studies emerge. Our analysis was also
limited in that the majority of the studies included were based stakeholders hypothetical ideas
rather than direct experience, and by the fact that the research designs of some studies suggested
additional unpublished findings which could not be identified.
Acknowledgments
The research leading to these results, the Biobank Standardisation and Harmonisation for
Research Excellence in the European Union (BioSHaRE-eu) program, has received funding
from the European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/20072013) under grant
agreement No. 261433.
TABLE 1 SUMMARISING PAPERS REVIEWED
Authors Type of Biobank Methodology Country Key Findings
actual vs hypothetical
population biobank vs tissue bank
Participants
Brothers and Clayton Hypothetical, Population biobank Interviews USA Parents supported an opt-out model
(2012), (Brothers, Parents (n=65) biobank in children and would allow their
Westbrook et al. 2013) own child's sample to be included.
Brothers, Westbrook et al. Actual , Population biobank Interviews USA 32.9% of participants were familiar with
(2013) Parents (n=237) opt-out biorepository, while 92.4%
approve of it based on a brief description.
Dixon-Woods, Wilson et al. Actual, Tissue bank Interviews UK Participants considered themselves to be
(2008) Children and parents (n=72) members of a trusted community where
values and interests were shared.
Goldenberg, Hull et al. Hypothetical, Tissue bank Survey (telephone) USA 67% would not be concerned about the
(2009) Adults (n=1186) use of childhood samples upon reaching
adulthood. Concerned respondents were
more likely to be more private about their
medical records, less trusting of medical
researchers, or African-American.
Goodenough, Williamson et Actual, Population biobank Focus groups UK Children aged 8-10 years had valuable
al. (2003) Children (n=23) contributions to offer on their perceptions
of participation in non-therapeutic
longitudinal research.
Goodenough, Williamson et Actual, Population biobank Interviews + focus UK Children have concerns over activities they
al. (2004) Children (n=40) groups are asked to take part in as research
participants. Research participation
fostered a feeling of being special among
children.
Halverson and Ross (2012), Hypothetical, Population biobank Deliberative USA There was strong interest in receiving
(Halverson and Ross 2012) Parents (n=45) engagement + survey results, which was a main motivator for
participation. The trust they had on the
research would determine their enrolment.
Halverson and Ross (2012), Hypothetical, Population biobank Deliberative USA Most participants stated they would enrol
(Halverson and Ross 2012) Parents (n=45) engagement + survey themselves and their children in a biobank.
Some opposed enrolling children,
particularly children unable to consent.
Harris, Ziniel et al. (2012) Actual, Tissue bank Focus groups USA Parents hoped to receive research results
Parents (n=19) that would help them better understand
their childrens conditions or contribute to
scientific knowledge.
Hens and Dierickx (2010), Hypothetical, Population biobank Focus groups Belgium There was a willingness to contribute
(Hens, Nys et al. 2010) Teenagers and adults (n=76) tissue to research. Participants thought
there was need for confidentiality
protections. People expected to receive
results that could be relevant to them.
Hens and Dierickx (2010) Hypothetical, Population biobank Interviews Belgium, Long consent forms werent preferred.
Researchers (n=10) UK, Proper privacy and data protection was a
Saudi- need. Good communication considered
Arabia important. Research on children needed to
be for pediatric conditions.
(Hens and Dierickx 2010), Hypothetical, Population Biobank Focus groups Belgium Research had to benefit and not burden
Hens, Nys et al. (2010) Teenagers and adults (n=76) children. Parents needed to engage their
children in the decision-making. There was
a need for re-contact upon maturity.
Hens, Snoeck et al. (2010) Hypothetical, Population biobank Survey Belgium 76.5% thought children should assent
Researchers (n=64) (Questionnaire) when they can comprehend; 51%
estimated this to be aged16-18 years.
Jackson, DIXONWOODS Hypothetical, Tissue bank Survey UK 100% were in favour of using tissue
et al. (2009) Researchers (n=331) (Questionnaires) samples from children with cancer for
research. 90% said both parent and child
should consent. 94% supported generic
rather than specific consent.
Kaufman, Geller et al. Hypothetical, Population biobank Focus groups USA Respondents were concerned with:
(2008) Adults (n=141) minimizing children's fear, pain, and
burdens; whether to include young
children; and how to obtain children's
assent.
Klima, Fitzgerald-Butt et al. Actual, Tissue bank Survey USA Parents understood consent for
(2013) Children (n=378) (Consent assessment participation, purpose of study, and lack of
form) direct benefit. Conversely, they least
understood the indefinite storage of DNA,
possible risks of participation, and that
study was not for therapy.
Lemke, Halverson et al. Hypothetical, Population biobank Deliberative USA Focus group themes were: interest in
(2012) Parents (n=45) engagement + survey biobank participation, broad consent and
re-contact; trust in biobanking; and
receiving research results. Survey data
indicated same degree of interest in
receiving results about themselves and
their children.
McMurter, Parker et al. Hypothetical, Tissue banking Survey Canada 89% agreed to have tissue sent anywhere
(2011) Parents (n=100) (Questionnaire) for paediatric aims. 76% would permit
genetic research even if no impact was
anticipated. 41% would not allow painful,
research procedures, while 15% would
allow regardless of the child's dissent.
Neidich, Joseph et al. (2008) Hypothetical. Population biobank Survey (oral) USA Caucasians were the most willing to enroll
Parents (n=239) their children into a pediatric biobank.
Most respondents expressed optimism the
results would yield significant benefits that
would be distributed fairly.
Papaz, Safi et al. (2012) Actual, Tissue bank Consent forms Canada Leading causes for refusal of consent were
Children and adults (n=3278) lack of interest in research 43%, feeling
overwhelmed clinically 14%, and
discomfort with genetics 11%.
Ries, LeGrandeur et al. Actual, Population biobank Interviews Canada, None adopted blanket consent for future
(2010) Researchers (n=14) Denmark, use of samples/data. Ethics review of new
England, studies a common requirement. Studies
France, following children past early childhood
Netherlan sought assent/consent as the child
ds, USA matured.
Williamson, Goodenough et Actual, Paediatric biobank Interviews + focus UK Childrens views are important in research
al. (2004) Children (n=167) groups and yet they underestimate the amount of
control they have in it. Questioned
parental rights to long-term use of
childrens samples.
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p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
A reading of Mathew 20:20-28 and implications for local

governments in Ghana
Alice Matilda Nsiah

Department of Religion and Human Values
University of Cape Coast
Cape Coast, Ghana
Abstract
This study examined the functions of the Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief Executives
(MMDCEs) in the 1992 Constitutions of the Republic of Ghana in the light of Mt. 20:20-28 in
an attempt to throw light on their duties from a Christian perspective. The researcher is
interested to examine why many of the people nominated for the position of MMDCEs are later
sacked by their respective government for unsatisfactory work done and what account for the
protest and agitations against them from the assembly people who elected them. The philosophy
behind the research is that public officers are to be selected on merit not on any political
affiliations. Moreover, the Ghanaian is very religious and religion is said to permeate every facet
of their life. Consequently, any Ghanaian of good will, irrespective of their religious
denominations, their belief in God and their conscience should impact on their civic duty of
contributing to the development of Ghana. The research concludes that MMDCEs appointed on
partisan basis without the requisite qualification and working experience are among the possible
results of their rejection. Among other things, their orientation and preparation for duty once
appointed should include their religious responsibilities to the people.
Keywords: Constitution, local government, assembly, decentralization, administration.
Introduction
The appointment and the functions of the Metropolitan, Municipal and District Chief
Executives (MMDCEs) in Ghana is often a matter of concern to many Ghanaians. This is due to
the fact that many of them are either sacked by the government that appointed them or receive
protest and agitations from the assembly members that elected them. The 1992 constitution of
Ghana mandates the president to appoint MMDCEs, to represent him at the local level. This
makes them chief representatives of the central government in their various areas of jurisdiction.
The research examines the appointments and functions of the MMDCEs in the constitution in
the light of Mt. 20:20-28 and its implication for MMDCEs in Ghana. The researcher is interested
to find out what goes into the nomination, election and appointment of a candidate, what are
his/her functions and what account for their rejection and elimination.
Methodology
The work is divided into two parts; the first part examines the appointment and functions of the
MMDCEs in accordance with the constitution of Ghana as part of the process of
decentralization in Ghana. It also looks at some reports and reactions on the work of MMDCEs.
The second part examines Mt. 20:20-28 and draws conclusion and makes recommendations.
The primary data was mainly collected through semi-structured interviews, reports from the
media, analyses of a section of the constitution, exegesis of Mt 20:20-28 and observation by the
researcher.
Due to the qualitative nature and the interdisciplinary methodological approach to the study, the
purposive sampling technique was used to interview ten people, though many informal
interactions with other members of the assembly and the general public also took place to cross-
check some of the responses from the informants.
A section of the constitution that concerns local government shall be briefly discussed below.
Part I: The Decentralization in Ghana

Chapter twenty of the 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, talks about Decentralization
and Local Government. Decentralization is the process of sharing authority and responsibility
from the Central government to the local level. Joseph R.A. Ayee (2008, 233), suggests that
Decentralization has been the preoccupation of Ghanaian governments from the beginning. This
is due to the fact that the successive governments see decentralization as a viable condition for
socio-economic development and also as a way of achieving their political objective. Crawford
Gordon (2004, 6), thinks that even under the military regime of Jerry Rawlings, a form of
decentralization was introduced in Ghana in 1983. Ayee adds that, attempts to decentralize have
not been without problems as most of the time they end up recentralizing power and legitimacy.
He noted that in 1988, there was a decentralization policy in Ghana that combined political
administration and fiscal decentralization. This is the policy that has been endorsed in Ghanas
Multy-Party system and is enshrined in the 1992 constitution.
Many Ghanaian politicians and scholars believe that the purpose of decentralization is to ensure
mass participation of the decision making process at the local governance, and help restructure
government institutions for effective delivery. However, it seems that the local government act
of 1993, and the decentralization policy in the 1992 constitution, and other by-laws contain
contradictory policies and so do not provide a clear and distinctive guidelines for effective and
smooth implementation of those policies. Kuusi (2009, 13) for example, observes two competing
decentralization concepts operating in Ghana. One works by divulging power to local
government structures that is closer to the people while the other shares power by delegation.
Kwamena Ahwoi (2010, 1) confirms that the constitutional mandate and subsequent legislations
convey different meanings on decentralization and this is making actual practice very difficult.
Kwame Badu Antwi-Boasiako (2010), argues that the concept of decentralization is either not
well defined or not well understood in Ghana which makes government skeptical in sharing
power with their subordinates. Moreover, since some regime changes have been through military
coups, constitutionally elected governments are suspicious of influence of their opponents on
the military to plan coup and so are careful on who they appoint to certain positions like the
local government. This impedes a smooth process of power sharing as governments do not trust
people who are not in their party.
It is clear then that the concept of decentralization is not clear in the constitutions and by-laws in
Ghana to guarantee effective and result-oriented practice of their implementation. This is
because there is no consistent policy to be followed. Moreover, the Ghanaian terrain appears not
wholly conducive and comfortable for power sharing due to lack of trust and insecurity. The
next portion of this paper takes a look at how the system works is Ghana.
Local government
The first part of the chapter on decentralization is dedicated to local government. The idea of
local government is to enhance the decentralization process and ensure the participation of the
citizenry in governance at the local level. The basic semi-autonomous administrative organ at the
local level is the District Assembly (DA). For the purposes of effective administration, Ghana is
divided into two hundred and sixteen districts and each district has its own district assembly.
The assembly constitutes the highest political authority in the district and possesses deliberative,
legislative and executive powers (241#3). There are three types of districts, they are Metropolitan
(population over 250,000), Municipal (population over 95,000) or District (population over
75,000). Each MMD constitutes its executive committee and this is headed by the District Chief
Executive (Frederic Der Bebelleh and Amatus Sonviele Nababumah, 2013,15). We may now
turn attention to how the MMDCE functions.
Functions of the MMDCE
Article 243 of the 1992 Constitution and Act 462 of 1993 delineate the function of the MMDCE
as follows: (a) presides at meetings of the executive Committee of the Assembly, (b) serves as
the chief representative of the central government in the district; (b) responsible for the day-to-
day administration and exercises executive functions at the MMD levels; (c) supervises the
departments within the assembly, and (d) presides over District Security Councils. They add that
the MMDCEs office shall become vacant by a vote of no confidence against the incumbent,
supported by two-third majority of all the members of the assembly present and voting or
he/she is removed from office by the president, or resigns or dies.
From the foregoing, it is clear that the MMDCE and the assembly perform the same function as
the central government at the local level. The MMDCE is responsible for all developmental
projects and wellbeing of the people in the juridical area. These range from provision of basic
services such as education, health care, sanitation, water supply, public transportation among
others. The MMDCE supervises the work of all the administrative bodies, and he/she is also
responsible in ensuring security and collection of revenue.
Antwi-Boasiako notes that, the MMDCE as a public officer has the ardious task of marshalling
all resources; human and material to cope with the problem facing the district. He goes on to say
that to be able to manage all resources requires collective efforts of all supporting structures of
the assembly. Bebelleh and Nababumah (15) confirm that MMDCEs are the key players at the
district level and they have elaborate administrative structures to ensure public participation in
the development process in the districts. They add that participation is an essential ingredient to
ensure good governance, consensus building, accountability and transparency. Ayee (245) points
out that, to be able to respond to the needs of the people in the district, any planning should be
subjected to public hearing before adoption. He continues that most of the time there is a rush
by the MMDCE to submit their pplans for acceptance from central administration that they do
not have adequate time to submit them for public scrutiny. Again on few occasions that plans
have been submitted, they were very unrealistic and so were discouraging. These and other
factors have resulted in a general apathy on the part of the public in the activities of districts as
most of them are disappointed that their expectations have not been met. Ahwoi notes that
sometimes the MMDCE is caught between local autonomy and central control since he has to
satisfy the government and also fulfil local expectations. This will probably become clearer if we
examine the process that leads to the appointment of MMDCE.
Process of Election and Appointment:

The MMDCE is nominated by the government, elected by two-third majority of the members of
the assembly present and voting and then appointed by the president. He is elected for a period
of four years and is eligible for another term but not for a third consecutive term.
Other representatives in the district are one elected member from each of the electoral areas of
the district, the member(s) of parliament (MP) in the district and other persons appointed by the
president in consultation with the traditional leaders and other interest groups (Ohene Konadu
Gifty, 2001). Kuusi adds that the district assembly consists of 70 per cent of its members elected
by the universal adult suffrage and 30 per cent appointed by the president (2009, 18). Fifty per
cent of the members appointed must be women, and 30 per cent from the traditional authorities.
This is to ensure among others, the non-partisan nature of the appointment of MMDCEs.
A person to be appointed must be 18 years and above. That person must represent him/herself
and should not represent any political party. The candidate must be a resident and committed
member of the district, who pays taxes and is a registered voter (Local Government Act No 462
of 1993, section 79-80). The election is organized by the electoral commission. The election is to
take place six months after presidential and parliamentary elections so that incumbent president
always has the chance to work with existing MMDCEs before fresh elections are done. The
election is supposed to be free with no campaign cost and candidates do not have to pay any
deposit to qualify (Ahwoi, 4).
From the above, a number of issues must be discussed further. The first is that the MMDCE is
appointed by the government and the government has the power to appoint 30% of the total
assembly members.
In the first place, Ahwoi notes that, Ghana had always appointed MMDCEs or its equivalent
from the First Republic up to the Fourth Republic. It was the 1992 constitution of the fourth
Republic that mandated the district assembly to approve government nominee through election
before one is formally appointed. It is to be observed that how the MMDCE emerges in a
decentralized system like Ghana with a unitary political structure where the executive holds
power of nominating leaders is very crucial. Sometimes the citizens have no choice but to accept
the selection of the executive (Antwi-boasiako). Ahwoi observed again that probably the criterial
for one to become MMDCE need to be looked at. It appears that academically, one needs only
to be literate in English so that perhaps one can understand proceedings. Since there is also no
cost involved officially, the position appeared to be hijacked by the urban elite and not
necessarily one who is resident in the local area. It was therefore anticipated that the quality of
the assembly will not be the best, hence, government was given the power to inject some expert
and experienced personnel into the system by the appointment mechanism. He also points out
that even by the election mechanism no matter how much one tries, one will not be able to cater
for all representations in the minority groups.
Moreover, traditionally, local government had revolved round chieftaincy institutions that had
played important role in offering counsel and mobilizing people for development. The
chieftaincy institution is perceived to be neutral in the political landscape, and since they are still
very much revered it was considered important for the institution to be represented by the
appointment mechanism. Again the constitution was gender sensitive in requesting the
government to consider a good representation of women in his appointment.
In practice however, Ahwoi notes that district appointees have become representatives of the
political party in power. He adds that from 1994 onward, appointments have not been based on
expertise and experience but on party affiliations. According to him, whenever there is a change
in government, the contracts of the appointed members of the district are terminated, because
they were perceived to be party members of the government that appointed them, so that the
new government will bring their own people (5). He cited 2006 as example when the
government sacked all government appointees who did not approved of the DCEs that were
nominated. Ayee confirms this by saying that MMDCEs are not free and some of them appear
to be sponsored by political parties in their high campaigning cost for the post but unofficially.
This impedes progress and continuity in developmental projects.
Antwi-Boasiako (2010, 172) states that sometimes, the government appoints a person who has
been rejected by the people or is a party favorite. This creates a contradiction and defeats
democracy. He thinks that citizens should be allowed to elect their political leader with no
interference from the central government. Ayisi (2008) notes that, decentralization has not
succeeded in Ghana and appears to have some negative implications, since some districts have
resisted the appointments and nominations of the DCEs over the years. Ayee points out that
most of the candidates nominated, spend lots of money to campaign from house to house and it
appears that those who win are those who are able to campaign (239). It is strongly suggested
that assembly members are to be empowered to elect their own leaders without government
intervention.
Another issue for discussion is the non-partisan local government in a partisan central
government. Ayee suggests that the non-partisan element was to eliminate conflict of interest of
incumbent government, in using local government institutions for political advantage. It is also
to ensure consensus formation so that candidates are chosen on merit and that decisions come
from the grassroots (237). Thirdly, some political parties may not have the resources to sponsor
district level elections if it is politicized. Ahwoi points out that there are arguments for and
against the non-partisanship of the local government system. Some of the arguments for the
system is that it provides a platform for the government to build partnership with civil society
organizations to accelerate development and thereby deepen democracy. Its more importantly,
prevent ethnic rivalries in a multi-ethnic communities. Some of the argument against the system
is that, political parties are sponsoring the candidates anyway so why not make the system
partisan.
A third issue is the presence of MP in the district. Ahwoi notes that the presence of the MP in
the district creates some sort of competition between the MMDCE and the MP as who can best
respond to the developmental needs of the district. This is because, the impression is created
that the MP is also a development agent instead of a clear distinction of his duty as a legislator.
Unhealthy rivalry can result from this competition resulting in serious animosity. Sometimes this
rancor is carried so far that MPs are suspected to be in the fore front agitating for the removal of
the MMDCE and vice versa. It is recommended that MPs are not to be members of the district
assembly.
A fourth issue is the idea that the government has the mandate to remove the MMDCE from
office. The MMDCE has a maximum of two terms of four years each. It does not matter how
well one performs, a government can decide to dismiss him/her without reason and the
assembly can also pass a vote of no confidence in him/her This made the MMDCE office a very
insecure one which makes long term planning and implementation difficult.
In view of these challenges, it is safe for one to conclude that, there is tension between a partisan
central government and non-partisan local government. Government and people do not agree
on candidates for local government especially in opposition territories. The candidates are not
free, do not represent themselves, are un-officially sponsored by political parties especially those
of the government in power. For the reasons that the president has power to hire and fire
MMDCEs, the MMDCE is often tied to the apron strings of the government. This sometimes
brings conflict between the MMDCE and the local people regarding priorities at the local level.
Some reactions from the Ghanaian populace are produced below. It is strongly recommended
that the assembly is to be given the mandate to elect their leaders through voting without
interference from the government. Moreover district election is to be carried out at the same
time as the parliamentary and presidential elections so that their tenure of office ends at the same
time. This will give no room for a new government to dismissed legitimately appointed
MMDCEs.
Reports and Reactions on the work of MMDCEs

Governments, the people and the media complain and argue over the non-performance of some
MMDCEs. In a release signed by the Chief of Staff and Minister of Presidential Affairs Mr.
Kwadwo Mpiani in 2008 and reported by mordernghana.com in 27th December, 2013, President
John Agyekum Kufour dismissed twelve (12) MMDCEs in the last lap of his administration. It
was believed that his move could foster meaningful development for the people as non-
performing MMDCEs would give way to industrious ones.
During the late President John Evans Atta Mills administration, it was reported in the Chronicle
Newspaper that he dismissed thirteen and ten MMDCEs in January and March respectively in
2011. His action was commended by the Regent of Tolon in the Northern Region. The Regent
accused MMDCEs of performing far below expectation and described them as sychophants
and opportunists. He also urged the president not to spare the rod on the MMDCEs whose
misconduct seeks to soil his integrity and affect the implementation of his policies.
In the current presidency of John Dramani Mahama, the Daily Graphic on the 5th July, 2013,
reported that in the Agotime Ziofe District, the chiefs and people kicked against the Presidents
re-nomination of their DCE Mr. Michael Kobla Adzaho. The reasons for the rejection include
poor pace of development, nepotism, autocracy and stiffness on vital suggestions from the
people. Similar incident was reported in the Daily Democrat on 2nd September, 2013, that the
Adenta MCE, Hon. Nubly Kakara Van-Lare was rejected. Out of the nineteen (19) members of
the assembly, she got seven (7) votes which represent 38.85%. The reasons assigned for it are:
she has been disrespectful to the assembly members and lost touch with the assembly, chiefs and
the people. This resulted in division in the municipality which has impeded development. On
another instance, the Minister of Local Government and Rural Development, Mr. Akwasi Opon-
Fosu is reported to have signed a statement in which thirty three (33) MMDCEs lost their jobs.
The minister also asked regional ministers to deal with protests over confirmation of MMDCEs
across the country. However, on the 7th September, 2013 the Daily Guide reported in Nkwanta
North District that the president re-nominated Mr. Paul Gyato to continue as DCE for the area.
Unfortunately he was rejected and in the course of the protest five official vehicles of the
assembly and that of the Bureau of National Investigation (BNI) were burnt and some properties
were destroyed.
This is an indication that the local people are not happy with candidates appointed by
government and they agitate against them and the government is not satisfied with the
MMDCEs and so removed them from office. What are not clear are the government and the
peoples reasons and whether the rejections are politically motivated.
It is possible that the government is implying that the candidates are in fact in-effective in public
administration at the local level by the use of the phrase non-performance. It is also possible
that these candidates were not their party members and so could not advance the agenda of the
party in power at the local level or that a new central government would like to bring their own
people to eliminate all suspicion and insecurity at the local level. It is to be noted however that,
there is only six months interval between the presidential and parliamentary elections and that of
the district. The late President John Evans Atta Mills for example became the president of
Ghana by the Election of 7th December, 2008. He was sworn in on the 7th January, 2009. This
means that as a president he either confirmed existing MMDCEs or appointed new once by June
2009. If he dismissed 40 MMDCEs by 2011, it means that he is dismissing the people that he
himself appointed. In a similar manner, former President Kufour was a president for two terms
in Ghana from December 2000 to 2008. If Kufour dismissed 12 MMDCEs in 2008, it means
that he dismissed candidates that he had appointed. It is therefore possible that the government
appointed his own members who could not perform to expectation and had to be sacked.
On the other hand, the peoples agitation may be a sign that a candidate is in- effective in
meeting the expectations and needs of the local area, or that, one group of the assembly
members such as the MP, the traditional authorities or other interest groups are not satisfied for
various reasons. These reasons may range from partisan, bureaucratic to personal grudges against
the MMDCE. It is also possible that the people did not get the candidate they voted for, and the
government appointed the candidate they have rejected and so they stage protests. However,
John Dramani Mahama was voted to power on the 7th December, 2012, and was sworn in amid
controversies on 7th January 2013. From the media reports above, some of the people he re-
nominated were rejected by the people. Even though the previous appointment was made by a
president of the same party, the re-nominations were rejected. It is possible that the areas were
those of the opposition territories or that the president nominees actually lack the experience and
technical expertise needed for the office and so were rejected by the people.
Response to these challenges
Consequently, press released on 20th May, 2013 by the Director of Centre for Policy Research
{CPR}, Gloria Edusei encourages the president to make public, the basic criteria for decisions
regarding qualification and appointment of MMDCEs, in the interest of good governance,
accountability and transparency. She continues that the CPR wishes to urge the President to go
beyond party loyalty, and ensure that professional qualities, proven track record, demonstrable
competence are the cardinal principles and necessary conditions that will shape his appointment
of MMDCEs.
She said that CPR is also of the view that, if MMDCEs are chosen on the basis of a minimum
academic qualification of first degree in any field, with a working experience in the public,
private or the voluntary sectors, a proof of leadership and organizational skills, and some
knowledge of public procurement and administrative procedures relating to local governance,
he/she would be more confident in his/her professional dealings with his/her subordinates and
the technocrats, than those chosen purely based on partisan considerations. Similarly, directors
of departments will also be comfortable reporting to a MMDCE generally perceived as qualified
and competent. She goes on to add that CPR urges Ghanaians to take active interest in, and
monitor the processes that result in the appointment of MMDCEs. This would ensure that such
appointments reflect competence and the desires of opinion leaders and the citizenry who
constitute our Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies in reality.
Analysis of data
Responses obtained from members of the assembly and the general public were largely produced
through semi structured interviews and informal interactions. The Interviews were transcribed
and collated and analysed as follows. With regard to the question on knowledge and
acquaintance with the MMDEC, 8 people out of 10 representing 80% of the people know and
have interacted with their MMDCE. One person know the MMDCE from a distance and one
person does not know the MMDCE, only the assembly member of his area bring information to
him from the assembly from time to time. Question on the academic qualification of the
MMDCE, 5 people representing 50% said first degree holders, 3 persons representing 30% after
high school, 2 persons representing 20% do not know. Question on attendance of the assembly
meetings, 7 people representing 70% of the members attend meetings regularly, 2 people
representing 20% attended the assembly meetings once and 1person representing 10% has never
attended the assembly meetings. The question on the political affiliation of the MMDCE, all the
10 people representing 100% of interviewees confirm that the MMDCE is in the same political
party of incumbent government. Question on whether any development project is going on in
the area, 7 people representing 70% said yes, 2 people representing 20% said no and 1 person
representing 10% does not know of any development project going on. Question on whether the
selection of projects were discussed in an open forum for the participation of the citizenry. 5
people representing 50% said yes, 3 people representing 30% said no, and 2 people representing
20% have no idea of any open forum. The question on whether members follow the progress of
the development projects. 4 people representing 40% are actively following the progress of the
projects with other assembly members, 3 persons representing 30% have seen some projects and
are very happy about them but have not followed its progress. 2 persons have not seen or heard
of any development project, and one person representing 10% has heard of a project but has not
seen it. The question as to whether the MMDCE is accountable, transparent and good governor.
3people representing 30% said yes, 4 persons representing 40% said no, and 3 persons
representing 30% do not know. The question on the experience and expertise of the MMDCE,
40% of the respondent think the MMDCE is experienced, 40% think the MMDCE follows
instruction from the central government and not the people, 20% of respondent did not know.
Members were asked to give general comment, some of our informants suggested that, what the
DECs do is to amass wealth rather than serve the people. Another informant said that their
candidate does not listen to them; he is always insulting the people who go to him. Two people
from the same area, commended the MCE for helping to build a library and a bore-hole for the
people, but were not happy about the fact that his life style has changed in a short time that
raises some concerns. Most of the informants disclosed that all the MMDCEs they have had
were based on partisan lines. Through the informal interactions, it was discovered that some
people expect the MMDCEs to pay their wards school fees or pay their medical bills with the
common fund. Some informant also disclosed that they were promised by their candidate to give
them jobs during the campaign which did not happen. A few others were satisfied with the work
of their MMDCE and commended them for the good work done.
It was observed that the position of the MMDCE is very delicate. He/she must have good and
diplomatic working relations with the central government, the traditional leaders, the assembly
members and the general public. He/she must have some training in public administration in
order to be effective. He/she must be transparent, accountable with good track records for
effective delivery.
The examination of Matthew 20:20-28

The examination of the text takes the form of analysis of the imageries used in the relevant
portions of the passage. The passage consists of two main sections; the first part is the dialogue
section which is verses 20-24 and its consequence of the second part which is verses 25-28 that
deals with the teaching section.
In the first part of the pericope, a mother requested a favour from Jesus for her two sons. In
doing so, the mother knelt before Jesus, did him reverence and asked for good positions in Jesus
kingdom for her sons. Donald A Hagner (1995) suggests that the mother is a relative to Jesus.
Her name is given elsewhere as Salome (Mk.15:40; Mt. 27:26). Again in Mark, it is the two
disciples who made the request and not their mother. Substitution of the mother is suggested to
be a way to tone down the ambition of the apostles, it is also suggested that the two apostles
only used their mother to get what they wanted. Some scholars suggest that the action of the
mother (a relative) in kneeling and paying homage to Jesus before asking for the favour is
tantamount to lobbying. The lobby by the mother suggests that her sons should be the
immediate co-rulers with Jesus in his kingdom. This echoes what Jesus says in Matthew 19:28
that the apostles who followed him will sit on twelve thrones and judge the twelve tribes of
Israel. It can be deduced that the mother and her two sons were still depending on Jesus
promise, hence the mothers sense of urgency for the lobby of the strategic positions in the
kingdom.
The response of Jesus in verse 22 indicates that he did not subscribe to the lobby. He uses
metaphor of drink the cup to indicate the suffering and death that await him in Jerusalem and
anyone to be identified with Jesus future glory means that such a person has to partake in a kind
of voluntary sacrifice for the sake of mankind. Hagner said he was not sure whether at this time
if the two disciples understood the phrase drinking the cup of Jesus to mean their own
martyrdom. Even though the two disciples responded in the affirmative and Jesus confirmed
their response, he could not allocate the position of honor in the kingdom them.
The word indignant in verse 24 is indicative of the displeasure the ten other apostles have
shown against the lobby for the two brothers. They were not happy about the lobby of the two.
This leads to the teaching of Jesus on greatness in the kingdom in the second part. Here Jesus
took the opportunity to talk first about greatness among the gentiles in verse 25. He describes
Gentile leader as archon which means ruler, lord, chief, authority and prince. Delling (1964) indicates
that the archon, in the first instance in the passage refers to a high official who exercises authority
because of his prominent position. Such an archon (ruler) dictates the pace of social or
community development which eventually affects individual wellbeing. The word archon is used
with Katakurieuo which means Lord it (over), rule, be master (Bauer, Arndt, Gingrich &
Danker, 1979, 412). This portrays a negative effect of the Gentile rulers attitude on the subjects.
The choice and the use of these words seem to paint a picture where the voice and the needs of
the ruled are not always heard and met. This shows the autonomy of the Gentile rulers over
their subjects. Foerster (1964, 575) thinks the word Katexousiazo to exercise power over them,
implies the tendency towards compulsion or oppression which is imminent in all earthly
power. If it is so, then earthly or worldly, power is like a precious mantle that one would like to
possess in order to hold the ruled in subjection and master them by applying power to his or her
own advantage.
When Jesus comes to the teaching of greatness in the kingdom, he makes use of the imagery of
diakonos and doulos which mean servant and slave respectively (vv26-27). H.W. Beyer (1964, 88),
calls attention to the fact that Diakonos portrays the idea of a servant of a master. In Isaiah,
chapter 52 the servant of Yahweh was also identified with the Messiah who became the
suffering servant. In the New Testament, Jesus connected himself with the tradition of servant
leaders and the suffering servant of Yahweh (Luke 4:18-19). In Mark 9:33-35, Jesus prescribed
for the leaders of his Church the same quality: Those who want to be first must be the very last
and servant (diakonos) of all. And in John 13 he dramatically demonstrated this prescription by
washing the feet of the apostles, an outstanding gesture of servanthood. The use of servant in
this context does not condemn the ambition for greatness; however, it throws light on its true
parameters with regard to ones commitment to Jesus. It implies that in Jesus Kingdom,
leadership calls for servanthood. Here, diakonos suggests various personal helps, service and
support. This service presupposes humility on the part of the one who serves.
Another imagery is doulos. According to Bauer, Arndt, Gingrich and Danker (1979, 205), it refers
to one who is a slave to a master in a situation where the master owns the slave depicting a
service which is not a matter of choice for the one who renders it, but something he has to
perform whether he likes it or not. This is because a slave does not do what he wants but that of
his master (Rengstorf, 1964, 261). This portrays the abrogation of ones own autonomy and the
subordination of ones will to that of another. Here the emphasis on the service of the diakonos is
that of a slave. In this light, the distinctive feature of doulos points to the subordination and
responsible nature one exhibits in rendering his or her service to fellow human beings. The
meanings of diakonos and doulos show that greatness in the kingdom of God does not involve the
use of power or authority but rather service of a master.
The use of the verb serve in relation to the phrase ho hois tou anthropou specifically concerns
Jesus. It identifies his own servant nature for humanity: it signifies the highest manifestation of
his total life of service to both God and man (G.E. Ladd, 1974, 187). Here, the first part of verse
28 shows the practical truth in terms of who is the greatest. Looking at the phrase and to give
his life shows a price to be paid. It portrays a spiritual greatness to be performed as a humble
service for anybody.
We can infer from the text that: lobbying to a responsible position is discouraged, authoritative
leadership is discouraged and servant leadership is encouraged. Moreover, one can aspire to
greatness through selfless service. Again, true service involves humility and sacrifice in which the
needs of the people are considered. Lastly, one in authority does not do his/her will but the will
of the one who sent him.
Application of the text to the Office of MMDCE

This passage is relevant with regards to the challenges that confront some MMDCEs. We can
infer from the text that: lobbying to the position of MMDCE is discouraged. One can aspire to
greatness through selfless service. Again, true service involves humility and sacrifice in which the
needs of the people are considered. Lastly, one in authority does not do his/her will but the will
of the one who sent him; in this case the needs of the people and the government. However,
good Christian character alone is not enough, The government should appoint people with
integral maturity, who are experienced with some form of training in public administration who
can do the work. Moreover, authoritative leadership is discouraged and servant leadership is
encouraged.
Again, the functions of the MMDCEs need to be streamlined, so that a clear cut policy will guide
them to be accountable, transparent, result oriented and effective stewards of the people.
Conclusion
Although Matthew 20:25-28 is not specifically addressed to Ghanaians, the values it expresses
with regard to servant leadership has implications for people in leadership positions in general
and MMDCEs in Ghana in particular. From the above discussions, it is clear that the
appointment of MMDCE is not transparent and may be politically motivated for the following
reasons: some of the candidates lobby for the position, they are supported by political parties
especially government in power, they may not be the experienced and expert persons needed and
they are sometimes imposed on the people. The concept of decentralization is not clear. There
are no clear policy guidelines to be followed by MMDCEs, and some MMDCEs are in-effective
because they lack the requisite technique for the post. These and other reasons account for the
constant protests against them.
Recommendation
In view of the challenges and problems that confront the MMDCEs with regard to their
functions and the servant leadership model seen in the text, the study comes out with the
following recommendation:
MMDCEs should be chosen on the basis of at least a good first degree, with some working
experience in public administration, knowledge in public procurement procedures and
administrative and leadership skills. It is important that the assembly is fully empowered to elect
their own leaders to deepen democracy. Moreover, MPs are not to be members of the assembly
to allow the MMDCEs to do their work. Again the Constitutions mandate for the government to
remove the MMDCE from office is to be reviewed. It is also important that MMDCEs (a) set
priorities right in accordance to the needs of the people (b) judicial use of public funds to
complete prioritized projects (c) annual mobilization of people to start and complete self-help
projects that the central government cannot afford (d) annual forum to educate and deliberate on
co-operate and individual business avenues that can generate into self-employment. Selfless
commitment to the mission and vision by the MMDCEs to the area of their Jurisdiction will help
them to be focused. A good orientation or training program for the newly appointed MMDCE
will be beneficial. It is also important to educate the people in the district and get them involved
in the activities of the assembly to ensure accountability and good governance.
References
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Government in Ghana- Proposals for Amendment. Ghana: Institute of Economic Affairs.
Antwi-Boasiako B. Kwame. (2010). Public Administration: Local government and Decentralization in
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Ayee, Joseph R.A. (2008). The Balance sheet of Decentralization in Ghana. Foundation for Local
Governance: Decentralization in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Fumihiko Saito.
Heideiberg: Physica-Verlag, 223-258.
Baah et al (2005). Participation of women in Local Governance in Ghana: A case Study of Ashanti
Region. Journal of Science and Technology, vol. 25, no 1.
Bauer,W., W. F. Arndt, Gingrich, F.W., Danker, F.W. (1979). A Greek English lexicon of the New Testament
and other early church literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Bebelleh, Der Fredrick and Nobabumah Amatus Sonviele. (2013). Political Decentralization and Local
Participation in Ghana: Perspective from the Upper West Region. Public Policy and Administration
Research. ISSN 2224-0972 (online) vol. 3, no. 11. www.iister.org
Beyer, H. W. (1964). Diakonos. Theological dictionary of the New Testament, Vol. 11(Ed. G. Kittel & Ed.
Trans. G. W. Bromiley) Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing Company.
Crawford, Gordon. (2004). Democratic Decentralisation in Ghana: issues and prospects, POLIS
Working Paper No. 9, University of Leeds
Cullman, O. (1959). The Chistology of the New Testament (Revised Ed.). Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster
Press.
Delling, G. (1964). Archon, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Vol. 1 (pp488-489). G. Kittel (Ed)
and G. W. Bromiley (Ed. & Trans). Grand Rapids, Ml:Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing company.
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Kittel (Ed) and G. W. Bromiley (Ed. &Trans), Grand Rapids: Ml: Wm. B Eerdmans Publishing
Company.
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in Ghanas Decentralised Local System, A paper Presented at African Gender Institute, University of
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Appendix
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
1. Who is the MMDCE in your area and how well do you know him/her?
2. Any knowledge of his/her academic background?
3. Is there any opportunity to participate or attend assembly meetings or public fora?
4. Do you know whether your MMDCE belong to any political party?
5. Is there any development projects going on in your area?
6. How were the projects selected?
7. Do you have the chance and interest to monitor the progress of developmental projects
in your area?
8. Will you be able to say that your MMDCE is accountable, transparent and a good
governor?
9. Does he/she have the Technical know how for the office
10. Give a general comment on you MMDCE.
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Action research as a research method
Shiyun Wang
Hebei University, Hebei Province, P.R.China
Continuing Education College, Hebei University, 54 Road, Baoding City,
Hebei Province, P.R.China.
Abstract
There are various kinds of approaches in carrying out a research. Most of these approaches aim
at providing a better comprehension about things we are interested in by producing books to
readers. However, it is inadequate that only understand and interpret the world (Levin, 1948,
cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226). More importantly, as Marx (cited in Cohen,
Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226) points out in his Theses on Feuerbach, it is necessary to change
the world. Action research, which combines action and research together, is widely adopted
in the educational field in order to help people understand as well as make improvement of this
world. It is just like what Cohen, Manion and Morrison (p.226) put forward action research is a
powerful tool for change and improvement at the local level.
This essay will analyze and discuss action research in detail. First of all, it will address the
question what is action research and this definition about action research will be described
from its scope and situation including an analysis of different perspectives provided by different
people. Secondly, the main characteristics of action research will be discussed. In this section, I
will discuss the advantages as well as disadvantages of action research from different aspects. By
doing this, the quality of action research will be discovered. Then, I will analyze the procedure of
conducting an action research. Some strategies for data analysis in action research will be put
forward in this section and a consideration of ethical implication will be also taken into account.
Finally, the main ideas of this article will be concluded plus a view of my own understanding on
action research.From this article, it understands that action research methods are extremely
important to us in educational area. They can help educators to improve their investigation as
well as develop education itself. To Chinese education, action research can be widely used in
order to improve its own situation.
Keywords: action research; research method; exploit
The definition of action research

Action research is a widely used approach in educational area. It has an extensive scope when
researchers adopt this approach. That is to say people can use this approach in any situation such
as teaching methods, learning strategies as well as other educational fields in order to solve
problems people are confronted with. Furthermore, a large range of people from individual
teacher to other interested parties can undertake this approach. (Cohen, Manion and Morrison,
2000, p.226)
However, different people hold different opinions when they think about the meaning of action
research. Hopkins and Ebbutt(1985, p.32, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226)
suggest that the combination of action and research renders that action a form of disciplined
inquiry, in which a personal attempt is made to understand, improve and reform practice. This
view concludes the purpose of action research very well. There is a commonsense that action
research is designed to bridge the gap between research and practice (Somekh, 1995, p.340,
cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.227). Stenhouse (1979, cited in Cohen, Manion
and Morrison, 2000) also points out that not only practices but also a theory of education and
teaching can benefit a lot from action research.
To sum up these opinions together, action research is a form of collective self-reflective enquiry
undertaken by participants in social situations in order to improve the rationality and justice of
their own social or educational practices, as well as their understanding of these practices are
carried out.(Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.5). In my opinion, this definition provides a clear
description about the meaning of action research. The emphasis of self- reflective and
improvement of social and educational practice makes action research distinguish from other
research methods. Action research provides a way of working which links theory and practice
into the one whole: ideas-in-action (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.6). Action research is not
just a simple activity like everyday action. It is a process of plan, act, observe and reflect
through a careful, systematic and rigorous way.(Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000)
Characteristics of action research

Action research contributes a lot to educational development. In order to make a better
comprehension of this approach, it is necessary to think about characteristics of action research
in detail. There are many characteristics of action research. Here I would like to discuss some
particular aspects of this approach that are different from other approaches. In my opinion there
are four main features for action research which are significant in thinking about this approach.
First of all action research is a collaborative activity. Action research is the way groups of
people can organize the conditions under which they can learn from their own experience
(Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, pp.8-9). It is more systematic and collaborative. It is said the
approach is only action research when it is collaborative (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.5).
Hill and Kerber also emphasis this opinion by saying that action research is a co-operative,
collaborative activity. (Cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000). Collaboration, in enquiry
and critical reflection, through the creative and emancipatory model of action research, offers
considerable possibilities for improving the quality of education for our pupils (Lomax, 1989,
p.28). For those people who support this opinion, they insist on the view that action research can
only be achieved by group activity. To lapse into individualism is to destroy the critical dynamic
of the group. (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.226) However, in my opinion, althoug
group work is very important in action research, the contribution of individual cannot be neglect.
Group work comes from the action of individual group members. It is too limited to say that
action research is just group activity not individualistic. It is possible for action research to be an
individualistic as well. (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.230). This point of view can be
also testified by Whitehead (1985, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000) as he argues that
an individual teacher can also ask questions such as how to solve the problems. I agree with his
opinion because I think an individual can also complete an action research.
Secondly, action research aims at solving the problems of peoples own work not the work of
the others. In my opinion, this is representative feature of action research. Kemmis and Mc
Taggart (1988, p.22) points out that action research is not done on other people. It is research
by particular people on their own work, to help them improve what they do, including how they
work with and for others. That is to say, action research can make change and improvement of
peoples own life. I think this point is worthwhile as it makes action research as a participatory
activity that encourages researchers to change their own work. This is good for the researchers as
they can be more actively in the whole process of the action research and well participate in the
activity than just as a researcher of other peoples work.
Thirdly, action research is a spiral process. That is to say action research complies with a process
of loop that includes: planning, acting, observing and reflecting. (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988,
p.22). This view is also put forward by Sanford (1970, p.4, cited in Mc Taggart, 1991, p.7) as he
shows process of action research which is similar to Kemmis and Mc Taggarts spiral process
view. It develops through the self-reflective spiral. This spiral process makes action research
much better because in the process of this circulation the issues will be improved constantly and
finally the purpose of the problem will be solved.
Finally, action research creates its self-critical communities. (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.5).
I think this is good for people to know their own situation. It aims to build communities of
people committed to enlightening themselves about the relationship between circumstance,
action and consequence in their own situation, and emancipating themselves from the
institutional and personal constraints which limit their power to live their own legitimate
educational and social values (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.23). From my point of view to
create a self-critical community can lead people aware their situation and accomplish works more
effectively.
In spite of the features analyzing above, there are also some other characteristics for action
research such as its contribution to a science of education and its improvement to the quality of
human actions (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). These features as well as the other features
analyzing above are significant for people to better understand action research. Action research
contributes a lot to teachers. It lays claim to the professional development of teachers,
(Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). Action research is the most effective research for improving
staff development (Lomax, 1990, p.10).
The characteristic analyzing above can be seen as the strengths of action research. However,
there is also some weakness for action research. For one thing, since action research allow
researchers to make assumptions during the whole spiral process of the research, it is possible to
lead the researchers lose the essential evaluative cutting edge of this approach (Banister.,
Burman, Parker, Taylor and Tindall, 1994, p.118). For another, as action always takes place
accompanied by research, sometimes it cannot predict the results of the action. Sapsford and
Abbott (1992, p.103, cited in Banister, Burman, Parker, Taylor and Tindall,1994, p.118) realize
this weakness by saying that you can never be completely sure exactly what action produced
what results.
Nevertheless, as a widely use approach in educational field, action research has its own value. It is
a qualitative approach that contributes a lot to the improvement and development of this world.
Procedures for action research
There are many ways to analyze the steps of action research. Since action research is a blend of
practical and theoretical concerns, it is action and research (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000,
p.237). It is necessary to think about this action and research process. Although there are many
ways to analyze the procedures of action research, I choose Lewins four-stage opinion on action
research as my target of discussion. Levin puts forward a four-stage procedure for action
research: planning, acting, observing and reflecting (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p234).
To follow by Lewins four-stage opinion, I will analyze the procedures for action research.
The planning phase of the action research cycle is the phase in which you orient yourself, with
your collaborators for action (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). That is to say, when researchers
begin to do a research, they have to think about what the target for improvement is and what
kind of conditions they are going to face. In this stage, one must take a lot of things into
account. To begin an action research, researchers have to think about the problems they are
confronted with. (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). For example, they have to decide what they
will do in order to improve education in their setting. That is to say, planning of an action
research must be forward looking (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.11) Follow by this
instruction; we can begin our action research properly.
The next stage is action. It is accompanied by ongoing fact-finding to monitor and evaluate the
intervention, i. e. to act as a formative evaluation (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.234)
Action is guided by planning. In this stage, researcher may confront with some difficulties
because sometimes there are some circumstances that our plan cannot envisage. That is to say,
thing may change before we are properly underway. At this time, we have to modify the plan as
soon as possible.( Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988) In my opinion, this stage is very important as
it is a practical stage of the action research. Futhermore, as Banister, Burman,., Parker, Taylor,
and Tindall (1994) points out action research is a multimethod research, in this stage the plans
will bring into effect and the participants of the research can adopt a lot of instruments in order
to collect data. Questionnaires, diaries, experimental design, interviews, case studies and rating
scales, all of these instruments can be used in the action research. (Cohen, Manion and Morrison,
2000, p.237). Thus action research is a widely used method includes a large scale of techniques.
The third stage is observing stage. Since sometimes action will be limited by constraints of reality,
it is necessary to have an observation. The researchers in action research have to observe the
process of action, its influence, the situation that constrains on action as well as some other
issues arising in the process of action research (Kemmis and Mc Taggart, 1988). I think
observing stage is necessary because it also provide a base for reflection.
The last stage is reflection. In fact, reflection can be occurred in every stage of action research
(Hall1996, p.29). Reflection has an evaluative aspect-it asks action researchers to weigh their
experience-to judge whether effects were desirable, and suggest ways of proceeding (Kemmis
and Mc Taggart, 1988, p.13). Cohen, Manion and Morrison, (2000, p239) pointed out that
reflexivity is an integral element and epistemological basis of action research. Through such a
spiral process, action research continues to development and it purpose for change or make
improvement of the world can be undertake successfully.
There are two kinds of techniques when applying action research. One is Norminal Group
Technique (Morrison, 1993, cited in Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.237). it is a process
that a group member puts forward question with a four-stage disscussion. It is very useful in
gathering data from individuals and putting them into some order which is shared by the group.
(Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.238). Another one is Delphi technique. It is a written
partner to the Nominal Group Technique. The advantage of this technique is that it does not
require participants to meet together as a whole group. In doing so it engages the issues of
confidentiality, anonymity and disclosure of relevant information whilst protecting participants.
However, it also has disadvantages such as the leader has much more work to do in collecting
and synthesizing data (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p.238).As participatory techniques
both the Norminal Group Technique and Delphi techniques are valuable for data collection and
analysis in action research ( Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2000, p238).
When people apply action research, it is necessary to take ethical issues into account as well.
The ethical guidelines for research have to be stringently applied in action research. There has
to be respect for the whole life of the person, not just as a research subject (Banister., Burman,
Parker, Taylor and Tindall, 1994, p.112). I agree with this opinion because in the executive
process of action research researchers have to work collaboratively in order to make
improvement of existing problem. Thus it is quite necessary to take this issue into account. As a
high school teacher, I think action research can be widely used in school. For example, research
activity between teachers in order to improve their teaching quality can be seen as an effective
practice of action research.
Conclusion
As a widely used approach in educational area, action research is very important for people who
want to make improvement about their problems. It is also designed to improve the quality of
human relationships (Lomax, 1991). It is necessary for people to have a comprehension on the
definition of action research as well as its characteristics. The four main stages: planning, acting,
observing and reflecting must be taken into account carefully in thinking about research method.
As far as it is concerned, it is quite necessary to choose an appropriate method in order to
complete a research effectively in educational area. At the same time, many former researchers
have emphasized the importance of ethical issues in the research processes. Ethical issues are
very significant for the research processes. Joseph, M., Barbara, S., &Roger, G. (2015) stated,
Ethical issues may stem from the kinds of problems investigated by researchers and the
methods they use to obtain valid and reliable data (p.461-462). All action research involves
people, hence must involve some ethical issues (Erickson, C., Jennifer, A., 2014). It needs to be
considered in the further research.
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Lomax, L. (1991). Managing better schools & colleges: an action research way. Great Britain: Longdunn Press.
McTaggart, R. (1991). Action research: a short modern history. Victoria: Deakin University Press.
Morgan, W. (1997). Critical literary in the classroom: The art of the possible. London: Routledge.
Mutch, C. (2005). Doing educational research: A practitioners guide to getting started. Wellington: NZCER Press.
Osuala, E. C. (2005). Introduction to research methodology, (3rd Ed.). Nigeria: Africana-First Publishers Limited.
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Authors: Shi-yun Wang, was born at Baoding city, in 1981. He received Master degree of
education from Education College of Waikato University, Hamilton City, New Zealand in 2007.
Doctoral Candidate from College of Journalism and Communication, Hebei University, Baoding
city, P.R.China. His mainly research area are education management and journalism education.
He works for Continuing Education College of Hebei University as LECTURER at Baoding city.
He still works for Journal of Adult Education College of Hebei University as peer reviewer.
Address of Correspondence: 180. 54 road, Hebei University, Baoding City, Hebei Province,
P.R.China.

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Cte dIvoire: The Unattainable Disarmament of Rebel Groups 11

Faith and Reason Expressed: The Case of Ghana 29

Situating Ghanas Policy Making and Reform Strategies on Basic 40

Improving Online Communication for Students in Higher Education 55

Stakeholder views about participating in paediatric biobanks: a narrative 70

A reading of Mathew 20:20-28 and implications for local governments in 86

Action research as a research method 98

Transgenic and Organic Food A Brief Review of the

Dr. Elizama Aguiar-Oliveira

Msc. Daniela Soares de Oliveira

Dr. Rafael Resende Maldonado

Keywords: Transgenic Food, Organic Food, health, environment, consumer.

Transgenic foods in Brazil

Consumers' perceptions of GM food in Brazil

In other study, 60 consumers in a supermarket of a noble district of Fortaleza (Cear/Brazil)

Organic Food in Brazil

Despite potential benefits of OF consuming, as the absence of harmful substances to health,

Despite the controversies, the cultivation of OF acquires a particular importance regarding to

The relationship of consumers with OF

Cte dIvoire: The Unattainable Disarmament of Rebel

Dr. Bertin G. Kadet

1- Legitimating rebel groups

III- Between ambitions and realities, what solutions for disarmament?

1- Ambitions and realities

2- How to overcome challenges ?

- (2003). Security Council Resolution 1479, 13 May

- (2009). Arrt ministriel n0344 du 9 novembre, du Ministre de la dfense.

Faith and Reason Expressed: The Case of Ghana

George Anderson Jnr.1 (M. Phil.) & Joseph Oppong2 (PhD.)

Keywords: Faith, Reason, Ghana

Ghana as a Study Area

It is wrong always, everywhere, and for anyone, to believe

The phenomenon of religion is so pervasive in the life

I hold up the cedi with prayer and I command the cedi

Faith and Reason Expressed: An Evaluation

Situating Ghanas Policy Making and Reform Strategies on

Moses Ackah Anlimachie

Keywords: globalization, universal basic education, educational policy, educational strategies

The Concept of Policy Making and Policy Making Processes

The Interplay between National and International in Educational Policy Making

In 1992 a comprehensive programme dubbed Free Compulsory Universal Basic Education

Success and Challenges

Theoretical/ Analytical Framework

Discussion of Basic Education Policy Making Process

Policy Option: Setting targets and Adopting Strategies

Decision Making: Consensus Building among Diverse Interests

Policy implementation Process and funding

Policy Evaluation, Impact Assessment and Recycling of Ideas

The policy making process in Ghana is found to be underpinned by wider consultation of

Improving Online Communication for Students in Higher

Dr. Sarah Ohi

Keywords Higher education, information communication, online, research, distance education,

Utilising Online Technologies in Higher Education

The Research Questions

Figure 1. The E-Tools made available to the online research groups.

Students technological capabilities prior to the semester

Figure 2. Students initial feelings about commencing research and communication in a

As expected, the majority of participants were suggesting nervousness or apprehension at the

Communicating within Research Groups

Figure 4: Communication within Research groups.

Figure 5: Reasons for selecting a communication technology.

Figure 6: Student agreement with having a choice of technologies.

* All percentages rounded up