Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Abstract
In the run up to Malaysias 13th general election, observers were curious to
know if social media would be able to impact the electoral outcome. In the
SE
2008 general election, it was widely accepted that alternative online content
disseminated by blogs, party websites and alternative news portals determined
U
the electoral outcome. The opposition then, for the first time, denied the ruling
L
coalition a two-thirds majority in Parliament. By 2013 the role of social media
IA
received widespread attention because of its exponential growth in Malaysia
C
since 2008, where there were 800,000 Facebook and 3,429 Twitter users to
ER
2013 when the number increased to 13,220,000 for Facebook and 2,000,000 for
Twitter users. This commentary examines the role of social media in Malaysias
M
2013 general election and assesses its impact on the electoral outcome.
M
O
Keywords
C
Introduction
T
O
show that the number of social media users or supporters online does not
necessarily translate into electoral success, such as the midterm election in
the US (Livne et al. 2011, p. 208) and the general election in Sweden in 2010
(Larsson & Moe 2010, p. 14). (Social media in the context of this commentary
is defined as the collection of online social interaction tools such as Facebook,
Twitter and YouTube.) In the Asia-Pacific, social media is likewise touted
as instrumental in garnering voter support by the incumbents and opposition
for example, the use of Facebook in President Benigno Ninoy Aquino IIIs
election in the Philippines and the use of Twitter by the Red Shirts in
Thailand (see Behnke 2010). However, popularity on social networking sites
such as Facebook does not necessarily result in electoral success (Leng Ho
2012, p. 108). The predictive power of Twitter in forecasting election results has
96 James Gomez
also been questioned, for instance in the case of the 2011 general election in
Singapore (Scoric et al. 2012, pp. 25892590), which is attributed to the digital
divide and unequal access to the mainstream media by opposition parties, such as
in Malaysia.
The electoral outcome in Malaysias 2008 general election where the ruling
Barisan Nasional (BN) lost its two-thirds majority control of parliament was
attributed by analysts to the online contents disseminated through blogs, opposi-
tion party websites and alternative news portals (Azhar 2013; Mohd Sani &
Zengeni 2010; Ndoma & Tumin 2011; Rajaratnam 2009; Suffian 2010; Weiss
2012). The former Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi admitted that his biggest
mistake was to ignore cyber-campaigning over the Internet, and this was a
serious misjudgment that resulted in BNs loss of crucial seats in the 2008 polls
(AFP, 25 March 2008).
Social media usage in Malaysia had increased exponentially in the run up to
SE
the 13th general election in May 2013.The total Internet penetration rose by about
U
15 per cent from 2008 to 2012. It is expected to increase by about 40 per cent to
reach 25 million in 2015 (New Straits Times 25 October 2013). Social media saw
L
a similar exponential growth. In 2008, there were 800,000 Facebook pages and
IA
3,429 Twitter users in Malaysia. By 2013 these numbers had increased to
C
13,220,000 for Facebook and 2,000,000 for Twitter users (Forest-interactive.com
ER
2013). This commentary, thus, poses: to what extent did the exponential growth in
social media erode the dominance of the mainstream media and influence voter
M
Malaysia and (weekend edition Mingguan Malaysia) saw a decline of 22.4 per
O
cent in its combined circulation (890,446) from 2008 to 2012. Similarly, The New
N
Straits Times, The Star and The Edge saw their combined circulation drop by 13.1
per cent to 813,994 in the same period. The dwindling circulation is also marked
by a drop in press freedom ranking by Reporter Without Borders and Freedom
House (see Tables 1 and 2).
SE
bharian.com.my 769,772
malaysiakini.com 1,858,649
U
themalaysianinsider.com 1,117,124
L
Source: Malaysian Digital Associations (MDA). IA
C
In Malaysia, the pole position of public broadcast media has been replaced by
ER
a fragmented viewership base. Viewers switch easily between public and private
broadcasters consuming a mixture of free-to-air, subscription TV and videos
M
news to turn to alternative news portals, which reportage are deemed to be more
O
This drop in circulation of print media, low press freedom ranking and a
fragmented broadcast base coupled with political ownership of selected media
R
(Malaysiakini 2013b). Online news sites, such as Malaysiakini and the Malaysian
N
Insider, which are not covered by the countrys restrictive Printing Presses and
Publications Act, were deemed to be the medium of choice for the middle-class
Malaysians and those in living in urban areas (Asohan 2013; see Table 2).
a Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition member. Later, another PR coalition member, the
Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) created its channel in 2009.
The BN and PR coalition did not have a Facebook account in 2008, although
Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) established a Facebook page after the 2008 general
election. With regards to Twitter, DAP was the only party that started a Twitter
SE
account one month after the 2008 general election results. The opposition leader,
Anwar Ibrahim, was the only politician who had a Twitter account before the
U
2008 general elections.
L
Although the Internet in Malaysia has been deemed to be free under the
IA
Multimedia Bill of Guarantees, since 2008 Freedom House and Reporters Without
C
Borders have lowered their rankings of Malaysias Internet freedom (see Table 3).
ER
The Freedom House reports attribute its low rankings to the periodic harassment
by government authorities and politicians who resort to civil and criminal
M
legislation to take action against bloggers and alternative media for posting anti-
M
It was against this backdrop that social media emerged as a popular platform in
C
the run up to the 2013 general elections. It was expected that most of the news
associated with the general election would be pushed through social media
R
platforms. It was thus not surprising that on March 2013, just a month before the
FO
any abuses and seditious postings during the election (Bernama 2013).
O
N
Table 4. Fans Page on Facebook of Political and Leader Parties in Malaysia on April 2013
Political Party Like Fans Page Party Leader Like Fans Page
Barisan Nasional (BN) 55,000 Najib (BN) 1,58,000
Pakatan Rakyat 92,000 PR Leaders 80,000
Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) 29,177 Anwar Ibrahim (PKR) 480,000
Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) 138,317 Nik Aziz (PAS) 889,000
Democratic Action Party (DAP) 510,230 Lim Kit Siang (DAP) 120,000
Source: www.facebook.com (17 April 2013).
Table 5. Twitter Followers of Political and Leader Parties in Malaysia in April 2013
SE
Pakatan Rakyat (PR) 1,900 PR Leader
Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) 27,000 Anwar Ibrahim (PKR) 267,000
U
Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) 1,200 Nik Aziz (PAS) 94,000
L
Democratic Action Party (DAP) 27,000 Lim Kit Siang (DAP)
IA 89,000
Source: www.twitter.com (17 April 2013).
C
ER
it placed the ruling coalition well ahead in social media numbers on the eve
of elections. In February 2013, two-and-a-half months before Malaysias 13th
M
general election (GE13), this prompted the Prime Minister to declare that the
M
country would experience its first social media election (Zahiid 2013).
O
Apart from the use of Facebook and Twitter, one key social media observation
C
in Malaysias 13th general election was the extensive use of online videos to
R
spread the message. In the run up to the elections there was already a consolida-
FO
the homepage. Political parties and candidates were also uploading their own
N
election video messages, but the bulk of the video postings came from individual
citizen journalists. These comprised videos of political spoofs, scenes outside
nomination centres on nomination day, clips of parties and candidates on the
election campaign trail, attendance at political rallies, incidents at polling stations
and news reports.
Noteworthy were videos and pictures of those caught on camera for elec-
tion vandalism, mischief and thuggish behaviourcaptioned as the samseng
videoswhich quite often went viral. One video captured aggressive election
flag installers planting BN flags in between Pakatan flags (YouTube 2012a).
When confronted by supporters from the other camp, the installers damaged sev-
eral Pakatan flags and hurled abuses before taking off. In another video, several
youths in BN T-shirts on motorbikes and carrying BN flags were captured shout-
ing abuses across to the opposition camp on the shoulder of the road. The video
SE
the number of Twitter followers and Facebook fans. In terms of images and mes-
sages over social media, the content shows that BN projected a singular branding
U
with a single image of Najib as the iconic leader. Part of BNs and Najibs strong
presence online can be attributed to monies spent on election advertising. Unlike
L
IA
previous elections, part of the budget for election advertising was diverted to
online advertising. For instance, the MalayMailOnline reported on 15 August
C
2013 that according to international media-buying agency Vizeum Media, the BN
ER
government spent an all-time high of RM531 million (USD 162 million) with the
Prime Ministers Department taking up a huge share of Putrajayas advertising
M
expenditure by spending RM264 million (USD 81 million) for the first six months
M
of the year, five times more than it did in 2012 (MalayMailOnline 15 April 2013).
O
Consumer analyst Nielsen Media Research reported that the Prime Ministers
FO
Insider reported that the @barisanasional Twitter account had been in opera-
N
election. Yet during the cause of the elections MCMC, which earlier warned
that it will take action against those who spread misinformation and falsehoods
circulated via the internet, did not take any significant action.
Nevertheless, the bulk of alternative materials shared over social media por-
trayed Pakatan party members as the victims of BNs negative campaigning.
Social media postings during the election period showed that it had become the
consolidated platform for negative campaigning. In spite of the financial and
image disadvantage, social media did act as an election advertising leveller for
the opposition in relation to the establishments mainstream media and direct-
marketing advantage. Social media acted as a counter-frame to the negative
reporting of, and election advertising against opposition parties and their candi-
dates, by the pro-government mainstream media. This perhaps explains why BN
could not improve significantly its electoral showing.
SE
U
Social Medias Role and Impact on GE13s
Electoral Outcome
L
IA
C
In terms of social medias foremost role in GE13, it may lie in its ability to
ER
mobilize high voter turnout. From the context of voter mobilization, for instance,
compared to the 2008 elections when turnout was only 76 per cent, in 2013 the
M
voter turnout was highest in Malaysian electoral history with 84.8 per cent of
M
eligible voters who cast their ballots. This underscores the point that the dominant
O
role of social media in elections lies in its capacity to mobilize and politicize the
C
citizenry. Here the term social media election, a term first used to describe the
R
2008 presidential election campaign by Barack Obama, who used new media
FO
can influence those who traditionally do not vote to turn out during an election
N
(Chang & Bae 2012, p. 36). While social media do influence more voters to turn
out during elections, the influence of social media in the Malaysian general elec-
tion needs to be assessed in the context of the peoples angst with key election
issuescorruption, racial-based policies, cronyism and religious extremism
and unequal access to the mainstream media by the opposition parties. Malaysias
13th general election was arguably not a social media election at least not for the
ruling BN when we consider the electoral results.
In terms of social medias impact on electoral results, despite BNs financial
resources and political advertising in the mainstream media and its online pres-
ence, it only managed to secure 133 seats compared to 89 by the opposition PR. It
was the BN coalitions worst electoral performance since 1969, dropping further
from its 140 seats in the 2008 general election. Despite the time and resources
dedicated by both the BN and Najib to improve their online presence in the lead
SE
U
up to the 2013 general election, they could not arrest the erosion of support
L
for the government from Malaysian voters, who were keen to hear of signi-
IA
ficant fundamental reforms and governmental actions in rising costs of living,
C
public corruption and equal opportunities for all Malaysians. As Leng Ho (2012,
ER
p. 108) notes, popularity on social media platforms need not necessarily translate
into votes.
M
On the other hand, PR won five more seats from its 2008 results. For two
M
elections running, the opposition was able to deny the ruling BN a two-thirds
O
Social media in Malaysia has been influential in keeping important political issues
in the forefront in the last five years prior to the 2013 elections. During this time,
both sides were pushing content through the various Facebook pages, Twitter
accounts and video portals. For the BN it did not significantly alter the results in
its favour. The opposition social media campaign was eclipsed by BNs main-
stream media presence and paid advertising, yet it was able to manage some
improved showing at the polls. The influence of social media on the outcomes of
the 13th Malaysian general election is accumulative and culminated during the
period from nomination to polling day.
In Malaysias 13th general election, the difference between the role of social
media in facilitating voter mobilization and its ability to impact electoral result
holds explanatory potential to understand the influence of social media on voter
behaviour during any election. But the predictive power of social media remains
elusive in the Malaysian political context. The power structure, the ruling coali-
tions incumbent advantage and access to government resources, and the politici-
zation of ethnicity and Islam by both the ruling coalition and opposition parties
are played out in various shades on the Internet. This explains why the Malaysian
polls ended in dispute over alleged election irregularities.
The opposition led a series of post-election rallies to express dissatisfaction
with the results claiming that irregularities in the electoral system robbed them of
victory. The Election Integrity Project based in the University of Sydney and
Harvard University, which studies the quality of electoral systems against
international standards, scored Malaysia at 48.4 out of 100 points (The Election
Integrity Project 2014). The report identified imbalanced campaign coverage by
the mainstream media as one of the weakest links in the election cycle.
Hence, analysts need to be aware that social media only forms one part of the
SE
media narrative in the Malaysian 13th general election. There are other narratives
U
formed by the mainstream print media, the broadcast media, paid advertising and
direct marketing. Nevertheless, social media will continue to be an important tool
L
for the ruling and opposition coalitions in the interim years leading up to the next
IA
elections. However, the political issues that have been simmering for decades will
C
prove to be more critical in determining the results of the next election in 2018
ER
Note
M
1. While these numbers are impressive, it is important to note that there are accounts
O
that can be set up to artificially amplify messages or shore up a party or leaders popu-
C
larity. Digital News Asia, which reported on the use of an online tool to investigate
R
the veracity of social media networks argued that only 20 or 40 per cent of a leaders
FO
References
T
O
AFP. (2008). Msia PM says big mistake to ignore cyber-campaign. Asiaone, 25 March.
N
SE
MalayMailOnline. (2013). Putrajaya blew over RM500 on pre-poll ad offensive. 15 August.
Retrieved 17 April 2014, from http://www.themalaymailonline.com/malaysia/article/
U
putrajaya-blew-over-rm500m-on-pre-polls-ad-offensive
Malaysiakini. (2013a). Study: Online media has most even-handed polls coverage. 24 April.
L
IA
. (2013b). Watching the watchdog: Media monitoring the 13th general elections.
24 April.
C
Mohd Sani, M., & Zengeni, K. (2010). Democratisation in Malaysia: The impact of social
ER
media in the 2008 general election. [e-book] Retrieved 12 June 2013, from http://asaa.
asn.au/ASAA2010/reviewed_papers/Sani-M_Azizuddin_M.pdf
M
New Straits Times. (2013). 2014 Budget: 25 mill Internet users by 2015. 25 October.
M
Ndoma, I., & Tumin, M. (2011). Virtual civil society: Malaysias 2008 general elections
C
Rajaratnam, U. (2009). Role of traditional and online media in the 12th general election,
FO
Malaysia. The Journal of the South East Asia Research Centre for Communications
and Humanities, 1(1), 3358.
Scoric, M., Poor, N., Achananuparp, P., Lim, E., & Jiang, J. (2012). Tweets and votes: A
T
study of the Singapore general election. Paper presented at the 45th Hawaii International
O
Suffian, I. (2010). Reflections of the 2008 Malaysian general election: Role of the Internet
in political communication. Kuala Lumpur: Opinion Research, Merdeka Centre.
The Election Integrity Project. (2014). The expert survey of perceptions of electoral
integrity, Release 2. Retrieved 14 May 2014, from https://sites.google.com/site/elector
alintegrityproject4/projects/expert-survey-2/the-year-in-elections-2013
Weiss, M. (2012). Politics in cyberspace: New media in Malaysia. Berlin: Fesmedia
Asia. Retrieved 12 June 2013, from http://fes-asia.org/ http://www.fes-asia.org/media/
publication/2012_PoliticsInCyberspace_fesmediaAsia_Weiss.pdf
YouTube. (2012a). Samseng UMNO-BN buatkacau di ceramah DAP. Retrieved 12 May
2014, from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G3iMKS4GQFY
. (2012b). Penyokong UMNO Ganggu Ceramah Anwar di Lembah Pantai.mp. Retrieved
12 May 2014, from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-wuHFT8elkc
. (2013). Tragedi PRU13Konvoi BN belasahahli Pas di Ipoh 4 Mei 2013. Retrieved
12 May 2014, from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lk5-Ph5GdVM
SE
ful communicators by Asiaweek (2001), An Asian Trailblazer by Newsweek
U
and an Asian Making a Difference by the Far Eastern Economic Review.
E-mail: jamesgomez@hotmail.com
L
IA
C
ER
M
M
O
C
R
FO
T
O
N