Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
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POWER, DESIRE, AND
AMERICAN CULTURAL STUDIES
FRANK SHUFFELTON
University of Rochester
94
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The Round Table 95
the cultural studies movement. Thus, a posting on the electronic list spon
sored by the Institute of Early American History and Culture advises a
questioner, "If cultural studies means interdisciplinary scholarship using a
wide range of original sources, with an emphasis on written material both
'high brow' and 'low brow', then you want to read past issues of Early
American Literature & Eighteenth-Century Studies." These are fine publi
cations, but this definition of cultural studies seems both methodologically
impossibly broad even as its focus on "written material" seriously restricts
its scope. Unless we can meaningfully distinguish cultural studies from a
more general study of culture, we risk missing the opportunity to improve
our own critical practice, whether or not we choose to embrace any or all
of the positions occupied by cultural studies scholars. Perhaps, after all,
one of the most valuable elements of cultural studies may be its injunction
to interrogate power wherever it occurs, even in the cultural studies move
ment itself.
While cultural studies has origins in the work of Raymond Williams
and Richard Hoggart and in the founding of the Centre for Contemporary
Cultural Studies at Birmingham, it has developed at many different sites as
a constellation of multiple discourses, with a dizzying range of knowledge
formations, presenting many different kinds of work, offering a number of
different histories (Hall, "Theoretical Legacies" 278). Denying it any dis
tinct methodology, the editors of a recent influential collection of essays
that assumed the definitive title Cultural Studies suggest that it can be best
thought of as a methodological bricolage, "pragmatic, strategic, and self
reflective" (Grossberg et al. 2). It claims to be variously interdisciplinary,
transdisciplinary, and counter-disciplinary, or even to be no discipline at
all in the sense usually recognized in academic settings. According to Lata
Mani, it seems to claim that it can "offer hospitality, if not centrality,
to practitioners of postmodern, postcolonial, transnational historiography
and ethnography, and provide a location where the new politics of differ
ence?racial, sexual, cultural, transnational?can combine and be articu
lated in all their dazzling plurality" (Mani 392). One can understand why
Fredric Jameson professes to see Utopia "secretly at work everywhere" in
many of its utterances (Jameson 51).
The project of cultural studies has arisen in response to the consequences
of global political crises since World War II: the collapse of European im
perial systems, the moral bankruptcy of Soviet socialism beginning in 1956
in Hungary, the disillusionment of the United States in Viet Nam. Cultural
studies has attempted to address the contemporary crisis in the humani
ties that has followed the recognition of disparities between the ideals of
humanistic liberalism enshrined in academic curricula and continuing pres
ence of hunger, sickness, and ignorance tolerated by our societies (Brant
linger 6). The crisis is not merely political, however, because the post
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96 Early American Literature, Volume 34,1999
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The Round Table 97
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98 Early American Literature, Volume 34,1999
with these texts will require adjustments in the theory to take account of
the implications of the work of early Americanists (187). She concluded by
bringing the issue of understanding past texts back to contemporary prac
tice by quoting Andrew Wiget on the necessity of a critical pedagogy when
teaching Native American texts (187-88).
This is an intelligent and commendable essay to which one can feel
strongly allied, and I suspect that Harris is sympathetic to the cultural
studies project, which in many ways seems to be adumbrated here. Never
theless, this essay does not finally emerge in its present state as a discursive
formation of cultural studies. Stuart Hall has noted that while cultural
studies is certainly open-ended, it is not simply pluralist in the sense of
being an unpoliced disciplinary area. "There is," he says, "something at
stake in cultural studies, in a way that I think, and hope, is not exactly
true of many other very important intellectual and critical practices" (Hall,
"Theoretical Legacies" 278). Harris is sensitive both to the need to expose
or demystify ideologies of gender, race, and class and to avoid what Edward
Said has called "a rhetoric of blame" in order to "formulate a clearer under
standing of . . . destructive discursive and political confrontations" (187).
Yet the primary goal seems finally to understand these texts in order to en
courage enlightened, progressive attitudes in ourselves and in our students,
whereas a thoroughgoing cultural studies critique would seek to change
the practice of the world itself. It comes close, in other words, to doing
what Hall says he fears most for American cultural studies, a "textualiza
tion of [its] own discourses [that] somehow constitutes power and politics
as exclusively matters of language and textuality itself" (Hall, "Theoreti
cal Legacies" 286). That is to say, Harris's concern in this essay with texts
and representations touches upon but does not fully engage what may well
be the master trope of cultural studies, power, nor is it fully self-conscious
of its own involvement in the reproduction of hegemonic relationships. (In
her pioneering work on early American women writers, however, Harris
is very much aware of what is at stake and seeks to disrupt a patriarchal
history of American letters.)
Tony Bennett, contributing to the Cultural Studies essay collection, de
fines it "largely as a term of convenience for a fairly dispersed array of
theoretical and political positions which, however widely divergent they
might be in other respects, share a commitment to examining cultural prac
tices from the point of view of their intrication with, and within, relations
of power" (Bennett 23). The critique of power is inescapable for anyone
who professes, as the cultural studies theorists do, a wish to intervene
"in a world in which it would make some difference" (Hall, "Theoretical
Legacies" 286), because occurring in "the continuous dialectic between
'knowledge' and 'power' " are the significant breaks?where old lines of
thought are disrupted, older constellations displaced, and elements, old
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The Round Table 99
and new, are regrouped around a different set of premises and themes"
(Hall, "Two Paradigms" 610). Harris's decision to present the problem of
bringing postmodern theory to bear on early American texts as a problem
of knowledge, i.e., what we must know or learn to understand texts better,
subtly evades those questions about relations of power in the text and in
the reflections on it that might genuinely intervene in our world. Her desire
to bring new sets of premises and themes to the study of early American
literature aims not to disrupt the world but to reform an ongoing critical
and pedagogical process, and in doing so she silently risks extending a pat
tern of cultural domination. We have been supplied by our teachers with
inadequate tools, the argument here seems to suggest, but we will improve
our toolkits and teach our students better. But our teachers thought they
were doing that for us, and in the end, because we were unable to critique
our own intrication in the power relationships of teacher and student, we
simply pass on a model of education as flawed indoctrination rather than
as genuine emancipation. As Jacques Ranci?re has recently pointed out,
under the guise of d?mystification and de-idealization we reproduce the
student as an always subordinated subject (7).
Yet, there is perhaps a real wisdom in Harris's disavowal of radical inter
vention, her refusal to appeal simplistically to the discourse of power that
itself can work to hinder the freedom and effectiveness of critical think
ing. Power, whether invoked by New Historicists as "a relatively weak
overlay... which itself threatens to become a universal solvent in explana
tion and interpretation" (LaCapra 191), or constructed by cultural studies
practitioners as a discursive constant, paradoxically threatens to constrict
the open-ended critique of subject and society that is aimed at. Fredric
Jameson suggests "as a form of philosophical hygiene that for the next ten
years or so we simply stop using the two words power and the body," for
if power "is everywhere, then there is not much point in talking about it"
(Jameson 44-45). The seemingly obsessive invocation of power leads to
reifications of culture, and of human life itself, as merely "the terrain on
which hegemony is struggled for and established" in which the only pos
sible positions are "of those who hold power or of those who contest it"
(Hartley 71, 73). The suppressed narrative of power inherent in a view of
culture simply as the site of "cultural struggles" limits the range of critical
reason to either an expression of hegemonic positions or to a mirroring re
sistance that holds the subordinated and subaltern captive to the categories
of the dominant order, albeit negatively. The ability to produce knowledge
does not signify freedom when what counts as knowledge is uncontested.
Or as Jameson puts it, power is a "dangerous and intoxicating slogan for
intellectuals, who thereby feel themselves closer to its 'reality' than they
may actually be" (44).
The question, then, really is about power, not about the power relation
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ioo Early American Literature, Volume 34,1999
ships in a textualized world that can be unmasked, but about the power
to acquire emancipatory thinking that can free us even from the bonds of
reified culture itself. Theodor Adorno admonished traditional cultural crit
ics who tried to assume a position outside compromised mass culture for
"the dazzled and arrogant recognition which criticism surreptitiously con
fers on culture" (Adorno, "Cultural Criticism" 19), and a similar admon
ishment might be laid upon the very different critics in the cultural studies
movement. Ironically, one way to escape possible enthrallment to culture
may be to return to the repressed discourse of aesthetics. As Ian Hunter has
argued, cultural studies has sought to limit the aesthetic domain by con
textualizing it within "spheres of labor and politics, where humanity takes
shape in the processes of securing its material existence and governing
itself" (Hunter 347), but these restrictions have become increasingly diffi
cult to sustain. As long as aesthetics could be constructed as a knowledge
or as an ideal cultivation, the aesthetic education of man independent of
material contingencies, it could be understood as merely an ideology, but
when perceived ethically as a contingent strategy for conducting one's life,
it emerges, in Hunter's words, as "one of the technologies of our present
existence" (349). In a very general way this distinction between new and old
understandings of aesthetics is prefigured in Kant's distinctions between
the analytic of beautiful and that of the sublime. For Kant "natural beauty
(such as is self-subsisting) conveys a finality in its form making the object
appear, as it were, preadapted to our power of judgment" (Kant 91), and it
follows from this that beauty can be made a science and that taste can be
cultivated in accordance with law. Where the beautiful can become a form
of knowledge, the feeling of the sublime "may appear, indeed, in point of
form to contravene the ends of our power of judgment, to be ill-adapted
to our faculty of presentation, and to be, as it were, an outrage on the
imagination" (Kant 91). A "negative pleasure" to the "positive pleasure"
of the beautiful, the sublime signifies emancipatory, disruptive experience,
beyond the limits of knowledges and ideologies. It is perhaps no accident
that the analytic of the sublime has in recent years begun to receive new
attention as relevant to conditions of life in the late twentieth century.
While he was well aware that "it is nothing new to find that the sub
lime becomes the cover for something low" (Adorno, Jargon xxi), Adorno
uncovered a negativity in dialectics that in effect reintroduced the sublime
into critical reasoning, stating, "The name of dialectics says no more, to
begin with, than that objects do not go into their concepts without leaving
a remainder" (Adorno, Negative Dialectics 5). Adorno's "remainder" is
in important ways Kant's "outrage on the imagination," the point of re
sistance to ideologies of hegemonic culture and of hegemonizing cultural
studies, yet Adorno's version of the sublime, unlike Kant's, resists mystifi
cation as "natural" or "transcendental" or "universal." When we bring the
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The Round Table ioi
WORKS CITED
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i02 Early American Literature, Volume 34,1999
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